A General History OF TRADE, AND Especially Consider'd as it Respects THE
British Commerce:
In which an Attempt is made to State, and Moderate the present Disputes, about Settling a Commerce between
Great-Britain
and
France.
This for the Month of SEPTEMBER
LONDON:
Printed for
J. Baker,
at the
Black-Boy
in
Pater-Noster-Row,
1713. Price 6
d.
A General History OF TRADE, &c.
I Promised to Concern these Discourses as little as possible with our Politicks, and with the Party Disputes which are among us, and I'll keep my Word in it as well as it can be done; tho' I acknowledge it will be very Difficult to do so, when to the Nations great Disquiet, we are just now almost going by the Bars about whether we shall Trade to
France
or No.
It is Impossible to speak of Trade in General and leave out entirely the Trade to
France,
and I fear it will be impossible,
at least to me,
to say what may be necessary to be said in order to set the Trade to
France
in a Clear View, without being Charg'd with Leaning to one Side or other.
Among the several Opinions about the Trade between
England
and
France,
I find none who have any true knowledge of the Trade in General, but what agree in this, That there ought to be some Trade opened with
France
seeing we have made Peace with them; Likewise all agree, That Trade, such as it shall be, ought to be Settled and Regulated by Articles and Agreements between the Nations, which is the thing we call a Treaty of Commerce.
Being thus agreed in the main Point, That some Trade must and ought to be Settled, and that a Treaty of Commerce ought to be made; the Question remaining in Debate seems to be only, What degree of Trade with
France
shall be entred into, and under what Regulations, Restrictions, Duties and Prohibitions.
Some are of the Opinion, That the Trade to
France
has always been a Losing Trade, and that it will be so still, and that as it lies at this time under Excessive Duties it will be prevented from being so, and that therefore all those high Duties which are now lay'd upon the
French
Importations ought to remain.
Others say, that as we have lay'd high Duties on the greatest part of
French
Importations here, by which the Quantities Imported will now be reduced: so the
French
have Loaded our Woollen Manufactures, and other Exportations thither with such heavy Duties, or else with Total Prohibitions that effectually foreclose the Trade so, That as you will Import little from
France,
you will Export less to
France,
and the Ballance will run against you worse in matters of Profit than it did before; these Men therefore are for taking off our high Duties on every Side, and leaving the Trade, as they say all Trade ought to be, Free and Unburthened, except with such moderate Impositions as may be no Grievance either to the Consumer or the Importer.
But a third sort say, there is a Necessary Medium to be observ'd in this Case, and that seeing an Opportunity is put into our Hands upon the Occasion of the Peace, to Settle this Trade to our Advantage, we ought to get all possible Burthens taken off from our Manufactures and other Exports from hence in
France,
and yet at the same time keep on such part of our high Duties upon
French
Goods Imported here, as may be sufficient to restrain their Importation in too great quantities, so as to be prejudicial to our Trade in General, and cause an Over-ballance in the Trade to our Prejudice.
The People who have had the Guiding this Great Affair say they have done this, and the opposite Party say they have not; one Side Challenges the other, THESE
say,
Trade is betray'd, the
Portugal
Trade ruin'd, the General Interest neglected, the Manufactures of
England
injur'd, and the
French
have too much Advantage; that they will Over-ballance us still, and the Trade be yet to our loss: On the other hand THOSE
say,
they have Secured the
English
Commerce effectually to our Advantage, by Opening a Door to our Trade into
France,
having Obliged the
Fr.
King to take off all his Prohibitions and Additional Duties from our Importations
there,
back to the Tariff of 1664. and yet have shut the Door against the quantity of their Importations here, by leaving on great part of the Additional Duties which the Trade was Loaded with during the War, so that the Prices of their Goods, particularly their Wines, Brandy, Silks, Linen,
&c.
which are the Principal part of their Importations here, will be so great, by reason of those Duties remaining on by this Treaty, that the Consumption will of Course be greatly short of what it was usually in those times when, as the other alledge, their Importation so much Encreased and Overballanc'd us.
Again
THESE
say
they have not left Duty enough on to lessen the said Importations; and that the Duties ought to have been still Higher. THOSE
say
the Duties left are sufficient; and that the Advantage is such, and so great, as that they could not obtain any farther, nor indeed reasonably insist upon laying higher Duties on
French
Goods, unless they had at the same time Consented that some part of the high Duties in
France
should remain upon our Goods; which for the Encouragement of our Woollen Manufacture they thought it not proper to yield to, and they declare that they do think the high Duties which are to remain on
French
Goods here, are sufficient to preserve the Trade to the Advantage of
Great-Britain.
If I can make any Judgment of the present Dispute, it is, as near as can be, wholly Comprised in this Abridgment: I shall not enter here into any part of the Question, it being the business of a History of Trade, rather to Relate than Decide the Dispute. I am already Charg'd with being much farther Concern'd in the Difference than I really am; and I shall therefore avoid Disputing any thing here, but Impartially state the Question, and lay down the state of the several Duties and Prohibitions on both Sides, as they are now, while the Treaty is in Suspense and not made Effectual; and as they are to be, if the said Treaty is to take place; I shall afterward shew what the Difference is that will be between the former Duties before the War, and those, that if the Treaty take place, are to be the Settled Customs of the Trade; and then shall leave every Man, by the assistance of those helps, to make a Judgment for himself.
In order to this, and for the information of those who, tho' not Imediately Verst in the Entries Outwards and Inwards, or not so much Master of the Book of Rates as to know every thing without a farther Enquiry, are yet willing to know in Concise Terms, on what Foot the Trade now stands, and on what Foot it is to stand, that they may not, as most Men do, Dispute without Book, and talk rashly, giving their Judgment without any Knowledge of the matter.
I say, for the Information of such as these, I have subjoyned proper Tables of the several Duties on
French
Goods, as they now are, and as they are to be if the Treaty of Comerce takes place.
A Comparison of the Duties on
French
Goods to be Imported into
Great-Britain,
as they formerly stood in the time of King
Charles II.
as they now stand before the New Treaty of Commerce takes place, and as they are to be, if the said Treaty of Commerce is made Effectual by the Parliament.
Species and Duties Granted.
Gross Duty
Net Duty.
FRENCH WINES Fill'd up
 
 
 
 
 
 
12
Car.
II. Old Subsidy,
4
10
0
8
10
0
Additional Duty,
4
—
—
2
15
6
18
Car.
II. Coinage Duty,
0
10
—
0
10
0
 
8
—
—
7
15
0
1
Jac.
II. Impost,
8
0
0
6
19
10
 
16
—
—
14
15
04
Since the Revolution, the following Duties are lay'd on over and above the other.
 
 
 
 
 
 
4 & 5
W.
and
M.
addit. Impost,
8
0
0
7
10
0
7 & 8
Will.
III.
French
Dusy,
25
0
0
25
0
0
1
Annae,
Farther Subsidy,
4
10
0
4
10
0
2 & 3
Annae,
½ Subsidy,
1
10
0
1
10
0
3 & 4
Annae,
⅔ Subsidy,
3
—
0
3
—
0
 
48
0
0
56
6
4
Note, French
Wines Unfill'd up, paid but 7
l.
15
s.
0
per
Ton Duty at the end of
Car.
II.
King
James
having obtain'd the Impost Duty, the Wines paid at the end of his Reign, 14
l.
14
s.
10
d. per
Ton.
But a Ton of
French
Wine Fill'd up, Pays now before the New Treaty takes place, 56
l.
5
s.
4
d.
12
l. per Cent.
aba
ed for Leakage.
They pay Unfill'd up, 53
l.
9
s.
6
d.
3
q.
Species & Duties Granted
Gross Duty
Net Duty
PORTUGAL
WINES UNFILL'D up.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Old Subsidy
4
10
0
4
10
0
By the Same Laws as
Rhenish
Addit. Duty
3
—
—
2
15
6
Cointge
0
10
1
0
10
0
Impost.
12
—
—
10
9
9¼
 
Furth. Subsidy
4
10
0
4
10
0
 
⅓ Subsidy
1
10
0
1
10
0
 
⅔ Subsidy
3
—
—
3
—
—
 
 
29
—
—
27
5
3¼
Note,
The Duty of
Spanish
Wine in the Reign of the late King
James
the 2
d,
was (fill'd up) 18
l.
5
s.
3¼.
The Duty of
Portugal
Wines by the Account above is Now fill'd up, 27
l.
3
s.
4¼. Unfill'd, the Net Duty is 24
l.
1
s.
0¼.
The
French
being by the Treaty of Commerce to pay no higher Duty for their Goods, than are paid for Goods of the like quallity Imported from other Countries, the Duty their Wines are to pay if the Treaty of Commerce takes place, is to be the same as the
Portugal
Wines.
The next Article is the Brandy, of which there are but two Denominations at the Custom-house, (
viz.
)
French
Brandy, and
Spanish
Brandy: The
French
Brandy paid by the Old Subsidy, but 1
l.
8
s. per
Ton Custom during the Reign of King
Charles
II. and King
James
II. and had no Impost or Additional Duty lay'd on, till the Excise and
French
Duty 7 and 8
William
III.
The Duties on Brandy then from
France
and
Spain,
as they stand at this time are as follows.
Species & Duties Granted
Gross Duty
Net Duty.
FRENCH
BRANDY Single.
 
 
 
 
 
 
12
Car.
2. Old Subsidy
1
10
0
1
8
6
18
Car.
2. Coinage.
1
—
—
1
—
—
7 & 8
W.
3.
French
Duty
30
—
—
30
—
—
1
Annae,
further Subsidy
1
10
0
1
8
6
2 & 3
Annae,
⅓ Subsidy
0
10
0
0
9
6
3 & 4
Annae,
⅔ Subsidy
1
—
—
0
19
0
Customs
35
10
0
35
5
6
Excise
46
4
0
46
4
0
 
81
14
0
81
9
6
When Granted.
Names of the Duties.
Gross Duty.
Net Duty after Disco.
SPANISH
BRANDY.
 
 
 
 
 
 
12
Car.
2.
Old Subsidy.
1
10
0
1
8
6
18
Car.
2.
Coinage.
1
0
0
1
0
0
1
Annoe
farth. Subsidy.
1
10
0
1
8
6
2 & 3
Ann.
3.
Subsidy.
0
10
0
0
9
6
3 & 4
Ann.
⅔.
Subsidy.
1
0
1
0
19
0
 
Customs.
5
10
0
3
5
6
 
Excise.
46
4
0
46
4
9
 
 
51
14
0
51
9
6
So that the
French
Brandy pays Now, the Treaty not being made Effectual, 81
l.
9
s.
6
d.
Single Brandy.
The
Spanish
Brandy pays
Now,
the Treaty not being made Effectual, 51
l.
9
s.
6
d.
So that except any particular Article of the Bill of Commerce Explains it otherwise, the
French
Brandy, after the Treaty takes place, is to pay 51
l.
9
s.
6
d.
Here follows the Calculation of the present Duties on Foreign Salt, which being not very different from one another, makes no great matter of Dispute now; the greatest part of the quantity of Foreign Salt used in
Britain
is used in Curing of Fish; and is Drawn back upon the Exportation of the said Fish.
When Granted.
Names of the Duties.
Gross Duty.
Neat Duty aft. Discoun
FRENCH
SALT.
 
 
 
 
 
 
12
Car.
2.
Old Subsidy
1
0
0
0
19
0
4 & 5
W.
&
M
Add. Impost
5
0
0
4
13
9
2 & 8
W.
3.
French
Duty
5
0
0
5
0
0
1
Annae
Farth. Subsidy
1
0
0
0
19
0
2 & 3
Annae
⅓ Subsidy
0
6
8
0
6
4
2 & 3
Annae
⅔ Subsidy
0
13
4
0
12
8
 
Customs.
13
0
0
12
10
9
Excise on 20 Wey of
French
Salt, which is
266
13
4
266
13
4
 
 
279
13
4
279
4
1
PORTUGAL
SALT.
 
 
 
 
 
 
12
Car.
2.
Old Subsidy
1
6
8
1
5
4
4 & 5.
W.
&
M.
Add. Subsidy
5
0
0
4
13
9
1
Annae
furth. Subsidy
1
6
8
1
5
4
2 & 3
Annae
⅓ Subydy
1
6
8
1
5
4
3 & 4
Annae
⅔ Subsidy
 
Customs
9
0
0
8
9
9
 
Excise.
266
13
4
266
13
4
 
Total
275
13
4
275
3
1
Note,
The Calculation is made upon 20 Wey of Salt; but the Net Duty of one Wey is as follows:
French
Salt 13 19 2½
Portugal
Salt 13 15 2½
So that if the Treaty take place, the
French
Salt must pay but 13
l.
15
s.
2
d. per
Wey.
When Granted.
Names of the Duties.
Gross Duty.
Net Duty aft. Discount
FRENCH WROUGHT SILKS,
except Allamodes.
per 20
l.
per 20
l.
12
Car.
2
Old Subsidy
2
9
8
1
18
0
 
Add. Duty,
1
0
0
0
0
0
4 & 9
W
&
M.
Add. Impost
10
0
0
4
0
4
7 & 8
W.
5.
French
Duty
10
0
0
2
0
0
1
Annae
further Subsidy
2
0
0
2
0
0
2 & 3
Annae
⅓ Subsidy
0
13
0
0
13
4
3 & 4
Annae
⅔ Subsidy
1
6
8
1
6
8
 
 
27
0
0
25
11
7
DUTCH WROUGHT SILKs.
 
 
 
 
 
 
12
Car.
2.
Old Subsidy
2
0
0
8
18
0
 
Add. Duty
1
1
0
0
17
1
2
W.
&
M.
Old Impost.
4
9
0
3
15
0
4 & 5
W.
&
M.
Add. Impost
2
2
0
1
17
6
1
Annae
furth. Subsidy
2
0
0
0
12
8
2 & 3
Annae
⅓ Subsidy
0
13
5
0
12
8
3 & 4
Annae
⅔ Subsidy
1
6
1
1
5
4
 
 
13
0
0
12
3
7
Note,
One Pound of
French
wrought Silk pays Net,
1
l.
5
s.
11
d.
Dutch, 0 12
s.
2
d.
After the Treaty takes place,
French
Wrought Silks must pay as the
Dutch
per Pound, 1
l.
12
s.
11
d.
When Granted
Names of the Duty.
Gross Duty
Net Duty aft. Discount
FRENCH ALAMODES,
per 20
l.
per 20
l.
By the same Laws as for other Wrought Silks
Old Subsidy
4
0
0
3
16
0
Addit. Duty
2
0
0
1
14
3
Add. Impost
20
0
0
18
15
0
French
Duty
20
0
0
20
0
0
furth. Subsidy
4
0
0
3
16
0
 
⅓ Subsidy
1
6
8
1
5
4
 
⅔ Subsidy
1
6
8
2
10
8
 
 
54
0
0
51
17
3
DUTCH ALAMODES.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Old Subsidy
4
0
0
3
16
0
 
Addit. Duty
2
0
0
1
14
3
 
Old Impost
8
0
0
7
10
0
 
Addit. Impost
12
0
0
11
5
0
 
furth. Subsidy
4
0
0
3
16
0
 
⅓ Subsidy
1
6
8
1
5
4
 
⅔ Subsidy
2
13
4
2
10
8
 
 
34
0
0
31
17
3
Note,
One Pound of
French
Alamodes pays Net,
2
l.
11
s.
10
d.
½.
Dutch 1
l.
11
s.
10
d.
½.
After the Treaty takes place,
French Alamodes
must pay as the
Dutch,
1
l.
11
s.
10
d.
½.
When Granted.
Names of the Duties.
Gross Duty
Net Duty aft. Discount
FRENCH VITRY CANVAS
or Sail-Cloth.
per 120 Ells
per 120 Ells
12
Car.
3.
Old Subsidy
0
5
0
0
4
9
 
Addit. Duty
0
2
6
0
2
1½
4 & 5
W.
&
M.
Add. Impost
1
5
0
1
3
5½
7 & 8
W.
3.
French
Duty
1
5
0
1
5
0
1
Annae
Furth. Subsidy
0
1
8
0
1
7
2 & 3
Annae
⅓ Subsidy
0
5
0
0
4
9
 
 
3
4
2
3
1
7¾
DUTCH HOLLAND DUCK
or Sail-Cloth.
per 120 Ells
per 120 Ells
12
Car.
2.
Old Subsidy
0
5
0
0
4
9
 
Addit. Duty
0
2
0
0
2
1½
1
Annae
furth. Subsidy
0
5
0
0
4
9
2 & 3
Annae
⅓ Subsidy
0
1
8
0
1
7
 
 
4
14
2
0
13
2½
Note, French Vitry Canvas
pays now for every 120 Ells, Net Duty, 3
l.
1
s.
7
d.
¾.
Hollands Duck
pays 13
s.
2
d.
½
The
French,
if the Treaty takes place, must pay as the
Hollands Duck.
When Granted.
Names of the Duty.
Gross Duty
Net Duty aft. Discount
FRENCH
DOWLAS.
per 106 Ells
per 106 Elli
12
Car.
2.
Old Subsidy
0
5
0
0
4
9
 
Addit. Duty
0
2
6
0
2
1½
4 & 5
W.
&
M.
Add. Import
1
5
0
1
3
5¼
7 & 8
W.
3.
French
Duty
1
5
0
1
5
0
1
Annae
Fnrth. Subsidy
0
5
0
0
4
9
2 & 3
Annae
⅓ Subsidy
0
1
8
0
1
7
 
 
3
4
2
3
1
7¾
NARROW
GERMANY
LINEN.
per 106 Ells
per 106 Ells
12
Car.
2.
Old Subsidy
0
3
6 8/20
0
3
4¼
 
Addit. Impost.
0
1
9 4/02
0
1
6¼
2
W.
&
M.
Old Impost.
6
2
7 16/20
0
2
5¾
1
Annae
Farth. subsidy
0
3
6 8/20
0
3
4
2 & 3
Annae
⅓ Subsidy
0
1
2 3/20
0
1
1½
 
 
0
12
6 19/20
0
11
10
Note, French Dowlas
pays now
per
Piece of 106 Ells, 3
l.
1
s.
7
d.
¾
Norrow
Germany
Linen, 11
s.
10
d.
The
French,
if the Treaty takes place, must pay as the Narrow
Germany
Linen, only (
viz.
) 11
s.
10
d. per
Piece
of
106 Ells.
By these Tables of the Duties it may be observed, That as the Duties on the Goods from other Countries now are, so the Duties of the Goods of like quality from
France
are to be by the Treaty of Commerce, if the said Treaty takes place; and this is in pursuance of that part of the 9th Article of the Treaty, which provides, that no greater or heavier Duties be laid upon the
French
Goods, than is paid by other Nations for Goods of the like quality.
It is not the business of these Tracts, which according to their Title, are to be a History of Trade, not a Dispute about Trade; I say, it is not my business so much to Argue, as it is to Relate; and therefore I shall avoid the Dispute: But altho' I do avoid Debating, it seems necessary to state the Case upon which the Parties on either side are Debating so warmly, as it relates to the Levelling the Duties on the Importation of
French
Goods, to the same Rate which Goods of the like quality pay from other Countries.
This Debate relates chiefly to the Trade of Wine from
Portugal,
the Sum of which Case is as follows:
Before the war with
France
began, the Gross of our Importations of Wines was from
France
; neither was there any proportion between the quantities, as may appear by this brief Account,
 
Wines from
France,
in the Port of
Lond.
Wines from
Portugal,
in the Port of
Lond.
Anno
 
 
1686
12760 Ton
289 Ton
1687
15518 Ton
327 Ton
1688
14218 Ton
540 Ton
So that the Proportion, is about One to Fifty Eight; so much did the Importations of Wine from
France,
exceed the Importation of Wines from
Portugal
; as for the Wines from other Countries, they were not of the like kind, and therefore do not come into the Question.
All this while, altho' we had not so great an Export from
England
to
Portugal
as we have had since, yet we had a very great and extended Trade; the reason of the Encrease shall be examin'd by it self.
The Wine Trade was not only little in quantity, but the Duties paid for it were greater than the Duties on
French
Wine for some years, by a very considerable Sum, as will appear by the Custom-house.
The Trade to
Portugal
stood then, according to the following Scheme, in which the Encrease of it is also to be observed, the Reasons of that Encrease are very easie to be accounted for, and I must own, could not with any Truth, be suggested to arise from the Encrease of our Demand for their Wines, as shall be enquir'd afterward.
A Scheme of the Importation of Wine, from
Portugal
into
England,
for Twenty Seven Years,
viz.
from the Year 1686, to the Year 1712, inclusive.
Anno
Ton
1686
289
1687
327
1688
540
1689
579
1690
1115
1691
2963
1692
6052
1693
8200
1694
9454
1695
3983
1696
6668
1697
4774
1698
4051
1699
8703
1700
8287
1701
7408
1702
5926
1703
9267
1704
9927
1705
8450
1706
4637
1707
9006
1708
9633
1709
7666
1710
6712
1711
7555
1712
6703
While the Trade of
France
stood at a stay, by reason of a stated Prohibition during the War, the
Portuguese
found the Demand for their Wines encreased to a degree, that at first their whole Kingdom could not supply; but as the prospect of the War appeared likely to continue, and the Price the
English
gave for the Wines was very encouraging, the Vineyards encreased every year to a very great degree, so that the
Portugal
Produce of Wine rose from Five or Six Hundred Ton a year, to Seven or Eight Thousand, as may appear by the Import of the years since the War.
Yet it must be allowed on one side too in abatement of quantity, that there have been ways and means made use of to Import great quantities of
French
Wines under the denomination of
Portuguese
Wines; also the
Galitia
Wines were, during the prohibition of Trade with
Spain,
entred under the same Head; so that we are not to suppose all the Wines which are called
Portuguese
Wines in the Custom-house Books, to come really from
Portugal.
It happened about the year 1703, that the King of
Portugal
being earnestly sollicited to break his Neutrality, and Joyn with the Confederates in the late War with
France
and
Spain,
the Confederates being willing almost upon any Terms to engage his
Portuguese
Majesty; the
Portuguese,
tho' willing to Engage, yet took that occasion to make such Conditions, as were particularly for the advantage of his Subjects in Matters of Trade, and more especially with relation to their Wines: They knew well enough that the demand for their Wines in
England,
was occasion'd only by the Prohibition aforesaid, which by the accident of the War, was lay'd upon
French
Wines; They knew also, that when ever the War came to a Conclusion, and that by a Peace with
France,
the Trade for the
French
Wines should be opened again in
England,
the Demand for the
P
tugal
Wine would fall off again, and the
French
Wine would be the Common Draft of the Nation.
To prevent this, they enter into a Treaty with Mr.
Methuen
the
English
Ambassador, for the keeping the Duties upon
French
Wine up to a certain height in
England
after a Peace, and that the
Portugal
Wine should always pay a certain proportion less than the
French.
Mr.
Methuen
ventur'd to agree to this Treaty, and the Condition was, That the
Portuguese
should take off all Prohibitions from the
English
Woollen Clothes, and any other
English
Woollen Manufactures which were then Prohibited in
Portugal
; the Tenour of the said Treaty, as it is Translated in the Secretary's Offices here, is as follows:
viz.
"That Her Sacred Royal Majesty of
Great-Britain
may, in her own and the Name of her Successors, be obliged at all times so to admit into
Britain
the Wines made of the
Portuguese
Vineyards, that at no time whatever, whether there be Peace or War between the Kingdoms of
Britain
and
France,
any thing more may be demanded for the said Wines, under the name of Duty or Customs, or any other Title whatever, directly or indirectly, than what the Third Part of the Duty or Customs being deducted, shall be demanded from an equal Quantity or Measure of
French
Wine, whither those Wines shall be Imported into
Great-Britain,
by Hogsheads, or Barrels, or any other Vessels; but if this Abatement of Customs, as is presumed to be made, shall be after any manner prejudiced or Abolished, it shall be Just and Lawful for his Sacred Royal Majesty of
Portugal,
AGAIN to forbid the Woollen Cloaths, and the rest of the
British
Woollen Manufactures."
This is the Occasion of the warm Disputes among our Parties at this time, of which, without determining one way or other, or any way embarking these Tracts in that Dispute, I shall give an Impartial Abstract, relating, as fairly as I can, the state of the Question, and what either Party alledge for themselves in their Defence of, or Objections against this Treaty.
The opposers of the Treaty of Commerce with
France
say, This is a fair, a just, and a reasonable Treaty; That it is Sign'd, Ratified, and Exchang'd with the King of
Portugal,
and ought to be kept Sacred. Whereas on the other hand, they say, the Treaty of Commerce with
France,
without any regard to the Stipulations of this Treaty, and taking no manner of notice of it, has effectually destroyed and overthrown it, by agreeing to Reduce the Duties on
French
Wines to an Equallity with the Wines of like quality from other Countries, which by consequence includes the
Portugal
Wines which are of like quality with the
French,
and that therefore the
Portugal
Treaty is thereby actually broken, the Faith and Honour of the
British
Nation depreciated and forfeited, and that the Consequence of it will be, that the
Portuguese
will prohibit our Woollen Manufactures, nay, perhaps our whole Trade: Nay, some go farther, and alledge, that the Peace with
Pottugal
is actually broken by this Infraction, and that our Trade to
Portugal,
which is so Considerable and so Advantageous, will be entirely lost.
I believe the Gentlemen cannot say, but that I have done justice to their Allegations, and given their Objections their full length, and I hope they will allow me to do the like on the other Side.
The Advocates for the Treaty of Commerce alledge,
First,
That the Trade to
Portugal
stands upon other Foundarions, that the Treaty of Commerce with
France
will have very little Influence upon it one way or other; That it is true, the Importation of Wine from
Portugal
will lessen, tho' it is apparent that Importation will be greater many ways than ever it was before: But that our Exportation of Woollen Manufactures to
Portugal
was ever very great, even before the War, when the
Portugal
Wines made no figure at all in the Trade, and were not in all above 2 or 300 Ton in a Year; That the Encrease of the
Portugal
Trade in these late years, did not take its rise from our Demand of their Wines, and consequently will not feel any sensible decay or decrease, tho' we were never to take any more Wine of them.
They farther alledge, That the
Portugal
Wines will not be so greatly run down by the
French
Wine as was formerly, the humour of our Nation running all upon strong Wines for these several years; so that it is observeable, that no
French
Wines are now in esteem but the Rich high-priz'd Clarets,
Puntacks,
and such like; That the price of their strongest
French
Wines is always high, and their quantity but small; That the
Portugal
Wine will be bought at least Ten or Twelve Pound
per
Ton Cheaper than those Rich
French
Wines, and will be always wanted to make the Smaller
French
Wines Stronger, and the Pale
French
Wine Deeper, as was always the Case when the Trade was open, on occasion of a bad Vintage in
France
; That altho' the Treaty with
France
does not preserve the Inequality of the Duty between the
Portugal
and the
French
Wine, so as to give the Advantage to the first, as was designed by the
Portuguese
; yet that the Inequality of the Price will always be an equivalent to it, the
Portugal
Wines being never bought at above 12
l. per
Ton, one with another; whereas these say, that the other Party have Printed, that the
French
Wine shall always Cost 25
l. per
Ton in
France
after the Peace.
Thus far they argue as to the Trade: As to the justice of Breaking the Treaty with
Portugal,
that is a Case by it self; the People who are for the
French
Commerce, answer that part, by falling upon the Treaty it self, and upon the People that made it; They say, it is a Treaty Inconsistent with the Constitution of
Britain
in its nature, and therefore is not to be kept, but is void of Course, and by the Consequence of things; That he who made it, had he not been gone to answer it in another World, ought to have answer'd for it at the Bar of the House of Lords, and ought to have been Impeached of High Treason.
They alledge that this Treaty Limits the Parliament of
Great-Britain
by the Prerogative of the Crown, stipulating, That the Parliament shall not lay on any higher Duties than such and such mentioned in that Article, Pretending that a private Transaction of a Minister or Ambassador shall be binding, and and Consequently Superiour to the Parliament; and that it is in the Power of an Ambassador to tell the Parliament what Taxes they shall not Lay, and by the same Rule may tell them what they shall Lay, which is a Power destructive to the Being and Nature of Parliaments, and cannot be done; That the Parliament has alone the Power to Determin what Duties shall, or shall not, be Lay'd upon the Exportations and Importations of Merchandizes, as well as upon any other things, and no Invasion, that shall be made, or attempted to be made, upon that Power, can be binding to the People of
England
; that on this Account, it cannot be any Injustice, or any Illegal Act for the Parliament to confirm any other Treaty, which shall Contravene or Rescind that Treaty.
Again, they add, That the Treaty carries, in the Body of it, an express Supposition, That the Parliament may see Reason to Contravene, Break, or Rescind it, and therefore makes Provision for such an Incident in a Clause, which determins what it shall be Lawful for the King of
Portugal
to do, if the said Treaty should be broken.
This they alledge also, amounts to an Express Stipulation, That the Breach of this Traty, shall not be esteem'd a Breach of the Peace between
Great-Britain
and
Portugal
; for that when it says particularly, what it shall be Lawful for the King of
Portugal
to do upon such a Breach, it strongly implies, That it shall not be Lawful for him to take any other measures in that Case, or carry his Resentment any farther than to the Prohibition of such and such Goods, as were Prohibited before.
Another Debate arises also from this supposed Infraction of the
Portugal
Treaty, by the new Treaty of Commerce with
France,
(
viz.
) That one Party alledges, That it is expresly said, in case the
English
do not perform their part, it shall be Lawful for the King of
Portugal
to Prohibit the Woollen Cloth,
caeteris
que
Lanificia,
and the rest of the
British
Woollen Manufactures.
The Advocates for the Treaty Object, That tho' it is true, that the Words of the Treaty do express it, in that manner,
caeteris
que
Lanificia
; yet that the Word
Rursus
Again, explains the meaning of it, That it shall be Lawful for the King of
Portugal,
Again to Prohibit, can signify nothing of the
British
Woollen Manufactures, but what was Prohibited before.
Then it remains to examine, what
British
Woollen Manufactures were Prohibited before. One side affirms, that no more were formerly Prohibited, but the
English
Woollen Cloths, and challenges the other to name, what other Woollen Manufactures were Prohibited, which indeed they have not done, contenting themselves to affirm, that there were other Woollen Manufactures Prohibited in
Portugal,
without saying what they were.
The Truth of this Case, is indeed, something different, from what either Party pretend to. There were indeed several Pragmaticks, as the
Portuguese
call them, Published, as I take it, in the Years 1688, 1692, and 1697, and in other Years, which were made to prevent the People of
Portugal
running into the new Fashions, and change of Habits, according to the Customs of
France
and
Britain
; in order to which, I say those Pragmaticks were made to forbid, not the Importing only, but wearing any of the medly or mixt Cloths of
Great-Britain,
or any other Country.
Whether the Words,
caeteris
que
Lanificia,
were in those Pragmaticks or no, does not appear; neither have any side Quoted, Copied, or Translated, either, or any of those Pragmaticks, to shew whether it was or not. On the other hand, it is certain, that the
Portuguese
did never refuse to admit the Importation of any of our Woollen Manufactures into
Portugal,
upon any pretence whatsoever, except the said Medly Cloths; and this, I think, without being partial to either side, I may take for an Assurance, that they were not Prohibited.
Upon the whole, the Nature of the Trade between
England
and
Portugal
is such, that altho' this Breach of the Clause should happen, yet it does not seem, that the Circumstances of the
Portuguese,
would at all admit them to prohibit Commerce with
England,
or to Prohibit the Woollen Manufactures in general, as some People suggest, and that on several Accounts; I shall name but three, as I said before, because I shall not make these Tracts, which are design'd to be Historical chiefly, meddle at all with the Controversy on either side.
1. Because tho' we may not take off so great a quantity of their Wines as we did before, yet that we should still take off a very great quantity, and which it would be very well worth their while to dispose of.
2. That
England
is the only Market they have in the World, not for their Wines only, but for the other capital Produce of their Country, such as Oil and Fruit, which if they should Prohibit a Trade with us, they could by no means find a vent for in any other Nation; the
Dutch
taking off but very few of them, and the
French
none at all.
3. That they are not able to carry on their Trade to
Brasils,
which is now encreased to such a prodigious Degree, as from Eighteen or Twenty Two Sail of Ships to a Hundred and Forty Sail, neither without our Manufactures, or without the stocks of our Merchants, who sell the greatest part of their Goods, to the
Portuguese
Merchants, to be paid at the return of the Fleet from the
Brasils.
Upon the whole, I think however warm they are on both Sides in that part of the Quarrel, they Err in this, That they represent the
English
Trade to be much more at the Mercy of the
Portuguese
than it really is; or than consists with the Honour and Reputation of the
British
Trade to have it be.
If our Manufactures were not necessary to the
Portuguese,
they could not be induced to take off such a very great quantity yearly as they do, by the Argument of our taking off their Wines; for the utmost value of the Wines being not above Seventy or Eighty Thousand Pounds
per Annum,
and the Export of our Woollen Manufactures amounting, as some say, to Eight Hundred Thousand, and as others, to a Million of Pounds Sterling a year to
Portugal,
they would never make the taking off of Eight Hundred Thousand Pounds in Wines, which is our part, be the Cause of their taking off a Million from us, which is their part, and pay the Nine Hundred and Twenty Thousand Pound in Specie to procure it; this, I say, does not seem rational.
But the true state of the
Portugal
Trade stands thus: Upon the late Treaty with
Portugal,
their King perceiving that by our prohibiting the Importation of
French
Wine, our demand for his Country Wines was mightily encreased, and that the Profit to his Subjects was exceeding Great, by Planting more Vineyards, and Encreasing the Vallue of the Lands, and by Consequence of his Revenue; and likewise foreseeing, that when-ever the
French
Trade should be opened again, that Demand for
Portugal
Wines would fall again, Contriv'd to bring the
English
into a Treaty of Inequallity of Custom, in favour of his Wines against the
French, one third part,
as by the Article quoted already appears; the Equivalent for this Favour was the taking off the Prohibition upon our Woollen Mixt Cloth, as aforesaid; but it does by no means stand with the Circumstances of the King of
Portugal
's Subjects, or the Nature of their Commerce, that if this Article cannot be preserv'd, he should stop a Commerce, by which all the rest of the Produce of his Country should be carried off and consum'd; this would ruin the whole Commerce of his Kingdom, and be ten fold more Disadvantage to him one way, than it would be Advantage to him another.
Again, the quantity of
Portugal
Wines Imported hither, take them one year with another, have been about Seven Thousand Ton a year; this cannot be entirely sunk, and I believe, if all was to happen that can happen by the Treaty, there cannot be less Imported into
England,
than one half of that quantity, the People being, as was noted above, enclin'd so much to strong Wines, that the
French
Trade cannot fully Answer their demand, and all the small thin Wines of
Anjou,
and the Banks of
Loir,
will now, probably, be little worth; so that the
Portugal
Wines cannot be supposed to sink above one half; or suppose it may be about Four Thousand Ton, which is Forty Thousand Pound
per Annum,
at Ten Pound
per
Ton, which Ten Pound
per
Ton in time of Peace, and open Trade, will be the top of the Market. Now it does not seem rational to me, I say,
to Me, for I speak my private Opinion,
That the King of
Portugal
should quarrel with
England,
Prohibit our Trade, put a stop to a current Demand of a Million
per Annum
Import, which pays him a very great Revenue, put a stop to the Consumption of all the other Growth of his Country which we take off, such as Oil, Shumack, Figs, Salt, Fruit,
&c.
and the Salt excepted, no Nation but the
English
can take those Goods off, and all this for want of our taking Forty Thousand Pounds worth of Wine.
Add to this, That by this Method he would hinder the
English
taking off the remaining quantity of Wines also, which would be very considerable, and by the Calculation above, amounts to Forty Thousand Pounds more; and so thro' us, quite out of the Channel of
Port
Wine, which, as it is now, the Draft will not easily be altered, and the Advantage of the Consumption is so much the Interest of the
Portuguese
to preserve, that no one can suppose they would be so weak, as to throw it away, without sufficient Ground.
For these Reasons, I cannot see room to think, That suppose the worst, nay, supposing all the Consequences which People fear as to the
French
Trade interfering with the
Portuguese
; yet it not does seem reasonable to think, that the
Portuguese
will Prohibit any part of the
English
Trade, much less the whole
British
Trade, of which I shall speak hereafter.
In this posture, the State of the Dispute seems to stand, and as every one is left to determine in favour of those who they approve most; so I shall not engage against one Side or other, but Modestly and Calmly give my Thoughts upon the whole.
It were to be wish'd, that Party and Passion were left out of these Debates. Our Trade is an Essential Article, upon which the Felicity of the Nation very much depends, and which must many ways receive an injury by these Obstructions; nay, the very Debating these things, awakens the Enemies of our Commerce, and lets them into some parts of the Dispute, which they should rather be Ignorant of than know:
For Example,
1. While one Paper makes a very great stir, and lays a vast Weight upon the
French
falling upon our Manufactures, publishes how easie it is for them to get away all our Trade, how they Work Cheaper, and perform their Work as well as the
English,
and that they are able, not only to supply themselves, but all the rest of the World, nay, that they could come in upon us, and Under-sell us at our own Doors; while they do thus, I say, they do an irreparable Injury to their own Country.
2. On the other hand, While the opposite Paper publishes, the great Advantages of our Nation in the Treaty, over the
French,
and how it is in our hands, to make the
French
Trade be to the Gain of the
English
Nation so many Thousand Pounds a Year. This is alarming the
French,
and telling them we have made Fools of them in the Treaty, by which we set them to Work to retrieve it by all possible Methods; and perhaps, at last, to find some shift to get out of the Noose, and turn the Advantage against us; things they are very dexterous in doing.
To descend a little farther in these Particulars, and Discourse them Impartially, without Reflecting either on one Party or another, It is my Judgment, that the Extremes on both these Sides, are very destructive at this time to the General Interest of Trade in
Britain.
There is no question to be made, but the preserving the Woollen Manufacture in
Britain,
to be, as it ever was since we were first Masters of it, OUR OWN, Exclusive of all other Nations in the World, is our great Concern, our true Interest, and is what the Wealth and Prosperity of this Nation really depends upon.
There is no question to be made, but every Nation round us, who are capable to make any Progress in such an Attempt, will endeavour as much as in them lies, to imitate us, in a thing so prodigiously Gainful: The
Dutch
do it, the
Flemmings
have always done it, and the
French
have been now above Seventy Year, making gradual steps in it.
What indefatigable, restless Industry, what Severe Application, what all possible Encouragement from their Government, what their own necessity, which is the Spring of Invention, is able to do: This is not wanting, nor has been wanting in
France,
during the long Reign of the most Politick and Potent Prince
France
ever knew, and they do all a Nation in their Circumstances can do, to come to a Perfection in the Woollen Manufactures.
But they Labour under insuperable Difficulties, and struggle with invincible Obstacles, which smother the Flame of their Industry, (
viz.
) the want of Wooll; this is the main Case, and as Nature has it not, the Soil, the Clime does not produce it, they, by consequence, cannot have it, but by the supply from us; nor are they wanting in their Application to get the Wooll from us, in
Ireland,
in
Scotland,
and in
England,
they Rummage, every Creek, and every Corner, run all Risques, Buy, Bribe, Fetch and Carry, do all that desperate Dilligence can do to get our Wooll, and too much Success they have in their endeavour.
But when all is done that can be done, the Wooll they get cannot be a quantity suitable to the Demand, or sufficient to carry on a National Manufacture; and also it must be dearer by much than our Manufacturers have it at Home; the Expence, the Hazard, the Hands employ'd, the Freights, the Losses, all go into the Price of that which arives, and is made use of; then the Carriage when Landed, for Conveying it to Remote Places; this all adds to the Price, and is a damp upon the Manufactures, which it is not possible to avoid, and which must necessarily give the great Advantage to our People, who have the Wooll at their own Doors.
I cannot doubt, but our Government, may in time find out some better Method, than is yet put in practice, for the restraining this Export of Wooll, and for the putting a check upon the
French
Manufactures the most sensible way; for nothing is more evedent, than that if the
English
Wooll were effectually kept at Home, the
French
could never go on with their Manufacturing to any considerable degree, and the Government cannot but think it for the publick Service to have all possible assistance to that purpose.
It is not the Business of this Tract, to enquire, what are the especial Grievances of this Article, and why a Nation, to whose Interest it is so essential to prevent the Exportation of their Wooll, should at the same time have the Laws for that purpose so ill Executed, as that in almost every part of the Kingdom the Wooll is carried Abroad, not with allowance,
we cannot say that,
but with an open Violence, and even sometimes by Force and Blood, several Murthers, Fightings, and Breakings of the Peace, having hapned upon this Occasion in many Parts: As if the
French
were come to that pass, either of Insolence in Dealing with us, or necessity of their own Side, that they were resolved to fetch away our Wooll by Force; to this end they make little Descents and Invasions upon us, such I may rightly call them, for the carrying off our Wooll, Arm'd either with Money to draw, or Weapons to drive those, who, in Discharge of their Duty and Office, appear to oppose them. This is so well known, that I need not enter into Particulars, or enquire, where, when, and in what manner it is done.
It is sufficient to say by way of Complaint, That the Exportation of Wooll from Her Majesty's Dominions is now so great, that unless some speedy method be taken to redress this Grievance, and to put a stop to it, we may soon shake hands with our Foreign Trade, and see our Neighbours rivalling our Manufactures in a manner, which otherwise they could not hope to do.
There are four Vents by which our Wooll is now Unhappily carried out of the Country, (
viz.
) 1.
Rumney-Marsh,
&c. on the Coast of
Kent
and
Sussex,
which has been the Place made famous for many Years for that Wicked Trade, and where it was carried on, even during all the late War, with a Correspondence, like that of a Neutrality, as if the Inhabitants of
Normandy
and
Kent
had made a Cessation, or were two Neutral Nations, not concern'd in the War on either side; and as in the time of War, that corrupt Commerce was carried on, tho' not to so great a Degree as formerly, so much more now the Peace is made, is it renewed to a Degree equal to whatever it was before the War.
Next to this, is the Coast of
Lincolnshire,
where the
Dutch,
as in the other parts, the
French,
practice the same thing, and have done so for a long time, tho' never with so Open and Bare-fac'd a Confederacy as they do now, and where the
French
Boats have found the way to share with the
Dutch,
as a Coast, altho' farther off from their own, yet where they are not in Danger of the Cruisers and Custom-House Vessels, who are employ'd on the Coast of
Sussex,
on purpose to seize them at Sea.
But here, as soon as the said Wooll is on Board, they are Safe, and bending their Course directly over for
Holland,
they keep along that Shore to
Flanders
and
France,
as they see Occasion.
I may in time, enter upon a more particular Enquiry into this part of that Corrupt Trade, and how it is managed on Shore, to the Enriching a few private Men, but to the Impoverishing the Nation; and which, if it be not prevented, will, in a few Years, make a visible Alteration in the Face of our Trade.
The next Outlet for our Wooll has been in
Scotland
: Before the Union of the two Kingdoms, the Exportation of their Wooll was free and allowed by their Law; and albeit, their own Wooll was not so much desired in
France,
as being too Coarse for their Manufactures; yet they found a great Market for it in several parts of
France,
for their meaner sort of Goods. But this was not all, as the Border of
Scotland,
adjoyning to
England,
was extended a great way from
Berwick
to
Calisle,
for above Sixty Miles, it was not possible to keep the Passages so well guarded, but that great quantities of
English
Wooll were frequently, and almost daily, carried in Horse Packs, by private ways into
Scotland:
In this Work they were generally so well attended, that altho' it was often discovered, by the Officers, yet they could not, without more assistance seize upon it; and before such assistance could be procur'd, the Drivers of the Wooll, would get their Horses over the Border, when the Officers, altho' they stood in view, had no more Power to act; so that by this means the quantity of
English
Wooll Exported into
Scotland,
and from thence into
France,
was very great, nor was there any way to prevent it.
After the Union, the same Laws of Trade taking place in both Countries, the Wooll could no more be Exported from
Scotland
but by Stealth: But the Laws of that kind being very difficult to be Executed in
Scotland,
by Reason of the innumerable Number of Creeks and Coves along that Coast, the small Number of Officers, their remote Stations from one another, their small Salaries, little Encouragement, and the easyness of carrying the Wooll unsuspected to the Sea Coast; the Exportation of Wooll, is now carried on in that Country to an extravagant Degree, and it is not easy to prevent the same.
The last Article of this kind is
Ireland,
and here indeed, Wooll, seems to be one of the Principle Commodities of the Country. They Export it to
France,
not as if it was Prohibited, but rather as if it was the allowed Traffick of the Place: Whole Ships are Freighted with it, they are known when at Sea, by their being so light in their Loading; and our Sailors say to one another as they pass them at Sea,
There goes an
Irish
OƲ LER.
This is farther Demonstrable, from the strange Change that is made in the Face of the
Irish
Trade, (
viz.
) That whereas they crowded in their Wooll so fast upon us in
England,
that our People complain'd of the Glut of
Irish
Wooll, and that it sunk the Price of our own Wooll, which for want of a Trade, lay much on our Hand; now for these two Years past, the case is quite changed, and the
Irish
Wooll is not to be had for Money.
What can be the Reason of this? We know the quantity is not Diminshed, nor is the Trade Encreased, that
Ireland
can Manufacture it at Home, and so cannot spare it for Exportation, that would be good news for
Ireland
; but the Truth of the Case is what I am upon above,
viz.
That the quantity goes off another way, the Channel is turn'd, they have a Secret Vent to
France,
and there goes away the Wooll.
No Man need seek any farther for a Reason why, or an Account how, the
French
came to be Arrived at so great a Perfection in our Manufactures, and to make such great quantities as it is said they do; here is the true Reason, and till this be prevented, it will never be otherwise; whereas, if the stream of Wooll were stopt from
Britain
and
Ireland,
which are the Fountains, the
French
would never be in any Condition to do us any considerable Damage of that kind; for they really have not the Materials, they have not Wooll, neither can any part of the World supply them.
The next Tract of this Kind, shall enquire farther into this part of Trade, and make some Essay at a Method to prevent, at least lessen, the Exportation of our Wooll, so as that the
French
shall not be able to break in upon our Trade; and then if the new Treaty of Commerce does really, as its Defenders alledge, open the Door of Trade, by taking off the Impositions upon the
English
Woollen Manufactures in
France,
it may be a means to recover our Trade in
France,
and render all the Attempts of Manufacturing in
France,
Abortive and Ineffectual.
FINIS.