THE GRECIAN HISTORY. From the End of the
Peloponnesian
War, to the Death of
Philip
of
Macedon. Containing the Space of Sixty-eight
YEARS.
By TEMPLE STANYAN,
Esq
VOLUME
the
SECOND,
Now Originally Publish'd.
LONDON: Printed for J. and R. TONSON in the
Strand,
M.DCC.XXXIX.
PREFACE.
H AVING promis'd a Second Volume of this History when I publish'd the First, it is now become a Debt of so many Years standing, that I don't know whether the bare discharging it will be thought sufficient, without saying something in Excuse for my having deferr'd it so long. And yet upon second Thoughts, I believe I might easily have been forgiven, if I had never discharg'd it: For the World is not so rigid in demanding Debts of this kind, as we Authors imagine. But to deal plainly, I have been many Years employ'd in Business of another kind; tho' I must confess it has been with very little Advantage to the Publick, or Myself; and much less do I propose any great Benefit to arise to either from this Undertaking. However it has serv'd to shift the Scene a little, and to gratify my own Inclinations, in renewing my Acquaintance with those Studies which I have formerly pursu'd.
I have pleas'd myself with the Thoughts of doing some sort of Justice to the Memory of a Race of Worthies, who may be call'd the first Assertors of publick Liberty: And if I have not succeeded so well in it as I could wish, I hope it will be imputed rather to the Nature of the Subject, than to any want of my Endeavours. In the former Part of this History, I did not find it an easy Task to take off that Veil of
Fable
and
Fiction,
which has been thrown over the first Ages of
Greece,
and to introduce, in the room of it, something like the
Colouring
of History. And even in the later Times, which are call'd
Historical,
I have met with too much Intricacy and Confusion, in the treating of so many separate States, in unravelling their different Interests, in describing their different Manners and Customs, and Forms of Government, and in connecting the Whole with the Body of the Story.
In the Progress of this Work, I have found more Difficulties of this kind, than I apprehended at my first Entrance upon it; and it is that which, I believe, has chiefly discourag'd others from undertaking it. For I cannot otherwise conceive how it should happen, that the History of a Country, which has been the Scene of so much Action within itself, and which has given Birth to so many great Events in other Parts of the World, should be so much neglected. I do not mean, that it has been wholly buried in the Rust and Ruins of Antiquity; but it certainly has not receiv'd a due Proportion of those Improvements, which have been made of late Years both in Ancient and Modern History, as well as in other Arts and Sciences. For tho' there have been many Parts of the Affairs of the
Grecians
extracted from their Historians, and Biographers, Poets, Orators and Philosophers, with great Variety of Glosses and Comments upon 'em; yet they are in such detach'd Pieces, and so unmethodiz'd, that they can only serve as the Ground-work for a more regular Composition; and as such I have made use of them. There are some Collections of this kind, which are more in the Form of History: But the Facts contain'd in them are related in so dry and lifeless a manner, that there is nothing of the true Spirit of
Greece
in them. And a further Objection to them is, that they are intermix'd with the Affairs of other Nations, which have no relation to them. This is the Method observ'd by the Writers of
Universal History,
whose chief Merit is the preserving the Order of Time; but for the sake of that, they invert the Order of Place, and hurry you on from one Country to another, without any natural Agreement or Connection. Such a confused Variety of Matter may do well enough, when it is comprised in those short
Compendiums
of
Chronology,
which are design'd to imprint on the Memory the Dates of the most remarkable Events, as they have happen'd in the World. But the relating things at length in an Historical Way, and blending together Sacred Story and Profane, Ancient and Modern, Foreign and Domestick, as it distracts the Mind of the Reader too much, so it is a Work of too great Labour and Extent for the Writer, to be throughly executed.
He who has succeeded best in this way, is
Monsieur Rollin,
who has cull'd out the Flowers of the
Grecian
Story, and interspers'd them in the Accounts, which he has given of the other ancient Kingdoms and Common-wealths. But besides the relating things by Piece-meal in the confus'd manner before-mention'd, he has omitted several Particulars which are material, and in others which are not so, he is too circumstantial. And his Reflections, tho' they are generally just, are too frequent and too tedious, too trite and obvious, and too juvenile. However they may be suited to the Design of his Province in the Institution of Youth, and may serve as Lectures to instil into their Minds Principles of Virtue and Morality, they are not so agreeable as they should be to the Laws of History, which will allow of very few Reflections, but such as naturally arise to the Reader from a simple Relation of Facts, or such at least, as are interwoven in the Body of the Story, so as not to break the Thread of it. I would not be thought to detract from the Merit of a Work, which has met with a pretty general Approbation, and is now in every Body's Hands. The Author has certainly taken great Care and Pains in it: He is copious in his Matter, faithful in his Authorities, and clear and easy in his Narration; and there is a Spirit of Liberty throughout the Whole, which is well suited to the Subject, and which few of his Countrymen, except
Monsieur Tourreil,
have attain'd to. Wherefore, tho' I had compos'd the following Sheets before his History appear'd in the World, I will freely own, that it has been of Service to me in the Revisal of them.
I must likewise acknowledge the Lights I have receiv'd in several Passages of this History, from the
Grecian Antiquities
of
The most Reverend the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury,
who is no less eminent for his extensive Knowledge in all Parts of Learning, than for his other great Qualities. And however this Work may have serv'd as an Amusement to
His Grace
in the early Course of his Studies, it cannot now be thought unworthy of his more advanc'd Age, nor unbecoming either his holy Profession, or his high Station.
Just before I sent these Sheets to the Press, I met with
The History of
Epaminondas, lately publish'd at
Paris
by the
Abbé de la Tour,
being intended to supply the Loss of that Life of him, which was wrote by
Plutarch.
I likewise receiv'd
A Discourse
in Manuscript upon the same Subject, which had been pronounc'd in the
Academy of the Belles Lettres and Inscriptions,
by the
Abb
eA Gedoyn,
and which was communicated to me in a very obliging manner from
Monsieur de Fontenelle.
I was desirous to see if any thing material had escap'd me in my Account of the greatest Man of
Greece:
And the Perusal of these two Pieces has serv'd to clear up to me some doubtful Passages concerning him, and to confirm me in others.
As to this second Part of the
Grecian
Story, it contains the Transactions of sixty eight Years, which is not a twentieth Part of the Time compris'd in the first Volume: But what it wants in the Number of Years, is made up in the Variety of Events, and the Fullness of the Materials. This Compass of Time, together with the twenty-seven preceding Years of the
Peloponnesian
War, was the most active and bustling Age of the
Grecians,
who, when they were freed from the Danger of a Foreign Enemy, fell into such Dissensions, as turn'd the Edge of the Sword against themselves, and ended in the Destruction of that Liberty, which they had so gloriously defended. There were still among them some true Patriots, who aim'd at nothing further than the general Safety of
Greece,
and an equal Balance among the several Common-wealths: But it was the fixing and preserving this Balance, which created so much Difficulty and Disturbance. Among so many different Governments and popular Assemblies, it was hardly possible to avoid Confusion and Discord: And the
Demagogues,
and other artful and designing Men, from hence took occasion to perplex and inflame Matters still more, in order to carry on their own selfish Views at the Expence of the Publick. There was one Part of the Constitution of
Greece
well design'd to remedy these Inconveniences, and that was the
Council of the Amphictyons,
who were in the nature of
States General,
and were intended not only to provide for the common Good and Safety of the Whole, but to decide the Differences, and adjust the Pretensions of each particular State; and great Regard was paid to their Determinations. But tho' they were conven'd twice a Year, it was mostly for form-sake; so that, except upon some very extraordinary Occasions, they seldom did any thing that answer'd the End of their Institution. The
Grecians
had other specious Shews of Liberty, and their publick Harangues were full of it; but it was chiefly in Shew and in Words, for the Spirit of it was in a great measure lost. The Band of Amity, which had united them against the
Pers
ians,
was dissolv'd. The open, generous and disinterested Valour, which they shew'd upon that Occasion, began daily to degenerate into Sloth and Luxury, Faction and Corruption, Fraud and Violence. The Greater States devour'd the Lesser, and then prey'd upon one another. In short, the great Bone of Contention now among them, was the Sovereignty of
Greece,
which most of them aspir'd to in their turns; and still, as one Competitor fail'd in it, there started up another. Such was the convulsive State of
Greece
at the time of the
Peloponnesian
War; and so it continued as long as it was a Nation. There were indeed some quiet Intervals; but they were short, and such as serv'd rather to recover breath, than to settle any course of Tranquillity.
In relating these Wars of the
Grecians
among themselves, the Reader is not to expect such great and surprising Incidents, as those which happen'd in their Defence against the
Persians.
He will not meet with such numerous Armies, as those which came with all the Power of the
East,
like
n Inundation, upon them; nor with such signal Victories, as those which have perpetuated the Names of
Marathon, Salamis, Plataea
and
Mycale.
The Efforts, which were then made for the Publick Liberty, had something more than human in them, and are not to be accounted for according to the ordinary course of Nature. But however the
Eclat
of these illustrious Actions may raise our Attention and Admiration; yet an Account of the intestine Quarrels which succeeded them, will furnish us with more of that useful Knowledge and Instruction, which is to be drawn from History. There were fewer Numbers then brought into the Field, and less Blood shed: But the Merit of these later Victories consisted more in the Skill and Conduct of the Generals, and the Discipline of the Troops, than in the Number of the slain. There were more Feints and Stratagems, Marches and Countermarches, Incampments and Decampments, more surprising of Garrisons, intercepting of Convoys, debauching of Allies, and cluding of Treaties. In short, the
Grecians
were now become much more expert and refined in the Art of War, and less prodigal of their Lives, than when they had nothing but an hardy desperate Valour to oppose to the Multitudes of the
Barbarians,
and when by that glorious Stand made at
Thermopylae,
one part of them devoted themselves to certain death for the Preservation of the rest. Hence it was, that these civil Discords were protracted to a greater Length, than could otherwise have been imagin'd: For considering the Heat and Rancour, with which they were carried on, and that the Scene of Action lay in so narrow a Compass as
Greece
strictly so call'd, it might naturally have been expected, that things would sooner have been brought to some general Issue, and that, by some decisive Stroke, one of the principal Republicks would have made an intire Conquest of the Whole. Besides the Reasons already given for the long Continuance, and the fatal Issue of these Wars, another material one may be assign'd, which is, that the
Grecians
were not content to decide their own Quarrel, without interesting Foreign Powers in it. Most of them, to their eternal Reproach, as they found themselves distress'd, made mean Applications to their old Enemies the
Persians,
who had found out the Secret of fomenting their Divisions, and supporting one State against another, in order to weaken the Whole.
Philip
afterwards improv'd upon the Example the
Persians
had set him; and thus in the end the
Grecian
Liberties were lost. The Means by which this Change was effected, and the Struggles, which were now and then made by particular Persons and States, for recovering the ancient Honour of
Greece,
is chiefly the Subject of this Volume.
Here it may not be improper to observe, that notwithstanding these Commotions, with which the whole Country was more or less agitated, Arts and Sciences receiv'd daily Improvement, and were carried on to a great degree of Perfection; and there was more Politeness and Civility, more Policy and Intrigue, more good Writing and Speaking, and a greater Variety of Men eminent in all Professions, than in any other Period of time in
Greece,
or in any other Country in that Age of the World. And as a thorough Knowledge of the Lives and Characters of these famous Men, does very much conduce to the Knowledge of the History of the Times they liv'd in, I have therefore been the more exact in describing them, so as to distinguish their good and bad Qualities, and to shew in what manner, and in what degree, they have been beneficial, or hurtful to their Country. In the doing this, I have found it difficult to reconcile the different Accounts which have been given of them by some of the Historians of those Times, who often clash with one another, and sometimes even with themselves. All that I could do in this case, was to compare them together, to supply the Defects of one out of another, and to extract out of the whole those Particulars, which appear'd to me the most rational and probable, and most consistent with the common known Character of the Person I was describing. I have observ'd the same Method with regard to Facts, as well as Persons, throughout the Course of this History; and where I have met with any essential Difference, or manifest Contradiction, I have taken notice of it as such in the Body of the Story.
If we consider how many Volumes relating to the Affairs of the
Grecians
have been lost, we might expect more Confusion, and greater Chasms in their Story, than there really are: But it happens very fortunately, that some of their best Writers, and of the best Authority, are still remaining, particularly
Thucydides, Xenophon
and
Demosthenes,
who had a great Share in the Transactions they relate, and were otherwise most remarkable for their Probity and Veracity. So that the
Groecia mendax
of
Juvenal
cannot be thought applicable to these Writers, or to the Times in which they flourish'd, but must be understood only of the
Fabulous Age,
which undoubtedly is a fitter Subject for the Extravagancies of Poetry, than for the Gravity of an Historian. I have accordingly consider'd it in that light, and have gone no further into it than I found necessary, in order to make a beginning, and to introduce the more solid and authentick Parts of the Story. And herein I am sufficiently warranted by the Example of our own Historians, who have not contented themselves with the wild Accounts of the ancient
Britons,
but have had recourse to the
Trojan Brute
as our Founder: And the
Scottish
Writers begin their Relations from a Son of
Cecrops
the
Athenian,
or of
Argus,
who lived an hundred Years before him. And tho' there is no great Stress laid upon these early Accounts, they are sufficient to shew, that we have grafted upon the same Stock of
Fable
as the
Grecians,
or rather carried it further, and grafted one Fable upon another: And the same Vani
y has prevail'd in several other Parts of
Europe.
Here I cannot help observing, how much it is to the honour of
Greece,
that so many Nations have laid claim to her as their common Mother; and that they have invented so many Fictions and Forgeries to be consider'd as
Grecian
Colonies, when they might more naturally, and with more Credibility, have drawn their Descent from some imaginary Heroes of their own. But it was the establish'd Fame, and the real Merit of
Greece,
that made them so fond of being allied to her: It was the Learning, Wit and Delicacy of
Athens,
the Laws and Discipline of
Sparta,
and the Valour and Love of Liberty throughout the whole Country, which put them upon forming these Pretensions, in hopes that, by calling themselves
Grecians,
they should be thought to inherit their Virtues, and to act upon their Principles. And in some Respects they have copied after them, particularly in their Forms of Government, which have serv'd as Models to several considerable States in this Part of the World, but with such Variations and Improvements, as the Wisdom of the later ages has found necessary. For tho' the general Plan of Government in
Greece
was founded upon Principles of Liberty, there were great Errors and Defects in it, which I have cursorily taken notice of, in relating the Tumults and Disorders that have been occasion'd by them. Some of these Imperfections are still retain'd in the Republicks which are now subsisting in
Europe;
and others have been added, by refining too much, and aiming at more Perfection than that sort of Government is capable of. I know there have been several Attempts to shew, that there may be such a thing as a perfect Common-wealth: But how plausible soever the Arguments for it may appear in Writing, they are not easily to be reduc'd to Practice, so as to prevent the Tyranny of
The Few
in an
Oligarchy,
or the Licentiousness of
The Many
in a
Democracy.
This was the Case of the two principal States of
Greece,
upon which most of the others were founded.
In
Sparta
indeed, according to the Settlement of
Lycurgus,
there was the Appearance of a limited Monarchy; but it was too limited, first by the Authority of the Senate, and afterwards of the
Ephori,
who, tho' they were originally instituted only as a Barrier between the Senate and the People, soon became the supreme Magistrates, and were superior to the Kings in every thing but the Name. However the Government subsisted long under this Form; and the
Roman
Common-wealth was founded upon it, the
Consuls
Answering to the two
Spartan
Kings, and the
Tribunes of the People
to the
Ephori.
But these
Roman
Magistrates had greater Power, and made a worse use of it, especially the
Tribunes,
who, under colour of protecting the People in their just Rights, became the Authors of most of the Seditions, Tumults, Murthers and civil Discord, which happen'd in the most busy Times of the Common-wealth. As in
Sparta
the Power of the Kings was too much restrain'd, so in
Athens
the Power of the People was too excessive; and nothing but some middle Scheme between these Extremes, can be suppos'd to answer the true Ends of Government. I might from hence take occasion to extol the Happiness of our own Constitution, which is so equally poiz'd by a due Distribution of Power on the one hand, and of Liberty on the other. But perhaps some may think the Boundary Lines between them are drawn so fine, as not to be easily perceptible; at least this is the most plausible Pretence for the many Party-Disputes among us, and the best way of accounting for our frequent Alarms and Jealousies, lest one Part of the Constitution should break in, and make Encroachments upon the other. These are bad Effects, but they proceed from a good Cause; and however some Particulars may be affected by them, they have seldom gone so far, as to endanger the Safety of the Whole: So that notwithstanding these Inconveniences, we are in the main much happier than any of our Neighbours, who reproach us with them; and our Liberty is better secured to us, than it could be in any of the Republicks of
Greece,
or in any of those Regal Governments in
Europe,
which, tho' they were form'd upon the same Model with ours, have now very little Remains of their original Institution. I have made a further Digression from my Subject than I intended: But in speaking of the
Grecian
Governments, and of those which have been grafted upon them, I could not, as an
Englishman,
resist the Temptation of saying something in Preference of our own, which is certainly the nearest to Perfection, and is attended with very few Evils, but such as are of our own making.
But to return to
Greece,
I have rather chose to finish my Account of it with the Death of
Philip
of
Macedon,
than to carry it on to his Successor. For the Affairs of
Alexander,
besides that they are already related by others in a fuller and more unbroken manner, than those of the preceding Times, are not, strictly speaking, to be look'd upon as a Continuation of the
Grecian
Story, since they relate almost entirely to
Macedonia
and
Persia.
Some indeed of the
Grecians
took occasion, from the Absence of
Alexander
in his
Eastern
Expedition, to attempt the Recovery of their Liberty; but he soon return'd upon them; and by the Destruction of
Thebes,
and the Victory afterwards obtain'd over the
Peloponnesians
by
Antipater
his Viceroy in
Macedonia,
he struck such a Terror into the whole Country, that he kept them in a quiet Subjection; so that if he had liv'd to return again into
Grecce;
he would have found it very easy to annex it to his own Dominions, and to destroy the very Name of it. However the
Grecians
still subsisted, but in so low and lifeless a Condition, that from the Time of
Alexander
's Captains, till they were subdu'd by the
Romans,
there were very few among them, who were distinguish'd for Arms and Counsels, and not many for Arts and Learning: So that, except the famous League of the
Achaian
under
Aratus
and
Philopoemen,
and the Endeavours of
Agis
and
Cleomenes
to recover the State of
Sparta
from the Encroachments of the
Ephori,
there is very little worth recording.
CONTENTS.
BOOK I. FROM the End of the Peloponnesian War, to the Battle of Mantinea; containing the Space of 42 Years.
Chap. I.
From the End of the
Peloponnesian
War, to the Death of
Socrates;
containing the Space of 5 Years,
p.
1
Chap. II.
From the Death of
Socrates,
to the Peace of
Antalcidas;
containing the Space of 12 Years,
p.
61
Chap. III.
From the Peace of
Antalcidas,
to the Battle of
Leuctra;
containing the Space of 17 Years,
p.
92
Chap. IV.
From the Battle of
Leuctra,
to the Battle of
Mantinea;
containing the Space of 8 Years,
p.
131
BOOK II. The Affairs of Greece, from the Battle of Mantinea, to the Death of Philip of Macedon; containing the Space of 26 Years.
Chap. I.
From the Battle of
Mantinea,
to the End of the
Social
War; containing the Space of 7 Years,
p.
194
Chap. II.
From the End of the
Social
War, to the End of the Phocian War; containing the Space of 10 Years,
p.
231
Chap. III.
From the End of the
Phocian
War, to the Battle of
Cheronea;
containing the Space of 8 Years,
p.
270
Chap. IV.
From the Battle of
Cheronea,
to the Death of
Philip
of
Macedon;
containing the Space of above One year,
p.
320
THE GRECIAN HISTORY. BOOK I.
From the End of the Peloponnesian War, to the Battle of Mantinea. Containing the Space of 42 YEARS.
CHAP. I.
From the End of the Peloponnesian War, to the Death of Socrates. Containing the Space of 5 YEARS.
T HE Victory of
Lysander
was so terrible a Shock to
Athens,
that tho' she gather'd Strength enough to survive it, she could never perfectly recover it. From a Prospect of bringing the War
o an happy Issue, she found herself in one Hour reduced to the lowest ebb of Fortune, and lay at the Mercy of those whom she had so lately insulted: For the Terms obtain'd by the las
Treaty, amounted to little more than surrendering at Discretion. So that from hence we ma
date the
Fall of the
Athenian
Empire,
which began soon after the Defeat of the
Persians
at
My cale,
and continued about seventy three Years However the Conquerors were so generous, a
not wholly to extinguish the Name of
Athen
They said,
They would not be guilty of putting ou
one of the Eyes of
Greece. And this agrees wit
what
Plutarch
relates of
Lysander,
That when h
sent word to
Sparta, That the
Athenians
were taken,
the Magistrates wrote back to him,
It is su
ficient to have taken them.
But it is certain, they imposed some further Marks of their Conque
on them: Of which the most particular was that they obliged the People to break up th
Democracy,
and submit to the Government o
Thirty Men, who are commonly known by the Name of
The Thirty Tyrants.
The Thirty Tyrants. A. M. 3601. Olymp. 94. 1.
This Change wa
owing chiefly to
Lysander,
who about the same time introduced the
Oligarchy
into
Samos,
an
other Places, which he took in as tributary t
Athens.
In most of them he establish'd a
D
cemvirate,
which was modell'd according to hi
Directions, and made up of his own Creature
And thus he treated not only the Enemies, bu
the Allies of
Sparta;
by which means he had in manner engross'd to himself the whole Empire
Greece.
Having settled his Conquests,
Lysander returns in triumph to Sparta.
he returned in triumph to
Sparta
with the
Athenian
and other Gallies, and fifteen hundred Talents in Mony, together with a great deal of rich Booty, besides the Crowns of Gold and other Presents which had been made him by the several Cities. He sent the Mony to
Sparta
in sealed Bags by
Gylippus,
who, ripping up the bottom of the Bags, took out as much as he thought fit, and then sew'd them up again. But there happen'd to be a Note in each Bag, specifying the Sum contain'd in it, which
Gylippus
not being appris'd of, the Fraud by this means was detected: And thereupon, either to avoid Punishment, or out of Shame for having been guilty of so mean an Action, he banish'd himself, and never afterwards appear'd in
Sparta.
There was a further Consideration in regard to this Treasure, whether, according to the
Spartan
Laws, it ought to be received into the City. Many of the soberest and most discreet among them oppos'd the introducing it; and they were the more confirmed in their Opinion from this Instance of
Gylippus,
who, they found, had been so far influenc'd by Mony, as to give up every thing else for it, and to sully all the Glory of his past Actions: For he was otherwise a Man of great Reputation, and had acquitted himself extremely well in the War of
Sicily,
where he had the Command of the
Spartan
Troops: And it was owing chiefly to him, that the
Athenians
did not make themselves Masters of that Island. Hereupon the
Ephori
were obliged to pass a Decree, that none but the old Iron Mony of the Country should be made current. But
Lysander
's Friends would not yet give it up: They resumed the Debate, and got the Decree revers'd, or at least so far qualified, that this Mony, tho' it was to be admitted into the City, was to be employ'd only on publick Occasions; and it was made capital to convert it to any private use. But this did not answer the Intent of
Lycurgus,
which was, by prohibiting the use of Gold and Silver, to restrain Covetousness and Luxury.
Plutarch
observes upon this occasion, That the ill Consequence of Riches was not so effectually prevented, by forbidding the use of Mony in private, as it was encouraged, by allowing it in publick: That therefore this sort of Prohibition only heighten'd their Desires; and that, if their Actions did not presently break out, at least thei
Affections were tainted. Whatever was pretended of laying in a Fund to supply the Exigencie of the State, the use of Mony had now got footing among them; they began to know the Valu
of it as well as their Neighbours, and rais'd
by more arbitrary and oppressive Methods.
Di
dorus Siculus
says, They exacted Tribute fro
all the Cities under their Jurisdiction, and tre
sur'd up a thousand Talents every Year. Upo
the whole, it is certain that the introducing th
Treasure, was in effect a Change in the Constintion; it soften'd their Minds so as to prepare them for Corruption; and in short, was the first great Step towards their throwing off that rugged Virtue, which distinguish'd them so much from the rest of
Greece.
This Change was owing intirely to
Lysander,
who sacrificed every thing to his Ostentation and Vanity, and stuck at no Expence to gratify them. He erected his own, and several of the chief Commanders Statues in Brass. He was very liberal to those of his Retinue, and gave such Encouragement to the Poets, that they complimented him with Songs of Triumph, and employ'd all their Art in his Praises. The
Grecians
in general were so aw'd with his Merit, that they erected Altars to his Honour, and sacrificed to him as a God.
In the mean time while
The Thirty
in
Athens,
The Proceedings of
The Thirty
instead of compiling and publishing a more perfect Body of Laws, which was the Pretence
or their being chosen, began to exert their Power of Life and Death: And tho' they constituted
a Senate and other Magistrates, they made no further use of them, than to confirm their Authority, and to see their Commands executed. However they at first acted cautiously, and condemn'd only the most detested and scandalous part of the Citizens, such as lived by Eviden
ing and Informing. But this was only to give a colour to their Proceedings; their Design was to make themselves absolute; and knowing that was not to be done without a Foreign Power, their next Step was to desire a Guard might be sent them from
Sparta,
till such time as they could clear the City of all disaffected Persons, and throughly settle the Government.
Lysander
accordingly procured them a Guard under the Command of
Callibius,
whom by Bribes and Artifices they work'd over to their Designs, and then acted without Controul, filling the City with the Blood of those, who, on account of their Riches, Interest, or good Qualities, were most likely to make head against them. The most violent among them was
Critias,
who resolved to reek his Revenge on the People, by whom he had formerly been banished.
Theramenes
protests against them.
The first who protested against these Proceedings was
Theramenes,
one of their own Memhers: And lest he should joi
with the Multitude against them, they investe
three thousand of the Citizens with some part o
the Power, and by their Assistance disarmed th
rest. Being throughly embolden'd by such a
Accession to their Party, they agreed to singl
out every one his Man, to put them to death and seize their Estates for the Maintenance o
their Garrison: Amongst whom was
Nicerat
the Son of
Nicias,
a Man of the greatest Esta
and Interest in
Athens,
and of so sweet and ob
liging a Temper, that he was universally l
mented. But being still jealous of
Theramene
who was struck with Horror at their Proposal they found it necessary to remove him out of t
way.
Is accused by
Critias.
And thereupon
Critias
accused him to
Senate, of endeavouring to subvert the Government. From thence he took occasion to justify their Proceedings in general; as,
That it was necessary to abridge the People in some measure of that Liberty with which they had so long been pamper'd; That all Changes of Government were attended with Blood, and therefore it was no wonder that they had so many Enemies: But that it was unpardonable in one of their own Order to desert them, and to betray that Power, which, by accepting a Share of it, he had promised to maintain. Theramenes
made so full and handsom a Defence, that the Senate were inclined to favour him: Which
Critias
perceiving, and knowing that, as one of
The Three Thousand,
he had a Privilege of being tried in form, he struck his Name out of the List, in order to subject him more immediately to their Censure. It was justly urged by
Theramenes, That it was as easy to blot out any other Man's Name as his; and that therefore they ought to make his Case their own.
But as they were under no present Apprehension of that kind, or rather that they were aw'd by a Guard, which
Critias
had placed before the Bar of the Court, they durst not oppose the Tyrants, who taking advantage of their Silence,
Is condemn'd and executed.
immediately pass'd Sentence of Death upon him; which he suffer'd by the Juice of
Hemlock.
When he had drank his Dose, he threw away what was left in the Cup, and said,
This to honest
Critias.
Socrates,
whose Disciple he had been, was the only one of the Senate, who ventur'd to appear in his Defence; he made an Attempt to rescue him out of the Hands of the Officer of Justice; and after his Execution, went about, as it were, in defiance of
The Thirty,
exhorting and animating the Senators and Citizens against them.
Critias
who had likewise been his Scholar, was so alarm'd and incens'd at his Behaviour, that he forba
him instructing the Youth. But he went o
with the same Intrepidity, and without any regard to his Authority. The Tyrants, whethe
they were aw'd with his Merit, or his Resolution, did not think fit to proceed against him
But as he continued to use the same Freedom with the Government, it soon after cost him his Life, as in its proper Place will be more particularly related. As to
Theramenes,
the People express'd a greater Concern for him, than could have been expected for one of that Society. But he was indeed the only one among them, from whom they had any thing to hope for, as a Barrier between them and the Tyranny. When he first engaged with them, he was upon the strictest Terms of Friendship with
Critias,
and they had always acted together in concert: But when he sound what Measures the other was pursuing, he oppos'd him, and broke with him.
He had appear'd in most of the late Contests betwixt the Nobility and the Commons,
His Character.
and was active, but not violent; endeavouring rather to accommodate himself to both Parties, than to depress eithr: From whence his Enemies gave him the Name of
The Buskin,
as it serves either Foot. But his shifting Sides proceeded not so much from the Unevenness of his Temper, as from his Caution and Moderation, which made him distinguish betwixt the Rule and the Tyranny. He had some time before shewn his Inclination to an
Oligarchy,
having been principally concerned with
Pisander
and
Antiphon
in introducing the Government of
The Four Hundred:
And in this latter Instance, he seems to have had some Plan of that kind in his view: For he thought
The Thirty
too few to carry on the Administration, and propos'd the adding some competent number to them. On the other hand, he was as much against the letting in
The Three Thousand,
which he saw, was only arming one part of the Citizens against the rest. He was, according to the mildness of his Nature, for some middle Scheme, whereby the Power of the Multitude might be restrain'd, but not totally abolished. But whatever his Designs were, he had not weight enough to put them in execution; and therefore sell a Sacrifice to the honesty of his Intentions. The greatest Blot upon his Memory, is, his being instrumental in the Condemnation of the Admirals, after the Fight at
Arginusae.
The Tyrants having remov'd this Obstacle out of their way, renew'd their Outrages with more Security, taking off all whom they thought any way obnoxious, or in any capacity of ob
structing their Designs. Whilst they were thu
destroying with Sword and Rapine, the wretched Remainder of the Citizens cast their Thought on
Alcibiades,
and were struck with Remorse for their last ill Usage of him. But as he had before overlook'd their Peevishness, and reliev'd them in their Extremities; so neither were they now without hopes, that he might appear again to rescue them. And the Tyrants themselves were so apprehensive of it, that they were very solicitous to get Intelligence of all his Designs and Actions.
Critias
at last represented to
Lysander,
that either the Government, or
Alcibiades
must fall; and, after many Solicitations, so far prevail'd, that Orders were given to dispatch him. He resided at that time in a small Village in
Phrygia,
where he was making an Interest with
Pharnabazus,
to recommend him to his Master
Artaxerxes. Lysander
made it a Request to
Pharnabazus,
to deliver him up either alive or dead; and laid such stress upon it, that he seem'd to make it a Condition of the League between the
Spartans
and the
Persians.
He consented to it, and committed the Execution to his Brother and his Uncle; who surrounding the House, where he dwelt with his Mistress
Timandra,
set fire to it.
Alcibiades
threw in great quantities of Clothes and Furniture to choke the Flame; then with his Robe on his left Arm, and his Sword in the other hand, he made his way through it: Which the Assassins perceiving,
Alcibiades
murther'd.
retreated, and slew him at a distance with their Darts and Arrows. Some ascribe this Murther to
Pharnabazus
his own private Jealousy of him; others to the Resentment of some young Noblemen whose Sister he had debauch'd. And others say, he had got into the Secret of the Levy, that
Cyrus
was making for the Expedition against his Brother, and was endeavouring, by the Discovery of it to
Artaxerxes,
to ingratiate himself with that Prince, and to procure his Assistance for re-establing the Affairs of his Country; that therefore it became necessary to take him off. But whatever Cause they assign for his Death, they are generally agreed as to the manner of it; which indeed was suitable to that Extravagance,
His Character.
with which Fortune had all along treated him. And therein she did but second the variety of Nature, who seems in his Composition to have work'd up the most jarring Contradictions, and to have tried how far she could go, in reconciling the Extremes of Vice and Virtue. But it is to be doubted whether his Virtues ought, upon a strict Examination, to bear that Name; and whether they ought not rather to be call'd extraordinary Talents and Endowments, and Ways of recommending himself. They had more of Artifice and Design, of Popularity and Ostentation, than of any real Principle of Honour and justice, or Love of his Country. And therefore
Valcrius Maximus
makes it a question, Whether his good or bad Qualities were most hurtful to the Publick:
By the former,
says he,
he deceived his Fellow-Citizens, and by the latter he ruin'd them.
H
first insinuated himself into their Confidence and then put them upon fruitless and desperat
Projects; particularly that fatal Expedition against
Sicily,
where their Fleets and Armies moulder'd away, when they had need enough of them a
home; and this paved the way for their tota
Overthrow by
Lysander.
His View in these Enterprises, was not only to procure Honour to himself, but also to make himself necessary, and to keep the People employ'd, so that they should not be at leisure to inquire into his Conduct. He likewise found his account in the Presents that were made him abroad, and in that respect he was both greedy and corrupt; and yet his taking them was not so much for the sake of the Mony, as to support his Popularity and Luxury. His natural bent was certainly Pleasure; and yet as much as he lov'd it, he made it give way to his Ambition: But he was so violent, and withal so irregular and capricious in the Pursuit of it, that there was no living with him upon any equal sooting. He was any thing, and every thing, by fits and starts, and just as it suited his present purpose; one while for the
Oligarchy,
and then as great a Stickler for the
Democracy;
one while in the
Spartan
Interest, in order to revenge himself of his Country, and then in the
Persian,
in order to be reconcil'd to it. The People, it must be confes'd, were no less unequal and inconstant in their behaviour to him; from whence it happen'd, that, according to the Temper they were in, or according to the occasion they had for his Service, he was look'd upon as the best or worst Member of the Common-wealth, and was either caress'd and ador'd, or detested and persecuted. And yet, upon the whole, they had such an opinion of his Merit, that tho' they were never easy with him, they never thought themselves safe without him.
Plutarch
makes a Remark, That his Enemies could never get the better of him but in his Absence; which must be attributed to his Subtilty and Address, and more especially to the Amiableness of his Person, and the Force of his Eloquence, which
Nepos
says, No body could resist. But tho' by these means he captivated the generality of the Citizens; yet the gravest and most considerable among them saw further into the Disguise, and were more upon their guard against him. Upon this occasion the Warning that was given them by
Timon
the
Man-hater,
of what they were to expect from him, may be worth remembring. It happen'd one Day, that
Alcibiades
having succeeded well in an Oration, the whole Assembly attended to compliment him upon it; and
Timon,
instead of avoiding him, as he did others in the like Cases, put himself in his way, and taking him by the Hand, said,
Go on boldly, my Son; may'st thou increase in Credit with the People; for thou wilt one Day bring them Calamities enough.
He was scarce above forty Years old when he died; by which time he had done enough to make himself by turns the Support and Terror, not only of his own Country, but of several other Parts both in
Greece
and
Asia.
And he had been still greater, if he had been as careful to preserve the People's Love, as he was to obtain it. But the Management of Prosperity was not his Talent: And therefore the fairest View of him is to be taken from his Sufferings; which, as they were often unjust, set off his good Qualities to a greater Advantage, and consequently made his Fall the more lamented, especially at a time when he was so much wanted. Having given a general Character of this great Man, when I first mention'd him, I have here only added such further Observations, as were necessary to illustrate it, and which have naturally occur'd upon a more distinct Survey of his Actions.
The Inhabitants not being able to bear the severe Treatment they met with from
The Thirty,
fled daily in great numbers out of the City, by which means all
Greece
was overspread with
Athenian
Exiles; till at last the
Spartans
published an Edict, forbidding any of their Cities to receive them; so that they were forced to betake themselves to
Thebes
and
Argos,
and such other Places, where they could live in any tolerable Security.
The first who appear'd to stem this Torrent,
Thrasybulus
opposes
The Thirty.
was
Thrasybulus,
who had done good Service in the
Peloponnesian
War; insomuch that
Alcibiades
is said to owe most of his Success to his acting in concert with him: But his Merit being not of so glaring a kind, was in a great measure eclips'd by that General, till it broke out upon this occasion of exerting himself alone, and in such a Cause as the Subversion of Tyranny. At
Thebes
he fell into a Consultation with his Fellow-Citizens; and the Result was, That some vigorous Effort, tho' it carried never so much Danger with it, ought to be made for the Recovery of the publick Liberty: Accodingly, with a Party of Thirty Men only, as
Nepos
says; but, as
Xenophon
more probably says, of near Seventy, he seized upon
Phyle
a strong Castle on the Frontiers of
Attica.
This Enterprise gave the Alarm to
The Tyrants,
who immediately march'd out of the City with
The Three Thousand,
and their
Spartan
Guard, and attempted the Recovery of the Place, but were repuls'd with loss. Finding they could not carry it by a sudden Assault, they resolved upon a Siege; but being not sufficiently provided for that Service, and a great Snow falling that Night, they were forced to retire the next Day into the City, leaving only part of their Guard, to prevent any further Excursions into the Country.
By this first Success
Thrasybulus
had increas'd his Followers to the number of Seven hundred;
His Success.
with which he made a Sally upon the Guards, and dispers'd and routed them, with the Slaughter of about an hundred and twenty.
The Thirty
in the mean while, were under great Consternation; and for sear of Treachery from those few who were left in the City, they forced them to quit it. Then they fortified
Eleusis,
to serve them upon any sudden Exigency, as a Place of Retreat. And, to free themselves from any Jealousy the Inhabitants might give them, they caused all who were able to bear Arms, to pass One by One, as it were upon a Review, in order to compute the Strength of the Garrison, and murder'd them. At the same time they attempted to corrupt
Thrasybulus,
and sent under colour of treating about Prisoners, to make him a private Offer of sharing with them in the Government, together with the Liberty of restoring any Ten of the Exiles, whom he should name, upon Condition he would dismiss the rest, and come into their Measures. To which Proposal he generously answer'd,
That he look'd upon his Banishment to be far more honourable, than the whole Power and Dominion of
The Thirty;
and that be would never put up his Sword, till all the Citizens from every Part were receiv'd, and restor'd to the Liberties derived to them from their Ancestors.
By this time he had got together a Body of a thousand Men; with which he march'd out of
Phyle
by Night, and seiz'd on the
Piraeus. The Thirty
coming with their whole Strength to the Relief of it, he took advantage of the Ground' made the best Disposition of his Men, then reminded them of the Cause they were engaged in, and the Success they had hitherto met with, and offer'd the Enemy Battle; wherein he easily obtain'd the Victory; which indeed was more remarkable for the Consequence of it, than the Number of the Slain, wich were about Seventy; but among them were
Critias
and
Hippomacbus,
two of the chief of the Tyrants.
A Truce being granted for delivering up the dead Bodies, both Sides came to a Parley; and
Thrasybulus
took that occasion to expostalate with them, asking them,
Why they fled from a Conqueror, whom they ought rather to join as the Assertor of the Publick Liberty;
adding,
That his Army was compos'd of Citizens, and not of Enemies; that he came not to rob or plunder
than, but to restore them to their own;
in short,
That his Quarrel was to the Tyrants, not to the City.
Then he reminded them.
How they were tied to one another by all the Obligations of Religion, Laws and Consanguinity; how they had served in the same Camp, and sought under the same Colours.
He conjur'd them,
That, if they themselves could pa
iently submit to the Yoke, they would at least have
ome Pity for their Fellow-Citizens, who were ba
ished for no other Reason, but because they would
ot be Slaves;
concluding,
That if they would restore him to his Country, he would restore them to
their Liberty.
It is probable this Speech may be
consounded with another to the same effect, by some ascribed to
Cleocritus;
but it is certain, i
made such an Impression upon
The Three Thou sand,
especially those who had been least instru
mental in these Outrages, that, upon their Re
turn into the City, they became throughly sensible, that they ought not to let their Country b
ruin'd, to support the Avarice and Ambition o
their Tyrants:
The Thirty
reinov'd.
The Issue whereof was, that
Th
Thirty
should be remov'd from the Government Accordingly, they retired to
Eleusis;
and te
others were chosen,
Ten subsittuted in their room.
Olym.
94. 2.
one out of each Tribe, fo
the Administration.
But this Change was far from producing an
good effect:
They follow the Example of
The Thirty.
The Ten
copied exactly after
The Thirty;
so that the Tyranny being restrain'd only as t
the Number, there were the same Jealousies Tumults and Divisions in the City, the same Act
of Injustice, Rapine and Cruelty: And many o
The Three Thousand
were too deeply involved i
the Guilt of the former Administration, not t
pursue the same Measures. They found ther
was no means of Sasety or Impunity lest so
them, but by the utter Destruction of those i
the
Piraeus.
Accordingly they held Correspondence with
The Thirty
at
Eleusis,
and made the
joint Application to
Sparta
for fresh Succours so
that purpose. Their Request was seconded b
L
sander,
who represented it as a new Affront o
fer'd to the
Spartans,
in revolting from them, and dissolving the Form of Government, which they had prescribed to them; and thereupon he procured them from the State an hundred Talents,
Lysander
sent to support them.
with a Commission for himself to go General, and his Brother
Libys
Admiral, in order to block up the
Piraeus
by Sea and Land. Accordingly he march'd with a strong Body of
Peloponnesians;
and the Admiral suffer'd no Provisions to go in by Sea; by which means those in the
Piraeus
were distress'd on all sides.
While things were in this Posture,
Pausanias
sent after him.
Pausanias,
one of the
Spartan
Kings, got leave to follow
Lysander
with another Body, to support him. But his Design was not so much to assist, as to watch him; he could not allow him the Glory of conquering
Athens
a second time; and therefore went rather to trifle, and perplex the War, than to prosecute it to any real Advantage: So that what some call his Commiseration of the poor
Athenians,
was in reality the Envy he bore to
Lysander.
It is also observable, that in making his Levies for this Expedition out of the Forces in Alliance with
Spar
a,
the
Boeotians
and
Corinthians,
who had all along been the most active and profess'd Enemies of the
Athenians,
resused now to serve against them, alledging, that They could not salve their Oath in making War upon those, who had not broke any one Article of the League. But the truth is, they apprehended the Power of the
Spartans,
concluding, They would make an entire Conquest of
Athens,
and annex it to their own Dominions. This is the first Instance of that Jealousy, which soon after several other States of
Greece
conceived of
Sparta.
Pausanias,
before any Act of Hostility on his side, sent to those in the
Piraeus,
to depart every one to his respective home; and, upon their Refusal, having drawn up his Men, and made a slight Attack, he went to view the Ground for opening the Trenches: But the Enemy made a Sally, and gall'd him so in his Retreat, that from Skirmishing, he was forc'd to bring it to a regular Action, which was fought obstinately enough on both sides, till at length the
Athenians
were routed,
Routs
the Athenians
with the loss of an hundred and fifty Men, and
Pausanias
erected a Trophy.
But instead of pushing his Victory, he sent privately to the
Athenians,
that they should dispatch Ambassadors to him, and the two
Ephori
who attended him in the Field, to offer Terms of Accommodation. Accordingly they sent their Deputies both from the
Piraeus,
and the City, and a Peace was concluded upon these Conditions;
That every Man should return home, except
The Thirty,
and
The Ten,
and Eleven mort who had commanded in the
Piraeus.
And if any in the City apprehended themselves to be obnoxious, they should also be free to retire with them to
Eleusis. After which
Pausanias
drew off the
Spartan
Army, and those in the
Piraeus
march'd with their Arms into the City; where
Thrasybulus
having, among other things, reproach'd the Citizens with their calling the
Spartans
in to their Assistance, told them,
They had nothing further to fear, provided they would be governed by their ancient Laws;
The Democracy
restored.
and so far prevail'd upon them, that they chose their Magistrates as formerly, and restored the
Democracy.
But the City had no sooner began to recover Breath, when the Remainder of the Faction at
Eleusis
were hiring Foreign Troops, in order to make another Attempt: Whereupon the whole City went out against them; and having taken their Commanders upon a Pretence of coming to a Parley, cut them to pieces; after which the rest were easily brought to an Accommodation. And lest the Remembrance of former Transactions should create any new Disturbances, a General
Amnesty
was pass'd,
A general Amnesly.
and every Man obliged himself by Oath, to bury what was pass'd in Oblivion: Which being religiously observed, the City was restored to its former Tranquillity, and its Members were again united into one Body.
Thus ended this Sedition in the third after its breaking out upon the Change of the Government;
Olymp.
94. 3.
during which time the State suffer'd such Convulsions, as proved more fatal to it than the War. There were fourteen hundred Citizens put to death without hearing, and those chiefly Men of Note and Condition. There were above Five Thousand more forced to fly into the
Piraeus:
And
Xenophon
observes, that this
stine Fury had consumed as many in eight Months, as the
Peloponnesian
War did in Ten Years. As the Flame was kindled by the Tyranny of
The Thirty,
so it was all along fomented and kept alive by the Ambition of
Lysander:
And that it was at last extinguished, is almost intirely owing to the Conduct and Resolution of
Thrasybulus,
who, after the share he had in rescuing his Country from a Foreign Enemy, had the peculiar Glory of suppressing its intestine Foes, and, by that means, of restoring the City to itself. And in effecting this, he shew'd the greatest Temper and Moderation; which indeed were necessary in such a Conjuncture, to appease the Minds of the People, and to reconcile them to one another. Hence it was, that this
Act
of
Oblivion
became a Pattern to succeeding Ages; and
Cicero
recommends it as such to the People of
Rome,
when the City was divided into Factions upon the Murther of
Julius Caesar.
Upon this Re-establishment of Affairs in
Athens,
the other States enjoyed the same Tranquillity, or rather kept in a quiet Subjection to
Sparta,
which now held the undoubted Sovereignty of
Greece.
But it being a Maxim with the
Spartans,
that this Sovereignty was not to be maintain'd but by a constant course of Action, they were still seeking fresh Occasions of War: And part of their Forces, together with another Body of
Grecians,
being at this time engaged in a Quarrel between the
Persian
King and his Brother, it will be necessary to pass over into
Asia,
and relate so much of the
Persian
Affairs, as concerns
The Expedition of
Cyrus, wherein those Forces were employ'd; especially since it is attended with Circumstances, which, if duly consider'd, will easily make it pass for one of the greatest Actions of Antiquity.
Darius
the
Persian
upon his Death-bed,
Olymp. 94. 4.
for his two Sons,
Artaxerxes
and
Cyrus;
the former whereof he declared his Successor,
Grounds of the Expedition of Cyrus.
and the other General of a part of his Troops; and he had before appointed him Commander in chief of the Maritime Provinces. The old King being dead,
Tissaphernes,
who went up with
Cyrus
from his Government, accused him to his Brother of Treason: But upon the Intercession of his Mother
Parisatis,
not only his Life was spared, but he was confirmed in his Government. And yet he was no sooner returned to it, but he studied how to revenge this Affront, and to dethrone his Brother. To this end, he practised with the
Grecians
and
Barbarians,
and made Levies of the best Soldiers of
Peloponnesus,
in order to recruit his Garrisons; the Pretence for which was, his Distrust of
Tissaphernes,
from whom he had taken all the Cities of
Ionia,
except
Miletus;
and that he had block'd up by Sea and Land, under colour of restoring some whom
Tissaphernes
had banished, upon a Suspicion of their betraying him. The King was not much concerned at his Quarrel with
Tissaphernes,
so long as he thought these Levies were designed against him only; and he was the more confirmed in this Opinion, because
Cyrus
continued to send him up the Tribute due from those Places, as before.
Cyrus
in the mean while held Intelligence with
Clearchus, Aristippus
and other
Grecians,
who were either banish'd from their respective Countries,
His making Levies.
or disgusted in them; and by their means got together, upon several different Pretences, One little Army in the
Chersonese
of
Thrace,
a Second upon the
Hellespont,
and a Third in
Thessaly.
When his Designs were ripe, he drain'd his Garrisons, and assembled all these scatter'd Forces together at
Sardis,
giving out, that his Intent was to chastise the
Pisidians,
who infested his Province.
His Pretence for it.
But
Tissaphernes
judging right, that these Preparations were too great for so inconsiderable an Enterprise, as the
Pisidian
War, ha
en'd to inform the King of it, who accordingly took the Alarm, and prepared for his Defence.
At the Rendezvous of the Forces at
Sardis,
The Rende
of his For
at Sa
ci
there were Four Thousand
Grecians,
who had been drawn out of the Garrisons, under the Command of
Xenias; Proxenus
the
Boeotian
had brought Two Thousand more;
Sophaenetus
the
Stymphalian,
One Thousand;
Socrates
of
Achaia,
Five hundred; and
Phasion
the
Megarean,
Seven Hundred; in all to the number of Eight Thousand Two Hundred Men; with which
Cyrus
march'd through
Lydia
to
Colossus,
a City of
Phrygia,
where he was join'd by
Menon
the
Thessalian,
who commanded in the room of
Aristippus,
with Fifteen Hundred more. His next March was to
Celaene,
another City of
P
rygia,
where
Clearchus
the
Spartan
came in to him with Two Thousand more;
Sosias
the
Syracusian
with One Thousand; and
Socrates
the
Arcadian
with Three Hundred; which made the whole Number of
Grecians
Thirteen Thousand, whereof Eleven Thousand were heavy-arm'd.
But when they were got as far as
Tarsus,
the Capital of
Cilicia,
The Grecians refuse to follow him.
they began to perceive
Cyrus
's Intent of leading them into
Persia
against his Brother, and refused to follow him; till by the Artifice of
Clearchus
(who was the only
Grecian
in the Secret of
Cyrus
's Design) they being convinced, it was less hazardous to proceed, than to retreat,
But are prevailed upon by
Clearchus.
began to be pacified; and upon a Promise of having their Pay augmented to a Third more, they agreed to march. At
Issus,
he last City of
Cilicia,
there came to them Thir
y Five
Peloponnesian
Gallies, and Twenty Five of
Cyrus
's, which had been employ'd in the Blockade of
Miletus;
and
Cherisophus
the
Spar
an
join'd the Army with Seven Hundred
Greians,
which he had on board the Gallies. Four Hundred more, who were in the Pay of
Abrocomas,
deserted from him, and came in to
Cyrus.
This
Abrocomas
commanded upon the
Euphrates,
and march'd with Three Hundred Thousand Men to join the King's Army, but did not arrive till after the Battle.
When they were arrived upon the Coasts of
Phaenicia,
Xenias
and
sion de
Xenias
and
Phasion
deserted from them, and made their Escape on board a Merchant Ship; which
Cyrus
did not resent in such a manner as was expected. He only told the other Captains,
That no body should reproach him with keeping them in his Service against their Will, or with taking from them what they had got in it; that it was in his Power to pursue and punish them, but that he was so far from doing either, that he would send to them their Wives and Children, which be had as Hostages.
By this generous Proceeding he fix'd the Resolution of those, who before had no great Inclination to proceed.
When they came to
Thapsacus
a City upon the
Euphrates, Cyrus
told them plainly his Design of marching against the King; at which the Soldiers murmur'd,
The
Greciansagain
refuse to march.
and reproach'd their Officers with having kept it so long secret, refusing at the same time to march any further, till
Cyrus
promis'd them a further Reward upon their Arrival at
Babylon,
But are again prevail'd upon.
together with their full Pay to their Return into
Ionia. Menon
was also very instrumental in persuading them; for which
Cyrus
made him Presents to a considerable value.
From thence they march'd through
Mesopotamia,
and at last advanc'd into the Province of
Bablyon;
where
Cyrus,
upon the Return of those who had been sent to reconnoitre the Enemy, advis'd with the
Grecian
Captains, and then spoke to them to this effect.
It is not, my Friends,
Cyrus's
Speech to the
Grecian
Captains.
for want of Troops, that I have made choice of you, but because I have thought you were better to me than a great Number of
Barbarians.
Don't let me be deceived in my Opinion of you; but shew your selves worthy of that Liberty which you enjoy, and which I think preferable to all other Possessions. Consider only who you have to do with, and nothing can happen in the Engagement to dishearten you. The Enemy indeed is very numerous, and will rush upon you with great Shouts and Acclamations; but if you can stand this first Eclat, you your selves will be ashamed for them afterwards. If you behave upon this Occasion like your selves, and any one shall afterwards desire to return home, his Countrymen shall have cause to look upon him with Admiration and Envy. But many of you, I believe, will rather choose to stay with me, and accept the Offers that shall be made you.
There was a certain
Samian,
who took the Liberty of telling the Prince,
That his promises were very large, in proportion to the Danger of his Enterprise; but that, after the Battle, he would forget them; or that, if he did not, he would not have it in his Power to perform them.
To which
Cyrus
replied,
This Kingdom of my Father's is so extensive, that one part of it is not habitable by reason of the Heat, nor the other by reason of the Cold. All that lies between these Two Extremes, it will be in my Power, if I am victorious, to bestow on my Friends. Neither am I so much afraid of not having enough to give, as of not having Men enough to give it to. And as for you,
Grecians,
I promise to give every Man of you a Crown of Gold.
Upon which Assurances, they went away very well satisfied,
Clearchus
afterwards ask'd him, if he thought the King would give him Battle.
Yes, undoubtedly,
said he;
If he be the Son of
Darius
and
Parisatis,
and my Brother, he will not let me take possession of all this, without striking a Stroke for it.
Upon a general Review of his Army,
He
reviews his Army.
he found it composed of Ten Thousand and Four Hundred heavy-arm'd
Grecians,
Two Thousand Five Hundred others; and an Hundred Thousand of other Nations; and the Enemy, by the Accounts they had from Deserters, amounted to Twelve Hundred Thousand Men, besides a select Body of Six Thousand Horse. He then form'd his Army,
And forms it.
giving to
Clearchus
the Command of the right Wing of
Grecians,
and
Menon
the lest, and march'd in order of Battle, expecting every Hour to engage. But the Enemy having left a Pass open to him, which he thought they would have disputed, he pursued his March with more Security, and less Order, till at last being arrived at the Place where he intended to encamp, he discover'd the King's Army by a thick Cloud of Dust, and prepar'd to receive them. He order'd
Clearchus
to charge directly into the Center, where the King was; for that thereupon depended the whole Success of the Battle: But the Enemy being so numerous, that one of their Wings would cover the whole Front of
Cyrus's
Army, he thought it not adviseable to abandon the River, for sear of being surrounded by them; which
Plutarch
blames him for, as having left that Service to
Cyrus,
and thereby occasion'd his Death. When he had let the Enemy advance within four or five hundred Paces of him, the
Grecians
began the Hymn to Battle,
The Battle.
and march'd up to them with great Acclamations. But before they were got within reach of their Javelins, the
Barbarians
fled, and the
Grecians
after them, calling out to one another, not to break their Ranks in the Pursuit.
Cyrus
perceiv'd the
Grecians
were victorious, yet was not transported with it, tho' he was already saluted King by those about him. At length he discover'd the King his brother in the midst of the Battle; and for fear he should fall upon the
Grecians
in their Pursuit, and cut them off, he made up directly to him with Six Hundred Horse, and with his own Hand kill'd
Artagerses,
who commanded the King's Six Thousand Horse But when he had broke their Squadrons, all his own People abandon'd him, except a few of his Domesticks, with whom he charg'd on to the King, and crying out,
I see him,
threw a Javelin at him, and wounded him in the Stomach; but at the same time receiv'd a Wound himself under his Eye,
Cyrus kill'd.
and was kill'd upon the Spot, with eight of his principal Attendants. The King order's his Head and right Hand to be cut off; and then push'd on to
Cyrus's
Camp, in pursuit of
Ariaeus,
who commanded his Horse, and had fled as soon as he had heard of his Master's Death. The
Grecians
at the same time were in pursuit of one part of the King's Army, whils
the other part of it were plundering their Camp; so that both sides thought themselves victorious. The King return'd upon them in the same Order of Battle as at first; but the
Barbarians
fled again on all sides upon the Approach of the
Grecians,
who being very much fatigued, and Night drawing on, returned to their Camp, not knowing what was become of
Cyrus,
but expecting his Orders the next Day to compleat their Victory. When the News arrived to them the next Morning of
Cyrus's
Death, it occasion'd a
general Consternation; and they were now to deliberate, not so much to annoy the Enemy, a
to provide for their own Safety.
This was the Success of the Battle, which wa
fought at
Cunaxa
in
Assyria,
on the Banks o
the River
Euphrates,
about an hundred League from
Babylon.
And thus sell
Cyrus
in the pur
suit of his Ambition; which yet was attende
with so many good Qualities, that he deserved better Fate; and it is very probable, from th
Circumstances of the Action, that if he had been more cautious in exposing himself, he had carried his Point. The Character of this Prince is finely drawn by
Xenophon.
But not to enter further into the
Persian
Affairs, than is necessary to my present Purpose, I will only observe of him in general from that Historian, that no body of his time, whether
Grecian
or
Barbarian,
was so universally beloved. He describes him further, as a Prince born for Empire, and the most worthy Successor of
Cyrus the Great.
Amidst the Confusion the
Grecians
were in after the Battle, they sent to
Ari
us
as Conqueror, and Commander in chief upon
Cyrus's
Death, to offer him the
Persian
Crown. In the mean time the King, as Conqueror also on his side, sent to them to surrender their Arms,
The Grecians
summon'd to surrender their Arms
and implore his Mercy; representing to them at the same time, That as they were in the Heart of his Dominions, surrounded with vast Rivers, and numberless Nations, it would be impossible for them to escape his Vengeance, and therefore they had nothing to do, but to submit to the present Necessity. Upon debating among themselves what Answer they should return,
Proxenus
desired to know of the Heralds,
But they refuse.
upon what Terms the King demanded their Arms.
If as Conqueror, it was in his Power to take them; if upon any other foot, what would be give them in return?
He was seconded by
Xenophon,
who said,
They had nothing left but their Arms, and their Liberty; and that they could not preserve the one without the other. Clearchus
said to the same effect,
That if the King was disposed to be their Friend, they should be in a better Capacity of serving him with Arms, than without; if their Enemy, they should have need of them for their Defence.
Some indeed spoke in Terms more complying,
That as they had served
Cyrus
faithfully, they would also serve
Artaxerxes,
if he would employ them, and provided he would at the same time put them in possession of
Aegypt. At last it was agreed, that they should remain in the Place where they were, and that if they advanced further, or retreated back, it should be look'd upon as a Declaration of War; so that by the Issue of the Debate, it appear'd to have been managed so, as to avoid giving a direct Answer, but only to amuse the King, and gain time.
Whilst this Treaty was on foot, they received
Ariaeus's
Answer, That there were too many powerful Men in
P
rsia,
to let him possess the Throne; wheresore he intended to set out early the next Morning in his Return towards
Greece;
and that if they had a mind to accompany him
they should join him that Night in his Camp
Which accordingly they all did,
Milthocytus
goes in to the Persian King with 340 Horse. The rest decamp the next Day.
except
Milithocy
tus
a
Thracian,
who went with a Party of Thre
Hundred Men, and Forty Horse to the King The rest, in conjunction with
Ariaeus's
Forces decamp'd by break of Day, and continu'd then March till Sun-set, when they discovered from the neighbouring Villages the King was in pursuit of them: But this Alarm was over the next Day, when he sent to treat with them.
Clearchus
return'd Answer,
That his Men were straiten'd for want of Provisions; and that his Affairs required him rather to fight, than to enter upon a Treaty.
Wherefore the King, to prevent their being desperate, sent to conduct them to several Villages, where they found plenty of every thing; and after Three Days Stay there,
Tissaphernes
came, and insinuated to them the good Offices he had employ'd with the King, to give him leave to conduct them safe into their Country; that in return, they ought to acknowledge this Favour, and not shew themselves averse to such Terms, as he could obtain for them.
Clearchus
urg'd in their Defence, That they had been engag'd in this Expedition by
Cyrus,
without their Knowledge or Intention; that upon his Death, they were now free'd from that Engagement, and had no Design upon
Artaxerxes,
or his Country, provided he did not oppose them in their Return. Which
Tissaphernes
agree'd to on the King's part, that he should not, and promis'd further, That they should be furnish'd with all necessary Provisions in their March, and that he himself would return with them to his Government.
Accordingly, in a few Days after, they set out ander his Conduct: But in their March, the
Barbarians
encamping at about a League's distance from the
Grecians,
created some little Distrusts and Jealousies on both sides. In about fifty Days, being got to the Banks of the River
Zabatus, Clearchus,
to prevent things coming to an open Rupture, had a Conference with
Tissaphernes;
wherein, among other things, he assur'd him of their Fidelity, in regard to the Truce between them, as likewise of their future Service, whenever he should have occasion to employ them, and that they would always look upon him as the Author of their Safety and Deliverance.
The Treachery of
Tissaphernes.
To which
Tissaphernes
answer'd, That he was glad of this occasion of coming to a right Understanding with him; That indeed it was in their Power to have destroy'd the
Grecia
whenever they had pleas'd, but that he himself had prevented it, out of a Desire to oblige them by his good Offices, as
Cyrus
had done by hi
Mony. The Result of their Discourse was That they had been misrepresented to each other by some of
Clearchus
his Officers, and that h
should bring them all to
Tissaphernes,
in order to
detect those who were guilty. He particularly suspected
Menon
of a Design to supplant him
his Command; and accordingly brought hi
the next Day, with three other General Office
Proxenus, Agias
and
Socrates,
attended with
Guard of Twenty Captains, and about Two Hundred Soldiers, upon a Pretence of buying Provisions in the
Persian
Camp. The Five G
neral Officers, upon a Signal given, were imm
diately admited into
Tissaphernes
's Tent, and put in Arrest; the others, who were without, were at the same time cut in pieces, and some
Persian
Horse scouring the Plain, kill'd all the
Grecians
they met. Amidst this Scene of Slaughter and Confusion, the
Persians
sent to them a second time, in the King's Name, to lay down their Arms, pretending that
Clearchus
was executed, as having been accused by
Proxenus
and
Menon
of perfidiously designing to break the Truce; and that his Accusers were sent for to be rewarded by the King for their Discovery. But
Xenophon
suspecting the Treachery, demanded, that
Proxenus
and
Menon,
as being innocent, and common Friends to both, might be restored to them, as the properest Persons to advise them in this Exigency. To which the
Persians,
not knowing what to reply, went away. Immediately after,
Nicarchus,
one of the Captains who had attended the Generals, came, wounded in the Belly, and holding up his Entrails with his Hand, to the
Grecian
Camp, and told them all the Particulars of what had happen'd.
The Five
Grecian
Generals executed.
The five Generals were sent back to the King, who caus'd them all to be beheaded, except
Menon,
who suffer'd some other way after a Year's Torture. It does not appear, why he was distinguished in this manner from the rest; tho' indeed there was some Justice in it in regard to his Character, which was as extraordinary as his Treatment.
He was by Birth a
Thessalian,
The Character of Menon.
covetous and ambitious; but who made his Ambition all along subservient to his Avarice, and had no other View in his Pursuit of Honour, but to get by it. He sought the Friendship of Men in Power, only to screen him from Punishment. He concluded the readiest way to obtain his Ends, was by Perjury, Lying and Fraud; and took Candor and Openness for Stupidity. He loved no body; and wherever he profess'd a Freindship, it was in order to ensnare. He did not laugh at his Enemies, but always made a Jest of his Friends. So neither did he attempt to defraud his Enemies of their Property, as knowing they were too much upon their Guard against him: But his Friends, who were not so, he fleec'd and plunder'd. And he valued himself as much upon his Injustice and Falshood, as others did upon their Religion and Virtue: For he thought none but Cheats were to be look'd upon as Men of Address. He made his way to Great Men by traducing their Favourites. His manner of supporting his Authority among the Troops, was by committing the same Crimes with them. He endeavour'd to make himself fear'd by the Mischief he could do you; and you were to take it as an Obligation, that he did not do it, when it was in his Power. He gain'd the Favour of
Ariaeus
in his Youth, by abandoning himself to his unnatural Passion; and he prevail'd the same way with
Aristippus
for his Command in the Army. Some have imagin'd that he was pardon'd by
Artaxerxes;
and conclude from thence, that he was engag'd in a Design of betraying the
Grecians
to him; which, according to his Principles, might easily be supposed: But however, this Account of him does not appear to be well founded.
Clearchus
was a
Spartan,
Of
Clearchu
.
and esteem'd one of the greatest Captains of his Time. He had done good Servie to his Country in the
Peloponnesian
War, and was intirely devoted to the Love of Arms; insomuch that he laid out all his Mony in War, and with the same Gust and Appetite, with which others laid it out upon their Pleasures. Hence it was, that upon the Peace, he desir'd leave to go and chastise the
Thracians,
who had committed some Insults upon the
Chersonese.
Soon after he was gone, the
Ephori
changed their Minds, and recall'd him; and tho' they pas'd Sentence of Death upon him for disobeying their Orders, he proceeded on his March, beat the
Thracians
in a pitch'd Battle, ravaged their Country, and continued the War, till he enter'd into
Cyrus's
Service; where he was pitch'd upon as the properest Man to command the
Grecians
in this Expedition: And he had Talents suitable to so hardy an Undertaking. He was severe in his Looks, and harsh in his Speech; he always punish'd sharply, and sometimes in Anger, but generally with Discretion. He was very strict in his Discipline; and it was a Saying of his,
That a Soldier ought to be more afraid of his Officer, than of his Enemy.
Upon Action, his Men desir'd no other General; for he then appear'd mild to them, and reserv'd all his Fierceness for the Enemy: But when the Danger was over, he resumed his Natural Roughness, and many of them, as they found opportunity, left him. None of them follow'd him out of Inclination; but lived with him, as Boys do with their School-masters. However, he did every thing with them by dint of Punishment; and the Sum of his Character is, that he was more fit to command, than to obey.
Proxenus
was a
Boeotian,
Of
Proxenus.
and of an aspiring Temper, which had engaged him in this Service; tho' he did nothing in the Pursuit of his Ambition, but what was consistent with Honour and Virtue. He was capable enough of Command, but was too much the Reverse of
Clearchus.
He had not the way of making himself fear'd, where it was necessary: For he was more afraid of being ill with the Soldiery, than the Soldiery with him. He thought it sufficient to commend good Actions, without punishing the bad: For which reason he was beloved by those who acted upon Principles of Honour; but bad Men took advantage of his Easiness.
Agias
was an
Arcadian,
Of
Agias
and
Socrates.
and
Socrates
and
Achaean;
they had both lived without Reproach, either as to their Military, or their Civil Conduct.
The
Grecians
had, ever since the Battle of
Cyrus,
been so upon their guard, and were withal so bold and resolute, that the
Persians
despair'd of subduing them by open Force, and therefore had recourse to this treacherous Stratagem, which had so far succeeded, that the Loss of the Generals was very near breaking and dispersing the whole Body. The News of it struck them with the utmost Consternation: They expected every Moment when they should be attacked in their Camp: They consider'd that they were at the very Gates of the King; surrounded with great Rivers; in the midst of many Nations their Enemies; six or seven hundred Leagues from
Greece;
without Officers to lead them; in want of all manner of Provisions, and of Means to get any; besides that they had no Cavalry; and therefore if they were victorious, could not pursue their Enemies; and if they should happen to be defeated, must every Man of them be cut off. In these perplexing Thoughts they pass'd the Night without Sleep, despairing ever to see their Native Country more.
It was upon this Occasion,
Xenophon
and others succeed in the Command.
that
Xenophon
signalized himself. He was an intimate Friend of
Proxenus,
who had invited him into
Asia,
and presented him to
Cyrus,
who had also express'd a particular Esteem for him; but hitherto he had served only as a Voluntier in the Army. The next Morning he assembled the Officers, and represented to them the Misery of their Condition; That they could expect no Mercy from the King, if they fell into his Hands; to prevent which, they had nothing to depend upon, but their own Personal Bravery; and that no time ought to be lost in providing for their Defence. He therefore advised to choose new Officers in the Place of those who were murther'd, and to resolve to make their way home in the best manner they could. Accordingly, they chose
Timasion
in the room of
Clearchus, Xanthicles
in that of
Socrates, Cleanor
in that of
Agias, Philesius
in that of
Menon,
and
Xenophon
in that of his Friend
Proxenus.
He having encourag'd the Army with a long Harangue in praise of their Ancestors, propos'd to them, for the Safety and Expedition of their Return, to burn their Tents, Carriages, and all unnecessary Baggage, and to march in the form of a hollow Square, that, in case they should be attack'd, they might be prepar'd to receive the Enemy with a Front either way. All which being approv'd of,
Cherisophus
the
Spart
n
led the Van, and
Timasion
and
Xenophon
brought up the Rear.
They bent their March towards the Heads of the great Rivers,
The
Grechians
pursue their March.
in order to pass them where they were fordable: But they had made very little way before they were follow'd by a Party of the Enemies Archers and Slingers, commanded by
Mithridates,
which gall'd their Rear, and wounded several of them, who being heavyarm'd, and without Cavalry, could make no Resistance. To prevent the like Inconvenience,
Xenophon
furnish'd two hundred
Rhodians
with Slings, and mounted fifty more of his Men upon Baggage-Horses; so that when
Mithridates
came up with them a second time, and with a much greater Body,
The
Barbarians
repuls'd by them.
he repuls'd them with this Handful of Men, till he arrived near to the City
Larissa
on the Banks of the
Tigris.
From thence they march'd to another desolate City call'd
Mepsila;
and about four Leagues from that Place,
Tissaphernes
came up to them with his whole Army in Order of Battle; but,
fter several Skirmishes, was forc'd to retire. In a few Days after, he secured an Eminence, over which the
Grecians
were obliged to make their way: Which
Xenophon
perceiving, took a De
achment of the Army, and with great Diligence gain'd the Top of a Mountain which commanded that Eminence, from whence he easily dislodg'd the Enemy, and made good a Passage for the rest of hsi Troops into the Plain, where they found Plenty of Provisions, tho'
Tis
aphernes
had done what he could before, to
urn and destroy the Country.
But still they were under as great Difficulties as ever, being bounded on the one hand by the
Tigris,
and on the other by inaccessible Mountains, inhabited by the
Carduchi,
a sierce and warlike People, and who,
Xenophon
says, had cut off an Army of Six Score Thousand
Persians
to a Man, by reason of the Difficulty of the Ways. However, having no Boats to cross the River, and the Passage through the Mountains opening into the rich Plains of
Armenia,
they resolv'd to pursue their March that way. These
Barbarians
soon took the Alarm; but not being prepar'd to meet them in a Body, they possess'd themselves of the Tops of the Rocks and Mountains, and from thence annoy'd them with Darts and great Stones,
They are attack'd by the
Carduchi.
which they threw down into the Defiles thro' which they pass'd; in which they were also attack'd by several other Parties; and thoug
their Loss was not considerable, yet, what with Storms and Famine, besides seven tedious Days March, and being continually forc'd to fight their way, they underwent more Fatigue and Hardship, than they had suffer'd from the
Persians
during the whole Expedition.
They were now got to the Banks of the
Centrites,
which divides the Mountains from
Armenia:
And whilst the
Carduchi
were still in View of them, and pouring down upon their Backs, they had this deep River before them, with
Body of Troops on the other side to dispute their Passage. Notwithstanding which, they forded it with all their Baggage, and fought their way into
Armenia;
They fight their way
Armenia.
where
Tyribazus
the Governor offer'd them free Passage and Provisions upon condition they did not ravage the Country. But his Design was to cut them off in the Mountains; which they being appriz'd of, fell upon him first, defeated him, and took his Tent.
Arrive at the
Euphrates.
Soon after they arrived at the
Euphrates,
which they pass'd near the Source; and continued their March through the Desart part of
Armenia;
where several of them were lost in the deep Snows, and the rest suffer'd extremely by Cold and Hunger. After a Stay of seven Days to refresh themselves in the Villages, they proceeded thro' the Countries of the
Phasiani, Tachoi,
and
Chalybes;
which latter were reckon'd the stoutest People of the
Barbarians.
But the
Grecians
again forc'd the Passes they held in the Mountains, and made good their Descent into the Plain. After which they arriv'd at the River
Harpasus;
and from thence at a rich populous City call'd
Gymnias.
They were very well receiv'd by the Governour of the Province, who dismiss'd them with a Guide, that brought them in five Days within Sight of the Sea;
They are within Sight of the Sea.
at which they burst out into Tears and Exclamations of Joy, and embrac'd their Officers for having brought them within reach of several
Grecian
Colonies, by which they might hope to be protected the rest of their March. And of this they had an Instance in the next Province belonging to the
Macrones,
who at first appear'd in Arms against them; but finding them to be their Countrymen, brought them Provisions, and gave them free Passage. From thence they advanc'd to the Mountains of
Colchis,
where they met with some Opposition, but got the better, and, in two Days more,
Arrive at
Trapezus,
a
Grecian
Colony.
arriv'd at
Trapezus,
a
Grecian
Colony of the
Sinopeans,
situate in the Country of
Colchis,
upon the
Euxine
Sea.
Here being almost beat out with the Fatigues of their long March, they resolv'd to make the rest of their Way by Sea, and deputed
Cherisophus
to the
Spartan
Admiral for Ships for that Purpose. Whilst the Army waited his Return, they subsisted themselves by their Incursions upon the
Barbarians;
till at last, after thirty Days Stay, hearing nothing of him, and the Country being quite exhausted, they put their Women, old and sick Men, and Part of their Baggage, on board some Vessels which they had stopt at
Trapezus,
whilst the rest renew'd their March by Land, and in three Days reach'd
Cerasus,
another
Greacian
Colony;
They review their Forces at
Cerasus.
where, upon a review of their Forces, they were found to amount to Eight Thousand Six Hundred, the rest of the Ten Thousand being dead either of the Fatigue, Sickness, or their Wounds.
Upon their Arrival on the Frontiers of the
Mosynaeci,
Oppos'd by the
Mosynaeci,
and repuls'd.
they were vigorously oppos'd, and repuls'd with Loss; but being encourag'd by
Xenophon,
But rally, and are victorious.
they rally'd, took the Metropolis, and by that Means became Masters of the whole Country, from thence they continu'd their March along the Coast,
Arrive at Cotyora.
till they arriv'd at
Cotyora.
The Distance from the Field of Battle to this Place is computed at about Six Hundred and Twenty Leagues; which from the Day of the Battle took them up Eight Months Time; of which they march'd an Hundred and Twenty-two Days. They had hitherto preserv'd themselves in an intire Body; but being a
terwards broken and diminish'd by their Divisions, and other Accidents,
Xenophon,
for that Reason, seems to finish their
Retreat
at this Place. But as he still prosecutes his Account of them, it may be proper to see, what further Difficulties they meet with, till they arriv'd nearer home, and pass'd again into the Service of their Country.
The Inhabitants of this Place at first refusing them Admittance, they ravag'd the Country, and liv'd at Discretion, till, by the Interposition of the
Sinopeans,
to whom
Cotyora
was tributary, they were supply'd from the Town. During their Stay here of Forty-five Days, there was a general Enquiry made, in the Nature of a Court-Martial, into all the Abuses and Offences that had been committed in the Army, whether by Officers or others, since the Death of
Cyrus,
and Punishments allotted accordingly. Among others,
Xenophon
was accus'd of having treated several of the Soldiers ill;
Xenophon
accus'd,
but he made it appear, he had done nothing but what was necessary to preserve the Discipline, and was acquitted with a general Applause.
but acquitted.
He had also form'd a Project of settling them in these Parts, and sounding a
Grecian
Colony; which was approv'd by some; but his Enemies representing it to the Army, only as a more honourable way of abandoning them, and to the Inhabitants, as a Design to subdue and enslave the Country, he was forc'd to give over that Enterprize. However, the Noise of it had this good Effect, that the Natives did what they could, in a friendly Manner, to procure their Departure, advising them to go by Sea, as the safest Way, and furnish'd them with a sufficient Number of Transports for that Purpose.
Accordingly they embark'd with a fair Wind, and the next Day got into the Harbour of
Sinope,
where
Cherisophus
met them with some Gallies; but, instead of the Money they had also expected from him, he only told them, they should be paid their Arrears, assoon as they got out of the
Euxine
Sea. But this Answer occasion'd a great deal of murmuring and Discontent among them;
The Army mutiny,
so that they resolved to put themselves under one single General, desiring
Xenophon
in the most pressing and affectionate Terms, to accept of that Command; which he modestly declined, and procur'd the Choice to fall upon
Cherisophus.
But he enjoy'd it not above six or seven Days; for no sooner were they arriv'd at
Heraclea,
than the Army depos'd him for refusing to extort a Sum of Money from the Inhabitants of that City; which being a
Grecian
Colony,
Xenophon
likewise refus'd to concern himself in that Affair; so that the Army being disappointed in their Hopes of Plunder,
and divide
fell into a Mutiny, and divided into three Bodies; of which the
Achoeans
and
Arcadians
were the principal, consisting of Four Thousand Five Hundred Foot, and commanded by ten of their own Officers.
Cherisophus
retain'd another, of Two Thousand One Hundred; and
Xenophon
the third, of about the same Number, forty whereof were Horse; which indeed was all the Cavalry they had.
The first Body having obtain'd Ships of the
Heracleotae,
sail'd to
Calpe,
a Port of
Bithynia. Cherisophus
led his Troops by Land, leaving what Ships he had to
Xenophon;
who set sail, and landing on the Confines of
Bithynia,
march'd into the Country. The
Arcadians
landing in the Night, had plunder'd the Villages; upon which the Inhabitants appear'd in Arms, and almost entirely cut off two Regiments, and surrounded a Hill where the rest were encamp'd.
Xenophon
in the mean time receiving Advice of their Condition, march'd to their Relief, setting on Fire every thing in his Way that was combustible; which struck such a Terror into the Enemy, that they decamp'd by Night:
Are reunited.
Upon which the
Grecians
were happily reunited, and encamp'd at the Port of
Calpe;
where they settled the Command as before, substituting
Neon
in the Room of
Cherisophus,
who died here; and making it Death for any Man henceforward, to propose the dividing of the Army. But being straiten'd for Provisions, they were forc'd to spread themselves in the Villages; where
Pharnabazus
's Horse being join'd by the Inhabitants, cut in Pieces Five Hundred of them. The rest escaping to an Hill, were rescu'd and brought off by
Xenophon;
who after this led them thro' a large Forest, where
Pharnabazus
had posted his Troops to oppose their Passage;
Defeat
Pharnabazus.
but they entirely defeated him, and pursu'd their March to
Chrysopolis
of
Chalcedon,
having got a great deal of Booty in their Way,
Arrive at
Byzantium.
and from thence to
Byzantium.
Pharnabazus,
who fear'd they would be strong enough to dispossess him of his Government, had been practising with
Cleander,
the Governor of
Byzantium,
and
Anaxibius,
the
Spartan
Admiral, to use all possible Means to hasten their Departure. Accordingly
Anaxibius
got them out of the City Gate, under a pretence of reviewing them, and told them, They would meet with Plenty of Provisions in the
Thracian
Villages, and that they should proceed to the
Chersonese,
where he would take care they should be paid their Arrears. But they were so ill satisfied with these Promises, that they re-enter'd the Gates in a tumultuous Manner, and put the City into the utmost Confusion. They address'd themselves to
Xenopho
telling him,
Propose to plunder the City,
That now was the Time to make himself great, and them rich, and that they ought not to slip this Opportunity of furnishing themselves with every thing they wanted. To appease them, he seem'd at first to comply with their Demands; then having drawn them up in a large Square of the City,
but are restrain'd by
Xenophon
he represented to them the ill Consequence of plundering the City, and thereby incensing the
Spartans,
who held the Sovereignty of
Greece,
and had
Athens
in their Alliance: That this would involve their Country in a dangerous War, and themselves in inevitable Ruin, since it was equally impracticable for them to make their Retreat to the
Persian,
or any of the Countries thro' which they had forc'd their Passage, or to return home; to which he added, how much it would sully the Glory of their
Retreat,
That after having spared so many of the
Barbarian
Cities, they had plunder'd the first they came to in their own Country, and murder'd so many of their Friends and Relations. This Harangue had so good an effect, that they immediately chang'd their Resolution, and march'd out of the City without committing the least Disorder; which was intirely owing to
Xenophon,
who to the Courage and Conduct he had shewn in every Circumstance of the
Retreat,
had added this extraordinary Instance of his Mildness and Humanity, and the Force of his Eloquence. And this was testified of him at large in a Letter from
Chio,
a Philosopher then in the Town, to a Friend of his, wherein he tells him,
He had been an Eyewitness of the Skill and Temper, with which
Xenophon
had allay'd the Fury of the Soldiers; that he could not forbear going to thank him as the Author of his Deliverance, and was struck with the Sight of a Man, who had nothing terrible or severe in his Looks, but entertain'd him in the most meek and agreeable Manner on several Subjects, and who knew so well how to reduce Philosophy to Practice.
The Troops being thus appeas'd,
Xenophon
leaves the Army,
Xenophon
took his Leave of them, and retir'd into the City, with a Design to embark for
Athens:
But as they proceeded to the neighbouring Villages, they were divided in their Opinion as to what Course they should take.
but is prevail'd upon to return to it.
In these Uncertainties, he was prevail'd upon to return to the Army, and was receiv'd with all imaginable Demonstrations of Joy. At the same time there was an Overture made to him from
Seuthes,
He assists
Seuthes in Thrace.
King of the
Odrysians
in
Thrace,
with a Promise of great Rewards both to the Officers and Soldiers, in case they would enter into his Service. He accepted the Offer, and led them into the Service of that Prince; who, by their Assistance, gain'd great Advantages over his Enemies; insomuch that the whole Country submitted to him.
They had no sooner re-establish'd him in his Dominions, but
Thimbron
the
Spartan
General sent them Word, he was order'd by the State to declare War against
Tissaphernes;
and that they should receive all fitting Encouragement, if they would assist him.
Seuthes
not being able to pay them their Arrears, and having no further Occasion for them, did what he could to encourage the Proposal; tho' they were of themselves desirous enough to serve again in the Cause of their Country; besides that they were glad of such an Occasion of revenging the Treachery of
Tissaphernes
to them in their Retreat: So that they easily gave into it, and were so warm upon it, that an
Arcadian
accused
Xenophon
of having detain'd them so long out of that Service,
He is again accused by the Army,
only to enrich himself at the Expence of their Lives and Labours; and added, That as to his part, what little he had, he would freely give to see him stoned to death. Another stood up, and seconded this Motion; and a third spoke to the same Purpose. He made it appear in his Answer to this Charge, that he had acted in every thing for the Good and Safety of the Army; that, as to his own particular, he had not receiv'd the Rewards which were promised him, nor even so much as several of the other Captains; and appeal'd to
Seuthes
himself for the Truth of it. He modestly hinted to them his past Services, which they had promised never to forget, when, in their Dangers and Fatigues, they gave him no other Name, than that of
Father, Saviour
and
Deliverer;
and in the end reproach'd them with the rankest Malice and Ingratitude. They were so well satisfied with his Defence, that several spoke in his Favour, and nothing more of a Complaint was urg'd against him:
but is acquitted.
So that they prepar'd for their new Expedition, and he embark'd with them, and sail'd to
Lampsacus
in
Mysia.
From thence they march'd to
Troas,
and crossing Mount
Ida,
arriv'd at
Antandros;
whence coasting along, they gain'd the Plain of
Thebe,
His Success at
Pergamus.
and arriv'd at
Pergamus
in
Lydia;
where
Xenophon,
with a Detachment of Three Hundred Men, took a
Persian
Lord with all his Equipage, and a great Sum of Mony.
Thimbron
takes the Army under his Command.
The next Day
Thimbron
arriving there, took them under his Command, and join'd them to his own Troops, in order to carry on the War in
Asia.
Thus in the first Year of the Ninety-fifth
Olympiad,
A. M.
3625. Olym. 95.
.
ended this memorable Expedition of this Body of
Grecians;
who, notwithstanding the many Adventures and Impediments they met with, and which took up so much of their Time, perform'd the whole Journey of between Four and Five Thousand
English
Miles forwards and backwards, in the Space of about Nineteen Months, from their first setting out, till their Arrival at
Pergamus.
It is true indeed, that, upon a Review of the Forces at
Cerasus,
there appear'd to be but Eight Thousand Six Hundred Men; and after their Service under
Seuthes,
there is Mention made but of Six Thousand; which last Diminution of them was owing to their Divisions, and going in separate Bodies in Search of Plunder, as they came nearer home. But yet, that any such Number of them should escape, as did actually reach the Confines of
Greece,
seems almost incredible. That, after the Death of
Cyrus,
which struck such a Damp into the rest of his Forces, they alone should have Courage enough to continue the War, to oblige the
Persian
to sue to them for Peace, and furnish them with Provisions; That, after the treacherous Murder of their Officers, they should be still hardy enough to make their Way in Defiance of a numberless Army, that could neither take them by Force, nor circumvent them by Stratagem; That they should traverse the Body of that vast Empire, with so many barbarous Nations on all Sides, to dispute their Passage over Rocks and Mountains almost inaccessible, and such Rivers as the
Tigris
and
Euphrates;
and all this with the Countenance rather of Conquerors, than of despairing successless Adventurers, exposed to the Fury of a powerful incensed Monarch with a victorious Army: these are Circumstances, which would not easily gain Credit, if they had not been describ'd and attested by
Xenophon,
who has done it with such Exactness and Fidelity, and at the same time with such Modesty in regard to himself, that the only Doubt remaining, is, whether he gain'd more Honour by the Share he had in the Expedition, or by the Account he has given of it.
But it is time now to return to
Greece,
which we left chiefly under the Direction of the
Spartans,
who contenting themselves with the Submission of the several States to them at home, were meditating other great Designs, and resolv'd to push their Conquests abroad. The first Occasion that offer'd, was from the
Ionians:
They were afraid of the Power of
Tissaphernes,
who, as a Reward for the Service he had done
Artaxerxes
in the late War with his Brother
Cyrus,
had the Government of all the Cities he had possessed in those Parts, conferr'd on him; and therefore they begg'd Assistance from
Sparta
to support them in their Liberties. Their Request was easily granted; and a Body of Five Thousand Men, with Three Hundred
Athenian
Horse, were sent to them, under the Command of
Thimbron,
who appear'd among them, but would not venture to take the Field, till he was join'd by the Remainder of the
Ten Thousand
at
Pergamus;
with which Forces he took that, and several other ill-fortified Towns, and then laid Siege to
Larissa.
But before he could take it, he was recall'd by the
Ephori,
Thimbron
recall'd, and banish'd.
and banish'd, for having suffer'd the Soldiers to pillage the Countries of their Allies; and was succeeded in the Command by
Dercyllidas.
Athens,
during the Time of
the Expedition of the Ten Thousand,
and the breaking out of this fresh War in
Asia,
was very quiet with its Neighbours, and endeavouring to recover itself from its late Confusions in the Government at home. But there were still some Seeds of Rancour and Malice left among the Citizens, which, two Years after the Expulsion of
the Thirty,
broke out upon
Socrates,
and occasion'd his Death. The chief Instrument in it was
Anytus,
who engag'd
Melitus
and
Lycon
to join with him in accusing him to the State. Accordingly
Melitus
drew up his Accusation,
Socrates
accus'd
containining in Substance,
That he did not acknowledge the Gods of the Republick, but introduced new Deities in their room;
and further,
That he corrupted the Youth.
He urg'd in his Defence, That he had assisted,
His Defence.
as others did, at the Sacrifices and solemn Festivals, and appeal'd to
Melitus
himself for the Truth of it. He denied his endeavouring to establish any new Worship: He own'd indeed, he had receiv'd frequent Admonitions from a
Divine Voice,
which he call'd his
Daemon,
that constantly attended him, and discover'd to him Things to come; that he had often made use of this Divine Assistance for the Service of himself and his Friends: But that if he had been thus particularly favour'd from Heaven, it was owing chiefly to the Regularity of his Life and Conduct; and that the Approbation of the Gods, which was given him as the Reward of his Virtue, ought not to be objected to him as his Crime. Then as to the other Article, wherein he was branded with a criminal Passion for young Men, he said, He had no other View in his Conversation with them, than to regulate their Morals; that as he could not do this with any publick Authority, he was therefore forc'd to insinuate himself into their Company, and to use in a manner the same Methods to reclaim, that others did to corrupt them.
How far the whole Charge affected him, is not easy to determine. It is certain, that amidst so much Zeal and Superstition as then reign'd in
Athens,
he never durst openly oppose the receiv'd Religion, and was therefore forc'd to preserve an outward Shew of it: But it is very probable, from the Discourses he frequently held with his Friends, that in his Heart he despis'd and laugh'd at their monstrous Opinions, and ridiculous Mysteries, as having no other Foundation, than the Fables of the Poets; and that he had attain'd to a Notion of the
One, Only, True God;
insomuch that, upon the account both of his Belief of the Deity, and the Exemplariness of his Life, some have thought fit to rank him with the
Christian Philosophers.
And indeed his Behaviour upon his Trial, was more like that of a
Christian Martyr,
than of an
Impious Pagan;
where he appear'd with such a compos'd Confidence, as naturally results from Innocence, and rather, as
Cicero
observes, as if he were to determine upon his Judges, than to supplicate them as a Criminal.
But how slight soever the Proofs were against him, the Faction was powerful enough to find him guilty. There was the Form of a Process against him, and his Irreligion was the Pretence upon which it was grounded; but his Death was certainly a concerted thing. His steady uninterrupted Course of obstinate Virtue, which had made him in many Cases appear singular, and oppose whatever he thought illegal or unjust, without any Regard to Times, or Persons, had procur'd him a great deal of Envy and Ill-will: Insomuch that he had, several Years before, been publickly attack'd upon the Stage in the
Play,
call'd
The Clouds,
where he is introduc'd as the Author of many gross Impieties; which some say,
Aristophanes
wrote out of a personal Pique to him; others, that he did it only according to the Liberty then indulg'd to the Stage, and intended, in the Person of
Socrates,
to expose and ridicule the Philosophers in general. But most are of Opinion, that it was at the Instigation of
Anytus,
who look'd upon him as a dangerous Man, and took that Method of preparing the People for his Condemnation, whenever an Opportunity should offer. This agrees with the Terms proposed to him, even after the Accusation was given in, when perhaps he was not sure of carrying his Point against him: He hinted to him, that if he would talk less freely, and not take upon him to censure and arraign the Administration, he would yet endeavour to stifle the Affair, and save him. It was upon the same Account, that he was forbid conversing with the young Men: Those at the Helm were jealous of his tampering with them in relation to the Government; and this seems to be the Grounds of that Part of his Accusation. But he was not to be bought by Bribes, or deter'd by Menaces; in short, he had more Plainness and Integrity than the Times would bear; and therefore fell a Sacrifice to the Corruption of those, whom his Honesty had made his Enemies.
It was a Privilege in
Athens,
after Conviction, to demand a Mitigation of the Punishment: But that, he said, would be owning himself guilty; and he chose rather to defy and incense his Judges; so that they unanimously pass'd Sentence of Death upon him,
He is condemn'd,
by drinking the Juice of Hemlock, which was not put in execution till thirty Days after;
and executed.
during which Time, he conversed with his Friends with the same Evenness and Serenity of Mind he had ever done: And tho' they had bribed the Jailor for his Escape, he refus'd it, as an ungenerous Violation of the Laws. He was about seventy Years old when he suffer'd; which made him say, he thought himself happy to quit Life at a Time when it begin to be troublesome; and that his Death was rather a Deliverance, than a Punishment. This agrees with his last Words to his Friend
Crit
just before he expir'd;
We owe a Cock,
said he, to Aesculapius,
don't fail to pay it him;
thereby intimating, that he should sacrifice for him
that God, as if he had recover'd from a Diseas
His Innocence soon after appear'd in such live
Colours, that the
Athenians
imputed all the Mi
fortunes of the Republick to his unjust Condemnation; and to avert the Vengeance of Heaven thought themselves oblig'd to make suitable Expressions of Repentance; which they did by revoking his Sentence with a publick solemn Lamentation, and by condemning his Accusers From thence their Love and Respect to his Me
mory rose even to Veneration; insomuch tha
they erected his Statue, and dedicated a Chap
to him.
He was born in the fourth Year of the seventy seventh
Olympiad,
His Chaacter.
of indifferent Parentage, an
as bred to his Father's Business of a Statuary;
ut soon quitted it for the Study of Natural Phi
osophy, wherein he made a good Proficiency. But finding it so defective and unsatisfactory, that
e could ground no certain Principles upon such
Diversity of Opinions, he turn'd his Thoughts wholly to the Nature of Man; and by diving
eep into the Passions and Affections, endeavour'd
ather to cultivate the Heart, than the Reason,
nd rather to regulate the Manners, than refine
e Wit. It is said of him, that he had naturally a Disposition to Vice; but he so far got the
etter of himself, as to make Virtue habitual to
im, and was therefore the better prepar'd to
plant it in others: So that he was the first, who settled the standing Rules of Good and Ill,
nd is to be look'd upon as the
Founder of Moral Philosophy.
His Life and Doctrine were one con
nu'd Lesson of Virtue; which he inculcated
ith Candour and Modesty, Easiness and Affa
ility, and temper'd the Dryness of his Maxims with an Air of Humour and Pleasantry, as know
g that, to please, was the surest Method to
ersuade; and by this Means he took off that
gged and unsociable Dress that Philosophy then
ore. If he sometimes went out of his Cha
acter, it was in Opposition to the Sophists; he
ould not bear their deluding all the Youth of
hat Time with a superficial Tincture of the Sci
nces; and therefore took all Occasions of con
ting their false Reasonings, and of mortifying their Arrogance. As to his own way of reasoning, it was very just, and yet uncommon. He began with doubting, enquiring, and asking of Questions, as if he sought rather to receive Instruction, than to give it; and from the Answers which must be naturally made, his Inferences were undeniable. He had a way of leading People insensibly from one Absurdity to another, till they came to the Point he aim'd at▪ and, by the most familiar Comparisons, mad
the Truth so plain, as to become in a manner th
Object of their Senses: By which Means he
voided the Odium of dictating, and left to ever
one the Pleasure of convincing himself. H
Studies did not so wholly employ his Time, as
make him, in other Respects, an idle Member
the Common-wealth. He made several Ca
paigns in the
Peloponnesian
War; where being
the Actions at
Potidaea, Delium
and
Amphipol
he had the good Fortune to save
Alcibiades
Xenophon
from falling into the Enemies Hands
and he gave such further Proofs of his Courag
that when his Party was at last forc'd to retre
'tis said of him,
He did not fly as others,
measur'd back the Field by Inches.
Some Part
his Time he devoted to his Love of Musick an
Rhetorick. He had also the Reputation of
good Poet; insomuch that he is said to have
a Hand in several of
Euripides
's Plays. But
had used these kinds of Study rather as Amu
ments, than his Business, and in Subs
rviency
is other great Designs. It was upon these oc
asions, that the Oracle stiled him the
Wisest Man:
It was by these Methods, that he kept up
he Reputation of the City, and, by his nume
ous Followers, establish'd in it the Glory of Phi
osophy, and that at a Time, when it had lost
he Power of Empire.
CHAP. II.
From the Death of Socrates, to the Peace of Antalcidas. Containing the Space of 12 Years.
DERCYLLIDAS
had now taken
Thimbron
's Army under his Command;
A. M. 3606. Olymp. 95. 2.
and finding
e had both
Tissaphernes
and
Pharnabazus
to deal with at the same Time, took Occasion, from a
ique between them, to practise secretly with the
rst, who was the most active, and had the
reatest Interest in the Soldiery, and struck up a
eace with him, in order to attack the other with more Vigour and Security.
Dercyllidas
his Successes.
Accordingly
e invaded his Province; and several of the
Aeolian
Cities, assoon as he appear'd before 'em,
pen'd their Gates to him; some, after a little
hew of Resistance, submitted, and others he gain'd by Stratagem; so that in eight Days he took Possession of nine Cities. After which, he made a Truce with
Pharnabazus,
and retir'd to
Bithynia,
where he spent the Winter in destroying and ravaging the Country for Provisions.
Being continu'd another Year in his Command,
Olymp. 95. 3.
he renew'd the Truce with
Pharnabazus;
and going into
Thrace,
shut up the
Isthmus
of the
Chersonese
with a Wall, to protect the neighbouring Cities from the Incursions of the
Barbarians.
From thence repassing into
Asia,
he took
Atarna,
a strong Place in
Ionia,
in Possession of the Exiles from
Chios;
but this was a Work of above seven Months. Afterwards, understanding that
Tissaphernes
and
Pharnabazus
had joined their Forces against him, he march'd with a Design to give them Battle; but first, in an Interview with them, demanded the Liberty of the
Grecian
Cities.
Tissaphernes
demanded on his Side, that the
Spartan
Army should withdraw out of the Country; on which Condition a Truce was concluded, till such time as they could receive further Instructions from their respective Masters.
Whilst these things were doing in
Asia,
The
Spartans
quarwith the
Eleans.
the
Spartans
began a Quarrel with the
Eleans,
for having in their former Alliances constantly sided with
Athens, Argos,
and other States at War with them; and for not having admitted them, as well as the rest of
Greece,
to the
Olympick Games.
Upon these, and such like other frivolous Pretences, they sent Ambassadors to demand of them, That they should restore the Cities under
heir Jurisdiction to their ancient Rights and Pri
ileges; and, in case of a Refusal, to make a
ormal Declaration of War. The
Eleans
urg'd
their Defence, That as they had gain'd those Cities by the Sword, they had the sole right of
sing and disposing of them, as they thought
roper. Whereupon
Agis,
one of the
Spartan
Kings, was sent to harass the Country with Fire
; who, by appearing in that manner
mong them, encourag'd
Leptis,
and several o
er Towns, to revolt from them; so that meet
g with little Opposition, he march'd to
Elis;
d as he was upon the Point of taking and
undering it, the Inhabitants capitulated, and
greed to the Terms insisted on, of dismantling
heir own City, and of making
Cyllene,
and all
he other Towns, free and independent of them:
nd thus the
Eleans
were taken into the Alliance
Sparta.
The Grounds of this Rupture were
slight and trifling, that it plainly appear'd, how
dustriously the
Spartans
had promoted it, and
ow greedily they laid hold of every thing that
ok'd like a Handle for exerting their Power,
st they should lose that Spirit and Discipline,
y which they had arriv'd to it, and not be able
maintain the Title they then enjoy'd of
The
rotectors and Arbitrators of
Greece. But this
otion carry'd them so far, as to make them
uilty of the same Injuries and Abuses they pre
ended to redress; and in the end prov'd de
ructive both to themselves, and their Neighbours.
Agis
had made two Campaigns of this Expedition;
Agis
the
Spartan
King dies.
after which he return'd home and died, and had a Monument erected for him more sumptuous and magnificent than any of his Predecessors. He left
Son, call'd
Leotychides,
but his Legitimacy being suspected, his Uncle
Agesilaus
disputed the Succession with him,
Is succeeded by
Agesilaus.
and being supported by
Lysander,
carry'd it. His Reign was usher'd in with a Conspiracy against him
an Account whereof being given in to the
Eph
n
they apprehended one
Cinadon
as the Principal▪ and being ask'd, how he came to be concern'd in this Treason, he could give no other Reason for it, than that he could not bear any Man
the City greater than himself; upon which
was executed, with several of his Accomplices.
The
Phaenicians
were at this time fitting out
great Fleet, for the Service of the
Persian
which so alarm'd the
Spartans,
that they resolv'd to send a fresh Army into
Asia,
upon the old Pretence of freeing the
Grecian
Cities. The Matter was propos'd by
Lysander,
who also desired the Command of these Forces, having
Design to re-establish in those Cities the
Decenvirate,
which was the Form of Government
was always most fond of. But
Agesilaus
inclining to go himself, the other desisted; tho' it cam
to be a long Debate, Whether they should tru
him with that Post, on account of an Advic
the Oracle of
Delphi
had given them,
That
Republick should go near to be destroy'd, when
Regal Government halted;
for
Agesilaus
was lame of one Leg. This had also been made use of as an Objection to him in his Pretensions to the Succession: But at last they salved the Matter, with this Resolution,
That it was better for the King to halt, than the Kingdom;
and accordingly he was sent with Eight Thousand Men, and Provisions for six Months.
Who is sent into
Asia.
Being arriv'd at
Ephesus,
A. M. 3609. Olymp. 96. 1.
Tissaphernes
amus'd him for some Time, under a Pretence of waiting for Dispatches from the King his Master; and having in the mean time got together a great Army,
His Successes there.
let
Agesilaus
know he would declare War against him, if he did not retire out of
Asia.
But he was so incensed at his tricking him in this manner, that he immediately enter'd
Phrygia,
where he took several Towns, and met
Pharnabazus
's Forces; but, for want of Cavalry, did not venture a Battle.
But having soon after procured a great number of Horse, which he had demanded of the Cities there, by way of Contribution, he engaged
TissapherneS
's Army, and gain'd a signal Victory near the River
Pactolus,
where he forced the Enemy's Camp, and found in it a great deal of Mony, and other rich Booty.
Tissaphernes
himself not being in the Action, the King suspected his Fidelity, and looking upon him as the Author of this, and several other Miscarriages, caused him to be beheaded.
The next Year he sent
Tithraustes
in his room;
Olym. 96. 2.
who endeavour'd to gain upon
Agesilaus
by Treaty. He sent to let him know, that his Predecessor had deservedly been punished with Death, as being the Author of this War; that, as to his own part, he would pursue other Measures, and would allow the
Asiatick
Cities their Liberty, provided they would pay the customary Tribute, and that the Army withdrew. To which the other answer'd, he could do nothing in it, till he received Orders from
Sparta.
However,
Tithraustes
prevail'd with him in the mean time, to draw his Forces towards
Phrygia,
and gave him Thirty Talents for their Subsistence. Upon his March, he received Dispatches from
Sparta,
to let him know, the State approved of his Proceedings, and gave him a Power of appointing an Admiral, to act in concert with him by Sea. Accordingly he procured from the Isles, and Maritime Towns, an Hundred and Twenty Gallies, and gave the Command of them to
Pisander,
He appoints Pisander Admiral.
his Wife's Brother, a Man of Fire and Ambition enough, but in other respects not equal to that Charge, especially considering he had so experienc'd and vigilant
Commander as
Conon,
to deal with.
However these great Preparations from
Sparta,
gave a fresh Alarm to the
Persians;
who
finding they could not prevail upon
Agesilaus,
either by Menaces, or Persuasions, to quit
As
resolved upon a more effectual Expedient, by making a Diversion, and removing the Seat of the War. They knew how ill affected most of the
Grecian
States were to that of
Sparta,
on account of her late absolute and tyrannical Treatment of them, and thought this the most proper time to stir them up against her, and to rouse in them a Sense of recovering their Liberty.
The
Persians
incense the
Thebans,
and other States, against
Sparta.
To which purpose
Tithraustes
sent over
Timocrates
to practise with the Orators, and other leading Men of the principal Cities; and, to make his Commission more effectual, gave him Fifty Talents to dispose of among them, as he saw proper. It was upon this Occasion, that
Agesilaus
afterwards, upon his Return Home, said,
He had been drove out of
Asia
by Thirty Thousand Archers;
by which he meant so many Pieces of the
Persian
Coin, which was stamp'd with the Figure of an Archer.
Conon
is by some thought to have been the Author of this Advice. He had, during his Retreat in
Asia,
after the Defeat of the
Athenians
at
Aegos-potamos,
made it his Business to ingratiate himself with the
Persians,
in hopes, by them, to gain an Opportunity of retrieving the Misfortunes of his Country. With that View, he took all Occasions to incense them against the
Spartans,
and to traverse their Designs; insomuch that
Nepos
ascribes it to him, that
Agesilaus
did not penetrate further into
Asia,
and carry his Conquests as far as Mount
Taurus.
And
Justin
makes him signalize himself by many great Exploits against that King personally. But the Accounts of both these Historians, in that Respect, are too confused and inconsistent, to be reconciled with others, or even with themselves: Neither can we, with any Certainty, affirm that he appear'd in Action, till after
Agesilaus
had quitted
Asia.
We may however conclude, that he was before that, making use of his Credit at the
Persian
Court, to procure an Armament at Sea, and that he was at least very instrumental, if not principally concerned, in forming a Confederacy of the other States of
Greece
against
Sparta.
The first whom
Timocrates
treated with upon this Subject, were the
Thebans,
who easily hearken'd to the Proposal, and received the Presents. He met with the like Success at
Argos,
and
Corinth;
and these States work'd up several others to accuse and murmur against the
Spartans,
in order to their uniting against them. It is observable, this is the first notorious Instance o
the
Grecians
being corrupted with the
Persian
Gold. So much did they now begin to sin
from that zealous Spirit of Honour and Integrity, Concord and Unanimity, by which they were animated in the first
Persian
Wars. I does not indeed appear, that the
Persians
ha
before made them any such gross Overtures,
betray and sell their Country: But it might probably be, because they thought it in vain. The
knew they were not Enemies to be tamper
with in such a manner; they sound them ever
where in earnest, when they moved against them as one Soul and Body, when they laid aside all domestick Dissensions, to pursue the common Enemy; and, in short, acted upon no other Principle than the Love of Liberty, and the Defence of their Country. This was the plain, hardy and untainted Age of
Greece,
which might have been of a much longer Duration, if its Inhabitants had contented themselves with the Glory they had acquired at home. But these Successes soon fired them with an Ambition of making themselves more formidable, by enlarging their Bounds, and extending their Conquests: So that by throwing themselves out in Colonies, and carrying their Arms abroad, they had a freer Converse with other Nations: And as by this means they arrived to quicker degrees of Knowledge and Politeness; so on the other hand, they became more luxurious and effeminate, and more open to the Charms and Temptations of Riches. They received the first Impressions of this kind from the Footing they got in
Asia,
where they were struck and dazzled with the Pomp, Wealth and Magnificence of the
Persian
Governors: And tho' in all the Actions they had there, they still behaved like
Grecians,
and with a Sense of Glory; yet they express'd too great an Eagerness to enrich themselves with Plunder. In short, the Love of Mony was now rooted in their Affections; and it soon after visibly appeared in the Effects it produced. For as the
Grecians
had been bribed to quit their Pretensions in
Asia;
so others afterwards made use of the same Methods to invade
Greece:
And this will appear in the Sequel of the Story, to be one of the principal Causes of its total Subversion. As the
Spartans
kept up longest to the Rigour of their Discipline, and the Force of their Laws, they were a great while proof against Corruption and Bribery; but the Contagion still spreading, they at last yielded to the Example of their Neighbours. It was then
Greece
became so divided and irresolute, as to admit of no means for its Preservation; when not only each State, but also the leading Men in that State, had separate Views of their own, without any regard to the Good of the Whole.
The
Thebans,
The
Thebans
engage the
Athenians
in the Quarrel.
as they were the first gain'd over to the
Persian
Interest, so they were the most active in promoting it. To strengthen their Alliance, they sent Ambassadors to the
Athenians,
with a long Representation of the present Posture of Affairs; wherein they artfully insinuated their Zeal and Affection to their State; from thence they took occasion to inveigh against the Tyranny of
Sparta,
and concluded with telling them, That now was the Time to throw off the Yoke, and to recover their former Splendor and Authority. The
Athenians,
tho' they had no Share of the
Persian
Mony, needed not many Arguments to engage them in a Rupture of this kind, for which they had been so long waiting a fit Opportunity.
The first Act of Hostility broke out between the
Locri Opuntii,
Hostilities begun.
and the
Phocians,
upon a Dispute about a piece of Ground; and both Sides appeal'd to their respective Confederates for Justice and Protection. The
Locri
were the Aggressors, at the Instigation of the
Thebans;
and the
Spartans
espoused the latter, upon a particular Pique they had to
Thebes,
which they thought it necessary to resent at this time, when they found several other States arming against them. Accordingly, they ordered
Pausanias
to march with the
Peloponnesian
Forces, and sent
Lysander
before to engage other Cities in
Boeotia;
where having got together a considerable Army, he invested
Haliartus.
The
Thebans
immediately marched with their whole Strength; and taking the Advantage of attacking him, before
Pausanias
could come up to his Assistance, defeated his Army,
Lysander
kill'd.
and he himself was kill'd on the Spot.
Thus fell this great Man,
His Character.
after so many signal Services to his Country, in giving
Athens
the most fatal Blow she had ever received; and in raising
Sparta
upon her Ruins, to a higher Pitch of Power and Grandeur than she ever attain'd, either before or after him. As it was by his means, that
Sparta
did at this time, in a manner, give Law both to
Greece
and
Asia;
so he himself became no less absolute in
Sparta,
than she was among her Enemies and Allies. The Authority of her Kings was sufficiently abridged by the Constitution: but by his working Genius, and the Interest he had in the State upon the Reputation of his Services, he made them appear still less, and that in the Field too, where they were least subject to be controuled. An Instance of which we have in his going with
Agesilaus
into
Asia,
where all the Court and Application was made to him; and in every thing that pass'd of moment, he had either the first hand, or the finishing Stroke: Insomuch that the King found himself obliged to take notice of it; and that he might no longer appear a Cypher, sent him upon other Service to the
Hellespont.
Neither was it enough for him to eclipse the Power of the Kings, and to impose his own Government of
Ten Men
upon all the
Spartan
Conquests; but he was further endeavouring to alter the Succession of the
Heraclidae,
in order to obtain the Sovereignty for himself. As a Confirmation of this, there was found among his Papers after his Death,
A Discourse concerning the Government,
which
Lacratidas
generously suppress'd, saying,
It would be inhumane to dig
Lysander
out of his Grave.
He was undoubtedly a brave experienc'd Commander: But his Dissimulation, Craft and Treachery, his Ambition, Arrogance and Ostentation, make up the greatest part of his Character; and therefore it may seem pretty extraordinary, that he should support himself so long under so jealous and austere a Government, as that of
Sparta.
But he had a great deal of Artifice and Address; and notwithstanding the Imperiousness of his Temper, he knew how to curb it upon occasion, and to suit it to his Circumstances: So that where he found it necessary to make his Court, he was, contrary to the Manners of his Country, very mild and tractable, patient and submissive, and had all the little Arts of Flattery and Insinuation. It was with regard to these supple Qualities, as well as to the Badness of his Morals in general, that the Character of his Countryman
Callicratidas,
has been set up in opposition to his; and indeed it was quite the Reverse of it, except in the Military Part; and in that he was no way inferior to him: But he was otherwise open, candid and generous, modest, temperate, sincere and just, and was above making use of any Trick
or Subterfuge.
Lysander
was so jealous of his Merit, that when he was order'd to give up the Command of the Fleet to him, he did what he could to lessen and distress him: He went so far as to withold from him the Pay of the Seamen that was remaining in his Hands; which, besides the Meanness of the Action, was betraying the Interest of his Country, and hazarding the Safety of it in a very critical Conjuncture. Upon the whole, notwithstanding his great Atchievements, he is not to be look'd upon as a true Patriot. For it seems chiefly owing to him, that the
Spartans
transgress'd the just Bounds of Power he had put into their Hands. It was his Pride and Insolence, his cruel and tyrannical Deportment, and that under the Pretence of restoring Liberty, which gave their Neighbours the first Impressions of Rancour and Resentment against them. It was this that made them conceive an ill Opinion of their Government in general, and laid the Seeds of those Alliances, which were form'd against them, and which at last prov'd fatal to them. But they were not yet so sensible of the Consequences; and therefore paid all due Respect to his Memory. They went so far as to fine some who were under a Contract of Marriage to his Daughters, but finding, that their Father died so poor as to leave them no Fortune, had deserted them. It is certain, he had reserv'd nothing to himself out of the Spoils of the
Atti
War; which to the
Spartans
was a sufficient Argument of his Merit. A stronger Instance of the Sense they had of his Loss, was, that they could pitch upon nobody but
Agesilaus
to succeed him; who, notwithstanding that he was carrying on the War in
Asia
with good Success, was immediately recall'd to the Defence of his Country.
After the Action
Pausanias
came up, but durst not make another Attempt. He only demanded the Bodies of the slain; and yet could not obtain them upon any other Terms than quitting the Country.
Pausanias
condemn'd
The
Spartans
judg'd his Proceedings very dishonourable, and condemn'd him to Death
upon which he made his Escape to
Tegea,
and died there.
Towards the end of the Year
Agesilaus
ravag'd the Government of
Pharnabazus,
and at
Dascyllum,
his Winter Quarters, took and plunder'd his Tent. But that Governor some time after manag'd an Interview with him, wherein he remonstrated, That however he might be oblig'd to act for his Master's Honour, and Safety, he had not shew'd himself an Enemy to the
Spartans,
but on the contrary had done them many good Offices in their War against the
Athenians;
and that he was now inclin'd to act no otherwise against them, than as he should be necessitated to it, in order to support himself in his Command; by which Means he prevail'd with
Agesilaus
to withdraw his Forces out of the Province. Thereupon he descended into the Plain of
Thebes;
and as he was preparing to march further into the Country, receiv'd News of the War broke out in
Greece,
with Orders at the same time for him to return home; with which he readily comply'd.
Agesilaus
recall'd from
Asia. Olymp. 96. 3.
And the Regard he therein paid to the Laws of his Country, is particularly taken notice of, that when he was prosecuting the War with great Increase of Honour and Advantage, and had set his Heart upon the entire Conquest of the
Persian
Empire, he had so much Command of himself, as to stop in his full Career, and abandon all, out of a Deference to the
Ephori,
who had recall'd him. However, he left Four Thousand Men in
Asia,
to maintain the Footing he had got there, till such time as the Affairs of
Greece
would permit him to return, and pursue his Conquests.
But the
Spartans
could not wait his Arrival; they found the War thicken on their Hands, and were ready to be attack'd on all Sides.
Timolous
a
Corinthian
propos'd the advancing immediately into their Territories, in order to crush them singly, before they could be join'd by their Auxiliaries.
They set out,
said he,
by themselves only; but in their March they gather Forces as they go, till they grow too numerous to be withstood: Like Rivers, which are small at their Source, and easily to be forded; but as they continue their Course, the Accession of other Waters makes the Stream too rapid.
This Advice was judg'd reasonable, and a Resolution was taken to pursue it. But there being too much Time spent in debating the Command, and Order of the Battle, gave the
Spartans
an Opportunity of being join'd by the
Eleans, Sicyonians, Epidaurians, Trezaenians
and others, to the Number of about Fourteen Thousand Men, and Thirteen Hundred Horse, under the Command of
Aristodemus,
who was also appointed Tutor to
Agesipolis,
the other
Sparta
King, during his Minority. On the other Side were the
Athenians, Argives, Boeotians, Corinthians
and
Euboeans,
who made up about Two and twenty Thousand Men, and Two Thousand Horse. Both Sides encamp'd near
Sicyon,
and
t so small a Distance from each other, that it
oon came to a regular Battle,
The
Spartans
gain a Victory near
Sicyon.
wherein the
Spar
tan
Allies were almost entirely routed; but they themselves maintain'd their Ground, and bore so hard upon the
Athenians,
who were in the left Wing, opposite to their right, that they recover'd the Day, and gain'd the Victory by their own single Valour, and with the Loss of not above eight of their own Men, which bore no Proportion to that of their Enemies, or Allies.
The News of this Victory reaching
Agesilaus
at
Amphipolis,
he sent back
Dercyllidas
with it into
Asia,
to confirm the associated Cities there, and pursu'd his March with all possible Diligence, but not without some Opposition, particularly from the
Thralli
in
Thrace,
who having formerly sold the Passage thro' their Country to
Xerxes,
demanded of him an hundred Talents, and as many Women. He ask'd them, by way of Derision,
Why they did not come to receive their Demands?
And proceeding on his Journey, made great Slaughter of them. Then demanding a Passage thro'
Macedonia,
the King sent him Word,
He would consider of it. So let him,
said
Agesilaus; and I'll go on in the mean time.
The
Macedonians
did not much relish this
Laconick
Answer; but they were not as yet in a Condition to resent it, and therefore gave him no Disturbance. Having afterwards defeated a Body of
Thessalian
Horse, which attack'd his Rear, he arriv'd in
Boeotia,
where he receiv'd Intelligence of a great Engagement at Sea.
Conon
had prevail'd with
Artaxerxes
to fit out a Fleet,
Conon
's Victory at
Cnidus.
and to give the Command of it to him jointly with
Pharnabazus.
They lay in the
Chersonese
with about ninety Sail; where they had Notice, that the
Spartan
Fleet, consisting of an hundred and twenty Ships of their own and their Allies, lay about
Cnidus;
from whence
Pisander,
who commanded it, weigh'd Anchor, and bore down directly upon the
Persians.
In the first Attack he had the better of it; but one Part of the
Persian
Gallies came up so seasonably to the Relief of the other, that they turn'd the Fortune of the Day; insomuch that the
Spartan
Confederates began to secure their Retreat. The Admiral, tho' he was so ill supported, charg'd with his Ship in the Front of the Enemy, where he did a good deal of Execution, but at length was over-power'd, and kill'd. After which the
Spartans
retiring towards the Continent,
Conon
pursu'd them, and took fifty of their Ships, the res
having recover'd their Port at
Cnidus.
Agesilaus
having privately receiv'd this Account, thought fit to stifle or disguise it for th
present, and used his utmost Endeavours to bring the Enemy to a speedy Battle, before his Army could be more particularly inform'd, and whil
they were flush'd with their last Victory. Accordingly he join'd the
Spartan
Allies, and me
the
Athenians,
with their Allies, on the Plain
Coronea.
Agesilaus his Victory at Corone
The
Thebans
began the Attack with great Vigour, but were repuls'd by the extraordinary Courage of
Agesilaus,
who, notwithsanding that he was dangerously wounded, push'd the Enemy, till he gain'd a compleat and signal Victory, but not decisive enough to put an End to the Hostilities, which were still continu'd by Incursions into each other's Territories.
The
Corinthians
complain'd,
Olymp. 96. 4.
that the chief Seat of the War being among them, they were infested on all Sides, being equally distress'd by their Enemies, and burden'd by their Allies; for which Reason they were inclinable to a Peace. This was oppos'd by the Magistrates and other Citizens, who had been corrupted with the
Persian
Mony. And these Debates occasion'd a great Dissension and Massacre in their City;
A Massacre at Corinth.
which the
Spartans
easily improv'd to their Advantage, making use of one of the discontented Parties to attack the other: By which Means a Body of their Troops, under the Command of
Praxitas,
got within the Walls. He defeated a great Number of the
Argives,
who came up to the Relief of their Friends in the City, and put to the Sword the
Boeotians,
who had got Possession of the Port call'd
Lechoeus.
He broke down a great Part of the Walls, which were afterwards repair'd by the
Atbenians;
and the whilst he was pursuing his Victory,
Agesilaus
ravag'd the Country of the
Argives;
and his Brother
Teleutias,
the Admiral, scour'd the
Gulf
of
Corinth,
taking their Ships and demolishing their Arsenals.
The
Athenians,
Iphicrates sent with Recruits from Athens.
to put a Stop to these Successes sent a fresh Supply to their Army, under th
Command of
Iphicrates,
whose Conduct was in finitely above his Age, having, at twenty Year old, arriv'd to such a Degree of Perfection in Mi
litary Affairs, that no
Athenian
Captain ever se
out with greater Expectation.
About the Time of his Arrival with a Reinforcement, Deputations were sent from
Boeotia
and other Parts, to sound
Agesilaus
in relation t
Peace; but he rejected their Proposals with Di
dain, till hearing soon after, that the Forces h
left at
Lechaeus
had been defeated by
Iphicrates
he was more inclinable to treat:
His Saccess
s.
But the
the Deputies stood off, and insulted him in thei
turn, demanding leave of him, by way of De
rision, to go to
Corinth.
Whereupon he di
miss'd them; and after he had reinforc'd th
Garrison of
Lechaeus,
return'd to
Sparta,
having by this last Action, lost all the Honour of thi
Expedition.
Iphicrates,
upon his Departure, wen
on successfully, and recover'd all the Places th
had been taken by him, and
Praxitas.
The War was continu'd by little Skirmishe
and Incursions, which chiefly affected the
Ach
ans,
as Confederates of
Sparta.
They were ver
much infested by the
Acarnanians,
who were supported by the
Athenian
Allies: But
Agesilaus
en
er'd their Country with Fire and Sword, and put
n end to this Quarrel.
In this manner the
Spartans
maintain'd themselves and their Allies for some time without any considerable Increase or Diminution of Power. But their Affairs at Sea were in a more declining Condition; and the Effects of their Defeat at
Cnidus
began more visibly to appear. The Cities in
Asia,
over which they claim'd a Jurisdiction, finding them so disabled in their Shipping, and that they had Work enough upon their Hands at home, readily hearken'd to
Pharnabazus,
who encourag'd them to revolt from the
Spartans,
The
Asiatick
Cities revolt from
Sparta.
and expel their Governors; which they consented to, upon Condition they might enjoy their own Laws. He was assisted in this Work by
Conon,
who suggested to him, that the leaving them in the free Enjoyment of their Liberty, would be the surest Means to keep them in his Interest. The like Attempts were made at
Sestos
and
Abydus;
but
Dercyllidas
lying there, secur'd those Parts.
The next Year
Pharnabazus
and
Conon
pur
ing their late Victory,
Olymp. 97. 1.
procur'd another Fleet
rom the Towns upon the
Hellespont,
with which
hey made a Descent upon the Maritime Parts of
Laconia,
and ravag'd the Country. After which
Conon
desir'd Leave to sail with the Fleet to
A
hens,
with an Intent to repair the Haven of
Pi
aeus,
Conon
rebuilds the Walls of
Athens.
and rebuild the Walls; which he repre
nted as a very important Pi
ce of Service against
parta. Pharnabazus
not only comply'd with his Request, but gave him fifty Talents to be employ'd in that Work, which was accordingly effected.
The
Spartans
finding the War brought home to their own Doors,
Overtures of Peace.
Olymp.
97. 2.
and that the
Athenians
reaping the Advantage of it, might soon wrest the Sovereignty of
Greece
out of their Hands, sent
Antalcidas
to treat with the
Persians
about a Peace. He applied himself to
Teribazus
the Governor of
Sardis,
and offer'd to give up the
Grecian
Cities in
Asia,
provided the Islands, and the other Parts of
Greece
might remain free. An Overture of this Kind was easily hearken'd to: But the
Athenians
and their Allies taking the Alarm, sent Ambassadors on their Part likewise, to join in the Negotiations, and to support the Interests of their respective Principals. But there were so many different Pretensions started, th
they could not come to any Agreement among themselves; and
Teribazus
did not think himsel
sufficiently authoriz'd by his present Instructions to conclude with the
Spartans
separately. However, he was so well affected to them, that, tho
the Treaty was at a stand, he supply'd them it the mean time privately with Mony to maintai
a Fleet at Sea; wherein he had a further View
that they might by that Means awe the othe
States into a Compliance with the Terms offer'd by them. The
Spartans
likewise gain'd anothe
Point with
Teribazus
in relation to
Conon.
latcidas
had it in his Instructions to render hi
suspected, and to inveigh against him as the chief Incendiary of the War, and as having promoted it with no other View, than to aggrandize the
Athenians
at the Expence of the
Persians.
The Charge in fact was true, and it was urg'd so strongly against him, that as he was then at
Sardis
waiting the Event of the Negotiations,
Teribazus
thought it proper to seize him, and keep him in Custody, till he should receive Orders from his Master, how to dispose of him. Some say, he sent him to
Artaxerxes,
who put him to death; others, that he escap'd out of Prison, with the Consent or Connivance of
Teribazus;
the latter whereof does not seem very probable, because we find no further Mention made of him, either in
Greece
or
Persia.
So that we may conclude he died about this Time, and that he fell a Sacrifice to his own ill-tim'd Zeal for the Service of his Country;
Conon
's Death, and Character.
which certainly carried him further than was suitable to the Circumstances he was under. He had lived as a voluntary Exile among the
Persians,
who had given him their Protection and Assistance; he had been favour'd and trusted by them; he had, by interesting' em in his Quarrel, broke the Power of
Sparta
at Sea, and repair'd the Ruins of his own City, and both at their Charge and Hazard. But not content with this, he was at the same time practising against them, and endeavouring under-hand to withdraw from them several Cities, and the whole Provinces of
Ionia
and
Aeolia,
in order to annex them to the Dominions of
Athens;
and all this under a Pretence of rescuing them from the Tyranny of
Sparta,
and securing them to the
Persians.
They could not, when they were let into a Discovery of these Artifices, think he had made a suitable Return for what he ow'd them; nor indeed can this Part of his Character be otherwise justified, than by that false Principle, which had generally obtain'd among the
Grecians,
to give up every thing that interfered with what they call'd the Honour, or Advantage of their Country. This was carried so far, as, in some Cases, to destroy the common Distinctions of Right and Wrong; and the
Spartans
themselves, notwithstanding their severe Justice in other Respects, were so loose in this particular, that nothing was esteem'd base, that was beneficial. Another Motive for his exerting himself in so extraordinary a manner, might be in order to redeem his own Honour, which does not seem to stand quite clear in the Affair of
Aegos-potamos. Nepos
indeed says, he was absent from his Command at the Time of that Engagement; and assigns that as the Cause of the Defeat. But the most natural and authentick Account is, that he was present in the Action, but that being overpower'd by
sander,
and seeing no Probability of Success on his Side, made his Escape with eight or nine Ships, and retir'd to
Cyprus.
This agrees with what is further said of him, that he was afraid and asham'd to return to
Athens;
which it is plain he did not attempt till several Years after, when he had done enough to wipe off that Stain. The latter Part of his Life was certainly without Reproach, either as to his Courage, or Capacity; of both which he had given sufficient Proofs, and had made himself so formidable to the
Spartans,
that they were glad upon any Terms to get rid of him; and it was by the most abject Submission to the
Persians,
that they compass'd it. The Dread they had conceiv'd of him, seems to have been the Grounds of that scandalous Peace, which they soon afterwards concluded: And as they began from that Day forward to decline in their Reputation and Power, we may look upon
Conon
as having more remotely occasion'd their DownfaI.
Upon the Offers of Peace made to
Teribazus,
he went up to
Artaxerxes,
to give an Account of his Proceedings, and to receive fresh Instructions. In the mean time
Struthas
was sent to command in the
Lower Asia,
and to take care of the Sea-Coasts. He was not so well inclin'd to the
Spartans
as his Predecessor, being more exasperated at what had been done by
Agesilaus.
Whereupon they sent
Thimbron
with a good Body of Troops to keep him in Action; which he did at first with good Success; but ranging about with a separate Party in quest of Booty, was surpriz'd by
Struthas,
and kill'd. He was succeeded by
Diphridas,
Thimbron
kill'd. Succeeded by
Diphridas.
who was a Man of better Conduct, at least of more Caution; and he having gather'd up the Remains of the Army, maintain'd his Ground in the P
aces which had submitted to
Thimbron.
There were at this Time two contending Parties at
Rhodes,
Commotions at
Rhodes. Olymp. 97. 3.
concerning the Form of Government there; and they were supported by their respective Patrons, those for the
Democracy
by the
Athenians,
and the others for the
Oligarchy
by the
Spartans.
The latter being over-power'd, and forc'd off the Island, made their Complaints at
Sparta;
and
Ecdicus
was dispatch'd with eight Ships to their Relief. But finding himself too weak to do any thing to the Purpose,
Teleutias
the Admiral was sent with twenty-seven Sail, with which he restor'd the Exiles, and the
Oligarchy.
This was a Matter of too much Consequence to the
Athenians
to be given up. They were sensible how much their Sovereignty in the Island (which was truly the Point in Question) depended on the Form of Government, which should prevail in it; and therefore sent out
Thrasybulus
to put Things upon the former footing. Before he durst attempt any thing at
Rhodes,
he went into
Thrace,
where he gain'd over two
Persian
Princes to the
Athenian
Interest; he then took in
Byzantium, Chalcis,
and several other Cities upon the
Hellespont;
and from thence he went to chastise the
Lesbians,
who were all of them, except those of
Mitylene,
in the
Spartan
Interest. Having succeeded thus far, he sail'd towards
Rhodes.
He had in his Way levied a Sum of Mony for Contribution upon the Inhabitants of
Aspendus:
But they being afterwards ill treated by his Soldiers, rose in a great Fury, and murder'd him in his Tent.
Thrasybulus
murder'd. His Character.
Such was the End of this great Patriot, to whom
Athens
ow'd as signal a Deliverance, as any she had receiv'd in the
Persian
Wars. We need only consider her Condition under the Tyranny of
The Thirty;
when of those who had escap'd the Fate of a long War, some had been murder'd, others banish'd, and their Estates confiscated; when the City was one continu'd Scene of Outrage and Violence; and when those few good Men who still remain'd, and express'd a Sense of recovering the publick Liberty, yet chose rather to content themselves with talking of it, than really to attempt it: Yet even then did
Thrasybulus
rise in a manner singly against the united Power of the Oppressors. It having been already related with what Prudence, Zeal and Intrepidity he conducted that Affair, I will here only add an Observation which has been made, that the Success of this Enterprize was chiefly owing to its desperateness. For the Contempt, with which
The Thirty
treated it in the Beginning, made them neglect the proper Means of providing for their Sa
fety.
Thrasybulus
in the mean time went on with his Design, and encreas'd his Followers: And when they sound him in a Condition to make head against them, they thought fit to make him an Offer of sharing in the Tyranny with them, upon Condition he would desist. But it was not to be suppos'd, that one who had the Courage to project such an Enterprize, and who had advanc'd it so far, would hearken to any other Terms, than the entirely restoring the Freedom of his Country. His publick-spiritedness, together with his Fidelity, Constancy and Magnanimity, made him at least equal to the greatest Men of his Time. There were several indeed, whose Atchievements happen'd to make a greater Noise in the World: But none of them had a more real Foundation of Merit. And therefore
Nepos
says of him,
That if Virtue were to be consider'd abstractedly from Fortune, he should be inclin'd to give
Thrasybulus
the first Place in his Catalogue of Warthies.
The
Spartans
at this Time sent
Anaxibius
with a small Supply of Mony and Shipping, to retrieve their Affairs in the
Hellespont.
And thereupon the
Athenians,
to secure the Places recover'd by
Thrasybulus,
order'd out
Iphicrates,
with eight Gallies, and twelve hundred Men, being chiefly those who serv'd under him in his
Corinthian
Expedition. Before any considerable Action happen'd on either Side,
Iphicrates
intercepted
Anaxibius
in his Way to
Abydus
by an Ambuscade, and rushing out upon him,
Here,
said the
Spartan
General to his Men,
must I die; take care of yourselves.
And accordingly he was kill'd, with a good Number of those about him.
About the Time of these Transactions abroad,
The
Aeginetans
infest the Coast of
Attica. Olymp.
97. 4.
the Coast of
Attica
was infested by the People of
Eegina.
The
Athenians
made a Descent upon them, and had in some measure block'd them up by Sea and Land; but they were soon after repuls'd by them and the
Spartans,
who assisted them, and who had fomented the Quarrel. Thereupon the Islanders renew'd their Insults, till at length they were humbled by a Victory obtain'd against them by
Chabrias,
But are repuls'd by
Chab
ias.
an
Athenian
of good Reputation; and those Seas were clear'd for the present.
But
Chabrias
being soon after sent to the Assistance of
Evagoras,
King of
Cyprus,
and a Friend to
Athens,
the
Spartans
took Advantage of his Absence, and form'd a Design of surprising the
Athenians
Ships in their Harbour. Accordingly
Teleutias
enter'd the
Piraeus
by Night, where most of the Men being on Shore, he took several Merchant Ships, with three or four Gallies, and sunk or disabled as many more as the Time would allow; and having put the City under a general Consternation, he return'd, and prey'd upon the Coast, seizing the FishingVessels, with such other Booty as sell in his Way.
In this manner did these States for some time carry on a kind of a pyratical War, without any regular Engagement, and without bringing things to any general Issue. But the
Athe
ians
being so ha
fass'd on all Sides, the
Spartans
having more Garrisons than they could maintain and their Confederates revolting from them, and the other States being drain'd and tir'd out, began by mutual Consent to think of a Peace with the
Persians;
which
Teribazus,
being now return'd from his Master, had full Power to conclude.
The Peace of
Antalcidas.
The Conditions were,
That all the Cities in
Asia,
with the Island
s of
Clazomenae,
should be under the Jurisdiction of
Persia;
That the Islands of
Lemnus, Imbrus
and
Scirus,
as having from Time imm
morial been subject to
Athens,
should still continue so;
and,
That all the other Cities of
Greece
should be left entirely free.
Which Terms were submitted to by all but the
Thebans,
who refus'd to give up their Jurisdiction over the Towns in
Boeotia:
But they were afterwards over-aw'd, and forc'd into it.
This Peace was concluded,
A. M. 3618. Olymp. 98. 2.
according to the most general Account, in the second Year of the ninety-eighth
Olympiad,
and was call'd,
The Peac
of
Antalcidas; if, as
Plutarch
says, that may be call'd a Peace, which was
The Reproach and Rui
of
Greece. It was not only giving up at once all the Footing
Agesilaus
had got in
Asia,
bu
undoing all that had been done there by th
Grecians
in general, ever since they were a Nation. It was what the
Persians
themselves could not have ask'd, or even hop'd for, if the
Spartans
had not, to their eternal Infamy, made 'e
the first Overture; the Grounds of which Overture was, their Dread and Jealousy of the
A
ans,
lest they shoulD recover the Power they
ad wrested from them. The Colonies planted
Asia
had for many Ages been consider'd as a Part of
Greece;
and the supporting and protect
ng them as such, was the chief Pretence upon which the last War against
Persia
was founded. Wherefore this Proceeding of the
Spartans,
in
elation to the Peace, was betraying and sacrificing
ne Part of their Country, in order to maintain their Tyranny over the other. This was plainly their Drift; and
Antalcidas
was a very proper Instrument for the Purpose.
His Character.
When he went up to
the
Persian
Court to sollicit this Affair, he took
are to conform himself to their Softness and Ef
eminacy; he could join in a Ball upon Occasion, and went so far as to play the Buffoon, and in a wanton Dance to mimick
Leonidas
and
Callicrati
as,
whose Names were rever'd at
Sparta,
as hav
ng been the
Terror
and
Scourge
of the
Barba
ians.
However, by thus prostituting his Cha
acter, and sacrificing even the Customs and Manners, as well as the Liberty of his Country,
e gain'd so far upon
Artaxerxes,
that he shew'd him very uncommon Marks of Favour and Distinction; which was the more remarkable, because he naturally hated the Persons of the
Spartans,
and look'd upon them as the most impudent of Mankind. But notwithstanding that he was so highly honour'd and caress'd upon this Negotiation, he afterwards met with the common
ate of that Sort of Agents. For the
Spartans
being reduc'd to an Extremity, and sending him again to
Artaxerxes,
to press for Supplies, he was treated by the King with great Coldness and Contempt; and returning without Success, he found the same Reception at home; insomuch that fearing the Power and Severity of the
Ephori,
he starv'd himself to death.
CHAP. III.
From the Peace of Antalcidas, to the Battle of Leuctra. Containing the Space of 17 Years.
THE Treaty, tho' it was principally between
Greece
and
Persia,
was made to extend likewise to the
Grecians
among themselves; and i
was provided by it,
That whatever States should refuse to accede to it, the other contracting Powers, together with the
Persian
King, should compel th
to it by Force of Arms.
The
Spartans
affecting still the Sovereignty of
Greece,
The insolent Behaviour of the
Spartans
after the Peace.
dismember'd as i
was, took upon them the Execution of this Par
of the Treaty, and, under the Notion of Guarantees, explain'd it as they thought fit, and according as they were sway'd by their Passion, o
their Interest.
They began with the
Mantineans,
and, the Year after the Peace, sent their King
Agesipoli
to throw down their Walls; which he effected by turning against them the Course of the River
hat ran thro' the City; by which Means the Foundation being sapp'd and weaken'd, the Inhabitants despair'd of making any Defence, and
apitulated. This was the same Stratagem that
Cimon
formerly made use of, when he took
Eion,
situate upon the River
Strymon.
They were oblig'd, by the Terms of their Surrender, to
anton themselves into Villages. This Proceeding of the
Spartans,
was in Revenge for their having taken Part against them in the late Wars; and with a View to reduce them so, as that they should not be in a Condition to unite against 'em. Some other little States they treated less rigorously, but yet with such an Air of Superiority and Controul, as plainly shew'd, they expected to be obey'd. In order to keep them under their Dependence, and at the same time to make them a little sanguine in their Interest, they would, in some Cases, redress their Grievances, restore their Exiles, compose their Differences, and do such other popular Acts of Justice, as to make them think, they were executing the Treaty to their Advantage, and that they were the Authors of their Liberty. And among the greater States, they had oblig'd the
Corinthians
to withdraw their Garrison from
Argos;
which, with their freeing the
Boeotian
Cities, and some other Instances of that kind, had rais'd their Reputation for the present, and taken off a good deal of the Odium, which they had contracted by the Treaty in other Respects.
The People who gave them most Disturbance at this time,
They quarrel with the
Olynthians.
were the
Olynthians,
who were started up on a sudden, and grown so powerful, that they not only held the neighbouring Places in Subjection, but had over-run a great Part of
Macedonia,
and taken many Towns, with
Pell
the
Metropolis;
wherein they copied after the Example of
Sparta,
and under a Pretence of delivering those Places from the Tyranny of
Amyntas
their King, had in a manner drove him out of his Dominions. the Inhabitants of
Acanthus
and
Apollonia
Finding themselves under a Necessity of submitting to them, if they were not supported against them, represented their Case to the
Spartans,
who looking upon the
Olynthians
with a jealous Eye, made no Difficulty of granting their Protection to those Cities, and immediately dispatch'd Two Thousand Men, under the Command of
Eudamidas,
who recover'd
Potidaea,
and fortify'd several Parts of
Thrace.
In the mean time his Brother
Phaebidas
was sent to join him with a greater Body of Troops.
But an Incident happen'd in his March,
Phaebidas
seizes
the Cadmea
at
Thebes. Olymp. 99. 3.
which prov'd to be of more Consequence to the Affairs of
Greece,
than was at first apprehended. When he arriv'd at
Thebes,
he found the City divided into Factions, one Party being headed by
Is
nias,
and the other by
Leontiades.
They were two of the Polemarchs, or Governors of the City; and the latter being in the
Spartan
Interest, and finding, that he could not otherwise get the better of his Colleague, betray'd the Citadel, call'd
Cadmea,
to
Phaebidas;
then seiz'd
Ismenias,
and forc'd his Party, to the Number of Four Hundred, to fly to
Athens
for Refuge. This made a great Noise there, and in the other Parts of
Greece;
and even at
Sparta
they were so asham'd of it, that they pretended to resent it; for they were sensible the
Thebans
had done nothing in Violation of the Treaty, since they had submitted to it; that their domestick Dissensions did not concern the Publick; and that
Phaebidas
had no Authority to intermeddle in them. But this Action was excus'd by
Agesilaus,
who was suppos'd to be at the Bottom of the Design. He consider'd it in no other Light, than as it was of Advantage to the Common-wealth; and declar'd his Opinion,
That if it answer'd in that Respect, it matter'd not by what Authority it was done.
He added further, in Behalf of
Phaebidas, That in an Enterprize of that Nature, Orders were not to be expected.
This way of reasoning so far prevail'd with the
Spartan
Government, that they avow'd and justify'd the Action, tho' at the same time they punish'd the Actor; for they impos'd a Fine of ten thousand
Drachmas
on
Ph
bidas,
and depriv'd him of his Command: Which
Plutarch
takes notice of as a ridiculous Inconsistency. And
Polybius,
in condem
ing the
Aetolians,
for a Procedure of the like Kind, compares them to the
Spartans,
who, when
Phaebidas
had, contrary to all Faith and Treaties, seiz'd the
Cadmea,
punish'd the Author of the Treachery, but did not withdraw their Garrison; as if, says he, that Punishment could wipe out the Injustice of the Action, and give full Satisfaction to the
Thebans.
He makes a further Remark applicable to the present Occasion, that, upon the Peace they proclaim'd publickly, they would restore all the Cities to their Liberties, and yet did not recall any of the Governors, whom they had plac'd in them. He then adds,
That 'tis the Heighth of Madness, join'd to the most consummate Wickedness, to pretend, that a Man needs only shut his ow
Eyes, to hinder others from seeing him.
However the
Spartans
kept Possession of the Citadel, and confirm'd
Leontiades
in the Government, to whom
Archias
was join'd in Commission, as having been an Accomplice with him in the Treachery. In the next Place they procur'd Articles to be exhibited against
Ismenias,
for having taken Mony of the
Persians,
and held Intelligence with them, and for having been a principal Promoter of these intestine Broils.
Isine
s
condemn'd.
Upon which he underwent a formal Trial before three Commissioners deputed from
Sparta,
and one from each of the other great Cities of
Greece,
and was condemn'd to Death.
The
Spartans
having in this manner secured
Thebes,
The War carried on against the
Olynthians.
prosecuted the War against the
Olynthians.
The Command was given to
Teleutias,
who, with the Assistance of
Anupetas,
defeated them under the Walls of the City; after which he ravag'd the Country, and went into Winter Quarters. The next Campaign prov'd more successful to the
Olynthians,
who having defeated a Party of the
Spartan
Army,
Teleutias
march'd with the main Body to their Relief, and charging furiously within Bow-shot of the City, his Men were very much gall'd, and himself
kill'd.
Teleutias kill'd.
He is charg'd with more Passion and Rashness in this Enterprise, than was suitable to his Post. But however he might expose himself upon this Occasion,
His Character.
he had in the main behaved well in the Service of his Country, and acquitted himself with Honour in both his Capacities, of General and Admiral. He was also rich and liberal, and had endear'd himself so much to those who serv'd under him, that upon his Return home in a former Expedition, they flock'd about him, to crown him with Wreaths and Garlands. And
Xenophon says, His manner of engaging the Affections of the Soldiers, deserv'd more to be taken notice of, than the Wealth he possess'd, or the Dangers he underwent.
But whatever his personal Merit was, he ow'd a great deal to
Agesilaus,
who was his half Brother, and was chieFly instrumental in the raising and supporting him.
The
Spartans,
Succeeded By
Agesi
olis
, as soon as they heard of his Death, sent their King
Agesipolis
in his room. He having collected the Forces, which were much shatter'd and dispers'd by the last Action, took
Torone
a Town in Alliance with the
Olynthians,
and harass'd the Country; but the Fatigue and extreme Heats of the Season threw him into a Fever,
his Death.
of which he died.
Agesilaus,
who had lived in good Friendship with him, lamented his Loss. There had indeed, at his first setting out, been a secret Emulation between them; which
Agesilaus
perceiving, easily got the better of, and moulded him to his Purpose. For being naturally modest and tractable, but indolent withal, and averse to Business, his Colleague took care to cultivate in him this mild Disposition; and in order to take off the Edge of his Ambition, entertain'd him with Dogs and Horses, and Love-affairs, and went so far as to recommend Boys to him, and assist him in his Amours.
He was succeeded in the Command by
Polybiades,
Polybiades takes
Olynthus.
Olym. 100. 1.
who besieged
Olynthus,
and reduced it by Famine. The Conditions imposed on the Inhabitants, were,
That they shou'd have the same Friends and Foes with the
Spartans;
and that they should join with them, as Confederates, in all their Wars.
This War continued near three Years;
The
Spartans
quarrel with the
P
siasians.
and it was no sooner ended, but the
Spartans
were call'd upon to chastise the
Phliasians
for having ill treated the Exiles, who had lately been restored by their Interposition. They made their Complaints at
Sparta,
and were fin'd for so doing: But upon their repeated Instances for Protection, the
Ephori
declared War; and
Agesilaus
was sent to do them Justice. He required of them to deliver up their Castle; which they refusing to do, he laid Siege to the City. They made a very obstinate De
ence, even to the imprisoning such as did but mention any thing of a Surrender; 'till at length, their Provisions failing them,
Who are reduc'd by
Agesilaus.
they were reduced to the last Extremity, and sent to
Sparta
to obtain the best Terms they could. In the mean time,
Agesilaus
leFt a Garrison in the Town, and re
urned home, after he had spent above a Year and an half in this Expedition.
The
Spartans
had by this time, under colour of putting things upon that equal footing, which was required by the Treaty, gain'd such an In
rease of Power and Authority to themselves, that there was no State in a Condition to make
ead against them. But in the midst of this
ecurity, they were alarmed from a Quarter, where they least expected it. The
Thebans
had
or four Years, since the seizing of the Citadel,
ubmitted to the
Spartan
Yoke;
The
Thebans
recover the
Cadm
a. Olymp. 100. 2.
but they now
ook occasion, by a very desperate Attempt, to
hrow it off. For which purpose, there was a se
ret Correspondence carried on between the most
onsiderable of the Exiles at
Athens,
and those
ho were well affected to them in
Thebes;
and Measures were concerted between them by
Phyllidas
Secretary to the
Theban
Governors; by whose Contrivan
e a competent Number of the Exiles were to get into the City; and
Charon,
a Man of the first Rank there, offer'd his House for their Reception. The Day being fix'd, they set out from
Athens;
and Twelve of the most active and resolute among them, were detached to enter the City, the rest remaining at a proper Distance, to wait the Event. The first who offer'd himself, was
Pelopidas,
who was young and daring, and had been very zealous in encouraging the Design; and by the Share he had in it, gave a sufficient earnest of what might be further expected from him in the Service of his Country. The next Man of Consequence, was
M
lon,
who by some is said to have first projected the Affair with
Phyllidas.
These two, with their ten Associates, dress'd themselves like Peasan
and beat about the Fields with Dogs and Hunting-poles, as in search of Game. By which means having pass'd unsuspected, and convey'd themselves into the City, they met at
Charon
's House as the general Rendezvous, where they were so
after join'd by Thirty six more of their Confederates. It was concerted, that
Phyllidas
sho
on that Day give a great Entertainment to
chias
and
Philip,
the two Governors, who we appointed by the
Spartans;
and, to make it
more compleat, he had engaged to provide so
of the finest Women in the Town to give th
a Meeting. Matters being thus prepar'd,
Associates divided themselves into two Bands; one of which, led by
Charon
and
Mellon,
were to attack
Archias,
and his Company. And having put on Womens Cloaths over their Armour, with Pine and Poplar over their Heads, to shade their Faces, they took their Opportunity, when the Guests were well heated with Wine, to enter the Room, and immediately stabb'd
Archias
and
Philip,
with such others of the Company, as were pointed out to them by
Phyllidas.
A little before this Execution,
Archias
received an Express from
Athens,
with all the Particulars of the Conspiracy; and the Courier conjured him in the Name of the Person who wrote the Letters, that he should read them forthwith; for that they contain'd Matter of great Importance. But he laid them by unopen'd, and with a Smile said,
Business to morrow;
which Words upon that Occasion grew into a Proverb.
The other Band, headed by
Pelopidas
and
Damoclides,
went to attack
Leontiades,
who was at home, and in Bed. They rush'd into his House by Surprise; but he soon taking the Alarm, leap'd up, and, with his Sword in his Hand, received them at his Chamber-door, and stabb'd
Cephisodorus,
who was the first Man that attempted to enter.
Pelopidas
was the next who encounter'd him, and after a long and difficult Dispute, kill'd him. From thence they went in pursuit of
Hypates
his Friend and Neighbour, and dispatch'd him likewise. After which they join'd the other Band, and sent to hasten the Exiles they had left in
Attica.
The whole City was by this time fill'd with Terror and Confusion; the Houses full of Lights, and the Inhabitants running to and fro in the Streets in a wild distracted manner, and waiting impatiently for Day-light, that they might distinguish their Friends from their Foes, and determine what course to take. Early in the Morning the Exiles came in arm'd; and
Pelopidas
appear'd with his Party in a General Assembly of the People, encompass'd by the Priests carrying Garlands in their Hands, proclaiming Liberty to the
Thebans
in general, and exhorting them to fight for their Gods and their Country. For tho' they had made such a prosperous Beginning, the most difficult Part still remain'd, whilst the Citadel was in the Possession of the
Spartans,
with a Garrison of fifteen hundred Men, besides a great Number of Citizens and others, who had fled to them for Protection, and declared themselves on their Side.
Plutarch,
who is very particular in the first Part of this Transaction, which has been related chiefly from him, passes over the taking the Citadel too slightly. He only says, that
Pelopidas,
with
Charon
and
Mellon,
block'd it up, attack'd it, and got possession of it, before any Succours could arrive from
Sparta.
But it is not probable, that should be the Work of a Day, or that it should have been effected with so small a Force: And therefore this Part is to be supplied from
Diodorus Siculus,
who says, that the
Athenians
early the next Morning after, sent five thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse to
Pelopidas
's Assistance, and that several other Bodies of Troops came in from all the Cities of
Boeotia,
to the Number of seven thousand; that the Castle being besieged by this Army held out for several Days, but surrender'd at last for want of Provisions. Others say, they capitulated more out of Fear than Necessity, and that the Commander, at his Return to
Sparta,
was put to death for it. However the Citadel, upon which the whole depended, was recovered; and as the gaining that restored the
Thebans
to their former Liberty, so it was the Foundation of their future Greatness.
This Action bore so near a Resemblance to that of
Thrasybulus,
whether we consider the Courage of the Actors, the Hazards and Difficulties of the Undertaking, the Manner in which it was conducted, or the Success and Consequences with which it was attended, that it was called
Its Sister.
And
Pelopidas
proposed that Enterprise as a Pattern to the Exiles, when he exhorted them not to content themselves with living in a lazy Dependence on the
Athenians,
and to fawn for fear upon every smoothtongu'd Orator, but to exert themselves like
Thrasybulus;
and that, as he had advanced from
Thebes,
to break the Power of the Tyrants at
Athens,
they should in like manner march from
Athens,
to set
Thebes
at Liberty.
The
Spartans
were so enraged, and so far from giving up their usurped Dominion, that they sent their King
Cleombrotus
in the Depth of Winter to make War upon the
Thebans.
Whereupon the
Spartans
declare War against them.
But after he had deseated some small straggling Parties, he left the Prosecution of his Designs to
Sphodrias,
who commanded in
Thespiae.
The
Athenians
were afraid, by entering into this Quarrel, to draw the
Spartans
upon them; and therefore withdrew their Protection and Assistance from the
Thebans.
The
Thebans,
on the other hand,
The
Thebans
create a Quarrel bet
en
Athens
and
Spar
a.
not thinking themselves able singly to cope with the
Spartans,
contrived to create a Misunderstanding between these two States, in order to bring over the
Athenians
to them. Accordingly they practis'd under-hand with
Sphodrias,
and put him upon a Project of attacking the
Piraeus,
as a thing that would redound to his Honour, and be very advantageous and agreeable to his Principals. He was brave and ambitious, but rash withal, and indiscreet; and he was work'd up to it, partly by flattering his Vanity, and partly by Presents. It was concerted,
Ol
mp. 100. 4.
that he should march in the dead of Night, so as to be able to make his Attack upon the Place by break of Day: But he fail'd in his Time; and when he was got as far as
Ele
sis,
the Design took Air, and miscarried. However he had done enough to alarm and incense the
Athenians,
who thereupon imprison'd the
Spartan
Ambassadors. But the State disavow'd this Proceeding of their Officer, and call'd him to an Account for it.
Agesilaus
urg'd in his Behalf,
That he was an honest Man, and that the Common-wealth stood in need of such Soldiers,
and got him acquitted; which he is said to have done at the Intercession of his Son
Archidamus,
who had a Love-Affair with
Cleonymus
the Son of
Sphodrias.
This Attempt made in a profound Peace, and without the least Provocation given, was of the same kind with that of the
Cadm
a,
tho' it had not the same Success; and it was Matter of great Surprise, that the Author of it should go unpunished. It is therefore to be look'd upon as one of those glaring Instances of the Partiality of the
Spartan
Government, in Cases wherein their Interest was concerned: And the
Athenians
resented it accordingly. For they immediately declared themselves on the Side of the
Thebans,
and joining heartily with them, drew to their Confederacy several of the Cities, which were grown weary of the
Spartan
Tyranny.
The
Spartans,
Olymp. 101. 1.
in order to retain those Places which had not yet revolted, abated of their usual Severity to them;
The Spartans invade
Boeotia.
and sent
Agesilaus
and
Cleombrotus
by turns, with a good Body of Troops, into
Boeotia;
where they made several Campaigns, but did little more than shew themselves, and harass the Country, with the Loss of many of their Men; among whom was
Phaebidas,
who, since the Affair of the
Cadmea,
commanded in the Garrison at
Thespioe,
and afterwards in the Army, upon the Absence of the
Spartan
Kings.
The Man who signaliz'd himself most against the
Spartans,
Are opposed by
Chabrias. Olymp.
101. 2.
was
Chabrias
the
Athenian,
who had serv'd well at Sea and Land, and was now pitch'd upon as the best Officer of his Time to oppose to
Agesilaus,
who had enter'd
Boeotia
with eighteen thousand Foot, and fifteen hundred Horse; and whose Name struck such a Terror into the
Thebans,
that they propos'd nothing more than standing upon their Defence; and to that end, possess'd themselves of an Hill near the City.
Agesilaus
detach'd a Party of light-arm'd Men to provoke them to come down, and give him Battle; which they declining, he drew out his whole Forces, in order to attack them.
Chabrias,
His Successes.
who commanded the Mercenaries on the Part of the
Thebans,
order'd his Men to present themselves, and keep their Ranks in close Order, with their Shields laid down at their Feet, and their Spears advanc'd, and with one Leg put forward, and the Knee upon the half-bent.
Agesilaus
finding them prepar'd in this manner to receive him, and that they stood, as it were, in De
iance of him, thought fit to withdraw his Army, and contented himself with ravaging the Country. This was look'd upon as an extraordinary Stratagem; and
Chabrias
valu'd himself so much upon it, that he procur'd his Statue to be erected in that Posture.
The
Spartans
having done nothing considerable enough to answer the Losses and Expence of these Expeditions, resolv'd to try their Fortune at Sea; and fitted out a Fleet of seventy Sail, under the Command of
Pollis,
who endeavour'd to intercept a great Quantity of Corn design'd for
Athens,
and had in a manner block'd up the City. But
Chabrias
having Notice of this Design, came up with the
Spartan
Fleet, and having defeated it, convoy'd the Transport Ships safe into the
Piraeus.
Chabrias
acting offensively in his turn,
The Victory at
Naxus.
sail'd with the Fleet to
Naxus,
and laid Siege to it; and
Pollis
coming up to the Relief of the Island, a very sharp Engagement ensu'd, wherein the
Athenians
dispers'd the whole
Spartan
Fleet, having destroy'd twenty-four of their Gallies, and taken eight, with the Loss of eighteen of their own.
Chabrias
return'd with his Spoils to
Athens,
and was highly honour'd, this being the first Victory at Sea, that had been obtain'd by the
Athenians
singly, without the Assistance of the
Persian,
since the
Peloponnesian
War: And this had put them upon asserting their former Dominion at Sea.
For this purpose they order'd their Fleet to sail round
Peloponnesus,
Olymp. 101. 3.
under the Conduct of
Timotheus,
who was the Son of
Conon,
and inherited his Father's Virtues.
The Successes of
Timotheus
He drew several Towns and Places on the Coast, some by Force, and others by Management and mild Treatment, into the Alliance with
Athens:
Whereupon the
Spartans
sent out
Nicolochus,
with the Command of their Fleet, to put a Stop to these Encroachments. He was hot and daring, and immediately fell in with the
Athenians,
before his whole Number of Ships could join him. But he was defeated, and
Timotheus
erected a Trophy. This Action happen'd near
Leucas.
The
Thebans
taking Advantage of these Diversions at Sea, recover'd all the Cities of
Boeotia,
and invaded
Phocis.
The
Spartans
grew every Day less terrible to them; so that they began now to act offensively against them, and had frequent Encounters with them. And though they were not regular and decisive Battles, they were such as serv'd to raise their Courage, and gain them Experience, and were introductory to those greater Actions which happen'd afterwards. The Success of these little Engagements was generally on their Side, and was chiefly owing to
Pelopidas,
and of
Pelopidas.
who signaliz'd himself in most of 'em. In one of them, at a Place call'd
Ta
agra,
he slew the
Spartan
Commander with his own Hand. But that which happen'd about the same Time at
Tegyra,
was more remarkable.
He had form'd a Design of surprising
Or
d
menus,
The Battle
t
Tegyra.
which was garrison'd by the
Spartans,
and march'd against it with three hundred Foot, and
ome Horse: But receiving Intelligence, that a great Body of
Spartans
were upon their March
o reinforce the Garrison, he thought it adviseable
o retire. In his Retreat, he met this Reinforcement near
Tegyra,
and being oppos'd by them, he order'd his Horse, who were in the Rear, to advance and engage them, relying on his Foot for the main Stress of the Battle. The Attack was very furious on both Sides: But
Gorgoleon
and
Theopompus,
who commanded the
Spartans,
soon sell; and all who were near them, were either kill'd, or put to Flight; which struck such a Terror into the rest of their Troops, that they open'd a Passage for the
Thebans
to pursue their March. But
Pelopidas
would not quit the Field, till he had made a further Slaughter among 'em, and thoroughly routed and dispers'd them. He acquir'd more Reputation by this Retreat, than he could have got by succeeding in his original Design against
Orchomenus:
And it was a more signal Disgrace to the
Spartans,
than they had hitherto met with; for they had at least three times as many Men in the Field. And it was never known before, that in all their Wars, whether against
Grecians
or
Barbarians,
they had been beat by fewer Troops than their own, or even by an equal Number. It must indeed be allow'd, that these three hundred Foot were the Flower of the
Theban
Army; and they were distinguish'd by the Name of
The Sacred Battalion.
The Sacred Battali
.
They were as remarkable for their Fidelity and Affection to one another, as they were for their Courage, and in that respect were likewise call'd,
The Band of Lovers.
There are several fabulous Accounts concerning them: But all that can be reasonably collected from them, is, that they were a brave determin'd Set of young Men, who had vow'd perpetual Friendship, and sworn to stand by one another to the last Drop of their Blood. They were said to have been first rais'd by
Gorgidas,
who was one of the Governors of
Boeotia,
in Conjunction with
Pelopidas,
and had a considerable Share in the Transactions of that Time. He us'd them chiefly as a Guard to the Citadel, but employ'd them occasionally in other Services of the War; and upon an Engagement, he chose to divide and mix them in the Ranks with the other Troops, in order to animate them by their Example. But
Pelopidas
found a better Effect in keeping them in one entire Body; and after the Proofs they had given him of their Behaviour in this Action, he constantly charg'd at the Head of them, in the same manner, without breaking and dispersing them. They are said to have remain'd invincible till the Battle of
Cheronea,
which happen'd some Years after, when they were every Man of them cut down by the
Macedonian Phalanx:
And the next Day
Philip
taking a View of the Field of Battle, look'd on them with Surprise, as they lay all together among the Slain, and extolling their Virtue,
p over them.
It was this Battle of
Tegyra,
says
Plutarch,
which first convinc'd the
Grecians,
that the Breed of martial Spirits is not confin'd to the Banks of the
Eurotas;
but that true Courage and Bravery are the Growth of every Country, where the Inhabitants are brought up with a Sense of Honour and Justice, and are more afraid of the least Disgrace, than of the greatest Danger.
These Successes of the
Thebans
made the
Athenians
begin to think they gain'd Ground a little too fast; and whatever Cause of Resentment they had against
Sparta,
they did not care to carry it so far, as to raise the Power of one State upon the Destruction of the other: Which Consideration inclin'd them towards an Accomodation. It happen'd at the same time, that
Artaxerxes
wanting a Supply of
Grecian
Troops to assist him in his
Aegyptian
War, and which could not easily be spar'd, without putting an end to these intestine Broils, sent his Ambassadors into
Greece
to renew the
Peace of Antalcidas,
The Peace of Antalcidas renew'd.
Olymp.
102. 1.
which in the present Conjuncture met with very little Difficulty, except from the
Thebans,
who would not give up their Jurisdiction over the Cities of
Boeotia.
The general Tenor of the Treaty was as before,
That all the Cities for the future should be govern'd by their own Laws;
with an additional Provision,
That all the Garrisons should be withdrawn;
which was accordingly executed by Commissioners appointed for that Purpose.
During the short Respite that was by this Means given to the
Grecians,
A Body of
Grecians
employ'd by the
Persians
against
Aegypt.
Artaxerxes
engag'd twenty thousand of them in his Service against
Aegypt. Pharnabazus,
who had the Charge of the War, and had been two Years in making Preparations for it, had got together an Army of two hundred thousand Men, besides this Body of
Grecians,
with a proportionable Number of Shipping, to act in concert with the Land Forces. He sent to
Athens
to demand that
Chabrias,
who then serv'd as a Voluntier with the
Aegyptians,
might be recall'd home,
Iphicrates
commands them.
and that
Iphicrates
might be sent to command the
Grecians;
both which Point
were readily complied with. The general Rendezvous was at
Ace,
afterwards call'd
Ptolemai
;
where it was resolv'd to attack
Pelusium,
one o
the
Seven Mouths
of the
Nile,
as the most convenient Passage into the Country: But the
Aegyptians
had so long Notice given them to provide for their Defence, that they had made that Place inaccessible both by Sea and Land. Where, upon
Pharnabazus
order'd the Fleet to
Mendesium,
another
Mouth
of the
Nile,
and made a Descent with three thousand Men, who, after a vigorous Resistance, took the Place.
Iphicrates
took the Fort likewise, with those who had retir'd into it; and being flush'd with this Success, propos'd to go, without Loss of Time, to a
ack
Memphis,
the capital City of
Aegypt.
But
P
arnabazus
chose rather to stay till his whole Forces could come up, in order to make sure Work of it. The other urg'd the Necessity of marching immediately against it, and, in order to cut off all further Pretences, offer'd to do it with only his own Troops; which being likewise refus'd, it was plainly seen,
Pharnabazus
is jealous of him.
that
Pharnabazus
was jealous of his having too great a Share in the Honour of the Expedition. Whilst this Matter was in Debate between them, the
Aegyptians
put a strong Garrison into
Memphis;
and drawing down the rest of their Forces against the
Persians,
maintain'd their Ground, and harass'd them, till at length the Inundation of the
Nile
oblig'd them to quit the Country. By these Means they lost the Prospect of taking
Memphis,
the Consequence whereof must have been the Reduction of the whole Kingdom. Such was the Fate of most of the
Persian
Expeditions, which were generally ill concerted, and worse conducted, and were always attended with Delays, which were chiefly occasion'd by their Generals Hands being tied up, so that, upon any sudden Emergency, they often waited for Instructions from their Court, till the Occasion was over. And this was alledg'd by
Pharnabazus
in his Excuse to
Iphicrates,
who expostulating with him upon the Operations of the War, ask'd him,
How it came to pass, that he who was so quick in proposing his Measures, was so slow in the Execution? Because,
said he,
I am Master of my Words; but the King is Master of my Actions.
But this was not so much the Case of the present Miscarriage, which was chiefly owing to the Misunderstanding between the two Generals. However
Pharnabazus,
upon his Re
turn into
Asia,
threw the whole Blame of it upo
Iphicrates,
who did not think it proper there to justify himself. He took warning from wha
had lately happen'd to
Conon
under the like Circumstances; and therefore withdrew himself privately to
Athens. Pharnabazus
sent his Complaint after him; and the
Athenians
promis'd to punish him, according as they should find he had deserv'd it. But they found reason to be very well satisfied with his Behaviour, and were so far from censuring it, that soon after, as a Mark of their Approbation, they appointed him Admiral.
In the mean time the several Cities of
Greece,
especially those in
Peloponnesus,
were no sooner put into a Condition of enjoying that Liberty, which was now more fully restor'd to them, but they fell into Tumults and Seditions among themselves, with such Resentment of former Injuries upon those who had acted under the
Spartan
Administration, that they banish'd their Persons, and confiscated their Estates, and created such further Disorders, that the two States of
Athens
and
Sparta
sound themselves oblig'd to interpose in Behalf of those who were best affected towards'em, and whose Quarrels they had formerly espoused:
The Peace broke again in G
rerce.
And this occasion'd another Rupture the Year after the Peace was concluded; tho' it was not so general a one as before, nor of so long Continuance.
The first Contests were concerning
Zacynthus
and
Corcyra;
Commotions at
Zacynthus
and
Corcyra.
which were occasion'd chiefly by the
Spartan
Faction. In the former of these Places, the People had expell'd their Magistrates; who flying to
Timotheus
for Protection, he receiv'd them on board his Fleet, and transported them back to the Island; where, by his further Assistance, they got Possession of a strong Castle, and maintain'd themselves against the Inhabitants. The like Divisions subsisting in
Corcyra,
the
Spartans
sent out
Mnasippus
with a Fleet, under colour of assisting their Friends there. But they knew of what Importance that Island was to the Recovery of their Dominion at Sea; and their true Design was to secure it to themselves. The Fraud being detected, the Inhabitants in general united against them as their common Enemy, and put themselves under the Protection of
Athens.
But before they could receive any Relief from thence, the
Spartans
had landed upon them, and besieged them. And when they found themselves straiten'd for want of Provisions, they made a desperate sally, wherein they kill'd
Mnasippus,
with a good Number of his Men. At length
Iphicrates
and
Timotheus
coming up with the
Athenian
Fleet, took nine of the
Spartan
Gallies, and put an end to these Commotions.
About the same time the Inhabitants of
Plataêa
applying to their old Friends the
Athenians,
for their Protection and Alliance, the
Thebans
took Offence at it, and demolish'd the Town; and soon after did the same by
Thespiae.
The
Thebans
demolish
Plataea
and
Thespiae.
The
A
henians
were so highly incens'd at the Treatment of those two Cities, which had deserv'd so well of the common Cause in the
Persian
War, that they would act no longer in Conjunction with them; and upon their breaking with them, the Affairs of
Greece
took a new and unexpected Turn.
Athens
and
Sparta
began now to think in earnest of enjoying some Repose themselves,
Athens
and
Sparta
incline to Peace.
and of giving it to the lesser States, whose Quarrels had been promoted chiefly by them, and made subservient to their Views of obtaining the Sovereignty of
Greece.
This was undoubtedly the true Grounds of their Enmity, tho' several other pretended Causes were asign'd; of which the most plausible was, the settling the other Cities and Republicks in a State of Freedom and Independency. This was now in some measure effected; and the
Spartans
having been forc'd to give up a great Part of the Power they had unjustly obtain'd, the
Athenians
contented themselves with this Mark of their Submission, especially since they had recover'd a great Part of what they had lost at Sea; which had brought things to a pretty equal Balance. The Truth is, they had been at almost all the Charge and Hazard of the War, exclusive of their Allies; so that notwithstanding they had been successful in the main, they had been sufficiently drain'd and harass'd, and were therefore glad of so
avourable a Conjuncture, to renew the former Treaty. There being at the same time nothing to apprehend on the Side of
Asia,
where
Artaxerxes
was deeply engag'd in his
Aegyptian
War, there was a general Disposition for Peace, and the Negotiations were carried on successfully by the
Athenians;
but it was rejected by the
Thebans,
The
Thebans
aver se to it.
and in such a manner, as plainly shew'd they were now setting up for themselves, and would no longer be consider'd as a subordinate State.
They were naturally an hardy and robust People, but had the Character of being heavy and stupid, even to a Proverb: And yet such Generals as
Epaminondas
and
Pelopides,
and such Writers as
Pindar
and
Plutarch,
one would think, should have vindicated them from that Reproach. However it is certain, they had not hitherto exerted themselves in any Degree suitable to the Fame of their Heroes and Founders, who by their Exploits, partly Fabulous, and partly Historical, had given a Promise of what might be expected from their Descendants, especially in a City of so great Antiquity and Renown, as to have maintain'd a Siege, even before that of
Troy.
But they were far from answering these Expectations. The
Thebans
were divided in Interest from the
Boeotians
during the
Persian
Wars; which is assign'd as one Reason, why they were so long kept under: They basely deserted the common Cause of
Greece
at that Time, to join with the
Barbarians:
And when, contrary to all human Probability, that numerous Army was defeated, they apprehended the Power and Resentment of the
Athenians,
who, as being their Neighbours, might, under a Pretence of punishing their Treachery, possess themselves of their Country. This Necessity threw them under the Protection of the
Spartans,
who chose rather to forgive the Friends of
Persia,
than sacrifice the Enemies of
Athens;
and accordingly enter'd into a League with them. The
Thebans
were not ungrateful; they did them very great Service in the
Peloponnesian
War, and continu'd, during the whole Course of it, their good and faithful Allies. Upon what Occasion they afterwards broke with them, and were thereupon oblig'd to have Recourse to the
Athenians,
has already been related. It was a constant Maxim with them, as they were deserted by one of those two States, to fall in with the other; and which Side soever they inclin'd to, they were generally of Weight enough to turn the Balance: However they had hitherto made no further use of that Weight, than to secure themselves. But they had been so constantly engag'd of late Years on one Side or the other, according to the Exigencies of their Affairs, that it had brought them into Discipline, and fir'd their Ambition; and the
Spartans
had principally contributed to it, by their late srequent Expeditions against them. It was an establish'd Point of Policy in the
Spartan
Government, to avoid engaging too often with the same Enemy, for fear of instructing them in the Art of War: And
Lycurgus
had, for the same Reason, expresly forbid it by his Laws. But the Resentment of
Agesilaus
against the
Thebans
carried him on beyond any Consideration of that kind; insomuch that finding his Colleague
Cleombrotus
averse to the
Theban
War, he lead the Army himself, notwithstanding that he had before claim'd the Privilege of his Age to excuse his Attendance: And an Action happening, wherein he was wounded,
Antalcidas
reproach'd him,
That he was well requited by the
Thebans,
for having taught them to fight.
In short, they began now to look about them, and enlarge their Views; and finding themselves too much cramp'd up within their ancient Limits, they laid hold of the present Conjuncture, to extend their Dominion, beginning, as the other States had done, by little Encroachments on their Neighbours.
The Spirit which now appear'd among them,
They are encourag'd by
Pelopidas
and
Epaminondas.
had been rais'd by
Pelopidas,
their late Deliverer from the
Spartan
Yoke, and was seconded and supported by
Epaminondas,
who, tho' he had all the Qualities necessary for the Service of the Publick, yet chose to lead a private Life, in a constant Course of Virtue, and the Study of Philosophy. He had seldom appear'd in publick, but in order to get himself excus'd from those Employments, which were so eagerly courted by others. But his extraordinary Merit no longer suffering him to enjoy his Retirement, he was forc'd out of it, and plac'd at the Head of the
Theban
Army. He had before this contracted an Intimacy with
Pelopidas,
which was daily improv'd by the Correspondence of their Tempers and Principles, and the ardent Zeal, which they both express'd, for the Good of their Country. And they had upon some Occasions before this Time appear'd together in Action: But
Pelopidas
having made a more early Figure in the Army, the Success, which the
Thebans
had hitherto met with, was generally ascrib'd to him: However
Epaminondas
had done enough to distinguish himself; and they both now came to be consider'd in the same Light, as Generals abroad, and as Governors at home.
When the Treaty propos'd by the
Athenians
was upon the Point of being executed, the
Thebans
demanded to be comprehended in it, under the Name of the
Boeotians,
and to be expresly stiled so. But the other contracting Powers would not agree to it:
Agesilaus
particularly insisted upon their leaving
Boeotia
free and independent. He was answer'd by
Epaminondas,
who was there as Ambassador on the Part of the
Thebans, That they, the
Spartans
would do well to shew them the Example, by setting free the Country of
Laconia;
for that the Pretensions of the City of
Thebes
to the one, were as well founded, as those of the City of
Sparta,
to the other.
He urg'd farther, not only in Behalf of the
Thebans,
but of
Greece
in general,
That
Sparta
had aggrandiz'd herself by War, at the Expence of her Neighbours; That Peace might be obtain'd, and such a
ne as might be solid and lasting; but that it could not be otherwise so, than by reducing all to an Equality.
These Remonstrances, however just they were, yet so incens'd
Agesilaus,
that he struck the Name of the
Thebans
out of the Treaty,
Agesilaus
declares War against the Thebans.
and declar'd War against them.
The entering into a War in this manner, was thought, both by the
Spartans
and their Allies, too hasty a Step; and when it was at last, and with some Difficulty, decreed by the
Ephori,
it was censur'd, as an Act more of Passion than Judgment, and as owing to the particular Pique
Agesilaus
had to the
Thebans,
on whose Account he had been call'd out of
Asia;
and thereupon he laid hold of all Opportunities of being reyeng'd on them. However he took care at the same time to conclude a Peace with the rest of the
Grecians;
tho' it was couch'd in so loose and general Terms, as if it were intended only to serve the present Occasion, lest any of them should
oin against him, and that he might afterwards either observe, or break it, according as he should find it most for his Purpose. This agrees with what he said to the other Ambassadors upon his dismissing them,
That what could be amicably adusted, should; and that what was not otherwise to be remedied, must be determin'd by the Sword, it being too dissicult a Task to provide for every thing by
reaty.
The
Thebans
were by this means left to them
elves; and
Cleombrotus
lying then in
Phocis
wit ten thousand Foot, and a thousand Horse, th
Ephori
sent him Orders to march immediate
into
Boeotia;
and at the same time they order' fresh Levies to be made in
Laconia,
and amon
their Allies. The
Thebans,
tho' they were unde
the utmost Consternation, and that all
Greece
general look'd upon them as lost, prepar'd
stand upon their Defence.
Epaminondas
was at
pointed Commander in Chief; but there we
join'd with him, at his own Request, six other
as his Council, or Assistants.
Cleombrotus
in the mean time pursued h
March with great Diligence, and went on
to a certain Victory. However, when he a
riv'd upon the Frontiers of
Boeotia,
he sent un
der colour of justifying his Proceedings, to d
mand of the
Thebans, That they should restore if
Boeotian
Cities to their Liberty; That they shou
rebuild
Plataea
and
Thespiae,
which they had don
lish'd in the last War; and that they should make g
all the Losses the Inhabitants had sustain'd. E
minendas
return'd an Answer suitable to the D
mand,
That the
Spartans
had nothing to do wi
Boeotia, and
that the
Thebans
were not accom
table to them for their Conduct.
There now remain'd nothing further to
done on either Side, but to prepare for Actio
But just as the
Thebans
march'd out of the C
they were terrified by Omens and Prodiga
which they interpreted to portend ill Success to
hem.
Epaminodas,
by way of Encouragement, repeated to them a Verse of
Homer,
which implied,
.
That there was one sure good
men to those who fought for their Country.
One of these unlucky Auguries, was a sudden
reat Clap of Thunder, which they look'd up
n as a Warning from Heav'n, and address'd
hemselves to their General, to know his SentiMents upon it. But he being more attentive
the Incampment of the
Spartan
Army, than
the Thunder, gave them no other Answer,
han
That be wonder'd to see the Enemy bad
tch'd upon so bad a Piece of Ground, when they
ight have posted themselves so much more advan
ageously.
However, to prevent any further Effets of this Superstition, or Fear, which was
mong the Troops, he found it necessary to hu
our them a little, and to take them in their own
ay. Accordingly he invented other Counter
mens and Auguries, and made use of old
rophecies and Predictions, which he applied
the present Occasion, and took care to have
hem explain'd in so favourable a manner, that he Soldiers went on in full Confidence of Suc
ess, and were eager to engage. The next
oint in Debate, was among the Generals,
hether they should act defensively, or march
p to the
Spartans
Camp, and offer them
attle. The Council of War upon this Occasion, consisted of
Epaminondas,
and five of
Colleagues; and they were equally divided Opinion. But
Pelopidas,
as some say, came afterwards, and by his Vote it was determin to give the Enemy Battle. Accordingly
two Armies met in the Plain of
Leuctra,
Town in
Boeotia.
Archidamus
the Son of
Agesilaus,
having join the
Spartans
with the new Levies, had increas their Number to four and twenty Thousan
whereas the
Thebans
had at the most but
Thousand. There was also a great Disproporti
in their Horse: But the
Thebans
had vastly
Advantage, both in the Quality of their Horse and in their Management of them.
Epaminondas
endeavour'd to supply his W
of Troops by his Disposition,
A. M. 3634. Olymp.
102. 2. The Batt
of
Leuctra
and by the V
gour of his Attack. And taking to himself
Command of the Left Wing, opposite to
Right of the Enemy, commanded by
Cleomio
tus,
he put the main Stress of the Battle the
concluding, that is he could break that Body
Spartans,
the rest would easily be put to the Ro
With this View, he strengthen'd his Wing w
his heavy-arm'd Infantry, and the best of
other Troops; by which Additions, it was
M
n deep, whereas that of the
Spartans
was b
twelve. He closed it with the
Sacred Band
der the Command of
Pelopidas;
and his Ho
he placed in the Front of it, after the Example of
Cleombrotus.
Having drawn off so ma
from his other Wing, he order'd those who remain'd in it, to fall back in a slanting Line, as if they declin'd fighting, and were making their Retreat; which he did, that they might not be left too much expos'd, and that they might cover his Flank on the Right, and be a Body of Reserve to him in case of need.
He then advanc'd with his Wing, extending
t obliquely, in order to draw off the Right Wing of the
Spartans
from their main Body. The Enemy perceiving his Design, chang'd their Order of Battle, and began to extend their Wing likewise, with an Intent to surround
Epa
nondas.
But before they could open and close their Divisions, he took advantage of their forming themselves, and began the Attack with the Horse: And
Pelopidas
charging with him at the same time, with incredible Speed and Bravery at the Head of his
Battalion,
they follow'd she Horse, and press'd so hard upon the
Spar
ans,
that tho' they were of all the
Grecians,
the most expert in recovering any Surprise or Disorder of that Kind, their Skill was now quite passed. Their Horse being not able to stand the Shock, were forc'd back upon their Infantry, which, by this means, was broke, and thrown into a good deal of Confusion. The
Thebans
having made this Impression with their Horse, push'd on to
Cleombrotus,
and open'd their Way to him with great Slaughter; notwithstanding that the
Spartans
fought with their wonted Bravery, and held the Victory som
Time in Suspence. At length
Cleombrotus
with
Dinon, Sphodrias,
his Son
Cleonyme
and other Officers of Note, who came up
defend the Person of their King. And
he was kill'd, the Fight was renew'd with greater Rage and Obstinacy, both to revenge
Death, and to recover his Body. This la
was a point of Honour with the
Spartan
which they could not for shame give up; and
Epaminondas
chose rather to gratify them in it than to hazard the further Success of the Battle Wherefore he left them in possession of their dead King, and went on to their other Wing which was commanded by
Archidamus,
and consisted chiefly of the Allies, who had not willingly been engaged in this Quarrel, but were the more easily persuaded to it from the Weakness of the
Thebans;
so that they thought they had little more to do, than to take the Field, and that they were to conquer without fighting, or, as
Diodorus
expresses it,
without Dust. But they were so dishearten'd at the Death of
Cleombrotus,
and the Defeat of his Wing, that they soon betook themselves to Flight, and were follow'd by the rest of the Army.
Ep
minondas
pursued them with great Slaughter, 'till having compleated his Victory, he remain'd Master of the Field, and erected a Trophy. There fell in the Battle four Thousand on the Side of
Sparta,
whereof one Thousand were
Lacedamonians,
and the Flower of their Army; and four Hundred of them were Citizens of
Sparta.
The
Thebans
lost in the whole but three Hundred Men.
Epaminondas
had succeeded in every Part of this Action, according to his Wish, and according to the manner in which he had projected it. His Skill and Conduct in this Battle, and in that which succeeded it at
Manitinea,
are look'd upon as Master-pieces in their kind: And they who are curious that way, may see the exact Plans of them, as they are describ'd by a
Le Chevalier de Folard.
late Author in his Comments upon
Polybius.
This Battle was fought within twenty Days after the Conclusion of the Peace. And as it was the sharpest of any that had happen'd during the Wars of the
Grecians
among themselves, so it was more remarkable for the Number of the
slain; there having seldom been above four or five hundred kill'd on the Side of the vanquish'd, even in the Height of the Rivalship between
Athens
and
Sparta,
when they fought with the most Rancour and Inveteracy. The
Thebans
acquir'd more Glory by it, than any of the Republicks had ever gain'd by any single Victory in those Wars: And
Epaminondas
felt such a sudden Excess of Joy upon it, that he went out of his usual Character, and was hardly able to contain himself. But the next Day, upon cooler Thoughts, he resum'd the Philosopher; and appear'd so pensive and melancholy, that his Friends were very inquisitive to know the Cause of it. He told them,
He had suffered himself to be too much transported upon his Victory, and that he was now undergoing a proper Chastisement for it.
But his Command of himself upon this Occasion, did not come up to that of the
Spartans,
whose Behaviour after the Battle, was so remarkably great, that I question whether it can be parallel'd in the History of any Age, or Country.
If happen'd, that when the News of the Defeat came to
Sparta,
they were celebrating a Publick Festival in the City, where there was a great Concourse of Strangers from several Parts of
Greece.
The Behaviour of the
Spartans
after their Defeat.
The
Ephori,
who from the Accounts they had already received of the Battle, could not but be sensible of the terrible Consequences of it, yet gave Orders, that the Solemnity of the Day should not be interrupted; but privately sending the Names of the slain to each Family, out of which they were lost, they went on with the Sports and Ceremonies, as if nothing had happen'd. The next Morning, when they were more fully informed of the Particulars, the Fathers and Relations of the slain came out rejoicing in the Market-place, and saluting each other with a kind of Exultation: On the contrary, the Fathers of those who survived the Battle, conceal'd themselves in their Houses; and if any of them were, upon any necessary Occasion, obliged to go abroad, it was easily discover'd by their Looks, that they were asham'd to own their Children. The Women carried it still further, the Mothers of the slain openly rejoicing, chearfully making Visits to each other, and assembling in a triumphant manner in the Temples; whilst they who expected their Children home, sat silent and dejected.
But the Generality of the People were awaken'd by this Misfortune, and consider'd it as a Blow, that they should never be able to recover. They began to despair, when they found themselves without Troops, deserted by their Allies, and, in a manner, at the Mercy of the Conqueror; especially when they were further informed, that he design'd to invade
Peloponnesus.
This occasion'd a general Murmuring and Repining: It brought to their Remembrance the former Predictions of the Oracle,
That they should suffer under a lame King.
They consider'd further, that they had given the Crown to this lame King, in prejudice to the Right of
Leotychidas
his Nephew. But notwithstanding these Reflections, and that he had undoubtedly been the sole Author of their present Calamity, he had still so much Credit with them, that they renew'd the Confidence they they had formerly placed in him, and submitted their Affairs entirely to his Determination, either as to Peace or War.
One great Point under their immediate Consideration, was concerning those who had fled out of the Battle. They were by the Law in that cafe, to be degraded from all Honours, and render'd infamous, insomuch that it was a Disgrace to intermarry with them: They were to appear publickly in mean and dirty Habits, with patch'd and party-colour'd Garments, and to go half-shav'd; and whoever met them in the Streets, might insult and beat them, and they were not to make any Resistance. This was so severe a Law, and such Numbers had incurr'd the Penalties of it, many of whom were of great Families and Interest, that they apprehended the Execution of it might occasion some publick Commotions; besides that these Citizens, such as they were, could very ill be spared at this time, when they wanted to recruit the Army. Under this Difficulty, they gave
Agesilaus
a Power even over the Laws, to dispense with them, or to abrogate them, or to enact such new ones, as the present Exigency required. He would not abolish, or make any Variation in the Law itself, but made a publick Declarntion, That it should lie dormant for that single Day, but revive and be in full Force again on the morrow; and by that Expedient he saved the Citizens from Infamy.
CHAP. IV.
From the Battle of Leuctra, to the Battle of Mantinea. Containing the Space of 8 years.
THE Fugitives being thus re-instated in the Army,
Agesilaus
made an Inroad into
Arcadia,
where he took a small Town belonging to the
Mantineans,
and wasted the Territory, but avoided engaging in any hazardous Enterprise, doing no more at present, than what was barely necessary to keep his Men in Action, and to revive their Spirits, and at the same time to shew, that the Fortune of
Sparta
was not quite desperate.
The
Thebans
in the mean time were endeavouring to improve their Victory; and sent an Herald crown'd with a Garland, to communicate it in Form to the
Athenians,
and to demand their Assistance. But they did not think this a Time to break with
Sparta;
they found it a fit Opportunity to make themselves more absolutely Masters at Sea; and if they could not carry it further, so as to obtain the Sovereignty of
Greece;
at least they thought it better to share in it with
Sparta,
than to endanger the letting the '
Thebans
into the whole: Upon which Considerations they dismiss'd the Herald without giving him Audience.
With these Views,
Olymp.
102. 3. The
Athenians
take advanta a of this Overthrow of the
Spartans.
they gave the
Spartans
to understand, That, as they had lost their Power, it was expected, they should lay aside their Haughtiness and Severity. At the same time they took upon themselves to maintain the Peace, which, by the Deputies of the several Cities assembled at
Athens,
they caused to be renew'd and retified, in the Name of them, and their Confederates. The
Thebans
stood out as before; and the
Eleans
now followed their Example, objecting against the Freedom of several Towns, which they pretended to be immediately under their Jurisdiction. And several other States afterwards fell in with the
Thebans,
Several States side with the
Thebans.
some by Compulsion, and more out of Inclination and Policy, as they found they were most likely to be protected by them.
Thebes
was now become the common
Asylum
for those who apprehended the Power of their Neighbours, and more particularly of the
Spartans.
The
Mantineans
about this time took occasion to rebuild their City,
The
Mantineans
rebuild their City.
which, with the Assistance of the
Eleans,
and some Part of the
Arcadians,
they perfected, and wall'd in, as before. And, according to
Pausanias,
the
Arcadians
in general, by the Persuasion of
Epaminondas,
out of several small Towns, built one common City by the Name of
Megalopolis;
tho'
Diodorus
places it two years lower, upon their great Overthrow by the
Spartans.
Thus far the
Arcadians
had made a right and reasonable use of
Sparta
's being humbled: But they, and some other States, when they found themselves restored, according to the Treaty, to the free Enjoyment of their own Laws, and Forms of Government, grew wanton and capricious, and fell into such Dissensions among themselves, as prov'd of worse Consequence to them, than the Dominion of
Sparta.
This was the Case of the
Tegeans,
who had form'd a Scheme of uniting themselves, with all the rest of the
Arcadians,
Commotions in
Arcadia.
into one Body of a Common-wealth, with a General Council, consisting of ten Thousand; in whom there was to be lodg'd an absolute Power, to determine all Matters relating to Peace and War. But this Project occasion'd such Factions and Tumults among them, that great Numbers were kill'd, and above fourteen Hundred banish'd; and it ended in bringing the
Spartans
again upon them, under the old Pretence of restoring Exiles, and in making their Country a Seat of War.
Agesilaus
immediately took occasion from these intestine Divisions, to send a Body of fifteen Hundred Men among them under the Command of
Polytropus.
He possess'd himself of
There was another City of this Name in Boeotia.
Orchomenus,
A Battle at Orchomenus.
which was well affected to
Sparta,
and garrison'd it.
Lycomedes
the
Arcadian
General being about three to one stronger, march'd up to him, and offer'd him Battle under the Walls.
Polytropus
accepted it, and was kill'd, with two hundred of his Men; and the rest were forc'd back into the City. However
Lycomedes,
not doubting but the
Spartans
would come with a greater FoRce to revenge themselves, did not think it adviseable to pursue his Victory without some further Assistance. Accordingly he applied to the
Athenians;
but they refus'd to join with him, concluding, as they had done before, with regard to the
Thebans,
that
Sparta
was low enough already, and that it would be wrong Policy in them at this time to support any other State against her. Hereupon the
Arcadians
had recourse to the
Thebans,
who receiv'd them with open Arms; and this was a great Addition to the Confederacy, that was forming against
Sparta.
About the Time of the civil Discord among the
Arcadians
concerning their new Form of Government, there happen'd a more grievous Instance of the same kind at
Argos;
Sedition at
Argos.
where the Government being in the People, the Orators, or Demagogues, (as they were more properly call'd) ftirt'd them up against the Nobility, who, to secure themselves against the Insults and Outrages to which they were expos'd, enter'd into Conspiracy to destroy the
Democracy.
Which being suspected by the Commons, they put several to the Rack, and extorted from them a Confession of the whole Design. Whereupon they murther'd Thirty of those who were principally concern'd, without any Form of Trial: And many false Accusations against others, were dress'd up and aggravated by these Orators; insomuch that there were above sixteen hundred of the greatest and richest Men of the City executed, and their Estates confiscated. At length the Orators, whether they were struck with Remorse for the Cruelties they had oceasion'd, or that they were afraid of being at last involv'd in the general Ruin, began to slacken in their Prosecutions; and the People from thence concluding, that they had deserted their Cause, murther'd such of them as they could find remaining in the City. This was the greatest Massacre that had happen'd in any City of
Greece;
and it was distinguished by the Name of
The Seytalism,
from the manner in which it was executed, by the knocking on the Head with Clubs. And this Sedition was a very unlucky Conjuncture for that City, which was so rich and powerful, that she was in a Condition to dispute the Sovereignty of
Greece.
This Opinion was confirm'd by
Jason,
who putting in his Claim to it in behalf of the
Thessalians,
made use of it as an Argument to them, that the
Argives
were too much weaken'd with their intestine Broils, to appear as Competitors.
This
Jason
had a little Principality at
Pherae;
Account of
Jason
of Thessaly.
and having ambitious Views, and extraordinary Skill in Military Affairs, got himself to be declaR'd General of
Thessaly;
with which Authority he had gain'd many of the neighbouring Countries into his Alliance; and the
Thebans
courted him for his Assistance, when they found themselves disappointed of it at
Athens.
He appear'd ready to join them with a good Body of Troops; but when it came to the Point, he diverted them from pursuing their Victory, advising them to use it with Moderation, and not to make the
Spartans
desperate. The
Spartans,
on the other hand, he persuaded to lie by a little, till they had recover'd Breath, and could fight upon more advantageous Temrs: So that he acted rather as a Mediator, than an Ally; and there is Mention made of a Truce concluded between them by his Means; but the Account of it is so differently related, that it does not appear, whether it were before, or after the Battle of
Leuctra. Jason's
Business was to manage so between those States, that neither of them might grow too powerful, and that he might make his Advantage of it in bringing about his own Designs; which, by his Mony, Art and Eloquence, he had in some measure effected. But notwithstanding that he was eager in the Pursuit of his Ambition, he endeavour'd to save Appearances, and to preserve a good Character; so that when he had injur'd or molested any of his Neighbours, he would say, by way of Excuse,
There is a Necessity for those to be unjust in small Matters, who will act justly in great Ones.
He was at the Head of an Army of ten thousand Horse, and twenty thousand heavyarm'd Foot, without reckoning the light-arm'd Soldiers: And with this Force, he might soon have been capable of giving Law to the rest of
Greece.
But before he could make any Attempt towards it, he was suddenly assassinated at the Instigation of his Brothers
Polydore
and
Polyphron,
who jointly succeeded him: But the latter kill'd the other, and was soon after kill'd himself by his
Some make him his Brother.
Nephew
Alexander,
under the Pretence of revenging the Death of his Father
Polydore.
By this Means
Alexander
possess'd himself of
Pherae,
and became very oppressive and tyrannical. But as I shall have occasion to mention him more particularly, I would here only observe, that from the Time of
Jason's
Death, the
Thessalians
lost the Influence they had in the Affairs of
Greece,
and the Prospect of obtaining the Sovereignty of it in their turn.
The
Thebans
in the mean time having, besides the late Accession of the
Arcadians,
got the
Phocians, Locrians, Acarnanians, Euboeans,
and other neighbouring States, under their Dependence, were preparing to act offensively against the
Spartans;
Olymp. 102. 4. The
Thebans
act off
nsiverly against
Sparta.
and, under a Notion of assisting the
Arcadians
against them, enter'd
Peloponnesus;
where, having join'd the
Arcadians,
and the rest of the Confederates, they made up an Army
forty, some say, fifty thousand Men, besides grea
Numbers who follow'd the Camp for Plunde
amounting, in the whole, to seventy thousand
Epaminondas
and
Pelopidas
having the Command of the Army, divided it into four Bodies, who broke into
Laconia
at four several Parts of it a
the same Time; then made a general Rendezvou
at
Sellasia,
and pursu'd their March with Fire an
Sword towards
Sparta. Agesilous
was at this time in pursuit of the
Arcadians,
after the Defeat of
Polytropus:
But upon this Approach of the
Thebans,
he immediately return'd to
Sparta,
where he found the Inhabitants under the utmost Terror and Consternation; and the more so, because no Enemy had appear'd there in the Course of near six hundred Years, since the
Dorians,
as Descendants of
Hercules,
first got Possession of the Country. Hence it was, that
Plato
said,
The City of
Sparta
was like the
Temple of the Furies,
which Nobody bad Courage enough to approach.
And it was a frequent Saying of
Agesilaus himself, That the Women of
Sparta
had never seen the Smoke of the Enemies Fire;
which was now retorted upon him. There was another Saying of
Antalicidas
to the same Purpose, who being in Dispute with an
Athenian
about the Valour of the two nations, the
Athenian
bragg'd,
That his Countrymen bad often drove the
Spartans
from the River Cephisus. Yes,
said Antalcidas;
but we never had Occasion to drive you from the Euro
s.
But this was not the Case at present: For
Epaminondas,
at the Head of his Infantry, pass'd that River, tho' it was then swell'd to an unusual Heighth, and tho' the
Spartans
taking that Opportunity to fall upon him, cut off a good Number of his Men. However he made good his Passage, and march'd up to the Suburbs of the City; where the Inhabitants were, with great Difficulty, restrain'd from rushing out in a confus'd and desperate manner upon the Enemy. But
Agesilaus
upon this Occasion shew'd more Temper than ordinary; he found it necessary to lay aside his Pride and Obstinacy, and to play a saving Game. He endeavour'd to quiet the Minds of the People, so as to keep them within their Bounds, and made the best Disposition he could of them, for the Defence of the City. It was thought proper in this Extrernity to proclaim, That as many of the
Helots,
as would enlift, and form themselves into Companies, should receive their Freedom; and a thousand of them accepted the Offer;
Xenophon
says, six thousand; which is not very improbable from the Circumstance he adds, that when they were arm'd in a Body, they made so formidable an Appearance, that the
Spartans
themselves durst not trust them, without placing a good Number of Mercenaries and other Troops, as a Guard upon them.
The
Thebans
being thus far advanc'd, made a sort of Encampment near the City, and endeavour'd to draw the
Spartans
out of it, in order to a pitch'd Battle: But
Agesilaus
had retir'd to an E
minence in the Heart of the Town, and intended nothing more than the Defence of it. Hereupon they resolv'd to attack it, and endeavour'd to tak
it by Storm;
And attempt to take the City by Storm.
but they found the Avenues so wel secured, that they met with more Difficulty that they expected. When at length they made at Irruption with their Horse, the
Spartan
Horse oppos'd them; and a Party of three hundred Foot, who lay in Ambuscade, sallying out upo
them at the same time,
But are repuls'd.
they were repuls'd with considerable Loss, and discourag'd from making a second Attempt. They contented themselves with encamping again without the City, where they bid Defiance to the
Spartans,
and challeng'd them to come out, and give them Battle; to which they return'd a very cool Answer,
That they would not decline it, when they saw a prop
Occasion.
Then they reproach'd
Agesilaus
by Name, as the Incendiary of the War, and the Author of all the Mischief done to his Country. But he resolv'd not to be provok'd; he overlook'd all these personal Insults and Reflections, as the Effects of Rage and Disappointment, and would not suffer himself to be diverted from the only Point he had then in view, which was the Security of the City; and the Preservation of it at this Time, was no less owing to this Command of himself, than to his good Conduct in other Respects.
The Behaviour of Ischolas the
Spartan
upon this Occasion,
Behaviour of
Ischolas.
deserves particular Notice. He commanded one of the Detachments which were order'd out to secure the most important Passes; but finding it too weak to stand the Attack of the Enemy, he pick'd out the youngest of the Men, and sent them back as a Reserve for the future Service of their Country; and with the rest, devoting himself, after the Example of
Leonidas,
to the publick Good, he made a long and obstinate Defence, and fought till they were all kill'd to a Man. The
Thebans
proposing nothing further to themselves there, decamp'd; and, after having plunder'd and laid waste all the Country, return'd into
Arcadia.
This Expedition had not answer'd the great Preparations that were made for it:
Epaminondas
resoures the Messenians
But
Epaminondas,
to make it the more memorable, propos'd the restoring the Posterity of the old
Messeniens,
who had near three hundred Years before been driven out by the
Spartans,
and were settled in
Sicily, Italy,
and other Parts; where they retain'd their ancient Customs and Manners, and the
Dorick
Dialect. By a general Consent of his Allies, he invited them home to their native Country; and their City was immediately rebuilt and peopled; so that in a few Months it recover'd its former State and Grandeur; and a strong Garrison was lest for its Defence. The Territory was likewise divided by Lot among the new Inhabitants. The re-settling a People who had made so considerable a Figure in to early Times of
Greece,
did highly redound to th
Honour of
Epaminondas,
and was a fresh Di
grace to the
Spartans,
for having tamely suffer
the Loss of a Country of as large Extent as the own, and the most fertile of any in
Greece;
besides that they had been so long in Possession of it, and held it as a Barrier against any Inv
sion on that Side: And
Agesilaus
was so piqu'd
it, that he made it the Grounds of continuing the War with the
Thebans,
when they offer'd him Peace; and the Consequence of his Refusal was that it very near occasion'd the Loss of
Spark
itself.
The
Thebans,
in their Return home, met with some Opposition from
Iphicrates,
who had been sent with twelve thousand
Athenians,
to assist the
Spartans
in their Extremity; but having loiter'd at
Corinth,
he did not come up till the Business was over: And afterwards he omitted to secure an important Pass call'd
Cenchreae,
which would have given them a great deal of Disturbance in their Retreat. His Conduct throughout in this Affair was blam'd; which was the more remarkable in him, because he never misbehav'd upon any other Occasion.
Epaminondas
and
Pelopidas,
Epaminondas
and
Pelopidas
imprison'd at their Return.
at their Return to
Thebes,
instead of receiving the Acknowledgements due to their Services, were clap'd up as State Prisoners, for having continu'd in their Command four Months longer than the Time
dimited by Law, which took in almost the Whole of this Expedition, from their first Entrance into
Peloponnesus:
And as the Crime was Capital, they were tried for it. They had nothing to alledge in their Excuse for so manifest a Violation of the Law, but the Advantages they had obtain'd for their Country; so that they confess'd the Charge, and submitted themselves to their Judges. Their Enemies had used great Art and Industry to in
cense the People against them: Which
Epaminondas
perceiving, and that they were ready to pass Sentence of Death against him, reminded them of the Battle of
Leuctra,
and his other Exploits, by which he had saved his Country, and restor'd the Liberty of
Greece:
And he made it his Request to have it inscrib'd upon his Tomb
stone,
That for those Services he was punish'd with Death.
This manner of reproaching them had so good an Effect, that they were asham'd to proceed any further against him,
They are tried and acquitted.
and he was honourably acquitted; as was likewise
Pelopidas,
who being of a warmer Temper, and spirited up by his Friends, express'd his Resentment of this Usage, and reveng'd himself upon
Meneclides,
who was at the Bottom of this Prosecution, and was a very able Speaker, but loose in his Manners, ill-natur'd, perverse and envious. he was one of those who met at
Charon
's House upon the affair of the
Cadmea;
and not thinking himself consider'd enough for his Share in that Enterprize, made it his Business, upon all Occasions, to accuse and calumniate his Superiors. Even after the Trial, he prevail'd so far, as to get
Epaminondas
excluded for a Year from the Government of
Boeotia:
But
Pelopidas
being more a Favourite with the People, he went another way to work, and endeavour'd to supplant him, by setting up
Charon
against him; which he contriv'd in the following manner. There was a famous Painter of
Cyzicus
employ'd at
Thebes
in drawing a Battle, but was forc'd away by the Revolt there, before he had put the last Hand to it. However the Picture remaining in the City,
Meneclides
propos'd the hanging it up in some publick Place, with an Inscription to perpetuate the Memory of a Victory obtain'd by
Charon
at
Plataea,
tho' it was in reality no more than a Skirmish, wherein forty
Spartan;
were kill'd. This Action happen'd a little before the Battle of
Leuctra;
and the magnifying it in this manner, was plainly with a Design to eclipse the Glory of that Day, and to throw a Slurupon the two Generals who commanded.
Pelepidas
therefore oppos'd the Motion; which yet he did with great Art and Decency with regard to
Charon,
to whom he gave all due Praise; but at the same time he expos'd the Absurdity of the Proposal, and the Malice and Impertinence of the Author of it; which the People being sensible of, laid so heavy a Fine upon him, that he was not able to pay it; and from thenceforward he grew a common Disturber of the Government.
But to return to the
Spartans,
they had unexpectedly got rid of a very formidable Enemy: But the Terror and Confusion they had been in, the Sense of the Losses they had sustain'd, and their Apprehensions of what further might happen,
Cabals and Conspiracies in Sparta.
had created a great deal of ill Blood among them, and raised such a Spirit of murmuring, and caballing against the Government, that
Agesilaus
found it almost as difficult a Task to manage the People in the City, as to keep the Enemy out of it.
The Means by which
Agesilaus
suppress'd them.
There was an Instance of this kind, wherein he shew'd extraordinary Address, and Presence of Mind. Two hundred Malecontents had got into a strong Part of the Town, call'd
Issorion,
where they had seized the Temple of
Diana. Agesilaus
would not employ Force against them, not knowing how deep the Plot might be laid, and how far it might spread; but went muffled up in his Cloak, with only one Servant; and being come near the Rebels, call'd out, and told them,
You have mistaken my Orders; my Directions were not that you should all go in a Body to that Station, but some of you should plant yourselves there, and others there;
at the same time pointing out to them different Parts of the City. They went off accordingly, without the least Suspicion, to the Places which he mark'd out to them; and immediately, upon their being thus dispers'd, he order'd some of the Troops to possess themselves of that Post, and caused about fifteen of the Conspirators to be apprehended; and they were put to death the Night following. This Conspiracy was follow'd by another of more dangerous Consequence, wherein a great Number of the Citizens were engaged, and had private Consultations every Night, how to introduce a Change in the Government. They were so strong a Party, that it was neither safe to prosecute them publickly according to Law, nor to let them go on, and connive at them. Wherefore
Agesilaus
took another course, and, with the Consent of the
Ephori,
put them to death privately without Process; which had never before been practised in
Sparta.
But the present Exigency of Affairs seem'd to make it necessary; for these Seditions happen'd about the Time of the
Theban
Expedition. And to add to the Consternation the City was then under, many of the
Helots
and Mercenaries at the same time deserted to the Enemy.
But the
Spartans
having got over these domestick Difficulties, and repuls'd the
Thebans,
began now to look abroad, and provide for their future Security. They had got together a good Body of Auxiliaries from
Corinth,
and other Parts of
Peloponnesus:
But their chief Dependence was on the
Athenians,
to whom they had formally given up the Command at Sea, in order to fix them in their Interest; but they were not so sanguine in it, as was expected; so that what they did, was rather to keep the
Thebans
under,
The Command divided equally between
Athens
and
Sparta.
than to assist the
Spartans.
They now insisted on being upon the same Footing with them both at Sea and Land, which they call'd, Treating upon equal Terms: And since nothing less would content them, it was accordingly agreed, that each State should command five Days alternately.
This Agreement was no sooner made,
The
Arcadians
renew the War.
but the
Arcadians
renew'd the War. They took
Pallene
in
Laconia
by Storm, where they put above three hundred
Spartans
in Garrison to the Sword,
Olymp.
103. 1.
and ravag'd the Country. After which they were join'd by the
Argives
and
Eleans;
and the
Thebans
sent
Epaminodas
again to them, with seven thousand Foot, and five hundred Horse. The
Athenians
being now in earnest, sent
Chabrias
to oppose his Passage. He join'd the
Spartans,
with their Allies, at
Corinth,
where they made up an Army of twenty thousand Men; to which there was afterwards an Addition of two thousand from
Sicily,
who did good Service.
Epaminondas
came up to force his Passage, as he had done before, into
Peloponnesus;
but finding it shut up with a Wall, and a deep Interechment a-cross the
Isthmus,
as at the Time of the Invasion by
Xerxes,
he endeavour'd to draw the Enemy out into the Field, which they declin'd, altho' they were near three times his number. Whereupon he survey'd the Works, and finding one Part, where the
Spartans
were posted, weaker than the rest, he chose to make his main Attack there;
Epaminondas
again invades
Peloponnesus
which he did with such Resolution and Bravery, that, after a very hot Dispute on both Sides, he open'd the Passage, and harass'd the Country.
Sicyon,
and some other Places having submitted to him,
and assaults
Corinth.
he pursu'd his March to
Corinth;
where, after some skirmishing, he came up with his whole Strength, and made so vigorous an Assault, that the Inhabitants were in the utmost Despair.
But is repulsed by
Chabrias.
But
Chabrias
came out, and stood the Shock, and by the Advantage of the Ground, and the constant fresh Supplies which he receiv'd from the City, repuls'd the Enemy with great Loss; whereupon they not only retreated from
Corinth,
but quitted
Peloponnesus:
And the Honour of this Defence was almost entirely owing to
Chabrias.
Epaminodas,
by one Part of his Conduct in this Expedition, incurr'd the Displeasure of the State. For notwithstanding his Bravery in forcing the Pass, that was defended by the
Spartans,
he was suspected of Partiality towards them, for not having pursu'd and slaughter'd them, when they were judg'd to be in his Power. His Enemies aggravating the Matter, and making it a Charge of Treachery, got him turn'd out of the Government of
Boeotia,
and reduc'd to the Condition of a private Man. This Accusation was not thought to be well founded enough for so severe a Censure: However an Occasion offer'd soon after, wherein his Service was so seasonable, and so important, that he easily wip'd off the Aspersion.
It does not appear, what Effect the dividing the Command between
Athens
and
Sparta
had upon this Invasion; however it produc'd one good Consequence, as it serv'd to weaken the Confederacy against them. For it was now made use of as a Precedent by the
Arcadians,
who were grown so elated with their Successes, and put such a Value upon their Services against
Sparta,
that they disdain'd to act any longer in Subordination to the
Thebans.
This Spirit was rais'd in them by
Lycomedes
of
Mantinea,
The
Arcadians
spirited up by
Lycomedes.
who had been their General in most of their late Expeditions. He was of great Birth and Fortune, and being ambitious withal, represented to them, That the whole Country of
Peloponnesus
belong'd properly to them, as the first ancient Inhabitants; That they were the most numerous of any People in
Greece,
and so stout and powerful, that they had always been consider'd in the first Rank of Auxiliaries; insomuch that the
Spartans
had never done any thing against
Athens
without them, nor had the
Thebans
now appear'd against
Sparta,
if they had not supported them: That as they had formerly advanc'd the Affairs of the
Spartans,
they were now doing the same for the
Thebans;
and that in short, if they did not insist upon commanding in their Turn with them, they might in the End find them
Spartans
too. He had so inflam'd them with these Remonstrances, and gain'd such an entire Credit with them, that they easily agreed to every thing he propos'd; and there was nothing so difficult that they were not ready to undertake. This created a great Coldness and Jealousy on the Part of the
Thebans:
And the
Eleans
at the same time were inclin'd to break with the
Arcadians,
for refusing to deliver up to them some of their Towns, which had been taken by the
Spartans.
Whilst these Disputes were on foot,
Fresh Overtures of Peace.
the King of
Persia
sent to manage the Renewal of the Peace among the
Grecians,
that they might be able to spare him such Succours as he had occasion for. The chief Point in debate, was, the restoring
Messene
to the
Spartans;
which the
Thebans
not agreeing to, the Negotiations broke off; and
Philiscus
of
Abydus,
who was employ'd on the Part of the
Persians,
return'd into
Asia,
having left behind him two thousand Mercenaries, with Mony to pay them, for the Service of the
Spartans.
At the same time they receiv'd a second Supply of two thousand Men from
Sicily.
Agesilaus,
on account of his Age, got the Command of the Army transferr'd to his Son
Archidamus,
who march'd against the
Arcadians;
and, in Return for what they had done the last Year in
Laconia,
strom'd a Town call'd
Caryae,
and put the Garrison to the Sword; from whence he proceeded to
Parrhasia,
and destroy'd the Country about it. The
Sicilian
Troops being now upon their Return home, were intercepted by the
Messenians;
and
Archidamus
coming up to their Relief, was oppos'd by the
Arcadians
and
Argives;
A signal Victory of the Spartans.
but he charge'd them so furiously, that he broke them at once, and gain'd a Victory not easily to be accounted for. It is said there fell above ten thousand of the Enemy, without the Loss of one single Man on the Side of the
Spartans;
and hence it was distinguish'd by the Name of
The Tearless Battle.
The Joy upon the Arrival of the News at
Sparta
was so great, that the People were not able to contain themselves. This was the first remarkable Success they had met with since their Defeat at
Leuctra,
which had made such an Impression on them, that it is said,
The Men were ever since asham'd to look their Wives in the Face.
But this had given 'em new Life; they went in Crouds to the Banks of the
Eurotas,
full of Praise and Thanksgiving to the Gods, as having wash'd off the Stain of that Action, and restor'd their City to its ancient Splendor.
Plutarch
remarks, That this Excess of Joy too plainly discover'd the present Weakness of
Sparta;
for that Victory was formerly so common to them, that it was look'd upon as a thing of course: The Soldiers did not boast of it, nor were the Citizens exalted upon it; so that in the most extraordinary Case, they seldom sacrificed any thing more than a Cock; and the Messenger who brought them the News of a signal Victory at
Mantinea
in the time of the
Pel
ponnesian
War, had no other Reward than a Piece of Salt Meat. But this was re
an the
manner; insomuch that the old King himself went out in Procession, to meet and embr
ce his Son, and was attended by the
Epheri,
and the whole Senate, and all with Tears of Joy in their Eyes.
The
Thebans
and
Eleans
were far from being displea
'd at this Disaster, which the
Arcadians
had brought upon themselves by their is
-tim'd Vanity and Arrogance: And this Defeat of them was follow'd by a further Train of Misfortunes.
The
Thebens
in the mean time were daily increasing in Power,
The
Thebans
increase in Power.
which gave them great Credit and Influence among their Neighbours; and
Pelopidas
was chiesly instrumental in it. They were become Modeators of the Quarrels about the Succession in
Macedonia,
where they had compos'd the Differences in the Royal Family, and taken as Hostages at one time thirty, and afterwards fifty young Men of the chief Families, and with the former, the King's Brother, who was afterwards known by the Name of
Philip
of
Macedon,
and Father of
Alexander the Great.
They were likewise applied to by the
Thessalians
for Protection against the Tyranny of
Alexander
the
Pherean;
whereupon
Pelopidas
was sent as Ambassador to expostulate with him, and bring him to Reason. Upon his Return from
Macedonia,
he went to
Pharsalus
in
Thessaly,
in order to revenge the Treachery of some Mercenary Troops, who had deserted him in that Expedition. He was no sooner arriv'd there, but
Alexander
appear'd before the Place with a great Army.
Pelopidas
had but a few
Thessalian
Troops with him; and imagining that
Alexander
came thither to justify himself, and answer the Complaints that were made against him, he and
Is
menias,
who was join'd in Commission with him, went alone, and unarm'd to him, not doubting, but the Power and Authority of
Thebes,
with their own personal Reputation, and the publick Character with which they were invested, would protect them against any Violence. But the Tyrant finding them in his Power,
P
lopidas
and I smeni
impris
n'd by
Alexander
of Pherae.
seiz'd 'em, and sent them Prisoners to
Pherae. Polybius
calls
it an unpardonable Act of Imprudence and Rashness in
Pelopidas,
to trust himself so far to one whom he knew to be so wicked and perfidious.
Alexander
at first permitted every Body to see him, with an Intent, by making him a publick Spectacle, to break his Spirit, and humble him. But it had a different Effect: He sent to tell him in Defiance,
That it was absurd in him, daily to terment and put to Death so many innocent worthy Citizens, and to spare him, who, he knew, if ever he escaped out of his Hands, would certainly make him suffer the Punishment due to his Crimes.
The Tyrant, surpris'd at his Intrepidity, answer'd,
Why is
Pelopidas
in so much baste to die?
Which being reported to him, he sent him this Reply,
It is, that thou may'st perish so much the sooner, by becoming still more hateful to Gods and Men.
From that time
Alexander
allow'd nobody to see or discourse with him but
Thebe
his Wife, whose Curiosity was rais'd by the Account his Keepers had given her of his Behaviour. Assoon as she was admitted to him, she fell a weeping, and said,
I pity your Wife. And I you,
said he,
who can bear with
Alexander,
when you are not his Prisoner.
This Reply affected her nearly, and rous'd in her such a Sense of her Husband's ill Usge of her, that she repeated her Visits to
Pelopidas,
and complain'd freely to him of the many Outrages she had receiv'd. He was not wanting, on his Part, to incense her still more against him, till by Degrees he had work'd her up to the highest pitch of Hatred and Resentment. These frequent Interviews had very much the Appearance of a Love Affair, which she had chiefly promoted: But there is no real Foundation to say, that she went any further, than to compassionate his Sufferings, and to communicate her own, in order to revenge them; which accordingly she some time after accomplish'd.
The
Thebans
resenting this Insult upon the Person of their Ambassador,
The The
ans resent it.
immediately sent an Army into
Thessaly;
but the Generals, through
ill Fortune, or ill Conduct, being not able to effect any thing, were forc'd to retire.
Alexander
pursuing them, great Numbers of their Men were kill'd; and it was owing to
Epaminondas,
that the rest of them were not totally defeated. He was at this time in Disgrace with the Government, the Reason whereof has before been related; and therefore he had no Command in this Expedition, but serv'd as a common Soldier. However when the Troops found themselves under these Difficulties, which they attributed to the Incapacity of their Officers, they oblig'd him to take upon him the Command. He took the Horse, and light-arm'd Foot, and posting himself in the Rear, repell'd and charg'd the Enemy by turns, till he made good the Retreat. The
Thebans,
upon the Return of the Generals, fin'd each of them ten thousand
Drachmas;
and soon after sent
Epaminondas
in their room, to repair this Dishonour, and prosecute their Revenge.
Alexander
was very much terrified at his second Arrival: But he preserring the Safety of
Pelopidas
to all other Considerations, avoided pushing things to an Extremity, for fear of making him desperate, so as turn all his Fury against his Prisoner; and therefore lay hovering about with his Army, so as to keep him in awe, and yet give him an Opportunity of offering Satisfaction; which had the Effect he propos'd. He thought it too dishonourable a Part to enter into a Treaty of Alliance with one, who was look'd upon as a Monster of Mankind: But! granted a Truce of thirty Days; in which tin having recover'd
Pelopidas
and
Ismenias
out his Hands,
Pelopidas and Ismenias releas'd by Epaminondas.
he withdrew his Forces. He co
ducted the whole of this Affair with so muc
Courage and Capacity on the one hand, and
much Prudence and Temper on the other, th
it intirely restor'd him to the Favour and goo Opinion of his Fellow-Citizens; and his generon
Behaviour, in over-looking their unjust Resent
ment against him, was not the least Part of hi
Praise in it.
Pelopidas,
notwithstanding this Accident, ha
in the main been very successful in these Foreign Transactions; and he had rais'd such an Opinion of the Justice and Integrity of the
Thebans,
as well as of their Valour, that they were easily tempted to pursue their Design of obtaining the Sovereignty of
Greece.
The
Thebans
pursue their Design of obtaining the Sovereiguty of Greece.
But finding they could not compass it by their Confederates at home, they had recourse to
Persia.
And they had now a good Pretence for it; for the
Spartans
had before sent one thither to treat on their purt. Whereupon the
Thebans
proposed it to their Confederates as expedient, that each of them should depute some proper Person to assist there likewise, in order to support their respective Interests. Accordingly the
Arcadians, Eleans
and
Argives
consented to it; and
Pelopidas
was named on behalf of the
Thebans;
which the
Athenians
being inform'd of, appointed Two on their part also. But this was a Proof how much they were degenerated from the Virtue of their Ancestors: For whatever mean Applications had before been made to the
Persians
by particular Persons or States, there had been no Instance of a of a Congress of this kind, where, by a general Consent, all the leading States of
Greece
were, by their Representatives, assembled in Form, to discuss and settle their Demands on each other, at the Court of
Persia.
But this was the Case at present; and the
Spartans
had chiefly contributed to it by the Peace of
Antalcidas,
which had prepared the
Grecians
in general to receive the Yoke, and to govern themselves according to the Edicts of that King, whose Predecessors had been so shamefully bafled in their Attempts against them, and who himself was so lately distress'd by those very
Spartans,
when
Agesilaus
was ravaging in the Heart of his Empire.
Pelopidas
being arrived with the other Ambassadors in
Persia,
Negotiati ous in
Persia.
so far ingratiated himself by his Address, and the Fame of his Exploits, that he was particularly distinguish'd from the rest of them, and the King received him with most extraordinary Marks of Honour and Esteem. He represented to him at his Audience, That the
Thebans
had constantly, from the Batt
e of
Plataea
to this present time, adhered to the Crown of
Persia,
and that the
Spartans
had broke with them, purely because they refused to join with them against him. From thence he took occasion to mention their success at
Leuctra,
with their invading
Laconia;
and intimated, that the late Overthrow of the
Arcadians
and
Argives
was owing to their not having been assisted by them. The King was so well pleased with his Person and Discourse, and was so well affected to the
Thebans,
as the People on whom he could best depend, that he readily granted his Demands: The Substance whereof was,
That the Liberty formerly granted to all the Towns, should be confirmed; That
Messene
in particular should remain free from the Jurisdiction of the
Spartans;
That the
Athenians
should lay up their Fleet;
and
that the
Thebans
should be look'd upon as the ancient heredilary Friends and Allies of
Persia.
Pelopidas
gain'd great Credit by this Negotiation: And the
Thebans
upon his return expecting to receive the Benefit of it, caus'd the Deputies of all the Towns to be assembled at
Thebes,
in order to their ratifying the Treaty. But when the Oath for confirming it was tender'd to them, they said,
They came to hear the Articles read, not to swear to them; which they could not do without consulting their Principals.
And
Lycomedes
objected, in behalf of the
Arcadians,
to the Place of their Meeting, which, he said, ought to be where the Seat of the War was. This Method not taking effect, the Cities were applied to separtely, in hopes by that means to awe them into a Compliance. But the
Corinthians
said plainly,
They did not see any Occasion there was for the Treaty;
and others following their Example, nothing further was done in it; so that the
Thebans
were all at once disappointed in their Views; and
Artaxerxes
left them as he found them, without engaging himself any further in their behalf; which indeed he could not do at this time, without arming the rest of
Greece
against him. For his Partiality to the
Thebans,
was now no less visible, than the Designs of the
Thebans
themselves, who had rais'd so much Jealousy by what they had already done, that there was a general Disposition to unite against them, and to make it a
Common Cause.
The
Athenians
were particularly disgusted by that Article of the Treaty, which was to restrain their Power at Sea; and they shew'd their Resentment by putting to death
Timagoras
one of their Ambassadors, upon his Return from
Persia.
He was charged with having taken part with
Pelopidas,
and not having acted in concert with his Colleague: And as he was next to
Pelopidas
in favour with the King, and had received rich Presents from him, it was taken for granted, that he had betray'd the Interests of his Country.
The
Thebans
would not yet give over their Designs; but finding they could not manage the
Arcadians,
Olymp.
103. 2. the
Theban
create fresh Disturbances in Peloponnesus.
and the other
Pelopannesian
A lies to their Purpose, endeavor'd to reduce ther
by means of their Neighbours the
Achaean
who had not yet taken any Part in the Qua
rel.
Epaminondas
appearing as an Enemy among these latter, they easily submitted to him and enter'd into an Engagement to act in Al
liance with him. By which means the
Arca
dians
being distress'd on one Side by the
Achaans,
and on the other by the
Spartans,
made their Complaints of this Usage at
Thebes;
and from hence arose fresh Commotions and Animosities in several Parts of
Peloponnesus,
but not considerable enough to be particularly related. The most remarkable Effects of them were at
Sicyon;
Account of
E
ph
n
of S
cyon.
where
Euphron
a Man of great Power took this Occasion to erect a Tyranny, under colour of placing the Government in the People. He had a natural Interest among the
Spartans,
and cultivated the same with their Enemies, and manag'd so on all Sides, by betraying and sacrificing one Party to the other, and by murthering and banishing the chief of the Magistrates and Nobility, that he obtain'd his Ends, and supported himself for some time, 'till the People were afterwards divided against him, and he was murther'd at
Thebes
by a Party of those whom he had banished.
They who suffer'd most by these Disturbances, were the
Phliasians,
who were very much exposed by their Situation among the
Theban
Allies.
Euphron
not only attack'd them himself, but drew the whole Body of
Arcadians
and
Argives
upon them, by whom they must have been swallow'd up, if they had not been timely relieved by the
Athenians
under the Conduct of
Chares.
But they had first undergone a Siege, and made a vigorous Defence, far beyond what could have been expected from a small City, surrounded with so powerful Enemies. The chief Quarrel against them was their steady Adherence to the
Spartans,
for whose Sakes they had often been reduced to the greatest Streights and Necessities, and yet never could be prevail'd upon, from their first engaging with them, to abandon their Interests; insomuch that their Honour and Fidelity, in this respect, is said to be without Precedent.
The
Athenians
had drawn a good deal of Work upon their Hands, in supporting this little State; and being dissatisfied, that none of their Allies had assisted them in it, the
Arcadians
took this Opportunity to propose an Alliance with them.
A League between the Athenians and Arcadians.
It was debated among them, whether the accepting it were consistent with their Engagements to
Sparta:
But it being consider'd as of equal Advantage to both States, that the
Arcadians
should be drawn off from the
Thebans,
the Treaty was concluded; however it was so qualified, that the
Athenians
were to assist the
Arcadians
with a Body of Horse, in case they were invaded, without being obliged to join in the Invasion of
Laconia.
This Treaty was set on foot and negotiated by
Lycomedes,
Lycomedes
vrther'd.
who soon after, upon his Return from
Athens,
was murther'd by a Party of Exiles. He was a Man of great Designs, and good Execution; but had engaged his Countrymen in perpetual Quarrels, to support his own Ambition, and was undoubtedly the Author of all their late Misfortunes.
The
Athenians,
upon this new Accession, acted a treacherous Part against
Corinth,
which they were endeavouring to possess themselves of, even whilst they had garrison'd it with their own Troops, as Protectors and Allies. But the
Corinthians
having notice of their Design, immediately drew all the
Athenians
out of their Garrisons, and discharg'd them.
Chares
at the same time came up with his Fleet, under colour of assisting them to compose Matters in the City: They thank'd him for the Offer of his Service, but would not trust him so far as to admit him into their Harbour. These Proceedings dissolved the Alliance between the two States,
The Alliance dissolv'd between
Athens
and
Corinth.
and were a kind of Declaration of War on both Sides. Whereupon the
Corinthians
thought it necessary to secure themselves by a Peace with the
Thebans,
and requested of the
Spartans
to give their Consent to it; which they readily granted not only to them, but to all such others of their Consederates, as desir'd it; but declared at the same time, that, for their own Part, they would never lay down their Arms, 'till
Messenia
should be restored to them, in the Condition they received it from their Ancestors. However the
Corinthians,
with the
Phliasians
and some others, concluded a Peace with the
Thebans,
upon Condition,
That every one should enjoy their own. Artaxerxes
at the same time sent, as a Mediator, to settle once more the Tranquillity of
Greece
and prevail'd so far, that all Parties, and even the
Spartans
themselves were quiet for the present: And this was call'd putting an end to the
Laconick
or
Boeotian
War,
Olymp.
103. 3. A general Peace.
after it had continued above five Years from the Battle of
Leuctra.
There is a Disagreement among the Historians of this time, concerning the Date of some of the principal Events betwen the Battle of
Leuctra,
and this Peace; but all the Occurrences, which have been here related, are generally allow'd to have happen'd within the Compass of these five Years.
This last Treaty had no more than the Name and Appearance of a Peace; which, according to the present Situation of Affairs, was not likely to be sincere, or of any long Continuance. The growing Power of
Thebes
could not but necessarily keep up the other Great States in Arms against her; and the Lesser ones were so involv'd,
Olymp.
103. 4. But is brole the next Year.
either as Accessaries in their Quarrels, or as Principals in their own, that the very next Year fresh Disturbances broke out. The Flame was first kindled between the
Arcadians
and
Eleans,
who had long contested their Right to
Triphylia,
which belong'd properly to the latter; and both Sides, according to the Fortune of their Arms, held possession of it by turns. The
Eleans
being worsted upon this Occasion, call'd upon the
Spartans
for Assistance; and the
Arcadians
being supported by the
Athenians,
harass'd the Country of
Elis,
and took several Towns.
In the Year following,
Olymp.
104. 1.
they encourag'd the
Pisaeans,
upon some old fabulous pretence, to claim a right of presiding at the
Olympick Games;
and they accordingly took upon them to manage the Solemnity. The
Eleans,
to whom this Honour did undoubtedly belong, resolved not to give it up.
The
Eleans
defeat the
Arcadians
and
Argives.
In the midst of the Exercises they fell upon the
Arcadians
with their whole Strength, and with such Fury and Intrepidity, that they soon routed them, and then deseated a Body of two thousand
Argives;
but being at length overpower'd, retreated back to their City, tho' with great Honour and Applause from the People, who were conven'd from all parts of
Greece
to the Festival, and, during this Action, stood as Spectators with their Crowns on their Heads. The Behaviour of the
Eleans
upon this Occasion was the more remarkable, because they had a very low Reputation for Arms, and had done nothing like it before. However the
Pisaeans
remaining Conquerors, went on with the Sports: But the
Eleans
would not allow this
Olympiad
to have been duly celebrated, or to be register'd in their Annals.
Epaminodas,
during these Transactions, was wholly intent upon advancing the Honour of his Countrymen;
Attempt of
Epaminondas
to gain the Dominion at Sea for the
Thebans.
and proposed to them to try for the Dominion at Sea, which he told them, they might easily obtain, as they were Sovereigns at Land: And as a Proof of it, he instanced in the Case of the
Spartans,
who, in the War with
Xerxes,
had but ten Ships at Sea, and yet had the Command over the
Athenians,
who had two hundred. The People came into his Proposal; and having immediately order'd Preparations to be made for fitting out an hundred Gallies, sent him to
Rhodes, Chios
and
Byzantium,
to solicite the Assistance of those Places, and to fix them further in their Interest: Which he easily effected, notwithstanding that the
Athenians
had sent out a strong Squadron under the Command of
Laches,
to oppose him. But whatever Schemes of this kind they had formed, they were diverted from pursuing them, by the Part they took in the Quarrels among their Neighbours; And the Death of
Epaminondas
happening soon after, they lost the only Opportunity they ever had of becoming powerful at Sea.
Whilst he was negotiating these Matters abroad, some of the
Theban
Fugitives join'd with the
Orchomenians,
A Design to change the Government of Thebes.
in a Design to change the Government of
Thebes
into an
Aristocracy;
which being discover'd, three hundred
Orchomenian
Horsemen, who were to have put it in Execution, were seized by Order of the
Theban
Magistrates, and condemn'd to death. They then sent a sufficient Force against
Orchomenus,
where the Men were all put to the Sword, the Women and Children sold for Slaves, and the City razed to the Ground. This was look'd upon as an Act of Cruelty not common among the
Grecians,
and such as would not have happen'd, if either
Epaminondas,
or
Pelopidas
had been present. They had always shewn great Humanity to those who were in their Power, having never spilt the Blood of any Man they had conquer'd, or deprived any City of its Liberty, after they had taken it.
The
Thessalians
still groaning under the Tyranny and Oppression of
Alexander
the
Pherean,
took up Arms against him; but being worsted in several Battles, they begg'd Assistance of the
Thebans,
who order'd seven thousand Men, un
er the Command of
Pelopidas,
Pelopidas
sent against
Alexander
of
Pherae.
to their Relief. But just as he was ready to march, there happen'd a great Eclipse of the Sun, from which the People, according to the Ignorance and Superstition of the Times, apprehended such strange Effects, that
Pelopidas
thought it not adviseable to proceed with so great a Number of his Countrymen, against the general Opinion, that the Expedition would prove fatal. As to himself, he was not at all moved at this
Phaenomenon,
altho' he was supposed to be principally affected by it: For the
Augurs
had made it portend his Death, considering him as the
Sun
of
Thebes,
that was to be eclipsed. However he resolv'd to go on, and march'd out with only three hundred Horsemen, who attended him as Voluntiers; and having join'd the
Thessalians,
he encamp'd in the Face of the Enemy, who was far superior to him in Numbers, having an Army of above twenty thousand Men.
The Battle at
Cynoscephalae.
Near a Place call'd
Cynos-cephalae,
there were two Hills opposite to each other in the midst of the Plain; and both Sides endeavour'd to get possession of them with their Foot.
Pelopidas
at the same time order'd his Cavalry to charge that of the Enemy, which he soon routed, and pursued over the Plain. But
Alexander
having gain'd the Hills, and doing great Execution upon the
Thessalians,
who attempted to force those Ascents,
Pelopidas
was obliged to give over his Pursuit, and march up to their Relief; which so animated them, that, after two or three Charges, the Enemy began to fall into Disorder, and give way; which
Pelopidas
perceiving, cast his Eyes about in search of
Alexander,
and having at length discover'd him in the right Wing, rallying and encouraging his Men, he was so inflamed at the Sight, that he advanced before his Soldiers, crying out, and challenging the Tyrant, who retreated, and shelter'd himself in the Ranks.
Pelopidas
there upon grew desperate, and charg'd the Enemy a
r
h, great Numbers whereof, as they advanc'd forwards, he cut down with his own Hand: But others at a distance shot through his Armour, and wounded him, and then they stabb'd him in the Breast with their Spears.
Pelopidas
kill'd.
The
Thessalians
seeing him in this Danger, hasten'd down from the H
lls to his Assistance, but came too late to save him. However, to revenge his Death, they attack'd the Enemy so vigorously, both with their Horse and Foot, that they intirely routed them, and kill'd above three thousand in the Pursuit: And yet did they not look upon it as a Victory, or think that any Success could compensate the Loss of their General. The
Thebans,
who were then present, lamented over him in the tenderest and most affectionate manner, calling him
Their Father, Saviour,
and
Instructor in every thing that was great and excellent.
The
Thessalians,
and other Allies not only sympathiz'd, but vy'd with them in expressing their Concern, and doing Honour to his Memory: And the whole Army was so affected, that they neither put off their Armour, nor unbridled their Horses, nor even dress'd their Wounds; but ran to him, and heap'd up the Spo
ls of the Enemy about his dead Body; they cut off their Horses Manes, and their own Hair; and such as retired to their Tents, neither kindled a Fire, nor took any kind of Refreshment. In all the Cities through which the Body pass'd, it was attended by the Magistrates, with the Priests and Inhabitants, car
ying Trophies, Crowns and golden Armour. After which the
Thessalians
begg'd it as a singular Favour of the
Thebans,
that they might bury him, and, in the most pathetick Terms, urg'd it as a sort of Right due to them, as the greatest Sufferers.
You indeed,
said they,
have lost a great General; and in that we share in common with you: But we have likewise lost in him all the Hopes of recovering our Liberty; and under this heavy Misfortune, our paying the last Honours to him, may be some small Alleviation of our Sorrow.
The
Thebans
granted their Request, and they buried him with great Pomp and Splendor. His Death, as to the Manner of it, was rather to be pitied than commended: For he certainly expos'd himself more than he ought to have done. But besides the natural Heat of his Temper, which was not easily to be restrain'd, he was animated with a more than ordinary Zeal in the Cause of Liberty, especially at this Juncture, when i
was, in a manner, deserted by the other Great States. For the
Spartans,
instead of exerting themselves, as formerly, in behalf of those who were injured, were making a servile Court to
Dionysius
the Tyrant of
Sicily,
and supplying him with Officers. The
A
enian
were at the same time kept in Pay by this very
Alexander,
and, in Honour to him, had erected his Statue. This therefore
Pelopidas
thought the fairest Occasion of advancing his own and his Country's Honour, and of making it appear to the rest of
Greece,
that the
Thebans
were the only People, who waged War t
succour the distress'd, and to destroy all arbi
trary and unjust Government: And this wa
the principal Motive of his entering upon this Expedition. But besides these Considerations he was fired with Resentment against the Person of
Alexander,
by whom he had been s
injuriously treated, and could not forego such an Opportunity of endeavouring as well to re
venge himself of the Tyrant, as to extirpa
the Tyranny.
He was of one of the best Families in
Thebes,
and came early to the Possession of a large Fortune,
His Character.
which he employ'd chiefly in the Relief o
such as wanted, and deserved his Assistance. Among the rest, he pitch'd upon
Epaminondas
as: proper Object of his Bounty, but could neve
prevail with him to accept a Present from him Which had such an Effect upon him, that h
chose to conform himself, after his Example, t
a plain, frugal and laborious way of living; an
there was in his Apparel, and at his Table, a
open unaffected Simplicity, which he ever after wards maintain'd in the highest Posts of th
Government. But notwithstanding this Regularity, and Appearance of Oeconomy, his constant Attention to the Business of the Publick made him neglect his private Affairs, and very much impair'd his Estate; insomuch that having a great Number of Children to provide for, his Friends took Occasion one Day to tell him,
That Mony was a very necessary thing. It is so indeed,
said he;
but it is for that Man yonder,
pointing to one
Nicodemus,
who was lame and blind. There was a great Conformity of Manners between him and
Epaminondas,
except that he delighted most in the Exercises of the Body, and the other in those of the Mind. But they had the same general Disposition to Virtue, and the Love of their Country; and this begat the strictest Friendship between them.
Plutarch
dates the Beginning of it from the Siege of
Mantinea,
soon after the
Peace of Antalcidas.
The
Thebans
acting then in Alliance with
Sparta, Epaminondas
and
Pelopidas
were engag'd together, and their Wing giving way, they kept their Ground, and stood singly in each others Defence, till
Pelopidas
being very much wounded, fell among the Slain.
Epaminondas
concluded him dead, yet would not leave his Body in the Power of the Enemy, but, tho' he was wounded himself likewise, maintain'd the Conflict, till at length
Agesipolis
the
Spartan
King came up from the other Wing of the Army, and rescu'd them both, when to all Appearance they were lost. This was an Action that must, in all Probability, have happen'd before the Town was besieg'd; and there is room to collect from
Pausanias,
that it did so: But it is not generally taken notice of, nor any where particularly describ'd; neither does it elsewhere appear, that either of these two Generals had distinguish'd themselves so early in any Engagement. However this Circumstance of their Lives, in the manner it is attested, may have its Weight, and it is too remarkable a one to be omitted. But however their Friendship began, it was very sincere and lasting; and the Success of their Atchievements was almost intirely owing to that perfect Union and good Correspondence, that was always between them, without any Jealousy of Command abroad, or Rivalship in the Administration at home. This good Agreement between them, has been taken notice of, in opposition to that Spirit of Dissension, Envy and Rancour, which formerly reign'd in
Athens
between
Aristides
and
Themistocles, Cimon
and
Pericles, Nicias
and
Alcibiades,
who, great as they were in other respects, were always endeavouring to supplant and ruin one another; and their personal Enmity was said to exceed that which they bore to the Enemies of their Country. But yet it has been shewn, that some of them knew how to sti
le their Jealousies upon Occasion, and to curb and moderate their Resentment, when the Affairs of the Publick requir'd it. But there was no need of any Management of this kind, between the two Great Men we are now speaking of. They had no private Views of their own; they were above all Considerations of Mony; and they had no Ambitions but for the Publick; so that provided That were well served, their Intention was answer'd; and each of them look'd upon the others Success in it, as his own. As to what relates further to
Pelopidas
singly, he was very strong and active, and of indesatigable Industry; he was bold and enterprising, and so successful withal, that he never lost one Battle. He had so throughly established himself in the Favour and Affections of the People, that he was chose thirteen times Governor of
Boeotia,
or (as
Diodorus
says) without Interuption, from the Time of the recovering the
Cadmêa.
Upon the whole, he was at least the second Man of
Thebes,
and in some respects may be consider'd as the First, particularly with regard to the Affair of the
Cadmêa,
which was certainly the Foundation of the
Theban
Greatness. He would indeed have persuaded
Epaminondas
to bear a part with him in that Undertaking; but he declin'd it, as an Action of too much Blood and Outrage. He told him,
That if the rest who were concern'd in it, were as moderate as their Chief, he should make no Scruple of joining with them; but that some of them he foresaw, would carry their Passion and Revenge too far, and must necessarily involve the Innocent with the Guilty.
However, in the main he approv'd the Design, as the Cause of Liberty, and in some measure contributed towards the Success, tho' he did not care to be engaged in the desperate Part of it.
The
Thebans,
as well to revenge the Death of
Pelopidas,
as to improve the Victory of the
Thessalians,
which they were not able to do of themselves, forthwith sent to their Assistance seven thousand Foot, and seven hundred Horse, who soon defeated, and broke to pieces the Remainder of
Alexander
's Army.
Alexander
defeated, and reduced to Terms.
Whereupon he was compell'd to restore the Towns he ha
taken from the
Thessalians,
and to withdraw his Garrisons out of all the other Places h
had unjustly seized; and he was further obli
ged by Oath, to take part with the
Theban
in their Wars, whenever they should requir
it. Upon these Conditions, they permitted him to return in peace to his own Domini
ons, where he continued about seven Year longer, till he was grown so insupportable t
every Body about him, that he was murther'd it
his Bed by his Wife and his Brothers.
Is murther'd.
H
dead Body was dragg'd about the Streets, an
trodden under Foot, and left as a Prey so the Dogs. Nor were any Indignities of thi
kind though too much for him,
Account of his Cruelt
.
who had been wont to bury some alive, and to dress up other in Bears and Boars Skins, to be baited an
shot at for his Diversion; and who had surprise
nd massacred the Inhabitants of whole Cities, which were in Friendship and Alliance with him. But amidst these Cruelties, there is one Instance recorded of him, wherein he discover'd some little Sparks of Humanity and Remorse, which yet he was far from valuing himself upon. For seeing a famous Tragoedian act in the
Troades
of
Euripides,
he went abruptly out of the Theatre, but sent to bid the Actor go on with his Part; for that he did not go out of any Dislike of his Performance, but because he was asham'd, that he, who had never shewn any Concern for those he had murther'd, should be seen to weep for the Sufferings of
Hecuba
and
Andromache.
But to return to the
Thebans,
they were still restlcss in their Pursuit of Power, and sought all Opportunities of advancing themselves upon the Weakness, or Divisions of the other States. They who furnish'd them with the most plausible Pretence for stirring at this time,
Olymp. 104. 2.
Divisions among the
Arcadians.
were the
Arcadians,
who were quarrelling among themselves about some consecrated Mony, which they had taken out of the Temple of
Olympia
during their Disputes with the
Eleans,
and applied to the Payment of a select Body of their Troops, call'd the
Epariti.
The
Mantineans
protested against it as Sacrilege, and brought over several of
The Council of Ten Thousand,
who had at first consented to it, to retract their Opinion, and to agree with them, that it was a wicked thing, which would sor ever brand them with Infamy, and entail a Curs
upon their Posterity. The debating this Matter was principally between the
Tegeans
and
Mantineans;
and it wrought such Confusion between them, and the rest of the
Arca
ians,
that they thought it necessary, for the Peace of the Community, to make it up as well a
they could, both with the
Eleans,
and among themselves. But the leading Men, who had touch'd the Mony, apprehending they might be call'd to an Account for it, thought the best way of preventing such an Enquity, would be to embroil Matters still more; and theresore sent to the
Thebans
to let them know, the
Arcadians
were upon the point of revolting to the
Spartans,
if they did not speedily come in, and put a Stop to it. At the same time they sent Directions to a
Theban
Officer in
Tegea,
to seize some of their own People, as Disturbers of the Peace: And accordingly great Numbers were apprehended, and consin'd as Prisoners of the State. But this occasion'd such a general Clamour, that they were soon after discharg'd
and Complaint was made of it at
Thebes,
as a Matter of Impeachment against the Officer, for intermeddling in their Affairs, and attempting to interrupt the good Correspondence between the Two States. The more moderate among them, who saw the Consequence of calling in a foreign Power to decide their Differences, protested against the
Thebans
marching their Troops into their Territories, and did what they could to prevent it.
Which the Thebans take advantage of.
But the
The
ans
could not be prevail'd upon to let slip such an Opportunity of getting once more a footing in
Peloponnesus,
which was their real Design; and
Epaminondas
made no great Secret of it; but he told them at the same time, by way of Justification,
That the
Thebans
had been drawn into the War on their Account; that therefore they had acted treacherously with them, in making Peace with
Athens
without their Consent; however, that when he should march his Army into
Peloponnesus,
to assist his Friends there, he should see what Proofs they the
Arcadians
would then give of their Fidelity.
This was deliver'd in so magisterial and menacing a Stile, that they who were best afsected to the
Thebans,
did not like it; and the
Mantineans,
with such others, as were concerned for the good of the Community, and the general Safcty of
Peloponnesus,
concluded there was no time to be lost, in providing against the worst that could happen.
Accordingly they sent to the
Athenians
and
Spartans
to apprise them of the Danger,
Athens and Sparta
to assist the Mantine
.
and to ask their Assistance. They immediately took the Alarm, and enter'd into a strict Consederacy sor their common Defence. And to prevent all Disputes about the Command in the Army, it was agreed to divide it in such mannet, that each State was to have it within their own Territories. This was a point the
Arcadians
had very much at heart: But the
Spartans
being now so easily persuaded to give that up to them, which they had so long contcsted with the
Athenians,
even till they were reduced to the greatest Extremity, was a plain Proof, how much they were terrified with the Apprechensions of another Descent into
Peloponnesus.
Epaminondas
in the mean time began his March with all the
Boeotians,
some
Euboean
,
and a Body of
Thessalian
Horse, expecting to be join'd by the
Argives, Messenions
and many others, upon his appearing among them. Upon his first Arrival in
Peloponnesus,
he lay for some time at
Nemea,
a Town in the Te
itory of
Argos,
where he might reasonably hope to intercept the
Athenians
in their March to join their Consederates; but receiving Intelligence, that they were to pass by Sea, he removed to
; which City, with the greatest Part of
Areadia,
immediately declared for him. The
Spartans,
with their Consederates, had their general Rendezvous at
Mant
,
which they naturally imagin'd would be first attack'd, as being the chief Seat of those who had revolted from the
Thebans.
But whilst they were securing themselves on this Side,
Epaininondas
considering, that the City of
Spar
a
was in a manner drain'd for this Expedition, broke up privately,
Epaminondas endeavours to surprise Sparta.
and march'd all Night, in order to surprise it. But the Design being discover'd to
Agesilaus
as he was upon his March to
Mantinea,
he sent immediate Notice of it to
Sparta,
with Orders to put the Town in a Posture of Defence, 'till he could come in to its Relief; which he did with such Expedition, that
Epaminondas
found him in the City ready to receive him. That which is here related of
Agesilaus,
is by
Diodo
us Siculus
ascribed to
Agis
the other
Spartan
King. However that be, it is certain, that
Agesilaus
had a principal Part in the Defence of the City. The few Forces in it were posted to the best Advantage, that the Time and other Circumstances would admit of; and the old Men and Boys were placed on the Tops of the Houses, to annoy the Enemy with Darts and Stones.
Epaminondas,
tho' he found by this Disposition, that his Design was discover'd, yet made an Assault at several Parts of the City, but met with the most vigorous Opposition.
Ages
ans
saw there was now no room for that Caution or Cunning,
But is
Agehlau
.
which had served him upon other Occasions: Wherefore putting all upon a desperate Push, he exerted himself far beyond what could be expected from his Years, and, by dint of Valour, repuls'd the Enemy. But great Part of the Glory of this Action was due to his Son
Archidamus,
The
who having les
hundred Men with him, was at all the dangerous Passes, where the Enemy press'd hardest. He pass'd the River in open Defiance of the
Thebans;
then march'd up an Eminence charg'd and routed those Soldiers, who (a
Xenophon
expresses it)
breath'd Fire,
and who so lately beat the
Spartans,
when they had the Advantage both of the Ground, and the Numbers. He who signaliz'd himself most as a private Man,
and of
Isadas.
was
Isadas
the Son of
Phabidas.
He was a very beautiful, large and well-proportion'd Youth, scarce arrived at the Age of
Manhood. He had just anointed himself at Home, when the Alarm being given, he rush'd out without any Arms, and almost naked; then snatching a Spear in one Hand, and a Sword in the other, he broke into the thickest of his Enemies, and bore down all before him. The
Ephori,
after the Action was over, gave him a Garland as the Reward of his Gallantry; but then, to keep up the Rigour of their Discipline, fined him a thousand
Drachmas,
for going into the Battle unarmed.
The
Spartan
Forces were now come up from
Mantinca,
and were follow'd by most of the Confederates;
so that
Epaminondas
finding nothing more to be done on that Side, drew of his Army, and turn'd towards
Mantinea,
which he judged to be now quite desenceless. For besides that the Troops were drawn out of it, the Inhabitants were scatter'd about in the Fi
, having taken that Opportunity, whilst the War was removed into another Quarter, to get in their Harvest. Wheresore he resolved to attack the Town; and first order'd the Horse thither, who found the People dispers'd in the manner they had been informed, and all things to Appearance, as they expected. But it happen'd, that six thousand
Athenian
Auxiliaries, who coming by Sea, knew nothing of what had pass'd at
Sparta,
and having pass'd the
Isthmus,
in order to join the Confederates, as they supposed, in
Mantinea,
were just got into the Town; and without staying to refresh themselves, or their Horses, march'd out, and gave the
Thebans
Battle. After an obstinate Dispute, with some Loss on both Sides, the
Athenians
got the better,
Mantinea
reliev'd by the
Atheniens.
and took those, who were without the Walls, under their Protection. This Action was a very sharp one, but not decisive; and is to be consider'd rather as a Skirmish, and a Prelude to what happen'd afterwards, than as a Victory. However it was of more immediate Consequence to the
Mantineans,
who, without such a seasonable and miraculous Relies, must have been lost. And
Hegelochus,
who commanded this Body of
Athenians,
obtain'd great Honour by making such a Stand against the
Thebans,
who were much superior in Numbers, and were also supported by the
Thessalian
Horse.
Epaminondas
was very much piqu'd at the ill Success of these two last Enterprises, which he was asraid would lessen him in the Opinion of his Allies, and sully the Glory of his former A
chievements; and therefore thought himself obliged to attempt something further, to support his own and his Country's Honour, and to keep up the Spirits of those, whom he had taken under his Protection. And as the Time allotted him for this Expedition was very near expiring, he had no time to lose. Besides he was got so far into the Enemies Country, and they were so well prepared sor him, and watch'd his Motions so narrowly, that he thought he could not easily secure his Retreat without fighting; or that if he did, it would be abandoning and sacrificing his Allies. These Considerations determin'd him to proceed immediately to Action, and, by one decisive Battle, either to make himself Master of
Peloponnesus,
or to fall honourably in the Attempt.
Accordingly,
A. M.
upon the
Spartans
coming to the Relies of the
Mantincans,
he prepar'd to attack them; and this drew on a general Engagement of both the Armies, with their respective Consederates. That of the
Thebans
consisted of thirty thousand Foot, and three thousand Horse; which was more by a third Part, both of Horse and Foot, than the
Spartans
had, with the
Athenians,
and all the rest of their Associates. The
Mantineans,
as the War was in their Territori
, were in the right Wing, with the
Spartans
next to them; the
Athenians
in the lest, and the
Achaans, Eleans,
and others of less Note, made up the main Body. The
Thebans,
with the
Arcadians,
chose the Left of their Army to oppose the Right of the Enemy; the
Argives
were in the right; and their main Body consisted of the
Euboeans, Locrians, Sicyonians, Messenians, Thessalians
and others: And both the Armies were flank'd with their Horse.
But after this Disposition,
Epaminondas
took a Compass, as if he declin'd fighting; and then made his Troops halt, and lay down their Arms, with a shew of encamping at a small Distance from the Enemy, hoping, by this Feint, to allay their Heat, and take off the first Impression of their Fury, and then to fall upon them by Surprise; wich happen'd in a great measure as he expected. For when he afterwards advanc'd towards them, they had quitted their Arms, and their Horses, and were so dispers'd about, that they had much ado to form themselves in time. However they recover'd the Surprise, and stood the Charge with great Resolution.
Epaminondas
put the Issue of the Battle upon his left Wing, as he did at
Leuctra;
and his Scheme of breaking in upon the Enemy was much after the same manner, by placing the best of his Men in Front, then drawing them up close, and narrowing them to a Point, so as to penetrate like the Beak of a Gally, as
Xenophon
expresses it. The Engagement began with the Horse; and it was very hot and obstinate, till at length the
Athenians,
who bore the Brunt of it, were so gall'd with the Darts and Slings of the
Thessalians,
and so over-power'd with the Numbers of the
Thebans,
that they were forc'd to give Way, and to leave their Foot expos'd; but yet they kept themselves in a Body, so as not to break in upon them. And in their Retreat, meeting with a Detachment of the
Euboeans,
and other Mercenaries, whom
Epaminondes
had sent round to attack their Rear, they fell in among them, and cut them entirely to pieces. The rest of the
Athenians
in that Wing, were hard press'd by the
Argives,
and the
Theben
Horse; but some
Elean
Horse, who had been posted in the Rear as a Body of Reserve, coming up to their Relief, they maintain'd their Ground. Their Horse in the other Wing made the same vigorous Resistance, but were forc'd at last to throw themselves in among their Foot for Protection.
Upon this the Foot join'd Battle, and sought with incredible Fury, especially the
Spartans
and the
Thebans,
who were more immediately concern'd in the Event of the Action, and were never more in Earnest. Their Lances being broke with the Violence of the Charge, they clos'd in with their Swords, and stood Foot to Foot, neither Side abating of their Rage, or giving back one Inch of Ground. Which
Epaminondas
perceiving, form'd a Troop of the most determin'd Men about him, and putting himself at the Head of them, made a very vigorous Charge upon the
Lacedaemonian
Phalanx, and wounded their General with the first Javelin he threw. And his Troop pushing on with the same Ardour, he soon broke the Enemy to pieces; and then made such Havock among them, that the Ground about him was cover'd with the Bodies of the Slain. But advancing still forwards, in order to make a thorough Rout of it, the
Spartans
rallied, and collected themselves into a Body, pointing their whole Fury at him, and throwing an infinite Number of Darts at him,
Epaminondas kill'd.
many of which he drew out of his Body, and retorted at them; till at last he was mortally wounded by a Javelin, which was said to be thrown by
Gryllus,
the Son of
Xenophon,
who was afterwards kill'd himself in the same Battle. But the Death of
Epaminondas
is by some ascrib'd to
Anticrates
a
Spartan,
who, as a Reward for so
minent a Piece of Service, was exempted from all publick Offices and Taxes; and
Plutarch
says, there was one of his Descendants remaining in
his Time, who enjoy'd the same Immunities. The
Thebans,
upon their General's falling, renew'd the Attack, in order to rescue his Body, and, after a very sharp Resistance on the Part of the
Spartans,
carried it off. This Missortune put an End to the Action; and both Sides parted, as it were, by Consent.
Xenophon
makes it entirely a drawn Battle, and says, that each Party
rected Trophies, and ask'd leave to bury their Dead; that neither of them took any Town, nor gain'd any Accession of Territory, or any Encrease of Power, and that Things remain'd just in the same Situation after the Battle, as they were before. But however exact and faithful he may be in the other Parts of his History, he is thought upon this Occasion to have been a little prejudic'd, and to have industriously avoided saying too much to the Advantage of the
Thebans,
who had manifestly the Victory, though they were in too much Concern and Confusion to pursue it; and the only Grounds upon which the Enemy disputed it with them, was on account of the
Euboeans
and others, whom the
Athenians,
in their Retreat, had cut to pieces.
Epaminondas
was carried alive into his Tent, where, assoon as he recover'd his Speech, he ask'd his Friends about him,
Whether the Enemy had taken his Shield from him:
They told him,
It was safe;
and it being brought to him, he kiss'd it. He then ask'd,
Which Side had the Victory:
They told him,
The
Thebans.
All then,
said he,
is well.
And soon after, upon the drawing the Head of the Javelin out of his Body, he sell, as it were, in the Arms of Victory, and, congramlating the good Fortune of his Country, expired.
There was something very great and solemn in these Circumstances of his Death,
His Character.
and suitable to that just and deliberate Firmness and Composure of Mind, which he had shewn in all the Actions of his Life. To consider him in all Respects, as a Soldier, Statesman and Philosopher, he was not only, as
Cicero
esteems him, the first Man of
Greece,
but the greatest perhaps that any Age or Country has produc'd. For all the several Virtues, which others posses'd singly, were united in him, and in so perfect a Degree, as to be without an Allay of any one Vice, or Failing. Besides his natural good Disposition, he had all the Advantages of Education, and was furnish'd with the best Masters, not only for Eloquence and Philosophy, but also for his Exercises, and all the other lighter Accomplishments. Hence it was, that
Polymnis
his Father's House was at that time one of the best Schools in
Greece,
and open to all the learned World. He was indeed more liberal upon this Head of Expence, than his Circumstancees would allow; for tho' he was of one of the best Families in
Thebes,
he died so poor, as to leave his Son no other Fortune, than what he had bestow'd on him in this manner. It happen'd however, that he neither wanted, nor desired one: For he had such a thorough Contempt of Riches, that he did not leave enough to bury him. He was in this, as in many other Respects, a Philosoper in Practice and Reality, and was poor upon Choice; and yet without any Affectation, he View of being applauded for it.
Jusian
says, he was no more desirous of Fame, than he was of Riches. He did not indeed affc
Popularity, or Applause; he was so modest, that all his great Offices were in a manner forc'd upon him; and his first Motive in all his Undertakings, was the Honour of his Country: But yet he had not an Insensibility of Glory with regard to himself, as may appear from the Answer he made to his Friends about him when he was dying. Among other Expressions of their Grief for the Loss of him, they lamented his leaving no Children behind him:
Yes,
said he,
I leave two fair Daughters, the Victories of
Leuctra
and
Mantinea,
to perpetuate my Memory.
Upon another Occasion, being ask'd,
Whether he thought himseif, or
Chabrias,
or
Iphicrates,
the better General? 'Tis hard,
said he,
to judge while we live.
There are other Instances to prove, that he knew what was due to his Merit, and that he did not decline Praise, tho' he did not covet it. He was covetous of nothing but his Time, which he employ'd wholly in the Improvement of his Mind, or in what he thought might be useful to the Publick; and he made even his Diversions subservient to that End. His Running, Wrestling, and other Exercises of that Kind, were not used by him, as they generally were by others, barely for Amusement, or the Glory of excelling in them, but as Lessons of Instruction in the Art of War. For which Reason he had an Aversion to sat Men in the Army, and disbanded one,
who,
he said,
would require three or four Shields to cover his Belly.
He had an extraordinary Genius for War, and had thoroughly studied the Theory of it, before he enter'd upon Action. It has appear'd from his Disposition, and his Manner of attacking, both at
Leuctra
and
Mantinea,
that he was particularly well skill'd in the
Tacticks.
That which has set him in a Light above most of the
Grecian
Generals, is the Difficulties and Discouragements, which he met with upon his first Appearance in the World. He had to do with a People, who were sunk into a State of Sloth and Idleness, and disposed to Slavery. They were very low at that time in their Reputation for Arms: And tho' they had taken some Part in the late Wars, it was occasionally only, and rather in order to support themselves by their Attachment to those who were best able to protect them, than with a Sense of gaining Honour, or asserting their Freedom. They had but few Troops, and those were without Spirit, or Discipline, and without Officers to conduct them. This was not the Case of the great Captains who went before him, especially those of
Athens
and
Sparta,
who had Troops ready form'd and disciplin'd, inur'd to Dangers and Fatigue, sir'd with Ambition, and the Love of their Country, supported by their Fellow-Citizens, and flush'd with Victory: So that their Commanders had nothing more to do, than to pursue the Track of Glory they were in, and to carry on the Service in the Way they found it.
Epaminondas
had none of these Advantages: But by his Courage and Zeal, and the Force of his Genius, he supply'd the want of them, and, in effect, created an Army; which being train'd up by his Instructions, and animated by his Example, soon shew'd the
Thebans,
that they were capable of acting for themselves, and fighting their own Battles. From hence it was, that from Auxillaries and Dependents, they became Principals, and put in for their Turn of Superiority in
Grecce.
It must be allow'd, that
Pelopidas
had pav'd the Way for him in effecting this Change, and that he had been assisting to him in most of his great Enterprizes. But without
Epimanondas,
the Work had been left very imperfect. It was his bold Defiance of the
Spartans,
that brought on the Battle of
Leuctra:
And he afterwards went further towards the reducing them, than any one Man, or than all the States of
Greece
together. And tho' he did not throughly succeed in it, he had so disabled and dispirited them, that they never recover'd their former Reputation and Authority. Among other Marks of their being humbled, he had brought them to
lengthen their Monosyllables,
as he himself express'd it, in rallying them upon that assected and
I don't
I may be allow'd
But it seeme to be justified by the
which Taci
despotick Brevity, with which they were wont to expres
mselves in their Answers to those who o
er'd to treat, or expostulate with them. His Military Virtues were still inferior to those which regarded either the Society, or himself. His Dis
edness was visible in every Circumstance of his Life: And nothing could ever shake his Integrity, or slacken his Zeal sor the Publick. The
Persians
knowing of what Consequence it was to fix him in their Interest, sent
Diomedon
of
Cyzicus
to tempt him with a large Sum of Mony. He first gain'd
Micythus,
a particular Favourite of his, and gave him five Talents to sound him upon it. But
Epaminondas
rejected the Offer with Disdain and Indignation, declaring, That he would not put the Riches of the Universe in Competition with the Good of his Country. You,
Diomedon, said he,
don't know me; and I am not surprized, that you should form a Judgment of me from yourself; for which Reason I forgive you; but withal advise you to make the best of your Way home, that you may not have an Opportunity of corrupting others. As for you,
said he, addressing himself to
Micythus, if you don't immediately restore him his Mony, I'll deliver you up to the Magistracy. His Generosity and Friendship have sufficiently appear'd in his Behaviour to
Pelopidas.
He was judicious and grave, but yet afsable; he was continent, patient of Injuries, and very compassionate; and, to crown all, he was strictly just, and so sincere a Lover of Truth, that he would not tell a Lye even in Jest. He was also a very able Speaker, and had gone further in his Search after Knowledge of all Kinds, than most of the Pailosophers of his Time, who were so by Profession: And yet he did not value himself upon it, or make any Shew of it; and it was said of him in this Respect,
That Nobody knew more than he, and spoke less.
Study was indeed his darling Passion; and he was so devoted to it, that he may be consider'd almost as a single Instance of one, who acquitted himself so well to the Publick against the natural Bent of his Inclination. It was look'd upon as Matter of Astonishment, that a Man who was so much hid from the World, and buried, as it were, in Books, should break out at once into so great, and so tumultuous a Scene of Action; that he should negotiate the Interests of his Country abroad, manage the Government at home, and lead an Army with such Success against the united Powers of
Greece.
But he had a Capacity for every thing, and applied himself to every thing; and when he was once roused by a Sense of what the Publick expected from him, he gave up his belov'd Retirement, and was from thenceforwards in such continual Motion, that Nobody every did so much in so short a Time. When the
Thebans
were once brought into Action, he resolv'd to keep them up to it: If I am your General,
said he,
you must be Soldiers.
Boeotia,
as being an open flat Country,
he told them,
was the Stage of War; and that they could keep it no longer than they had their Hands
upon their Shields.
It was by these Maxims, and this Conduct, that he became the Support of his Country, and a Pattern to the greatest Captains of the present, and succeeding Times.
Philopaemen,
who is call'd the last of the
Grecians,
made it his Study to imitate him; and is said to have come very little short of him in his Valour and Conduct, and his Integrity. But he was more rough and cholerick, and had too much of the Soldier in his common Deportment; whereas
Epaminondas
was cool and gentle, and had nothing of Fierceness, but in the Field. Upon the whole, he rais'd the Glory of
Thebes
to an Heighth beyond any of her Neighbours at that Time, and that so suddenly, that it was said to be born with him: And it will appear by the Sequel of the Story, how far it may be likewise said to have expir'd with him.
THE GRECIAN HISTORY. BOOK II.
The Affairs of Greece, from the Battle of Mantinea to the Death of Philip of Macedon. Containing the Space of 26 YEARS.
CHAP. I.
From the Battle of Mantinea to the End of the Social War. Containing the Space of 7 YEARS.
T HE Battle of
Mantinea
was the greatest that ever was fought by
Grecians
against
Gr
cians,
the whole Strength of the Country being drawn out, and ranged according to their different Interests. And it was fought with an Obstinacy equal to the Importance of it, which was the fixing the Empire of
Greece.
And this must of course have have been transferr'd to the
Thebans
upon their Victory, if they had not lost the Fruits of it by the Death of their General, who was the Soul of all their Counsels and Designs. This blasted all their Hopes, and put out their sudden Blaze of Power, almost as soon as it was kindled. However They did not presently give up their Pretensions; They were still rank'd among the Leading States, and made several further Struggles; but they were faint and ineffectual, and such as were rather for Life and Being, than for Superiority and Dominion. They proposed nothing further to themselves at present, than an honourable Peace; and this was according to the Opinion of
Epaminondas
himself, who, when he lay wounded in his Tent, inquir'd after those whom he judged most proper to succeed him in the Command; and finding they were kill'd in the Battle, advised them to make Peace; which they easily concluded; for their Enemies were as weary of the War, as themselves. The Conditions were,
The Peace renew'd by all but the
Spartans.
That every one should retain what they were now in possession of, and hold it independent of any other Power.
Hereupon all the States of
Greece
enter'd into a League Offensive and Defensive, excepting only the
Spartans,
who refus'd to ratify the Treaty, because the
Messenians
were included in it. This Opposition was rais'd chiefly by
Agesilaus,
Agesilaus
censur'd for it.
who was therefore look'd upon as stubborn and refractory, and an unreasonable Protracter of the War, especially as he had no Mony to carry it on, but what he was to raise by Loans and heavy Taxes. And his Stickling with so much Obstinacy at this Time for the Country of
Messenia,
revived in the Minds of the People, the great Extent of Territory, and the great Dominion both by Sea and Land, that he had lost since his Accession to the Throne.
But whatever Censure he had incurr'd by this Proceeding,
Olymp. 104. 3.
His Transactions in
Aegypt.
his next Enterprise, which was the last Scene of his Life, was still more blameable, at least with regard to himself, tho' it did not so much affect the Interest of his Country.
Tachos,
who had usurped the Kingdom of
Aegypt,
being at War with the
Persians,
engaged
Agesilaus
to assist him with a Body of
Spartans.
Accordingly he enter'd into that Service, expecting to have the sole Command of the Army. Upon his Arrival in
Aegypt,
all the great Officers of the Crown went to pay their Compliments to him; and the whole Country flock'd down to the Shore to see the Man, whose Reputation in Arms had made so much Noise in the World. But they were much disappointed, when, instead of the great and awful Prince they look'd for, they found a little old Man of a contemptible Presence, lying on the Grass, his Cloaths threadbare, and his Hair uncomb'd, and rejecting their rich Presents of Sweetmeats and Perfumes, which he told them, they might give to his Slaves the
Helots.
He join'd the
Aegyptian
Army, which consisted of eighty thousand Men, besides ten thousand hired Troops, whereof one thousand were
Spartans.
But
Tachos
deceiv'd him in his Expectations of being General, and would allow him no other Command than that of the
Mercenaries
at Land, committing to
Chabrias,
who came in as a Voluntier from
Athens,
the Charge of his Fleet, and reserving to himself the chief Command over all.
Agesilaus
was otherwise treated by him with so much Insolence, and in a manner so much below his Spirit and Dignity, that he took an Opportunity to fall in with
Nectanebus
his Son, or rather his Nephew, who had revolted from him, and got himself to be proclaim'd King in his stead. And the People being generally on his Side,
Agesilaus
join'd with them, and drove
Tathos
out of his Kingdom. He had no sooner withdrawn himself, but another Competitor started up, and march'd against
Nectanebus
with an Army of an hundred thousand Men, who shut him up in one of his Towns, and laid Siege to it. When the Works were pretty well advanc'd, and the Lines of Circumvallation drawn almost round the Place,
Nectanebus
threw himself among the
Grecians,
and sallying out by Night at the Gap where the Lines were unfinished, drew up his Forces, and easily routed those of the Enemy, who were entangled and encompassed by their own Works. This was owing intirely to the Advice and Conduct of
Agesilaus,
who improved this Victory by several others, 'till he had settled
Nectanebus
in full and quiet Possession of the Throne.
Diodorus
relates this Part differently, as if
Agesilaus
had reconcil'd himself to
Tachos,
and reinstated him in the Kingdom. But this rests singly upon his Authority; and the other Account is more natural, as well as more general.
Agesilaus
acquitted himself extremely well as to the military Part of this Expedition; but it does not in other Respects redound much to his Honour. One chief Motive of his undertaking it, was Gain; which he cover'd under a pretence of supplying the Necessities of the State. But the letting himself out to hire to a Barbarian, and serving under an
Aegyptian
Rebel, as a Captain only of a Band of
Mercenaries,
was thought very unbecoming a
Spartan
King, especially of his Age and Character. He first made a mean Figure by entering into that Service, and then a scandalous one by deserting it, and joining with the Enemy of him, whom he came to as an Auxiliary. He endeavour'd to justify himself by several false Pretences; and, according to the common Plea of the
Spartans
in the like Cases, call'd it Acting for the Benefit of his Country. But whatever Name he gave it, it was certainly a foul Action, and
Plutarch
calls it downright Treachery. And it was more so in him, because it was purely his own Act, without being tied down by any express Orders from the Government of
Sparta.
The Winter following
Nectanebus
dismiss'd him, with great Marks of Civility and Gratitude for the Services he had done him, and gave him two hundred and thirty Talents of Silver, with which he sail'd homeward, but was drove by Stress of Weather upon a desart Shore of
Africa,
call'd
The Haven of Menelaus;
where he sicken'd and died,
His Death.
being full eighty four Years old, of which he had reigned forty one.
He was so extraordinary a Man,
and Character.
and had so many mixt Qualities, that besides what has been already observ'd of him in the course of the History, it may be proper to take a more distinct View of him. He set out in the World with strong Prejudices against him, both as to his Person and his Pretensions. The first of them he overcame by the Sprightliness of his Air, and his Good-humour, with a way he had of jesting upon himself, which prevented others using the same Freedom with him. However he was so sensible of his Defects, that he would not suffer any Picture or Statue to be made of him in his Life-time, and utterly for
id the doing it after his Death. His Way to the Throne was attended with greater Difficulties, which yet he got over by his Spirit and Address, and by the Assistance of his Friends, particularly of
Lysander,
who in effect put the Crown upon his Head. And in that respect, it was made a Charge of Ingratitude upon
Agesilaus,
that he had afterwards upon a slight Pretence thrown him off. But he himself was the Cause of it; he valued himself too much upon his Services to him; and his Behaviour to him in
Asia
has been shewn to be so arrogant and assuming, that it might very well justify his sending him away from him, when he found he could no longer act with him.
Lysander,
full of Resentment, upon his Return form'd a powerful Party against him; to break which, he singled out the Ring-leaders, some of whom he sent away upon foreign Services; others he got to be accused of Avarice and Injustice in their Employments; and then made it his Business to bring them off, thereby obliging them to become his Friends; and so by degrees he wore out the Faction. As he was a younger Son, he was bred up with more Severity and Subjection, than the immediate Heirs of the Crown; and by the Obedience he paid to the Laws as a private Man, he was better fitted for the Government, when he came to it. He made great court to the
Ephori,
and the Senate, even to a Shew of Reverence, and by the Deference he paid to their Power, he secretly advanc'd his own, and by that Means carried the Prerogative higher than any of his Predecessors. But his Popularity grew at last suspected; insomuch that he is said to have been fined by the
Ephori
for
monopolizing
the Citizens, who were look'd upon as the common Goods of the Republick. He was remarkable for his Continency and Moderation; and kept up the old
Spartan
Plainness and Frugality even to Affectation, not allowing his Wife and Daghter to distinguish themselves by their Dress, and living in the same House that belong'd to
Aristodemus
his Predecessor above seven hundred Years before, nor suffering so much as the Door of it to be repair'd. Yet notwithstanding this rigid Appearance, there was nothing of Stiffness or Moroseness in his Behaviour; he treated every Body with Candour and Affability, and had such a Complacency and Agreeableness in his Conversation, as made him amiable to the last. He was very sond of his Children, and would often enter into their little Sports with them. Being one Day surpriz'd by a Friend, as he was riding with them on an Hobby-horse,
Say nothing of it,
said he,
till you are a Father yourself.
He was generous to his Enemies, not detracting any thing from their due Merit, easily forgiving, and never taking any unjust Advantage against them. On the other hand he was too partial to his Friends, whom, in all Cases, right or wrong, he thought himself oblig'd to support: Of which there is an Instance in a Letter of his to
Idrieus,
Prince of
Caria,
wherein he says,
If
Nicias
be innocent, acquit him; if he be guilty, acquit him upon my account; however be sure to acquit him.
Of the same Kind was his interposing in Behalf of
Phaebidas
and
Sphodrias;
and yet the Consequence of it was, in a great measure, the engaging
Sparta
in the
Leuctrian
War. It was a Saying of his,
That to be straitlaced in Point of Justice when one's Friend is concerned, is only a Pretence for deserting him.
Yet Nobody talk'd more of Justice upon other Occasions than he did; insomuch that some about him expatiating one Day upon the Grandeur of the King of
Persia, Wherein,
said
Agesilaus, does his Grandeur consist? Or how is he greater than I am, if he be not more just?
By which he would have it understood, that Justice was the Rule of all his Actions. But he has not given many Instances of it, especially in his publick Character; wherein he was so different from what he was in his private Life, that he may be consider'd as two different Persons. His Failings in the latter were few, and, generally speaking, good-natur'd ones; but in his Regal and Military Capacity, his Passions were much stronger, and his Faults more unpardonable. The same aspiring Temper which he discover'd from his Childhood, and by which he afterwards usurp'd the Crown, carried him on to the last Stage of his Life, and bore down all other Considerations, that stood in the Way of his Ambition. And yet he manag'd so well, that he pass'd the first thirty Years of his Reign in great Honour and Esteem: But as he advanc'd further in Years, he grew more perverse and arbitrary, and withal more restless and impatient, continually forming new Schemes of Action, and never easy but in War; and indeed he had admirable Talents for
t. He was brave, active and vigilant; he had
nur'd himself to the Extremes of Heat and Cold, and far'd as hard, in other Respects, as a private Centinel. He was very careful to keep up the Courage of his Soldiers; for which Purpose he would conceal, or lessen the News of a Defeat in other Parts, or sometimes substitute the Report of a Victory in the room of it. He had a more
efin'd way of deceiving his Enemies, by publishing his real Design of a March or an Attack, so that they might take it for a Feint, and consequently be unprepar'd for him. Nobody knew better how to use the Advantages of Time and Place, or to effect by Stratagem, what he could not obtain by Force. And notwithstanding his natural Impetuosity, he could command himself upon Occasion, and was either cool and tempe
rate, or daring and desperate, according as the Case requir'd; of which he gave sufficient Proofs in his Defence of the City of
Sparta.
His Behaviour upon that Occasion, when the Whole was at Stake, was great and glorious; tho' it must be allow'd at the same time, that he did nothing more than what he ow'd to his Country whose Interests he had sacrificed to his implacable Hatred of the
Thebans
and
Messenians,
and his insatiable Thirst of Revenge. The
Spartans
were so sensible of his Abilities, that when he was in
Asia,
they constituted him Admiral as well as General, which was an Honour they had never before conferr'd on one single Person. His Power after that Expedition encreasing in Proportion to the Opinion they had of him, he did what he would with them, and brought them into such a Condition, that they were forc'd to rely upon him, and to stand or fall with him. And tho' he sav'd them from immediate Destruction, he had sufficiently drain'd and harass'd them, and left them in a miserable declining State.
Lysander
gave the first Shock to their Power by his Pride, and
Agesilaus
quite broke it by his Obstinacy; the first made them odious to their Neighbours, and the latter made them contemptible. And upon the Whole, it may be said, that
Sparta
ow'd her Downfal to the two greatest Men she ever bred.
The Death of
Epaminondas,
and the Peace which ensu'd upon it, had slacken'd the Zeal of the principal Powers of
Greece,
The indolent State of
Greece.
and render'd 'em too secure. The
Athenians
more particularly, when they found themselves deliver'd from him who kept up their Emulation, grew indolent and remiss, and abandon'd themselves to their Ease and Pleasure, being wholly taken up with Shews, Sports and Festivals. They were naturally too much addicted to these Sorts of Amusement, and they had formerly been encourag'd in them by
Pericles,
who knew how to lead them by their Inclinations, and took this Method to ingratiate himself with them, and to divert them from inspecting too narrowly into his Administration. But they now carried these Diversions to a much higher Pitch of Extravagance. They had such a Passion for the Stage, that it stifled in them all other Thoughts, either of Business, or of Glory. Poets and Players were become their only Favourites, and receiv'd the Esteem and Applause, that was due to the Captains who had fought their Battles. The very victualling of their Fleets and Armies was consum'd upon the Stage. Their Singers and Dancers were pamper'd up with Marrow and other luscious Food, whilst the Admiral and the Captains of the Ships had no other Provisions on board, but Meal, Cheese and Onions. In short, the Decorations, and other Charges attending the Theatre, were so excessive, that
Plutarch
says,
It cost more to represent some of the famous Pieces of
Sophocles
and
Euripides,
than it had done to carry on the War against the Barbarians.
And in order to support this Charge, they seiz'd upon the Fund which had been set apart for the War, with a Prohibition, upon Pain of Death, even to advise the applying it to any other Purpose. They not only revers'd this Decree, but went as far the other way, making it death to propose th
restoring the Fund to the Uses, to which had before been appropriated, under the sam
Penalties. By diverting the Course of the Supplies in so extraordinary a manner, and enter taining the idle Citizen at the Expence of th
Soldier and Mariner, they seem'd to have n
Remains of that Spirit and Vigour, which they had exerted in the
Persian
Wars, when they demolish'd their Houses to furnish out a Navy, an
when the Women stoned a Man to death, who propos'd to appease the
Great King,
(as he was call'd) by paying Tribute, and doing Homag
to him.
But whilst they were wrapt up in this slothful Security, and had nothing immediately to apprehend from their old Enemies, either in
Greece
or
Persia,
they found themselves on a sudden engag'd with a People,
Which the
Macedonians
take advantage of.
who were hitherto obscure, and in a manner barbarous. These were the
Macedonians;
who, tho' they were hardy, and warlike enough, had never yet presum'd to intermeddle in the Affairs of
Greece.
The Truth is, they had enough to do at home, to adjust the Quarrels about the Succession of their Kings, and to defend themselves against the
Illyrians, P
onians,
and other powerful Neighbours. But several Circumstances concur'd at this Time to raise them out of their Obscurity, and to bring them into a new Scene of Action; which by Degrees wrought such a thorough Change in the State of
Greece,
that it will be necessary to take a cursory View of their Affairs, and to consider them connectedly with those of the
Grecians,
at least so far as may serve to shew, by what Steps this Change was effected.
They may also upon another Account seem to require a Place in the
Grecian
Story;
How far they may be consider'd as Grecians.
for their first Kings were of
Grecian
Extraction. But they are not so much entitled to it from their Descent, as from their Exploits, by which the very Name of
Greece
was in a great measure lost, and swallow'd up in that of
Macedonia.
Before their later Atchievements, which brought about this great Revolution, they were no otherwise consider'd as a Part of
Greece,
than many other Borderers, who were originally planted from thence, but having afterwards little or no Intercourse with their Mother-Country, contracted the Habits and Manners of the Natives where they settled, and from thence were look'd upon as one and the same People with them, and in the same Degree of Barbarism. This was the Case of most of the
Grecian
Colonies: And therefore, tho' I have had frequent occasion to mention them, I have not enter'd further into their Story, than as it has born relation to
Greece,
either on account of their Wars or Alliances with it, or of their being protected by it, or becoming tributary to it, or of such other Engagements and Dependences, as have blended their Affairs with those of the
Gre cians,
and made the Relation of them a necessary Part of their History. Thus much may suffice to account for my not having treated the most remarkable of these Colonies so fully and distinctly, as might be expected from the Figure they have made in the World; such as
Sicily, Crete,
and some others of the Islands, with the
Lesser Asia,
and several other Parts of the Continent. But it ought to be consider'd, that where their Fame and Grandeur has been owing more to their Transactions with other People, than with the
Grecians,
most of the Particulars concerning them do not fall within the Compass of my Design, but belong more properly to a separate History of their own, or to that of the Nation, which they have had most to do with.
The
Macedonians
were so call'd before the
Grecians
intermix'd with them:
Their Original.
And they were some time known by other Names, which they receiv'd from the first Planters, or principal Men either of the whole Country, or of some particular Parts of it. But the Accounts we have of these original Founders, like those of the
Grecian
States, are very fabulous and imperfect. The first who is mention'd, with any Degree of Certainty, to have reign'd in
Macedonia,
was
Caranus,
by Birth an
Argive,
and said to be the sixteenth in Descent from
Hercules.
It was upon this Foundation, that
Philip
grounded his Pretensions to be of the Race of
Hercules,
and assum'd to himself Divine Honours; wherein he carried his Vanity a great way, tho' not so far as his Son did after him.
Caranus
therefore is commonly reputed to have led forth a Body of his Countrymen,
Their first Kings.
by the Advice of the Oracle, into these Parts, where he settled, and made himself King. And yet
Herodotus,
contrary to the Opinion of all the later Writers, makes
Perdiccas
the first King.
Sir Isaac Newton
reconciles this Difference by a very probable Conjecture, that they were Joint-Founders of this Kingdom; that they were both contemporary, and of the Royal Family of
Argos,
from whence they fled about the same Time, and at first erected small Principalities in
Macedonia,
which, after the Death of
Caranus,
became one under
Perdiccas:
and that this Kingdom was founded about the 46th or 47th
Olympiad.
From this Time the
Macedonians
were properly a
Grecian
Colony; and, among other Proofs of their being so, it is observable, that
Amyntas,
which was the Name of some of their succeeding Kings, was also a common Name among the
Argives.
Another of their Kings was, by virtue of their
Grecian
Extraction, admitted to the
Olympick
Games. But whatever Rights and Privileges this Nation claim'd as
Grecians,
they were generally treated as
Barbarians,
till such time as they carried their Arms into
Asia,
and had trampled upon the Liberties of
Greece. Caranus
having, according to the general Account, reign'd twenty-eight Years, the Succession was continu'd after him to the Times we are now treating of. But there is very little worth Notice recorded of these Kings, they being chiefly employ'd in defending themselves against the Incursions of their Neighbours: And as to their domestick Affairs, they were remarkable only for the frequent Murthers and Usurpations, which happen'd in the Royal Family.
Amynlas
the Second,
Amyntas Father of Philip.
who was the Sixteenth in Descent from
Caranus,
and the Father of that
Philip
whom we are now to treat of, had much ado to support himself in the Throne; he left it in a very tottering Condition, and entail'd a
War with the
Illyrians
and
Olynthians
upon his Children. By his Wife
Eurydice
he left three Sons, who all in their turn succeeded to their Father,
Alexander, Perdiccas
and
Philip;
he had also a natural Son, call'd
Ptolemy Alorites.
Some say, he had a second Wife, call'd
Gygaea,
and by her had three more Sons,
Archelaus, Argaeus
or
Archideus,
and
Menelaus,
who were murder'd by
Philip.
But this does not seem probable, because
Eurydice
appears to have surviv'd
Amyntas,
and to have been very active in the succeeding Reigns. The Succession of
Alexander
and
Perdiccas
was strongly oppos'd; first by
Pausanias,
whose Father and himself had before usurp'd the Crown, and then by their Brother
Plolemy,
who is said to have murder'd
Alexander,
and to have reign'd three Years upon his Death, till he was afterwards slain himself by
Perdiccas. Pausanias
was drove out by
Iphicrates,
who at this Time happen'd to be sent by the
Athenians
with a small Fleet into those Parts, to make the necessary Dispositions for the Siege of
Amphipolis. Eurydice,
upon this Occasion, accosted him in a very moving manner: She brought her two Sons
Perdiccas
and
Philip
to him, and putting one of 'em between his Arms, and the other upon his Knee, conjur'd him, by the mutual Friendship that had pass'd between the two Nations, and by the personal Kindness and Affection that her Husband had born to him, that he would take these two Orphans into his Protection, and defend them against the Invader. But this Account of her Maternal Affection is by no means consistent with that which
Justin
gives of her, That being in love with her Son-in-law, who is understood to be
Ptolemy,
she caus'd her own two Sons
Alexander
and
Perdiccas
to be murder'd, in order to advance him to the Throne; and that she had before attempted to destroy her Husband with the same View. But the History of these two Kings,
Alexander
and
Perdiccas,
is so confus'd, that not only the Transactions of one Reign seem to be ascrib'd to another, but the Transactions themselves are also differently related. As to
Ptolemy,
the most plausible Account given of him, is, that upon his Competition with
Perdiccas,
they referr'd themselves to
Pelopidas,
who adjudging the Crown to the latter, the other quitted his Pretensions: And
Pelopidas,
for the better Observance of this Agreement, carried
Philip
with him, among others, as Hostage to
Thebes.
There are other Occasions mention'd of his being given as an Hostage to the
Illyrians,
both by his Father, and his Brother
Alexander.
However that be, it is certain he was at
Thebes
at the Time of the Death of his Brother
Perdiccas,
who, according to the most general Accounts, was kill'd in a Battle with the
Illyrians.
This Accident brought him home,
The Rise of Philip.
and gave him an Opportunity of exerting those Talents, by which he not only surpass'd all his Predecessors, but eclips'd the Fame of all the
Grecians
of his Time; tho' it must be confess'd, that he receiv'd his first Impressions of Glory from 'em, and that he ow'd a great deal to the Improvements he made under
Epaminondas.
But besides these Advantages, he had great natural Endowments, and a Genius equal to the greatest Designs; as may sussiciently appear from the Difficulties he had to encounter at his first setting out, when he was scarce three and twenty Years old, and the Means he us'd to overcome them.
Perdiccas
had left a young Son to succeed him; so that
Philip
had no immediate Prospect of coming to the Crown. However, upon the News of his Brother's Death, he stole home privately from
Thebes,
and taking Advantage of the Consternation the People were under, and the Dangers they apprehended from an Insant-Reign,
A M. 3645. Olymp. 105. 1.
He is dec
'd King
got himself at first declar'd Protector to his Nephew, and soon after King in his stead. And indeed the present Condition of the
Macedonians
requir'd a Man of his Prudence and Activity: For they were surrounded with as many Enemies, as they had Neighbours. The
Illyrians
flush'd with their late Victory, were preparing to march against them with a strong Army; the
Paeonians
were making daily Incursions upon them; and at the same Time the Title to the Crown was contested by
Pausanias
and
Argaeus,
the former whereof was supported by the
Thracians,
and the latter by the
Athenians,
who for that Purpose had sent out a good Fleet, and three thousand Land Men.
Under these Circumstaces, with so many Enemies on his Hands at once, and that before he was settled in the Throne, his first Part was, to make sure of his own People, to gain their Affections, and to raise their Spirits; for they were very much dishearten'd, having lost above four thousand Men in the late Action with the
Illyrians.
He succeeded in these Points by the Artfulness of his Address, and the Force of his Eloquence, of which he was a great Master. His next Step was to train and exercise them, and reform their Discipline; and it was at this Time, that he instituted the famous
Macedonian Phalanx,
He irstitutes the
Macedonian
Phalanx.
which did so much Execution. It was an Improvement upon the ancient Manner of fighting among the
Grecians,
who generally drew up their Foot so close, as to stand the Shock of the Enemy without being broken. The compleat Phalanx was thought to contain above sixteen thousand Men; tho' it was also taken in general for any Company, or Party of Soldiers, and frequently for the whole Body of the Foot. But this of
Philip's
Invention, is describ'd by
Polybius
to be a long Square, consisting of eight thousand Pikemen, sixteen deep, and five hundred in Front, the Men standing so close together, that the Pikes of the fifth Rank were extended three Foot beyond the Line of the Front. The rest, whose Distance from the Front made their Pikes useless, rested them upon the Shoulders of those who stood before them, and so locking them together in File, press'd forwards to support and push on the former Ranks, whereby the Asfault was render'd more violent and irresistible.
In this Year died
Xenophon,
Xenophon his Death, and Character.
and in the ninetieth Year of his Age. Notwithstanding the Glory he had acquir'd by his
Persian
Expedition, he was banish'd
Athens
for having been engag'd in it: For
Cyrus
having been too great a Favourer of the
Spartans,
the
Athenians
did not think he ought to receive any Countenance or Assistance from them in the Quarrel with his Brother
Artaxerxes.
Thereupon
Xenophon
chose to return again into
Persia,
where he join'd
Agesilaus;
and there they contracted a strict Friendship, which continu'd as long as they liv'd. Upon which of these two Expeditions it was, that the Sentence of Banishment was pass'd against him, is not determin'd: But he had by both of them incurr'd the Displeasure of his FellowCitizens, who look'd upon him as not being well affected to the Interest of his Country. He has not by his Actions given any Marks of his Enmity against it: But it is certain, that he was a great Admirer of the
Spartan
Manners and Constitution, and had a very indifferent Opinion of the
Athenian Democracy.
Upon his second Return into
Greece,
he resided at
Scillonte,
a Town in the
Elean
Territory, but at that Time under the Dominion of
Sparta.
But upon the Invasion of
Laconia
by
Epaminondas,
he quitted that Neighbourhood, and retir'd to
Corinth,
where he spent the Remainder of his Days. It is to the Leisure he enjoy'd in these Places of Retreat, that we owe most of his Historical and other Writings; by which he appears to have possess'd more different Talents, and to have been more thoroughly accomplish'd, than any Man of his Time, not only as a Captain, Philosopher, Orator and Historian, but being likewise well skill'd in Politicks, in Horsemanship and Hunting, in Tillage and Planting. He had also the Advantage of a very beautiful Person, with a pleasing Aspect, which bespoke that Candour and Simplicity, for which he was so remarkable, both in his Manners and his Writings.
His Character as an Historian having already been describ'd in the Account I have given of the Authors, from whom this History is collected, I will here only add an Observation, that he was the first Philosopher in
Greece,
who wrote an History. And to this it may be ascrib'd, that he has express'd Nature better than most other Historians of his Time: His Conceptions were clear, and that made his Diction so. This regular way of thinking, and digesting his Matter, he learnt of
Socrates,
under whom he studied. Nothing is more to be admir'd in him, than the Affection he bore to his Master. And in this Part
Plato
agreed with him; but there was otherwise no good Understanding between them: Which is the more extraordinary, because they were both equally of a mild and amiable Disposition, and had no Enemies, but such as their Virtue had created them. The Cause assign'd by
Diogenes Laertius
for their Disagreement, was a Rivalship in their Writings; and in supprot of this Opinion, it is said, that
Xenophon
wrote his
Cyripaedia,
as the Picture of a just Monarchy, in Opposition to that which
Plato
had drawn of a perfect Common-wealth. It is a Question among the Learned, how far this Piece of
Xenophon
will bear being examin'd according to the strict Rules of History; and whether it ought not rather to be look'd upon only as a more modest and instructive Species of Romance. There is likewise great Allowance to be made for his Character of
Ageslaus,
which is too much in the Stile of Panegyrick. But his close Intimacy with that Prince, had made him partial to his Failings. He extols his personal Bravery, and his other private Virtues, and very justly: But he does not consider him enough in his publick Capacity, as one, who, upon the Merit of his Services, had got more Power into his Hands, than was usually allow'd to the
Spartan
Kings, and, by his Rashness and Obstinacy, had made an ill use of it, almost to the Destruction of his Country.
When
Philip
had made some proper Regulation of his Affairs at home, he began to look abroad, in order to divert the Storms which threaten'd him from all Quarters. By Mony and Promises he made up Matters, for the present, with such of his Enemies, as lay nearest to him, and then turn'd his Forces against the
Athenians,
Philip defeats the Athenians.
who were march'd up to
Methone,
to assist
Argaeus.
He gave them Battle, and defeated them; and the Death of
Argaeus,
who was kill'd in the Action, put an End to that Dispute: For he permitted the
Athenians,
when they were in his Power, to return home. This Instance of his Moderation gain'd so far upon them, that they soon after concluded a Peace with him; which yet he observ'd no longer, than it serv'd his Design of securing the other Part of his Dominions.
Accordingly he march'd Northward,
Olymp. 105. 2. Subdues the Paeonians, and the Illyrians.
where he broke with the
Paeonians,
and subdu'd them; then fell upon the
Illyrains,
and having kill'd above seven thousand of them in a pitch'd Battle, oblig'd them to restore all their Conquests in
Macedonia.
He had also shut up the Passage of the
Thracians;
but yet did not think it sufficiently secur'd, without making himself Master of
Amphipolis,
which was very commodiously situated on the River
Strymon,
and was the
Key
of that Side of his Dominions.
Seizes Amphipolis.
He knew the Importance of it, and therefore possess'd himself of it in the Beginning of his Reign. This was the Grounds of his Quarrel with the
Athenians,
who claim'd it as one of their Colonies, and made such a Point of it, that their setting up
Argaeus
against him, was not so much for his own Sake, or for the Credit of imposing a King upon the
Macedonians,
as it was with a View to get the City restor'd to them by his Means, in case he should have succeeded in his Pretensions.
Philip
was sensible of their Drift; and finding it necessary at that Time to keep some Measures with them, would neither keep the Place himself, nor let them have it, but took a middle Course, and declar'd it a Free City, thereby leaving the Inhabitants to throw off their Dependence on their old Masters, and making it appear to be their own Act. But the City continu'd no longer in this State, than till he found himself at liberty to make a more thorough Conquest of it; which at this Time he easily effected,
Olymp. 105. 3.
thro' the Remissness of the
Athenians,
who refus'd to send any Relief to it, alledging in their Excuse, that it would be a Breach of the Peace, which they had concluded with
Philip
the Year before. But the Truth is, he trick'd them out of it, by a Promise of delivering it up to them: But instead of keeping his Word with them, he made further Encroachments, by seizing on
Pydna
and
Potidea;
the latter of which being garrison'd by
Atbenians,
he drew them out, and sent them home; but dismiss'd them with such Marks of Civility, as shew'd, that he avoided coming to an open Rupture with that State, at least till his Designs were more ripe for it, tho' at the same time he did what he could to weaken them, and drive them out of his Neighbourhood.
Pydna and Potidaea,
Pydna,
with the Territory belonging to it, he gave up to the
Olynthians,
who were his Father's inverterate Enemies. His Hands were too full at this time to revive the Quarrel against so rich and powerful a City, whcih, for three Years together, had withstood the united Forces of
Sparta
and
Macedonia;
he therefore chose to buy their Friendship for the present, and to amuse them by the Delivery of this Town, as he had done the
Athenians
by the Peace, till he could attack them at more Advantage. In this Step also he over-reach'd the
Athenians,
who were at the same time courting the Alliance of the
Olynthians,
in order to maintain their sooting in those Parts. Which Side soever the
Olynthians
inclin'd to, they were strong enough to turn the Balance; and therefore the gaining them became a Matter of great Contention between
Philip
and the
Athenians.
The next Place he took,
and Crenidae, which be called Philippi.
was
Crenidae,
which he enlarg'd, and call'd, after his own Name,
Philippi,
and which afterwards was famous for the defeat of
Brutus
and
Cassius.
There were near this Town some gold Mines, which he work'd, and drew out of them an immense Treasure. The yearly Produce of them amounted to a thousand Talents; which was reckon'd at that time considerably more than the Revenue of
Athens;
and yet that was thought the richest State in
Greece.
This was a very lucky Discovery for one, who knew the Value and Use of Mony so well as he did. He was by this means enabled to keep up a good Body of mercenary Troops at home, with a great Number of Spies and Pensioners abroad; and it was to this Fund, that he ow'd a great Part of the Successes of his Reign.
Philip,
in this Progress of his Affairs, met with little Opposition from the
Athenians,
who had enough to do to support their Jurisdiction in other Parts.
Factions in Eubaea compos'd by the Athenians.
Euboea
being at this time divided into Factions, one Party had recourse to them, and the other to the
Thebans,
who by this means got footing in the Island. But the
Athenians
thought it of too great Importance to them to be given up: For, besides other Advantages, they had formerly drawn a large Revenue from it. However they did not exert themselves so vigorously as the Case requir'd, 'till they were spirited up by
Timotheus. What?
said he,
The
Thebans
in
Eubaea,
and you still here! They are in Action, and you are deliberating. You have not spread the Seas with your Shipping; you are not running down to the
Piraeus;
you are not under Sail.
This Manner of haranguing had the Effect he propos'd: In five Days time they made the necessary Preparations, and put to Sea; forc'd the
Thebans
off the Island; compos'd the Differences of the Inhabitants, and brought them again under their Dependence.
Demosthenes
takes particular notice of this Speech of
Timotheus,
and quotes this Part of it, as an Incentive to the
Athenians
upon a like Occasion, when
Philip
was overrunning their Dominions in
Thrace.
The
Athenians
had no sooner put an end to these Disturbances, but
Byzantium,
with the Islands of
Chios, Cos
and
Rhodes,
The Social War.
revolted, and confederated against them, and from thence gave rise to that which was call'd
The War of the Allies,
or
The Social War.
They forthwith sent out
Chares
and
Chabrias,
with Men and Shipping, to reduce them. Their first Attempt was upon
Chios;
where
Chabrias,
who commanded at Sea, forc'd his Entrance into the Harbour;
Attempt upon
Chios.
but being deserted by the rest of the Fleet, which put back to Sea, he was immediately surrounded by the Enemy, who beat upon him on all sides 'till his Ship was quite disabled, and pierc'd through with the Enemies Beaks. Whereupon the Men on board leap'd into the Sea to save themselves by swimming: But he not thinking it consistent with his Honour and the Duty of his Post, to quit his Ship, stood obstinately in the Defence of it, 'till he was mortally wounded.
Chabrias kill'd:
Nepos
says, contrary to the general Account of this Expedition, that he served in it only as a private Man; which, if it were so, would be the best Excuse that could be made for his Conduct in it: For considering him as a Commander,
His Character.
it was certainly too unconcerted, and too rash and desperate an Enterprise to be justified. But it was agreeable to a Maxim of his own,
That an Army of Stags led by a Lion, was more formidable than an Army of Lions led by a Stag.
He had another Maxim, which shew'd more Prudence and Circumspection,
That He was the best Commander, who knew best what his Enemies were doing.
However, the Spirit he shew'd upon this Occasion, with the many other Instances of his Bravery and Zeal for the Service of his Country, may be sufficient to rank him with the Patriots of the best Ages of
Greece.
Chares,
with the Land-Forces, had made some slight Attacks upon the Island; but upon the Death of his Colleague he drew them off, and put an end to the Campaign.
Olymp. 105. 4.
But the next Year great Preparations were made on both Sides for prosecuting the War with Vigour. And the Allies having got together a Fleet of an hundred Sail, harass'd and plunder'd several of the Islands under the Dominion of
Athens,
and then besieg'd
Samos.
Samos besieg'd by the Allies.
The
Athenians
sent out
Chares
again with sixty Gallies, and then reinforc'd them with sixty more under the Command of
Iphicrates
and
Timotheus,
who were join'd in Commission with him. They united their Forces, and agreed to besiege
Byzantium;
which drew the Allies from Samos to relieve it. Hereupon the two Fleets met in the
Hellespont:
But just as they were ready to engage, there happen'd a violent Storm; notwithstanding which,
Chares
propos'd to proceed and join Battle, but could not prevail with his Colleagues to come into it;
Chares accuses his Colleagues of Treachery
, whereupon he wrote to
Athens
to accuse them of Treachery; and they were recall'd, and order'd to answer it to the State.
Chares
was now at liberty to act without Controul; but instead of pursuing his Designs against the Islanders,
and goes into Foreign Service.
he went over to
Artabazus
the
Persian
Governor of some of the Provinces of
Asia minor,
who had revolted from his Master, and was reduced almost to the last Extremity by an Army of seventy thousand Men which was sent out against him.
Chares,
upon a Promise of being well rewarded, engaged to assist him; and having accordingly join'd their Forces, they deseated the
Persians.
But the King was so incens'd at it, that he threaten'd to fit out a Fleet of three hundred Sail to support the Islanders in their War with the
Athenians;
which so intimidated them, that they clapt up a Peace with the Allies upon their own Terms;
Olymp. 106. 1. A Peace with the Allies.
which were,
That for the future they should remain free and independent.
This put an end to the
Social War,
which had continued three Years, tho' with very little Action on either Side, at least not suitable to the Preparations that were made for it.
The News of this Expedition of
Chares
was at first very well receiv'd by the Government of
Athens,
in regard the Troops which were employ'd in it, were paid by
Artabazus;
and that indeed was the only pretence that could be made for undertaking it: But when they found in what manner the
Persian
King resented it, they made it a Charge of Treason against
Chares
for having exceeded his Commission,
Chares accus'd, but acquitted.
and deserted the Service of his Country. However he found means to secure a Party among the People, who brought him off.
Iphicrates
and
Timotheus
were more hardly dealt with,
Iphicrates and Timotheus tried.
and for that which had much les
the Appearance of a Crime, in refusing to join with him in rushing headlong upon the Enemy in a Storm, and combating the Elements. But this Matter was so aggravated by
Chares,
that they underwent a formal Trial for it, and, besides the revoking their Commissions, had an heavy Fine impos'd on them. This is the Account
Diodorus Siculus
gives of it: But the Fact is by others related differently, and with more remarkable Circumstances;
Timotheus fined.
That
Timotheus
was fined an hundred Talents; which being unable to pay, he withdrew himself to
Chalcis,
where he died. The People soon after repenting of their Usage of him, (as it was generally the Case with them, when it was too late) remitted nine Parts of the Fine, but exacted the other ten Talents of his Son
Conon
towards the Repair of their Walls. It was an odd Circumstance, and a Reproach to
Athens,
that those Walls, which had been rebuilt by
Conon
the Grandfather, out of the Spoils l
e had taken from the Enemy, should now be repair'd by a Fine unjustly rais'd upon
Conon
the Grandson.
Iphicrates
apprehending the same Fate with
Timotheus,
had introduced a Number of young Men into the Court, arm'd with Daggers, which they every now and then, in the course of the Trial, took care to expose to the View of his Judges, in order to intimidate them. This Menace had the Effect he propos'd, and accordingly he was acquitted.
I
hicrates acqu
tted.
Being afterwards reproach'd with so violent a Proceeding, he said,
It would have been a Madness in him, if, after having succeeded in War for his Fellow-Citizens, he should not have endeavour'd to do the same for himself.
And certainly, whatever Insult it was upon the publick Justice, it was owing to the People themselves, who, by their capricious, jealous and ungratesul Behaviour towards their Generals, had forc'd them to these Extremities. For whatever their Conduct were, they never knew when they were safe. They were no longer regarded, than they were wanted; and when their Service was over, it was approv'd or censur'd, according as the Faction for or against them prevail'd: In short they lay at the Mercy of every little designing
Demagogue,
who had Art enough to inflame the Multitude. Under these Discouragements, it is not to be wonder'd at, that many of them engag'd themselves in Foreign Service, or went into a voluntary Exile; insomuch that there were scarce any left to command at home. This is to be look'd upon as one principal Cause of the Decay of the Power of
Athens,
which began now too visibly to appear.
Nepos
seems to fix it to this Period of Time, and observes, that
Chabrias, Iphicrates
and
Timotheus
were the last of the
Athenian
Captains. However, it must be confess'd, there were several considerable Men after them, who occasionally signaliz'd themselves in the Defence, or other necessary Service of their Country: But it is certain, there was not any Number, or regular Succession of such, as were able to keep up the ancient Spirit and Discipline of the Troops, or the Grandeur of the Commonwealth.
As to
Iphicrates,
whether, after his Trial, he declined the Service, or was laid aside by the State, we hear no more of his being employ'd either at home, or abroad; and yet he is said to have liv'd to a good old Age. However
Diodorus
says, he was dead, when the great Battle of
Cehronêa
was fought in the hundred and tenth
Olympiad,
but without mentioning the Time and Circumstances of his Death; and therefore we may reasonably suppose, that he spent the Remainder of his Days in some
bscure Retirement.
Character of Iphicrates.
But whatever became of him, he was at this time a great Loss to the Publick. He had served on many Occasions, and generally with Success; which was chiefly
wing to his Skill and Prudence; and his Service had been very useful and seasonable. He was not so much noted for the Fame of his Exploits, as for his Art and Improvements in the military Discipline, wherein he was very exact, and withal severe. He was always upon his Guard, and left as little room for Ac
idents as possible. To this purpose, when one ask'd him, why he fortify'd his Camp, which he had pitch'd in a Country belonging to his Confederates, he replied,
The worst Speech a General can make, is, I did not think.
His Men were so perfect in their Exercise, and so obedient to Command, that when the Word was given to engage, they knew their Business, and did it of themselves, as if every private Man had been directed by the ablest Ossicer. This was particularly experienc'd in the War at
Corinth,
where he put a stop to the Progress of
Agesilaus,
who would otherwise have over-run the States, which were then in Alli ance with
Athens.
The Men who served under him, were known by the Name of th
Iphicratensian Troops,
and were in the same degree of Esteem in
Greece,
as the
Fabian
Sol
diers were in
Rome.
He compared the several Parts of an Army to those of an human Body, making the light-arm'd Infantry answer to the Hands, the Cavalry to the Feet, the main Body to the Breast, and the General t
the Head. He chang'd the Fashion of th
Arms and Accoutrements then in use, contriving them chiefly for Ease and Expedition and after such a manner, as should most effectually answer the Ends either of annoying or guarding against the Enemy. But notwith standing these Proofs of his Diligence and Application, he is said to have been naturally in dolent and impatient; which does not seen very consistent with the Character of a Man who had work'd his way into the World, and rais'd himself from nothing: For he was of very mean Extraction; some say, a Shoemaker's Son; and yet he carried it off with good Air, when being reproach'd with it b
one of his Adversaries who was descended fro
Harmodius,
'Tis true, said he,
The Lustre of
Family begins in me, and that of yours ends
you.
The first thing that brought him in
Repute, was, that in an Action wherein he was wounded, he caught up one of his Encmies, and carried him alive, and in his Armour, to his own Ship. Besides the Advancement he made by his personal Merit, he had the good Fortune to obtain in Marriage a Daughter of
Cotys
King of
Thrace,
by whom he had a Son call'd
Menestheus;
who yet seem'd to value himself more upon being the Son of an
Alhenian
Captain, than of a
Thracian
Princess: For being ask'd,
To which of his Parents
e thought
e ow'd the greatest Obligation;
he answer'd,
To my Mother, for that my Father did what he could to make me a
Thracian;
but my Mother's Part was to make me an
Athenian.
Iphicrates,
in addition to his warlike Talents, had the Reputation of a good Speaker: But
Plutarch
blames him for going out of his Province; and says, he made himself ridiculous by getting Company to his House to declaim to them. He likewise mentions an Instance of his being quite overpower'd by the Eloquence of his Antagonist: But
Iphicrates
would not give it up;
My Adversaries,
said he,
have the better Actor, but mine is the better Play.
Timotheus,
Character of
Timotheus.
in a War against this
Cotys,
obtain'd great Booty to the Value of twelve hundred Talents, which he deliver'd into the publick Treasury, without reserving any Part of it to himself. This was afterwards remember'd to the Shame of his Accusers, when he was fined an hundred Talents, and forc'd to fly his Country, because he was not able to pay it. He was the more sensibly affected with this Misfortune, because he had hardly known before what it was to suffer any. He had generally succeeded in every thing he took in hand; insomuch that some who envied him on that Score, painted him asleep, with Fortune by his Side, and casting Nets over Cities. He did not understand Raillery upon this head, but insisted seriously, That Fortune had no Share with him in his Victories, but that they were owing intirely to his Merit.
Hereupon,
says Plutarch,
The Goddess grew angry, and forsook him;
and adds,
That from thenceforward nothing prosper'd with him.
However, in the main he was so successful, that it is said, the
Athenians
ow'd to him the Recovery of their Dominion at Sea. He certainly contributed greatly towards it; but his Father
Conon
had laid the Foundation of it by the Engagement at
Cnidus;
after which, there were other Circumstances concurr'd to the breaking the Power of the
Spartans;
and it has been shewn, in what manner the
Athenians
took advantage of the Necessity of their Affairs, even when they were in Alliance with them against their common Enemics. Besides the military Virtues of
Timotheus,
wherein he was equal to his Father, he was better skill'd in the Civil Part of the Administration. He had, by his Parts and Industry, attain'd to a good Degree of Knowledge of all kinds, and excell'd particularly in the Art of speaking.
In this first Year of the 106th
Olympiad, Alexander the Great
was born. On the same Day that
Philip
receiv'd the News of it, he had an Account of a great Victory obtain'd by
Parmenio
his General against the
Illyrians,
and likewise of his having gain'd the Prize in the
Olympick
Games. Upon the Birth of his Son, he wrote a Letter to
Aristotle
the Philosopher, to acquint him with it, and to recommend to him the Care of his Education, which he did with the highest Compliment that could be made.
I return Thanks to the Gods,
said he,
not so much for having given me a Son, as for having given him me in the Age, in which
Aristotle
lives.
CHAP. II.
From the End of the Social War, to the End of the Phocian War. Containing the Space of 10 Years.
THE
Social
War was no sooner ended, but another broke out of a longer Continuance, and of much greater Consequence. This was call'd The
Phocian,
or
Sacred War,
as being rais'd and carried on upon a Motive
Religion; and, under that Pretence,
Greece
be came by degrees universally involv'd in it The first Occasion of it arose from the
Phocians,
Olymp. 106. 2. The Grounds of the Phocian War.
who having plough'd up a Piece of Ground belonging to the Temple of
Apollo
at
Delphi,
their Neighbours exclaim'd against it as Sacrilege; and it was adjudg'd so by the
Amphictyons,
who were assembled, as the
States General
of
Greece,
for that purpose; and an heavy Fine was impos'd on them: Which being unable to pay, they refus'd to submit to the Sentence, alledging, that the Care and Patronage of the Temple belong'd anciently to them, and they quoted an Authority for it from
Homer.
This Spirit of Opposition was rais'd by
Philomelus
a principal Man among them,
Philomelus the Phocian General.
who encourag'd them to take up Arms, and acted as their General. He first applied himself to the
Spartans,
who had likewise been fined by the
Amphictyons,
at the Instance of the
Thebans
after the Battle of
Leuctra,
for having seiz'd the
Cadmêa.
For this reason they were very well dispos'd to join with him, but did not yet think it proper to declare themselves: However they encourag'd his Design, and supplied him under-hand with Mony; by which means he rais'd Troops, and, without much Difficulty, got possession of the Temple. The chief Resistance he met with in the Neighbourhood, was from the
Locrians;
but having worsted them, he erased the Decree of the
Amphictyons,
which was inscrib'd on the Pillars of the Temple. However, to strengthen his Authority, and give a Colour to his Proceedings, he thought it convenient to consult the Oracle, and to procure an Answer in his Favour: But when he applied to the Priestess for that Purpose, she refus'd to officiate, till being intimidated by his Threats, she told him,
The God left him at Liberty to act as be pleas'd;
which he look'd upon as a good Answer, and as such, he took care to divulge it.
This occasion'd another Assembly of the
Amphictyons,
the Result whereof was a formal Decharation of War against the
Phocians.
Greece divided in this War.
And the Quarrel being now become more general, the several States took Part in it, according to their different Interests and Inclinations.
Athens
and
Sparta,
with some others of the
Peloponnesians,
declar'd for the
Phicians;
and the
Thebans, Thessalians, Locrians,
and other neighbouring States against them.
Philomelus,
at his first setting out, had made great Professions with regard to the Riches of the Temple, which were immense, that he would not touch any Part thereof, and that he had no Design in making himself Master of the Temple, but to restore the ancient Rights and Privileges of his Country. But having now form'd his Alliances, and being press'd for Mo
ny to support them, he grew less scrupulous; he broke into the Treasure, and made it a Fund for carrying on the War. With this Supply he encreas'd the Pay of his Men, and by that Encouragement got together a considerable Army He march'd with above ten thousand Horse and Foot against the
Locrians,
The Transactions of the two first Years of it.
and beat them, not withstanding that they were supported by the
Thebans.
He did the same by the
Thessalians
who were likewise join'd by their Neighbours But the
Thebans
at length coming up with thirteen thousand Men, put a Stop to his Progress As they had been the most active in procuring the Decree, both against the
Spartans
and
Phocians,
so they were now the most zealous and inveterate against them, and pursu'd them wit
all the Rage and Rancour of a Religious War insomuch that having surpris'd a great Party o
the
Phocian
Mercenaries that was foraging, the condemn'd and executed them, as sacrilegiou
and accurs'd: But the
Phocians
made Reprisal upon them, and treating them in the same mar ner, brought them to act more according to th
Law of Arms. However the However the
Thebans
asterwar
had the Advantage of them in a woody Part
the Country, and over-powering them with Nur
bers,
lomelus
.
made a great Slaughter among them.
Phlomelus
in the Pursuit was forc'd up a Precipic and drove to a Point of it, where, to avo falling into the Enemies Hands, he threw him self head-long down the Rock; tho'
Justin
say he was kill'd in the Battle. But however the were, he made so vigorous a Defence in tl
Action, and had throughout conducted his Affairs so well, that if his Cause had been better, he might have been compar'd with the greatest Men of his Time. But according to the Part he acted, he was no otherwise look'd upon, than as a bold and wicked Adventurer, who stood in Defiance of Gods and Men, and had involv'd his Country in a War, to support him in his Impieties.
These were the Transactions of the two first Years of the War; during which time
Philip
was enlarging and securing his Frontier, by taking in such Places as were either convenient for him, or troublesome to him.
Philip takes Methone, and other Places
Of this latter kind was
Methone;
which serving as a Refuge to his Enemies, he took it by Storm; and having demolish'd it, annex'd the Lands to
Macedonia.
During the Siege, one of his Eyes was struck out with an Arrow; and the Circumstance of it affected him more than the Wound itself. For one
Aster
of
Amphipolis
having offer'd him his Service as an extraordinary Marksman, who could take a Bird down flying,
Well,
said Philip,
when I wage War with Sterlings, I'll employ you.
The Man was so nettled with this Answer, that he threw himself into the Town, and shot an Arrow at him with this Inscription on it,
At
Philip'
s right Eye. Philip
return'd it to him with another Inscription,
That he would hang up
After,
if he took the Town;
and he was as good as his Word. However he was so asham'd of this Accident, that he did not afterwards care to talk of an Eye, and could no bear the mention of the Word
Cyclops.
The
Thebans
concluding,
Olymp. 106. 4. Onomarchus succeeds Philomelus.
that the Death
Philomelus
had deterr'd the
Phocians
from prose cuting the War, withdrew their Forces. But h
was succeeded by
Onomarchus,
who was personally interested in carrying it on: For the
Amphictyon.
had laid several Fines upon him, which he wa
not able to discharge. He therefore gather'd up the Remains of the Army, and recruited it. For this Purpose he coin'd Mony; with which he also confirm'd his Confederates, and bought off some of his Enemies. The
Thessalians,
who were th
most formidable of them, he engag'd to stand neuter: But
Philip
soon after fix'd them in his Interest, by freeing them from their Tyrants Their Case was, that
Lycophron
of
Pherae,
who succeeded his Brother
Alexander,
after he had assisted in his Murther, set out at first as their Deliverer, and govern'd with Moderation; busoon after treading in his Predecessors Steps, the begg'd
Philip
's Assistance against him.
Lycephron
at the same time had Recourse to the
Phocians:
And thus by their Quarrel among the
selves, they were drawn again into the Gener
one.
Onomarchus
therefore, as well in Behalf
the Tyrant, as to support the Cause of the
Phcians,
began the Hostilities. He took sever; Places, and invading
Boeotia,
the
Thebans
wet again call'd out to stop his further Progress which they did with some Difficulty, having ju before sent five thousand Men, under the Command of
Pammenes,
to the Assistance of
Artabazus
in
Asia,
where they had good Success, and did Honour to their Country.
Onomarchus
in the mean time gain'd great Advantages against
Philip
in two several Actions,
His Successes against Philip.
and struck such a Terror into his Men, that he had much ado to bring them again into the Field. However being reinforc'd, it came to a general Battle, with twenty thousand Men on each Side.
But at length is defeated. taken and executed.
Six thousand on the Side of the
Phocians
were kill'd on the Spot, and three thousand taken Prisoners. Among the former was
Onomarchus,
whose Body
Philip
caus'd to be hang'd up; and the Prisoners he order'd to be thrown into the Sea, as guilty of the Sacrilege. This rais'd an Opinion of his Zeal for Religion, which he knew how to make a right use of: And it pass'd likewise for a Mark of his Justice and Generosity, with respect to the
Thessalians,
who were by this Means restor'd to their Liberty: For
Lycophron
went off upon the general Rout; and he and his Brother
Pitholaus
quitted
Pherae,
tho' afterwards they appear'd again in Arms, and endeavour'd by Means of the
Phocians,
to be reinstated. The
Thessalians
very well deserv'd this Piece of Service: For the Success of the Battle was owing chiefly to their Horse; which
Philip
was so sensible of, that he took care to maintain a constant Friendship and Alliance with them; and they had a great Part in the successive Victories of his Reign.
Onmarchus
was succeede in the Command by his Brother
Phayllus,
Olymp. 107. 1. Succeeded by his Brother Phayllus.
who took the same Methods that his Predecessors had done to support himself. He had a great Command of Mony, which being distributed very liberally, he encreas'd the Number of his Confederates, and easily got a fresh Supply of Mercenaries; with which he march'd into
Boeotia,
but was worsted there in three several Engagements. From thence he remov'd into
Locris,
where he had more equal Success; and after he had taken some Towns, he was seiz'd with a lingering Illness, of which he died.
The Course of the War had like to have been interrupted by a Quarrel between the
Spartans
and the Inhabitants of
Megalopolis.
The Spartans create fresh Disturbances.
The latter being unable to defend themselves, call'd in the
Argives, Sicyonians
and
Messenians,
to their Assistance; and the
Thebans
afterwards joining them, they became an over-match for the
Spartans;
who thereupon borrow'd three thousand Foot of the
Phocians;
and
Lycophron,
with his Brother
Pitholaus,
came in to them with a small Party of Horse. But notwithstanding these Preparations, after the taking a Town or two, which occasion'd some sharp Engagements, wherein the
Spartans
at length had the better, a Truce was agreed upon, and the Armies separated.
Upon the Death of
Phayllus,
Phalecus succeeds Phayllus.
the Command was given to
Phalecus,
the Son of
Onomarchus,
who being very young,
Mnaseas
was assign'd to him as his Director, and was kill'd in the first Action that happen'd. However the War was continu'd by Skirmishes, and mutual Incursions and Depredations. The
Thebans
had in this piqueering way got a good deal of Plunder: But as the Burthen of the War lay chiefly upon them, they were so drain'd,
Olymp. 107. 2.
that they were reduc'd to the last Extremity; and sending to the King of
Persia
for a Supply, he readily furnish'd ther with three hundred Talents.
Philip
had not as yet been directly engag'd in this War. For what he had done against
Onomarchus,
was only by Accident, and in Consequence of his protecting the
Thessalians
against their Tyrants. However his Success in that Action, and the general Esteem he had gain'd by his other Exploits, had now enlarg'd his Views, and put him upon endeavouring to gain a footing in
Greece.
Philip prevented in his Design upon Thermopylae
In order to it, under a Pretence of marching against the
Phocians,
he attempted to possess himself of the famous Pass in the Streights of
Thermopyl
e,
which he call'd,
The Key of
Greece. But the
Athenians,
who were more immediately expos'd by this Passage, took the Alarm, and prevented him; so that he was forc'd to wait a more fit Opportunity. In the mean time he pursu'd his Conquests at home, enlarging his. Frontier towards
Thrace,
taking Towns upon the
Hellespont,
and making such further Encroachments on all Sides, as might facilitate his great and principal Design of invading
Greece.
The stopping his Progress at
Thermopylae,
The Rise and Character of Demosthenes.
was owing chiefly to
Demosthenes,
who had began to distinguish himself soon after the Conclusion of the
Social War,
when the
Athenians
were alarm'd at the great Preparations which were making in
Persia.
He afterwards appear'd in Behalf of the
Megalopolitans
and
Rhodians,
that they might be protected and supported against
Sparta
or
Thebes;
or any other State, which might, by such an Accession, give Umbrage to
Athens,
and destroy the Balance of Power. But he began now to exert himself in a more extraordinary manner; and he had from this time forwards so great a Share in the Affairs of the Publick, that a particular Account of him, besides the doing Justice to the Character of so wonderful a Man, may serve, in a great measure, to explain and illustrate the History of the Times he liv'd in. The chief Regard that has been paid to his Memory, has generally been on account of his Eloquence. But he was likewise a very able Statesman, and a good Patriot; and considering the Embassies and Expeditions, the Treaties and Alliances, and other various Negotiations wherein he was employ'd together with the Zeal and Integrity with which he acted in them, it may be question'd whether he did not excel as much in those Capacities, a in that of an Orator; tho' it must be confess'd, that his Art of Speaking was the Foundation of his other Merit, or at least the Means of producing it to Advantage, and improving it. But notwithstanding that he arriv'd to such a Perfection in this Art, he set out under great Disadvantages: For he had an Impediment in his Speech, with a weak Voice, and a short Breath, and a very uncouth and ungracious Manner; however by Dint of Resolution, and infinite Pains, he overcame all these Defects. He would climb up steep and craggy Places to help his Wind, and strengthen his Voice; he would declaim with Pebbles in his Mouth, to remedy the Imperfection in his Speech; he would place
Looking-Glass before him, to correct the Aukwardness of his Gesture; and he learn'd of the best Players the proper Graces of Action and Pronunciation, which he thought of so much Consequence, that he made the whole Art of
ratory in a manner to consist of them. But whatever Stress he laid upon the exterior Part of
peaking; he was also very careful about the
atter, and the Stile; the latter of which he
orm'd upon the Model of
Thucydides,
whose History, for that Purpose, he transcrib'd eight seeral times. He was so intent upon his Study,
at he would often retire in
o a Cave of the
arth, and shave half his Head, so that he could
ot with Decency appear abroad, 'till his Hair
s grown again. He also accustom'd himself to harangue at the Sea Shore, where the Agita tion of the Waves form'd to him an Idea of the Commotions in a popular Assembly, and serv'd to prepare and fortify him against them.
From these several Kinds of Hardship, which he impos'd upon himself, it is plain that he was not born an Orator, but was rather an Instance how far Parts and Application may go, towards the forming a great Man in any Profession. To add to which, he had a great deal of Ambition to spur him on; and that which heighten'd it or rather gave the first Rise to it, was a famous Cause in a Matter of Dispute concerning
Or
pus,
whether that City belong'd to the
Attick
of
the
Theban
Frontier.
Callistratus,
who pleaded in Behalf of the
Athenians,
succeeded well, and receiv'd extraordinary Applause; which so af fected
Demosthenes,
that from that Instant, tho
he was then but sixteen Years old, he fix'd hi
Resolution, and turn'd his Thoughts wholly th
way. And indeed the Study of Oratory was a that Time the readiest, and almost the only Means of rising in the State. His first Essay at the Bar, was two Years after this Incident when he call'd his Guardians to account for im bezzling his Patrimony, and recover'd some Par of it. This encourag'd him some time after a harangue before the People in their publick Assem bly; but he acquitted himself so ill, that they hiss'd him. However he ventur'd a second time but with no better Success than before; so th
he went away ashamed and confounded, and quite in Despair. It was upon this Occasion that
Satyrus
the Player accosted him, and in a friendly way encourag'd him to proceed. With this View, he ask'd him to repeat to him some Verses of
Sophocles or Euripides,
which he accordingly did; the other repeated them after him, but with such a different Spirit and Cadence, as made him sensible, that he knew very little of Elocution. But by his Instructions, and his own Perseverance, he at length made himself master of it; and by the Methods before-mention'd, he corrected the Imperfections which were born with him, as well as the ill Habits which he had contracted. It is not very clear, wheter this Passage be rightly ascrib'd to
Saty
us,
who seems to be confounded with
Neoptolemus
and
Andronicus,
who were likewise famous Comedians; and
Demosthenes
is said to have been instructed by all three of them.
With these Advantages and Improvements, he appear'd again in publick, and succeeded so well, that People flock'd from all Parts of
Greece
to hear him. From hence he was look'd upon as the Standard of true Eloquence; insomuch that none of his Countrymen have been put in Comparison with him; nor even among the
Romans,
any but
Cicero:
And tho' it has been made a Question by the ancient Writers, to which of the two they should give the Preference, they have not ventur'd to decide it, but have contented themselves with describing their different Beauties and shewing that they were both perfect in their kind. But to confine myself to
Demosthenes,
hi kind of Eloquence was grave and austere, lik
his Temper, but withal masculine and sublime bold, forcible and impetuous; abounding with Metaphors, Apostrophes, and Interrogations which, with his solemn way of invoking and appealing to the Gods, the Planets, the Elements, and the
Manes
of those who sell at
Salamis
and
Marathon,
had such a wonderful Effect upon his Hearers, that they thought him inspir'd. If he had not so much Softness and Insinuation, as is often requisite in an Orator, it was not that he wanted Art and Delicacy, when the Cafe requir'd it; he knew how to found the Inclinations of the People, and to lead them to the Point he aim'd at, and sometimes by seeming to propose that which was directly contrary to it. But his chief Characteristick was Vehemence, both in the Action and Expression; and indeed that was the Qualification of all others most wanted at this time. For the People were grown so insolent and imperious, so factious and divided, so jealous of the Power of the
Democracy,
and withal
e
n k into a State of Pleasure and Indolence, that no Arts of Persuasion would have been so effectual. as that Spirit and Resolution, that Force and Energy of
Demosthenes,
to humble them, to unite them, and to rouse them into a Sense of their common Danger.
But neither could
Demosthenes
himself have made such Impressions on them, if his Talent of speaking had not been supported by their Opinion of his Integrity. It was that which added Weight and Emphasis to every thing he said, and animated the Whole. It was that which chiefly engag'd their Attention, and determin'd their Counsels, when they were convinc'd that he spoke from his Heart, and had no Interest to manage, but that of the Community. And this he gave the strongest Proofs of in his Zeal against
Philip,
who said,
He was of more Weight against him, than all the Fleets and Armies of the
Athenians; and that
he had no Enemy but
Demosthenes. He was not wanting in his Endeavours to corrupt him, as he had most of the leading Men in
Greece;
but he withstood all his Offers, and
Plutarch
says,
all the Gold of
Macedonia
could not bribe him.
And yet as inflexible as he was to
Philip,
he became more pliable in the Reign of his Successor, and gave occasion to his Enemies to accuse him of Bribery; for which he was fin'd and imprison'd, and afterwards banish'd. This Charge against him has by some been thought a malicious and groundless Calumny, and the rather, because he was not allow'd to justify himself. But the Fact is so generally related by others, and with so many Circumstances, that it is not easily to be resuted. The Case in short was, That
Harpalus,
an Officer of
Allexander's,
having imbezzled a great Part of the Treasure that he had been entrusted with, made up a Purse, and retir'd with it to
Athens
for Protection. It was debated by the People, whether they should admit him, for fear of incurring his Master's Displeasure, and involving themselves in a War; and
Demosthenes
considering it in that Light, oppos'd it.
Harpalus,
to remove all Difficulties, dispers'd his Mony pretty liberally among the Orators; and as he was displaying his Wealth,
Demosthenes
happen'd to fix his Eyes on a rich Gold Cup of the King's, and admiring the Sculpture and Fashion, ask'd the Price of it.
Harpalus
took the Hint, and at Night sent it home to him, together with twenty Talents in Mony. The next Day he appear'd in the Assembly muffled up about his Throat; and when he was expected to speak to the Point in Question, he made Signs that he had lost his Voice. But his Transaction with
Harpalus
had taken Wind; and when he found himself detected, he rose up to excuse it; but the People were so enrag'd, that they would not hear him: Whereupon a certain Wag stood up and said,
What, will ye not hear the King's Cupbearer?
Others said,
Surely, the Orator had not been seiz'd that Night with a Silver Squinzy;
and they had coin'd a
Word on purpose to express it.
Demosthenes
could not stand this Contempt and Raillery of his Fellow-Citizens, who had hitherto esteem'd and respected him, even to a Sort of Reverence; and it affected him the more, because he had piqu'd himself so much more than others upon the Rigidness of his Virtue, which indeed was the chief Foundation of that extraordinary Respect which had been paid him. But the Itch of Mony had infected him; and this was not the only instance of his receiving Presents in a clandestine and unwarrantable manner. As a further Argument that he did not despise Mony, he was reproach'd with dealing in Bottomry, which in those Days was look'd upon as a scandalous way of Traffick: And therefore
Zeno,
who likewise practis'd it some time after him, gave it up as a thing that would hurt the Credit of his Philosophy. But however
Demosthenes
was in some Degree tainted with the general Corruption of the Times, he does not seem to have lov'd Mony so much for its own Sake, as to serve the Ends of his Ambition: Wherein he copied after
Pericles,
whom he likewise chose to imitate in his manner of speaking. He had not the Command as the other had of the publick Mony, and therefore was not in a Capacity of doing so many great and popular Acts: But he repair'd the City Walls, sitted out Ships, ransom'd Slaves, married poor Maidens, entertain'd the People with Shews and Sports, and did such other things of that kind, as were within the Compass of his private Fortune. And this seems the most plausible way of accounting for the Methods he took to get Mony, and to improve it.
But whatever might be alledg'd in his Excuse as to Mony Matters, he had another Failing, which, by his own confession, he was guilty of, and that was want of Courage, as will be more particularly related in its proper Place. In the mean time, I would only observe the strange Inconsistency in the Composition of this Great Man, who, with such Constancy and Intrepidity, oppos'd all the Measures of the Foreign and Domestick Enemies of his Country, and who so often, at the Hazard of his Life, brav'd the Madness of the People in their Assemblies, and yet could not stand an Enemy in the Field.
He chose,
says Plutarch,
to swear by those who fell at
Maratnon,
tho' he could not follow their Example.
And what is still more extraordinary, he afterwards refus'd Life when it was offer'd him; and Nobody died with greater Fortitude. These Frailties which I have mention'd, could not but take off a great deal from the Lustre of his Chaacter; insomuch that
Phocion,
who succeeded him, tho' in several Respects he was not equal to him, besides that he was suspected to favour the
Macedonian
Interest, yet being more remarkable for his personal Justice and Valour, he was therefore look'd upon as the greater Man. However
Demosthenes,
such as he was, did more Service to the State than any of his Contemporaries: He was the chief Bulwark, not only of
Athens,
but of
Greece
in general, and almost the only Obstacle to
Philip's
Designs of enslaving it. Which leads us now into an Enquiry how those Designs were laid, and how far they succeeded.
The two next Years of the
Phocian
War pass'd without any memorable Action, tho' it was still continu'd by Skirmishes and mutual Depredations.
Philip
had now no Part in it. But when he found himself shut out of
Greece
by the
Athenians,
he turn'd his Arms against those remote Places, which depended on them, either as Colonies, or as Conquests: and particularly against the
Olynthians,
whom he had long look'd upon with an evil Eye, but had courted and cajoled them whilst he was otherwise employ'd. But he came now resolv'd entirely to reduce 'em;
Olymp. 108. 1. Philip's Design upon Olynthus.
and advancing towards the City, only sent them a short Message, to let them know,
That one of these two Points was become necessary, either that they must quit
Olynthus,
or he
Macedonia: Whereupon they sent immediately to
Athens
for Relief. The Matter was debated there with great Solemnity; and
Demosthenes
was very earnest in supporting their Demand:
Demosthenes presses the Athenians to relieve it:
In the doing whereof, he took occasion to lay open the Designs and Practices of
Philip,
inveighing against him with great Bitterness, and urging every thing that might serve to incense the People against him. He describ'd him as a proud tyrannical Usurper,
Desertbes Philip.
and a common Disturber of Mankind; without Faith or Confidence; without any Principle of Honour or Justice, or any Regard to Laws, Human or Divine. Then as to the Danger they might apprehend from him, he represented him likewise as politick, vigilant, indefatigable, intrepid and fortunate, who fought as successfully with his Mony as his Sword, and knew how to corrupt where he could not conquer. But lest, from this Account of him, he should appear so formidable to the People, that they might be discourag'd from endeavouring to stop his Progress, he shew'd him in another Light, as vain, presumptuous, rash and imprudent, forming Schemes without any Foundation; and measuring the Vastness of his Designs only by the Standard of his Ambition. From these different Views of him, which were varied according to the different Impressions that were to be made upon the People, we may collect almost the whole of his Character: But the Orator, in framing this Picture of him, must be said to have drawn the Lines a little too strong, and to have heighten'd the Colours too much by the Warmth of his Zeal, and the Force of his Elocution. And yet these Exaggerations were necessary at this Time, in order to inflame the People: For
Philip
had his Partizans among the Orators, who combated and oppos'd every thing that was urg'd against him.
One of the ablest and most zealous of them,
Character of Demades.
was
Demades,
who was very ready and acute, and remarkable for speaking
extempore,
as any Occasion offer'd. Herein he had manifestly the Advantage of
Demosthenes,
whose Works were said
to smell of the Lamp.
And hence it was, that
Theophrastus
being ask'd his Opinion of the two Orators, answer'd,
That
Demosthenes
was worthy of the City of
Athens;
but that
Demades
was above it.
However
Demosthenes
had, upon some very important Occasions, succeeded well in the unpremeditated way of haranguing; but it being not his usual Method, nor his natural Talent, he discouraged the Practice of it. And therein he made use of an artful Argument, That to speak before the People in an abrupt manner, and without due Preparation, was not treating them with Respect; that it had somewhat of an
Oligarchical
Principle in it, and was rather bearing them down by Force, than winning them by Persuasion. As to
Demades,
whatever his Wit and Parts were, he was very mercenary and corrupt: And when he was charg'd with it, he said,
He had often spoke against himself, but never against his Country.
But there is an Instance recorded of him, wherein he seem'd rather to value himself upon it, than to excuse it: For meeting one day with a Player, who had receiv'd a Talent as a Reward for a Part that he had excell'd in,
It is not so extraodinary,
said Demades,
to have one Talent given you for speaking; I had Ten given me for holding my Tongue.
His prostituting himself in this manner, was chiefly to support his Luxury: For he was naturally profuse and gluttonous; and hence it was, that when he was grown old,
Antipater
compar'd him to a sacrificed Beast, of which all the Parts were consum'd, but the Tongue and the Paunch. He was sometimes upon good Terms with
Demosthenes
according as it serv'd his present Purpose: but the Rivaiship in their Profession, with the different Cast of their Tempers and their Politicks, made it impracticable for them to live in any real Friendship. On the contrary, they were generally at Variance; and at length it came to an open Enmity, which in the Sequel will appear to have cost
Demosthenes
his L
e.
Another of the same Stamp with
Demades,
and of Hyperides.
was
Hyperides,
both as to his Parts and Principles, and his riotous Manner of living. He had a more premeditated way of speaking; but with the same kind of Wit and Acrimony, tho' he was not so quick. He is generally rank'd with
Demosthenes,
and is mention'd as one of the Ten Principal Orators of that Age, tho'
Plutarch
does not reckon him in that Number. He took a great deal of pains to ingratiate himself with the People, and had no Ties of Faith or Friendship, but as they serv'd that End. However he was not much in the Administration of Affairs 'till the Reign of
Alexander:
And then he acted such a double Par
between the Patriot and the Traitor, that he was at last ensnar'd by his own Politicks, and sell a Sacrifice to the Resentment of
An
pater
Such were most of the leading Men in the Assemblies, and such was generally their End. To carry on their own private Views, they inflamed the People, and deluded them with false Colours, 'till they had drawn them either into an unnecessary War, or a bad Peace: But sooner or later they suffer'd for it, and were either made particular Marks of Vengeance, or involved in the common Ruin of their Country. This was more remarkably the Case at
Athens,
which had been always look'd upon as the chief Seat of Eloquence, and never abounded with so many eminent Speakers as at this time. But that which was the Glory of this Common-wealth, must at the same time be consider'd as one principal Cause that hasten'd its Downfall, and drew along with it that of the other
Grecian
States.
But to return to
Demosthenes,
his steady and uniform Conduct supported him for many Years against
Demades,
and the rest of his Antagonists; and he got the better of them in the present Case of the
Olynthians;
tho' he was not able to obtain such seasonable and effectual Relief for them, as the Necessity of their Affairs required, notwithstanding that he press'd it with all the Skill and Arguments that he was Master of.
Demosthenes still presses the R
l
ef of Olynthus.
He told the People how much they were oblig'd in Justice and Honour to support their Allies; and how much their own Safety depended on it; for that if
Olynthus
should be taken, the next Attempt would be upon
Athens.
He reproach'd them with their In
sensibility and Sloth, to which he chiefly ascrib'
all
Philip's
Greatness; and caution'd them agains
the Treachery and Enchantment of their Ora tors. He advis'd them to reform Abuses; to restore the Ancient Order and Discipline; to serve in the Wars in person, as they had for
merly done; to lay aside their private Ani
mosities; to unite against
Philip
as their com
mon Enemy, and to furnish the necessary Supplies.
But this latter was the great Point in question, and that which had occasion'd most of their late Dissensions, the Fund for the Wa
(as has before been observ'd) having been ap
plied to the Use of the Stage. The Mony arising from this Fund was computed at a thou
sand Talents a Year; and a certain Proportior of it was allotted to the Citizens, to defra
the Charge of their Admittance into the The atre. This Distribution having been continue
to them from the Time of
Pericles,
they claim'
it now as their Right, especially since they ha
lately obtain'd a Law, which made it capital t
propose the restoring the Fund to the Uses so which it was originally granted. Hence it was that upon any pressing Emergency, extraordi
nary Taxes were to be rais'd; and they wer
laid so unequally, and collected with so muc
Difficulty, that they seldom answer'd the Se
vice for which they were intended. The wealthier Sort complain'd, that the Burthen lay wholly upon them, and that the Publick Mony was squander'd away in Shews and Festivals, for the Entertainment of the lower Rank of the Citizens, who fat at their Ease, and contributed nothing to the Support of the Publick, either in their Purse, or their Persons. They retorted upon the Rich, that they enjoy'd all the Honours and great Offices of the State, exclusive of the common People; and as they had the Law on their Side, with Numbers to support it, they gave little Attention to any Remonstrances that were made upon this Head.
Demosthenes,
who had nothing in view but the General Good, thought it necessary to sound the People upon this Subject, and enter'd as far into it as he could with Safety; He propos'd, that Commissioners should be appointed to inspect the Laws in general, not in order to make new Ones, for that there were already too many; but that such of them, as should be sound prejudicial to the Publick, might be abolished. At the same time he urg'd the present Necessity of raising Forces, and mentioned the
Theatrical Mony
as the only proper Fund for it. In Conclusion he told them plainly, that the Law relating to it ought to be repeal'd. However he took care to deliver it only as his Opinion, without proposing it in form, so as to subject himself to the Penalty.
This was the Substance of the three famous Orations of
Demosthenes,
upon occasion of three several Applications that the
Olynthians
made to
Athens
for Succours. The first of them produced no Effect in their behalf. Upon the second,
Chares
was dispatch'd to them with thirty Gallies and two thousand Men. But these being Hirelings and Strangers, did them very little Service: Which occasion'd theird Application, wherein they desired true
Athenian
Troops, whom they could better depend on. And accordingly
Chares
was sent out again with seventeen Gallies, and a Body of two thousand Foot and three hundred Horse, compos'd intirely of the Citizens of
Athens.
But the
Olynthians
continued block'd up; and whatever Benefit they might have received from this last Sapply, they were prevented by
Philip,
who, by the Correspondence he held in the Town, had corrupted
Euthycrates
and
Lasthenes
the two chief Magistrates,
Olynthus be
ay'd to Philip.
who betray'd it into his hands. He enter'd and plunder'd it, and sold the Inhabitants among the rest of the Booty. He also found in it his two Bastard Brothers, whom he put to death, as he formerly had the other of them, being jealous of their supplanting him in the Throne. This Circumstance of his Brothers is related only by
Justin,
who also makes the harbouring them in the Town, the Pretence for
Philip's
investing it. He found in it Abundance of Treasure, which he reserv'd as a Fund for the gaining other Places in the same manner. In the mean time he shew'd extraordinary Marks of Joy for the taking
Olynthus,
as a Place of the greatest Importance: He celebrated publick Games, gave Shews and Festivals, and made Presents to those who assisted at them.
One of the remarkable Occurrences of this first Year of the 108th
Olympiad,
Death and Character of Plato.
was the Death of
Plato,
which happen'd suddenly in the midst of an Entertainment, that he had made for his Friends upon his Birth-day, which compleated the Eighty first Year of his Age. By his Father's Side, he was of Royal Extraction, and by his Mother he was descended from
Solon:
But he is not so much taken notice of for his high Birth, as for the Figure he made in the World by his Philosophy. He was a Scholar of
Socrates;
but was more lively and fer
le in his Imagination, more sublime and flo
d in his Diction, and more copious and extensive in his Matter. Instead of consining himself, after his Example, to the Study of Mo
ality only, he took in the whole Compass of
hilosophy, and had distinct Masters for each
rticular Branch of it. To add to the Im
rovements he made under them, he travell'd
nto
Italy, Sicily, Aegypt
and
Persia.
In
In Aegypt
he
suppos'd to have been made acquainted with the
ooks of
Moses,
by means of the
Jews,
who were
try numerous there after the Captivity. Hence it was, that
Clemens Alexandrinus
call'd him the
Attick Moses.
And he appears, in several Part
of his Works, to have had some distinct No
tions of a supreme Being, and of the Immor
tality of the Soul. Some have pretended, bu
upon a very shallow Foundation, to discove
in him an Idea of the Trinity, and other My
steries of Christianity. But whatever Senti
ments he had above the common receiv'd Notions of the Religion of his Country, the Example of
Socrates
had deterr'd him from de
claring himself too planly; and therefore h
chose, in the way of Dialogue, to couch hi
Opinions under the Names of others. But some say, it was his extreme Modesty and Diff
dence of himself, and the great Veneration he paid to his Master, that made him imitate him in this Manner of writing, and that for these Reasons it was, that
Socrates
is made to speak wha
Plato
thought. His Method of explaining thing
by Numbers, he learnt in the
Pythagrorean
School in
Italy;
and his manner of expressing him
self by Allegories and Symbols, he took from the
Aegyptians.
But those Parts of his Wri
tings appeear too mysterious and refined; as doe
likewise his Doctrine of Ideas; which, notwith standing the many long Dissertations of th
Learned upon it, seems to have been very littl
understood. Upon his Return from his Tra
vels, he was courted to take a part in the Go
vernment; but he chose to lead a quiet and contemplative Life, and he pursued his Studies to the last Day of it. The teaching Philosophy being at this time esteem'd very honourable, he set up his School in the
Academy
just without the City, and from thence he was stiled
The Founder of the Academick Sect.
That he had no regard to the gainful Part of his Profession, is plain from his Contempt of Riches: For he divided his Estate, which was very considerable, among his Brothers, reserving to himself only a little Country-Seat, with a small Garden. Notwithstanding his Application to Study, he had none of that Gloominess and Austerity in his Temper, which was common to most of his Profession. On the contrary, he was chearful and facetious, and sometimes lov'd Raillery; but it was always inoffensive and with good Manners, and only to enliven the Conversation. He prescrib'd the same Rules of Behaviour to his Scholars; and hence it was, that he recommended it so strongly to them,
To sacrifice to the Graces.
He was as universally belov'd and caress'd for his engaging Manner, and the Easiness of his Temper, as he was esteem'd and admir'd for his Knowledge. After his Death, Kings and Common-wealths erected Statues, and dedicated Altars to him; so that his Memory became sacred, his Doctrine was establish'd, and he has pass'd, both with Pagans and Christians, under the Name of
The Divine Plato.
During the Transactions at
Olynthus,
the
Phocian
War was continued: But such a terrible Havock was made of the Treasure of the Temple, that the
Phocians
themselves being at length grown asham'd of it, appointed Commissarie
to inquire into it, and turn'd
Phalecus
out o
the Command; however he was restor'd to i
again after Justice had been done on those wh
had been employ'd as his Agents.
Olymp. 108. 2. The Punishment of those who had rifled the Temple.
The Bull of the Mony had been entrusted with one
Phil
who was condemn'd, and rack'd to death. I
the Extremity of his Torture, he named man
of his Accomplices, who were likewife put t
death, notwithstanding that they had given u
what was remaining in their Hands. The Va
lue of what had been risled in the Course o
the War, in Mony and rich Presents, with o
ther things dedicated to the Use of the Tem
ple, amounted in the whole to above ten thou
sand Talents; which was an immense Sum, and is said to be more than
Alexander
afterward found in the Treasury of the
Persians.
Philip
had for the most part affected to ob
serve a Neutrality in this Quarrel: But by th
small Part he had already acted in it, it wa
easily seen that he intended to do more. I
the mean time he left the contending Parties t
harass and weaken one another, that he migh
afterwards fall in with those who could be
most use to him; and the Case happen'd no
according to his Expectations. For the
Theban
were so exhausted with the War, that they were not able to carry it on to any Advantage, and therefore had recose to him for his Assistance;
The Thebans call in Philip to their Assistance.
which he made no Difficulty of granting them. This was a very lucky Circumstance for the promoting his Views; but it was the most fatal Step the
Thebans
could have taken, both with regard to themselves, and the rest of
Greece.
The ill Consequences of it.
Their calling in one who was as yet to be look'd upon as a Foreigner, and who only waited such an Opportunity, was sacrificing every thing to their Obstinacy and Inveteracy against the
Phocians;
it was giving up all those Marks of Superiority, which they pretended to upon the Credit of their Victories under
Epaminondas;
in short, it was consigning themselves over to Slavery, and forging their own Chains. And with regard to the Publick, the Consequences will appear to be still worse. The
Thessalians
who had been inveigled by
Philip
ever since his Accession to the Throne, were prevail'd upon to join in this new Confederacy. And afterwards several other
Grecian
States, when they sound themselves oppress'd by their Neighbours, applicd to
Philip
for Relief, as to a common Friend and Protector: But this was not 'till he had a more immediate Influence in their Affairs, by being admitted into the Assembly of the
Ampictyons;
besides it was the
Thebans
who set them the Example, and who are therefore to be look'd upon as the principal Betrayers of the Liberties of
Greece.
But tho'
Philip
had enter'd into these Engagements with the
Thebans,
he consider'd, that the
Phocians
were supported both by
Athens
and
Sparta,
and therefore proceeded with Caution and Secrecy, and took time to form his Measures accordingly. Amidst these Deliberations, it happen'd just as he could have wish'd, that the
Athenians
being grown weary of a War, which was so far from turning to their account, that it only gave
Philip
a better Opportunity of wresting from them their Possession in
Thrace,
had therefore sent to sound him upon a Peace.
Athens negotiates a Peacewith Philip,
Ctesiphon
and
Phrynon,
who were employ'd in this Commission, made their Report, that he was not at all averse to it; and thereupon
Demosthenes,
with nine others, were sent as Ambassadors to negotiate it. They went as far in it as they were authoriz'd by their Instructions, and return'd with
Antipater, parmenio
and
Eurylochus
on the Part of
Philip.
Soon after, the Ten were dispatch'd back again with full Powers to put the last Hand to the Treaty.
Demosthenes,
in the first of these Embassies, had met with some
Athenian
Prisoners in
Macedonia,
whom he had promis'd to redeem at his own Expence; and he took the present Opportunity for it. In the mean time his Colleagues were to proceed with all Expedition, in order to conclude with
Philip:
but they loiter'd by the way, and were three Months in
Macedonia,
before they had Access to
Philip,
who was all that time ravaging the
Athenian
Dominions in
Thrace.
When at last they got up to him, he agreed to the Terms of the Treaty; but still, upon one Pretence or other, deferr'd the Execution of it, 'till at length being advanc'd with his Troops into
Thessaly,
in order to proceed against the
Phocians,
he found it necessary to conclude with the
Athenians,
which at last is concluded.
and accordingly ratified the Treaty.
By these Delays, which he gain'd by bribing all the Ambassadors in general, except
Demosthenes,
he had kept the
Athenians
in suspence, 'till his other Designs were ripe for Execution. However, as the Peace was at last concluded, the Generality of the People were well satisfy'd with it, and the Ambassadors, at their Return,
Aeschines vouches for Philip's Promises.
valued themselves upon the Success of their Negotiations.
Aeschines
in particular, who was one of them, and was intirely devoted to
Philip,
expatiated largely upon his Candour and Sincerity, and vouch'd for his Performance of several things which he had promis'd in behalf of the Republick, altho' they were not stipulated by the Treaty; as that
Thespiae
and
Plataea
should be repeopled; that, in case he should subdue the
Phocians,
he would not destroy them; that he would put the
Thebans
upon a reasonable footing; that
Oropus
should be secured to the
Athenians;
and that
Euboea
should be given up to them as an Equivalent for
Amphipolis.
Demosthenes gives no Credit to them.
Demosthenes
endeavour'd, with his usual Frankness, to convince the People how little Stress there was to be laid upon these Promises of
Philip,
which, he said, were made only to amuse them, and to divert them from his real Design, which was to make himself Master of
Phocis;
and that their suffering him to succeed in that, would be giving up every thing. But all that he could say upon this Occasion had no weight with them. They were willing to be deceiv'd; and
Aeschines
knew how to work upon their Credulity. He was in the first Rank of Orators, and disputed the Prize even with
Demosthenes;
Account of the Contest between him and Aeschines.
of which there was a famous Instance in the Contest concerning the Crown, wherein the Abilities of these two great Men were display'd in their highest Lustre, and engaged the Attention of all the learned Men of
Greece.
The Case in short was, That
Demosthenes,
among other necessary Works that were committed to his Charge, had the care of repairing the City Walls, which he did partly at his own Expence; and the People, in Testimony of their Gratitude, decreed him a Crown of Gold.
Aeschines
being jealous of his Rival's Glory, brought an Action against
Ctesiphon,
as being the Author of the Decree, and founded it upon a Pretence, that
Demosthenes
had not pass'd his Accounts to the Publick, and therefore was not capable by Law of receiving any Reward for his Services. This Fact happen'd in the hundred and tenth
Olympaid,
about the Time of the Battle of
Cheronêa,
and the Suit was commenc'd soon after; but it was not heard till several Years after
Philip
's Death, when
Aeschines
taking Advantage of
De
mosthenes,
whose Credit was then at a very low Ebb, brought it on. However
Demosthenes
prevail'd, as well by the Justice of his Cause, as by the Force of his Eloquence; and
Aeschines
was so asham'd, that he spent the Remainder of his Life in a voluntary Exile.
Another famous Man,
Character of Isocrates
who encourag'd the People in this peaceable Disposition, and confirm'd them in their good Opinion of
Philip,
was
Isocrates;
who yet did it with an honest Intention. He was a great Master of the Rules of Oratory, and most of the great Men of his Time had been instructed by him: But he declin'd speaking himself in publick, having a weak Voice, and a natural Diffidence and Timidity. However he was not wholly unconcern'd in the Affairs of the Publick; but his way of de
sivering his Sentiments upon them, was in Wri
ting, and in the Form of an Oration. And in this manner he now address'd himself to
Philip,
with whom he was upon some Terms of Friend
hip and Confidence, but not otherwise than he thought consistent with the Duty of a good Ci
zen. He explain'd to him the several Advan
ages that might be drawn from the Peace he
nd concluded with
Athens;
His Advices to Philip.
and told him, that in order to make a right use of it, he should endeavour to compose the Differences still subsisting between the other States, and to restore the general Tranquillity of
Greece.
That the reconciling them to one another, and then leaving them to the free Enjoyment of their Laws, and their Liberty, would endear him to them, and would redound infinitely more to his Honour
than all the Conquests he could make. He then advis'd him to turn his Arms against
Persia,
as the proper Object of his Ambition; intimating to him, that the
Grecians
would readily act in Conjunction with him against their common and inveterate Enemy; and that in that Case, there would be no room to doubt of the Success: For Proof whereof he instanc'd to him the Expedition of
The Ten Thousand,
with the glorious Circumstances of their Retreat; and that of
Ages
laus
afterwards, who, with a Body of
Spartan
only, would have subdu'd the whole
Persia
Empire, if he had not been diverted from it b
the Divisions of his Country. He told him further, that many who were prejudic'd against him
gave him the Character of an artful and desig
ning Prince, and were of Opinion, that whatever specious Pretences he made use of, to disguise h
Approach towards them, his real Intention w
to make himself Master of
Greece.
He mention'd these things only as Reports, and suc
as were injurious, and without Foundation; a
would not suffer himself to suppose, that a Prin
who valu'd himself so much upon his being descended from
Hercules,
the Deliverer of
Greece,
would ever make an Attempt to enslave it. However he exhorted him, by a generous and disinterested Proceeding, to contradict these Reports; to govern his Subjects with Justice and Prudence, and to give Peace to his Neighbours; in short, to set Bounds to his Ambition at home, and to extend his Conquests in
Persia.
The main Scope of this Oration, was to divert him from attempting any thing that might give Umbrage to
Greece;
and
Isocrates
chose this way of gaining upon him by Mildness and Complaisance; but he was too easy and credulous.
Demosthenes
was more a Man of Business, and knew the World and
Philip
too well to imagine, that one of his aspiring and intriguing Temper, who had, during his whole Reign, fomented Divisions in
Greece,
in order to reap the Benefit of it to himself, would be prevail'd upon by any Reasoning of this Kind, to give up his favourite Design, which he had so long projected, and which was now so near taking Effect. However the Sincerity and long Experience of
Isocrates,
who was now eighty-eight Years old, added great Weight to his Opinion; which, with the Impressions that
Aeschines,
and the other Pensioners had made upon the People, together with their own natural Aversion to War, determin'd the Point so far in favour of
Philip,
that he was suffer'd quietly to pursue his March into
Phocis,
Philip suffer'd to gain the Streights of Thermopylae.
and to gain the Streights of
Thermopylae.
He did not immediately discover what use he intended to make of his Entrance into
Greece,
but went on, according to his Agreement with the
Thebans,
A. M. 3658. Olymp. 108. 3. He puts an End to the Phocian War.
to put an End to the
Phocian
War, which he easily effected. His Name and Appearance struck such a Terror among the
Phocians,
that tho' they had lately receiv'd a Reinforcement of a thousand heavy-arm'd
Spartans,
under the Command of their King
Archidamus,
they declin'd giving him Battle, and sent to treat with him, or rather to submit themselves to any Terms, that he would give them. He allow'd
Phalecus
to retire with eight thousand Men, being Mercenaries, into
Peloponnesus;
but the rest, who were the Inhabitants of
Phocis,
were left at his Mercy. As the disposing of them was a Matter wherein
Greece
in general was concern'd, he did not think fit to act in it by his own private Authority, but referr'd it to the
Amphictyons,
whom he caus'd to be assembled for that Purpose. But they were so much under his Influence, that they serv'd only to give a Sanction to his Determinations. They decreed,
That all the Cities of
Phocis
should be demolish'd; That they who had fled, as being principally concern'd in the Sacrilege should be stigmatiz'd as accurs'd, and proscrib'd a Out-laws; That they who remain'd as Inhabitants should be dispers'd in Villages, and oblig'd to pay out of their Lands, a yearly Tribute of sixty Talents, till the Whole of what had been taken out of the Temple, should be restor'd.
They were likewise adjudg'd to lose their Seat in the Council of the
Amphictyons,
wherein they had a double Voice. This
Philip
got transferr'd to himself;
He obtains a Seat among the Amphictyons,
which was a very material Point, and may be look'd upon as the principal Step towards his gaining that Authority, which he afterwards exercis'd in the Affairs of
Greece.
At the same time he gain'd, in Conjunction with the
Thebans
and
Thessalians,
and the Superintendency of the Pythian Games.
the Superintendency of the
Pythian
Games, which the
Corinthians
had forfeited for their having taken Part with the
Phocians.
Thus did
Philip,
without striking a Stroke, put an End to this War, after it had for ten Years together divided
Greece
against itself. And besides the other Advantages that he had drawn from it, he gain'd an universal Esteem and Applause, for having vindicated the Honour of Religion.
Diodorus Siculus,
who generally abounds with Sentiments of Piety towards the Gods, but with a great Mixture of Credulity and Superstition, ascribes all the Success of his Affairs afterwards, to this single Instance of his Zeal for Religion, which in reality was nothing but Artifice and Hypocrisy. He goes on to describe the several Judgments which befel those who were concern'd in the Sacrilege, and descends even to their Wives, who, he says, were made Examples of the Divine Vengeance, for having adorn'd themselves with Necklaces and o
ther Trinkets taken out of the Temple. H
carries his Reflexions so far, as to impute th
Loss of the Power and Liberty of the principa
Cities of
Greece,
which happen'd afterwards un
der
Antipater,
to their being engag'd in this Ac
of Profanation with the
Phocians.
CHAP. III.
From the End of the Phocian War, to the Battle of Cheronêa. Containing the Space of 8 Years.
PHILIP
having by these plausible Methods succeeded in this Expedition, did not think it adviseable, by attempting any thing further at present, to fully the Glory he had acquir'd by it, or to incense the Body of the
Grecians
against him. Wherefore he return'd in a triumphan
manner to his own Dominions; where we will leave him employ'd against his old Enemies the
Illyrians,
to relate some remarkable Occurrence
which happen'd at this time in
Sicily.
Affairs in Sicily.
For tho
that Island be not strictly to be look'd upon as
Part of
Greece;
yet the Tranfactions we are now speaking of, as they were owing chiefly to th
Grecians,
will naturally fall in with their Story And here it may be necessary to take a summary View of the State of that Island,
The first Inhabitants.
without entering into the fabulous Accounts of the first Ages of it: For
Sicily,
like most other Nations, had its Giants and Monsters. Such were the
Cyclopes
and
Laestrigones,
who are mention'd as the first Inhabitants. To them succeeded the
Sicani;
but whether they were Natives, or transplanted from
Spain,
is not clearly determin'd. The next were the
Siculi,
who being drove by the
Pelasgi
from that Part of
Latium
whereon
Rome
was built, and finding no proper Seat on the Continent, transported themselves as Adventurers to this Island, where they became so far Masters, as to give the Name to it, which it has ever since retain'd.
About three hundred Years after they were in Possession of the Island, a considerable Number of
Grecians
settled themselves in it.
The Grecians get footing three.
These were the
Chalcidians
of
Euboea;
and they were soon followed by a Body of
Corinthians,
who possess'd themselves of
Syracuse;
which, from the Extent of its Buildings, and the Conveniency and Capatiousness of the Harbour, became the
Metropolis
of the Island, tho' it was rivall'd by several other great Cities, which were independent of That, and of one another. These Cities were originally govern'd by the People; but as the Power of the leading Men among them encreas'd, they fell by Degrees into
Aristocracies,
and were afterwards erected into little Principalities and Tyrannies, under the Command of single Persons. And it frequently happen'd, that some one of these Tyrants, of a more enterprising Genius than the rest, aspir'd to the Conquest of the Whole.
Such was the confus'd State of
Sicily
for several Ages before and after the
Grecians
had any footing in it;
Summary Account of Syracuse.
and the
Syracusians
underwent the same Changes and Interruptions in the Course of its Government, as the other Parts of the Island. Their first Tyrant was
Gelon,
Gelon the first Tyrant.
who taking Advantage of the Dissensions between the Magistrates and the People, fell in with the former, and, under a Pretence of restoring them to their Dignities, obtain'd the Sovereignty for himself. However he made no ill use of his Power. He signaliz'd himself by many great Actions both in Peace and War. He not only strengthen'd and adorn'd the City, and enlarg'd the Territory, but sav'd the whole Island from falling into the Hands of the
Carthaginians,
who had set their Heart upon the Conquest of it, as lying so convenient for their Shipping, and were further tempted by the Fruitfulness of the Soil, and the Riches of the Inhabitants. Accordingly, under the common Pretence of assisting to compose the Differences among them, they threw a vast Number of their own, and other
African
Troops into the Island. But their Designs were seen thro'; and the several Cities uniting in their common Defence, the
Carthaginians
were attack'd and defeated, and are said to have lost an hundred and fifty thousand Men in this Expedition. The Honour of this Victory was ascrib'd chiefly to
Gelon,
who had by this, and many other Instances, so far endear'd himself to the People, that they suffer'd his Brothers
Hiero
and
Thrasybulus
to succeed him in their turns as lawful Princes.
Is succeeded by his Brothers Hiero and Thrasy bulus.
The former held it eleven Years, and the latter ten Months: But their Government became so odious to the People, that they forc'd them to quit it; and by this Means they recover'd their former Liberty; which they enjoy'd near sixty Years,
Another Usurpation by Dionysius the elder.
till the elder
Dionysius
by his Bravery and Cunning usurp'd again upon them, and supported himself for thirty-eight Years, notwithstanding his many Acts of Violence and Cruelty.
His Character.
But he had some Qualities which were vere very useful to the Publick. He greatly increas'd the Naval Force, and was very zealous in prosecuting the War against the
Carthaginians.
He had studied the Art of Speaking, and found his account in it, especially at his first setting out upon the foot of a Patriot. But that which he chiefly apply'd himself to, was Poetry, which he affected to a Degree that made him ridiculous. He was so full of his Performances of this kind, that he not only courted Applause, but extorted it by Rewards and Punishments. In short, he valu'd himself more upon his writing bad Verses, than upon his gaining a Victory against the Enemies of his Country.
He was succeeded by one of his Sons of the same Name,
He is succeeded by his Son Dionysius.
who inherited his Father's Vices, but without his Spirit or Capacity. However being of a milder Temper, his Friends had Hope
of reclaiming him, and of correcting those Failings in him, which they look'd upon only as the Effects of a bad Education. They who were principally employ'd in this Work,
The Character of Dion.
were
Dio
and
Plato:
The former was his Brother-in-law
and was so remarkable for his Honour and Virtue, and Zeal for his Country, that he was not only the greatest Man in
Sicily,
but might be rank'd with the best Men in the best Age of
Greece.
But he had a Rigidness and Austerity of the
Spartan
kind, which was not very well suite
to the Task he had undertaken. However be
ing associated with
Plato,
who had a more en
gaging manner, they us'd their joint Endeavour to give the young Prince a Tincture of Science and Literature, and to instill into him Principle of Justice and Moderation; and they had i
some measure succeeded in their Design. B
his Flatterers and his own natural Disposition g
the better of all their Instructions; and he soo
relaps'd into his former State of Indolence an
Sensuality. The Consequence was, that
Di
was disgrac'd and banish'd:
who drives Dionysius into Italy.
But he return'd, ar
drove the Tyrant into
Italy;
and by this Means p
the
Syracusians
into a Condition of re-establising themselves in their Freedom. But instead improving this Opportunity, they quarrelled wi
their Deliverer, and, upon an ill-grounded Jealousy of his aspiring to the Government, treated him with great Inhumanity and Ingratitude; which he generously over-look'd, and endeavour'd still to extricate them out of their Difficulties. But he was soon after kill'd by means of
Calippus
an
Athenian,
Dion
is killed by Calippus
, who came over with him to assist him against
Dionysius,
who succeeds in the Tyranny.
but began now to set up for himself; and by getting rid of
Dion,
who was the chief Obstacle in his way, succeeded in the Tyranny, and held it about a Year.
Dionysius,
after ten Years Absence,
Dionysius is restored.
found Means to reinstate himself in the Government; but he did not hold it long: For his Sufferings, instead of making him wiser and better, had harden'd and exasperated him, and he became more fierce and cruel than before. Hereupon the People had Recourse to
Icetes,
who was a Native of
Syracuse,
but at that time govern'd the
Leontines.
He readily espous'd their Quarrel against the Tyrant, but it was in order to succeed him; and with that View he enter'd into a secret League with the
Carthaginians,
who lay hovering about the Island with a numerous Fleet. This gave the
Syracusians
a fresh Alarm; so that between their Oppressions and Divisions at home, and their Appehensions of an Invasion from abroad, they knew not who to apply to, nor who to trust; and they had brought themselves into these Streights by their own ill Conduct. For they did not distinguish between their Friends and their Foes; they had all the Capriciousness and Insolence of a Free State, without the Power; in short, they knew neither how to govern, nor to obey.
In this distracted State of their Affairs, they turn'd their Thoughts towards
Greece,
and applied for Relief to
Corinth,
as being their Mother-Country, and a common Patroness of Liberty. The
Corinthians
sent them a favourable Answer, and order'd a Body of Troops to be dispatch'd to them under the Command of
Timoleon,
Timoleon
ordered to the Relief of the
Syracusians.
who was of one of the best Families in
Corinth,
and who, besides his many other great Qualities, had given a very extraordinary Instance of his Aversion to Tyranny.
He had an Elder Brother named
Timophanes,
Account of his former Conduct.
whom he lov'd passionately, and had rescued him in an Engagement against the
Argives
with the utmost Hazard of his own Life. This Brother having afterwards the Command of the City-Guards, made use of them to subvert the Government, and declared himself King of
Corinth. Timoleon
endeavour'd by all possible means to dissuade him from these violen
Measures; and not being able of himself to bring him to Reason, engag'd two of his Friends to assist him in it. Upon their expostulating wit
him, he first laugh'd at them, and then, a
they press'd him further, he grew angry; up
on which,
Timoleon
finding, that neither the Prayers and Entreaties, nor their Arguments an Menaces had any effect upon him, retired at a little distance from him, and stood weeping with his Face cover'd, whilst the other Two drew their Swords, and dispatch'd him.
Diodorus Siculus
says,
Timoleon
kill'd him with his own Hands in the Market-place. He relates this Story with several other different Circumstances: But the Account which
Plutarch
gives of it from the Historians, who liv'd at the time when the Fact was committed, is more probable, and more consistent and uniform, as well as more to the Honour of
Timoleon.
This Action was by some extoll'd and applauded as the highest pitch of human Virtue, and by others condemn'd as a base and unnatural Parricide. And
Timoleon
himself, when he came to cool, felt such a Remorse for it, that he abandon'd himself to Despair, and resolv'd to starve himself to death. His Friends with great Importunity, and even by Force, prevail'd upon him to take some Sustenance; and at length he promis'd them he would live, but upon condition that he might quit the Service of the Publick, and retire to some remote and desart Corner of the Country; which he accordingly did, and for near twelve Years together, wander'd up and down the Fields by himself in this anxious and sorlorn Condition.
He was return'd to
Corinth
when he was pitch'd upon for this Command; and as he liv'd still in a retir'd way, he would gladly have declin'd it, but that he did not think it consistent with the Duty he ow'd to his Country. Before he set out, he was told,
That as to the Affair of his Brother, the World would judge of it according to his Behaviour in this Expedition; That if he acquitted himself well in it, he would be said to have freed his Country from a Tyrant; if otherwise, he would be look'd upon as his Brother's Murtherer.
Whilst he was preparing to embark, there came Letters from
Icetes
to dissuade him from it,
Icetes endeavours to prevent his landing in Sicily.
as a dangerous and fruitless Attempt; for that he would be intercepted in his Passage by the
Carthaginians,
whom, for want of receiving Succours in due time from
Corinth,
he had been forced to call in to his Assistance against the Tyrant: Whereupon
Timoleon
was forthwith order'd away with ten Gallies.
Being arriv'd on the Coast of
Italy,
Olymp. 108. 4. He arrives on the Coast of
Italy.
he receiv'd advice, that
Icetes
had made himself Master of the greatest Part of
Syracuse;
that he had forced the Tyrant into the Citadel; and that the
Carthaginians
had orders to prevent his landing: And accordingly at
Rhegium
he found twenty Gallies, which had been detach'd from their Fleet for that purpose. They had likewise Deputies on board from
Icetes
to acquaint him, That the Affairs of
Sicily
being in a manner settled, there would be no Occasion for his Assistance; but however, that, in case he would send home his Gallies, with the Troops, he might come up himself to
Syracuse,
and share with him in his Conquests.
Timoleon
had no Views of this kind; but finding himself over-power'd, he seem'd to hearken to their Proposal, and to submit to it as a Case of Necessity.
He lands in
Sicily
by a Stratagem.
However he desir'd for Form sake, and in order to justify his Conduct at his Return to
Corinth,
that what had pass'd privately between them, might be declared in a more open manner before the People of
Rhegium,
as being common Friends to both Parties. But the leading Men among them were in his Interest; and this Demand of his was a concerted thing between them, as a Project for his escaping out of their Hands. To carry on this Design, an Assembly was call'd, and
Timoleon,
and the Ambassadors, together with the Captains of the
Carthaginian
Gallies, were admitted to it. But the People, instead of entering upon the Business for which they were conven'd, fell into tedious and trifling Debates about other Matters, and spun out the Time, 'till nine of the
Corinthian
Gallies got clear of the Harbour, and put to Sea; which
Timoleon
having secret notice of, found means to slip unobserv'd through the Croud, and having got on board the remaining Gally, join'd the rest of his Squadron, and he landed at
Tauromenium
in
Sicily,
where
Andromachus
the Governor receiv'd him with open Arms, and
with him in his Design of freeing the Island. But few of the other Towns as yet came in to him. They had a general Distrust of all Foreign Commanders, having found by Experience, that they had been allured by them with fair Promises, and afterwards been more oppress'd by them, than by those from whom they pretended to deliver them. The
Syracusians
had a better Opinion of him; at least they had no body else to depend on: And yet they had very little Hopes of Relief from him, whilst
Icetes
was in possession of the Town,
Dionysius
of the Citadel, and the
Carthaginians
of the Harbour.
His first Scene of Action was at
Adranum
a small City below Mount
Aetna;
His Success at
Adranum.
where the Inhabitants being divided, one Party call'd in
Timoleon
to their Assistance, and the other,
Icetes.
The former was glad to take this Opportunity of advancing further into the Country; and the latter thought it so necessary to prevent him, that he immediately march'd thither with a Detachment of five thousand Men.
Timoleon
arriv'd there at the same time with his whole Strength, which amounted to no more than twelve Hundred. However taking advantage of the Enemy, whilst they were fixing their Tents, he fell upon them with great Fury, and put them to flight, having kill'd three hundred of them, and taken double that Number of Prisoners, together with their Camp, and all their Baggage.
This prosperous Beginning gave him great Credit,
Olym.
109. 1. Other Places submit to him.
and increas'd his Followers; so that not only
Adranum,
but most of the other neighbouring Towns submitted to him.
Mamercus
Tyrant of
Catana,
a Man of great Wealth and Power, enter'd into Alliance with him; and the City of
Messina
at the same time declared for him. It likewise advanc'd his Affairs at
Syracuse;
where
Dionysius
finding his Case desperate,
Dionysius
surrenders himself.
chose rather to give up himself and the Citadel to him, as a Man of Honour and Bravery, than to become a Prey to
Icetes,
whom he despis'd for his Behaviour in the late Action. Accordingly
Timoleon
sent four hundred Men to take possession of the Citadel; and they gain'd their Entrance by Stealth, and in small Companies. They found there two thousand Soldiers, whom
Dionysius
likewise gave up to them, together with a vast Magazine of Stores, and Arms for seventy thousand Men.
As to
Dionysius
himself, he was conducted out privately,
Olymp.
109. 2. and is sent to
Corinth.
and carried to
Timoleon
's Camp; from whence he was transported to
Corinth,
where he became a publick Spectacle. People flock'd from all Parts, to see the Man who had made so much Noise in
Sicily,
and whose Name was become formidable even to
Greece.
But he appear'd very easy and composed, and without any Marks either of Terror, or of Dignity. Instead of endeavouring to retrieve his Affairs, he fell into a mean way of Life, sauntering about in the Shops and the Shambles, drinking in Taverns, or squabbling with lewd Women in the Streets. And at length being reduced to great Necessity, he is said to have taught School for Bread.
Timoleon
having met with such Success,
Timoleon's further Successes.
Icetes
was so terrify'd, that he had sent for a further Supply of Forces from
Africa;
and
Magon
the
Carthaginian
came over to him, with an hundred and fifty Sail of Ships, and sixty thousand Men. Whereupon he block'd up the Citadel, and march'd in order to besiege
Catana
likewise, where
Timoleon
then lay. But before he had made any Progress there, he receiv'd advice, that
Leon
a
Corinthian,
who commanded in the Citadel at
Syracuse,
had made a successful Sally, that he had kill'd one part of the Besiegers, and put the rest to flight; and that having taken
Acradina,
the strongest Quarter of the Town, he had added Works to secure it, and to join it to the Citadel.
lcetes
immediately return'd to
Syracuse;
and
Timoleon
having lately receiv'd a Supply of two thousand Foot and two hundred Horse from
Corinth,
soon follow'd him.
However, he had as yet no more than four thousand Men to oppose to a numerous Army: But there happen'd a lucky Incident, which gave him great Encouragement. Whilst he lay before the Town, some of his
Corinthians
falling into company with a Party of Mercenaries who serv'd under
Icetes,
took occasion to expostulate with them upon their present Alliance with the
Carthaginians.
They told them, That as they were of the same
Grecian
Extraction with themselves, they ought to be engaged in the same Interest; and reproach'd them with endeavouring to put
Syracuse
and all Secily into the Hands of those, who were not only
Barbarians,
but the vilest and most inhuman Sort of them, and such as they ought to
nite against, as their common Enemy. The Rumour of this Discourse was soon spread about the Camp; and it had such an Effect upon
Magon,
that, for fear of being betray'd and sacificed, he forthwith embark'd his Troops,
The
Carthaginians
quit
Sicily.
and was gone so suddenly, that
Timoleon
's Men, in a way of Pleasantry, caus'd Proclamation to be made, offering a Reward to any who should bring Tidings of the
Carthaginian
Fleet.
Magon,
at
is Return home, being conscious of his Mis
ehaviour, kill'd himself; and the People were
o incens'd at him, that they nail'd his Body upon a Cross.
Timoleon,
to improve this Advantage,
Timoleon
attacks
Syracuse,
made his Disposition for attacking the Town in three several Parts of it; which he accordingly did the next Day, and with such Vigour and Success, that
Icetes
's Troops giving way,
and gains it.
he carried
t at the first Assault; and
Plutarch
says, there was not one
Corinthian
either kill'd or wounded
it. The first thing he did upon this Victory, was to summon in the Inhabitants to demolist the Citadel,
Demolisheth the Citadel,
which he call'd,
The Nest of Tyrants
They soon levell'd it with the Ground; and from thence proceeded to pull down the Palace of their Usurpers; to tear up their Tombs, and to destroy every thing that might preserve an
Memorial of them. In the Place where the Ci
tadel stood,
Timoleon
order'd Courts of Justic
to be erected. But whilst he was thus endea
vouring to give free Scope to the Laws, and t
put the Government upon the ancient footing he found there were very few Inhabitants left t
enjoy the Benefit of it. For what with the Divisions among themselves, their Wars with th
Carthaginians,
and the Oppression of their Go
vernors, such Numbers of them had been de
story'd and forc'd away, that the City was in manner become a Desart, and the Grass grew i
the Streets. And this was the Case of most
the great Towns in
Sicily.
But as to
Syracus
the
Corinthians,
at the Instance of
Timoleon,
an
those few who remain'd there, re-peopled i
They sent to all the publick Assemblies of
Greec
and into
Asia,
re-peoples the City.
and the Islands, to notify, Th
Syracuse
having recover'd its Liberty, all suc
as were willing to go and settle there, should
transported thither, and should have the Lan
equally divided among them. By this Enco
ragement they got together a Body of ten tho
sand; which, with those who had fled, and we banish'd, and others who flock'd in from Parts to
Timoleon,
amounted in the whole to sixty thousand. This generous Proceeding of the
Corinthians
is taken particular notice of, that when they had it in their Power to make themselves intire Masters of
Syracuse,
they contented themselves with the Glory of saving and replenishing it, and of being a second time the Founders of it.
Timoleon
having thus far re-establish'd the Affairs of
Syracuse,
Olymp.
109. 3. He proceeds to free the rest of the Island:
march'd to the other Parts of the Island to free them likewise. At
Leontium,
be oblig'd
Icetes
to renounce his League with the
Carthaginians,
and to demolish his Forts, and then reduc'd him to the Condition of a private Man. And
Leptines
of
Appollonia
surrendering himself up to him, he spared his Life, but sent him after
Dionysius
to
Corinth.
But before he could root out all the Remains of arbitrary Government, the
Carthaginians,
to secure those Places which were still in their Interest,
Is opposed again by the
Carthaginians.
and to retrieve the Disgrace of their last Expedition, sent an Army of seventy thousand Men, with a Fleet of two hundred Sail, besides
thousand Transport Ships, laden with Chariots, Engines of Battery, and all kinds of Provisions. These Forces landed at the Promontory of
Lily
aeum,
under the Command of
Asdrubal
and
Hamilcar,
and occasion'd such a general Consternation, that
Timoleon
could raise but twelve thousand Men to make head against them.
Plutarch
reduces them to seven thousand; and says, that even of that Number, one thousand deserted him in their March.
However he went on to give the enemy Battle before they had got a thorough footing in th
Island; and coming up with them in their Pa
sage over the River call'd
Crimesus,
Olymp.
110. 1. The Battle at the River
Crimesus.
he order'd his Horse to break into their Ranks before they were well form'd. But they were so expos'd to the Chariots which were plac'd in the Front, tha
Timoleon
drew them off; and taking a side Compass with his whole Strength, attack'd the Enemy in the Flank. After the first Onset, ther
happen'd a sudden Storm of Thunder and Lightning, Wind, Rain and Hail, which drove full i
the Face of the
Carthaginians,
and beat so furiously upon them, that they could neither se
nor hear, nor stand in their Ranks. And
Timoleon
's Troops pouring in upon them whilst they were thus disorder'd, made a great Slaughter among them, and put the main Body to flight Some who had gain'd the Plain, were overtaken and put to the Sword. Great Numbers wer
cut to pieces, as they were climbing the Hills They who made back to the River,
ell in among others who were coming over to them, and wer
promiscuously carried with them down the Current. And others were plung'd into little Torrents and Rivulets, which were occasion'd by th
Violence of the Storm, and the over-flowing o
the River; where they roll'd about in the Mire
and were so encumber'd with their heavy Armour, that they were not able to disengage themselves, or to make any Defence. In this manner their whole Army was distress'd on all Sides; and every thing conspir'd to make it an entire Defeat.
Timoleon
gains the Victory.
There is some Variation in the Accounts that are given of this Action, but not in the most material Circumstances of it. There is likewise some Difference as to the Number of those who were kill'd and taken. According to the highest Accounts of them, there were above ten thousand slain, besides three thousand who were Natives of
Carthage,
of the best Families and Fortunes, and of the most approv'd Valour: They were look'd upon in the same Light as the
Sacred Band
of
Pelopidas,
and went under the same Appellation. There were also above fifteen thousand taken Prisoners, together with the Camp and Baggage, and a great Quantity of Gold and Silver Plate, and other rich Booty.
Timoleon,
upon this Victory, return'd to
Syra
use.
But whilst he was endeavouring to perfect his Scheme of Government there,
Further Attempts to restore the Tyranny.
the Seeds of Tyranny, which had not been thoroughly rooted out in the other Parts of the Island, began to shoot up again. The Cities of
Catana
and
Mess
a,
with their Tyrants
Mamercus
and
Hippo,
had revolted from him; and
Icetes,
tho' he had been sufficiently humbled, took this Occasion to join with them; and they invited the
Carthaginians
to come, and make another Effort. Accordingly seventy Sail of Ships were dispatch'd, under the Command of
Gisco,
who likewise debauch'd some of the
Grecians
into his Service. But this Expedition had no better Success than the former, and serv'd only to hasten the putting an End to these Wars.
but defeated by
Timoleon.
For
Icetes, Mamercus
and
Hippo
appearing again in Arms upon this Reinforcement,
Timoleon
pursu'd them one after another; and after he had kill'd several thousands of their Followers, they were all three taken and executed. The Wives and Children of
Icetes
were likewise condemn'd and executed by the
Syracusians;
which was look'd upon as an ungenerous Part in
Timoleon,
that he did not interpose in their Behalf. But it was the Act of the People, and was said to be done by way of Retaliation for the like Treatment of the Family of
Dion,
whose Wife and Sister, and Infant Son
Icetes
had caus'd to be thrown alive into the Sea.
During these Transactions of
Timoleon,
the
Carthaginians
sued to him for Peace, and agreed, among other Conditions, to renounce all Leagues and Associations with any of the
Sicilian
Tyrants; which he consider'd as the most effectual Means of suppressing them; and it succeeded accordingly.
Olymp.
110. 2. The publick Liberty restored.
For soon after this Treaty, they were utterly destroy'd, and the publick Liberty was restor'd.
Timoleon
having finish'd this great Work, divested himself of his Authority, and chose rather to live as a private Man at
Syracuse,
Timoleon
retires, and lives private in
Syracuse.
with the Pleasure of seeing so many thousands made happy in the Enjoyment of the Blessings he had procur'd for them, than to grasp at any further Power in
Sicily,
or to return in Triumph to
Greece.
He was infinitely belov'd and honour'd by the
Syracusians,
who, in Memory of what he had done for them, made a Decree,
That in all their future Wars, they should have a
Corinthian
Commander.
And so long as
Timoleon
liv'd, they made no Law or Treaty, nor did any extraordinary Act of Government, wherein he was not consulted. As to what remains to be said concerning him, it will fall in more properly with the Account of his Death, which happen'd two Years later.
During the former Part of these Commotions in
Sicily, Philip
was gaining Ground upon the
Illyrians,
and settling his Conquests at home: But before the re-establishment of Affairs in that Island, he had carried his Arms into
Thrace
and the
Hellespont,
among the
Athenian
Colonies and Confederates, and thereby given occasion to fresh Disturbances, which should have been related in their due Order of Time; but I have chose rather to do it now by way of Retrospect, than to break into the Narration of what pass'd at
Syracuse.
In the first Year of the 109th
Olympiad,
he march'd into
Thessaly;
and having clear'd out the Remains of Tyranny in the several Cities there, he not only confirm'd the
Thessalians
in his Interest, but gain'd over many of their Neighbours.
Having strengthen'd himself in these Parts, he went the next Year into
Thrace,
where he had form'd a Design against the
Chersonese.
Philip
's Design against the
Chersonese
of
Thrace.
This Peninsula had, with some little Interruption, been for many Years in the Hands of the
Athenians:
But
Cotys,
as being King of the Country, had lately wrested it from them, and left it in Succession to his Son
Chersobleptes.
He not being able to defend himself against
Philip,
gave it back to the
Athenians,
reserving to himself only
Cardia
the capital City. But
Philip
having soon after routed him of the rest of his Dominions, the
Cardians,
for fear of falling again under the Power of the
Athenians,
threw themselves into his Protection.
He is opposed by D
pithes,
Diopithes,
who was the Chief of the
Athenian
Colony lately sent to the
Chersonese,
consider'd this Proceeding of
Philip
in supporting the
Cardians,
as an Act of Hostility against
Athens.
Whereupon he invaded the Maritime Part of
Thrace,
and carried away a great deal of Botty.
Philip
being at this time in the upper Part of the Country, was not in a Condition to do himself Justice: But he wrote to complain of it at
Athens,
as an Infraction of the Peace; and his Creatures there were not wanting on their Part, to aggravate the Charge against
Diopithes,
as having acted without Orders,
.
and taken it upon himself to renew the War. They likewise accus'd him o
committing Acts of Pyracy, and of laying their Allies under Contribution. But whatever Grounds there were for this Part of the Accusation, the Government of
Athens
was principally to blame in it: For having no proper Fund for the War, they sent out their Generals without Mony or Provisions, and left them to shift for themselves, and yet made them answerable for any Miscarriages that should happen for want of their being better supply'd. This was a great Discouragement to the Service, and put those who were employ'd in it, upon pillaging and plundering in such a manner, as they would otherwise have been asham'd of.
Demosthenes,
in an Harangue that he made upon the State of the
Chersonese,
undertook the Defence of
Diopithes.
Demosthenes defends him,
And altho' that might be the principal Design of his Speech; yet he enter'd into a great Variety of other Matter, and laid open so much of the present Situation of Affairs both in
Athens,
and several other States of
Greece,
that it may be proper to give the Reader a short Account of it; and the rather, because it contains the Substance of what
Demosthenes
has said in some of his other Orations, in the same manner, and almost in the same Terms, against
Philip,
and his Partizans in the
Athenian
Assembly.
He urg'd to the People in Behalf of
Diopithes,
that he had done nothing but what his Necessities had forc'd him to, and that he had only follow'd the Example of his Predecessors, who had constantly laid the Islanders, and other
Asiatick
Allies under Contribution; and that they who paid it, found their Account in it, in having Convoys to secure them from Pyrates, and otherwise to protect their Trade. That instead of being question'd, for using his Industry to procure that Subsistence for the Troops, which he could not obtain from the Government, they ought forthwith to send him a Reinforcement, and to provide better for their Pay. However he told them, That whatever Exactions or Violences he had been guilty of, he was their Officer, and it was always in their Power to send for him home, and to punish him, as they found he deserv'd. But he told them at the same time, that this Accusation was made use of only as an Handle to divert them from inquiring into the Motions and Designs of
Philip,
and inveighs against
Philip.
who, with a powerful Army in
Thrace,
and upon the
Hellespont,
was ravaging their Possessions, debauching their Allies, and stirring up against them both the
Grecians
and
Barbarians.
That whilst he was engag'd in these Practices, he was to be look'd upon as the first Aggressor; and that they were not to think themselves secure, because he was not come up to the
Piraeus,
nor was attacking them in
Attica.
Among other Arguments to induce them to make head against him, he told them, they had more to apprehend from him, than their Neighbours had; and he explain'd it to them by an artful Piece of Flattery:
You must not imagine, said
he,
that
Philip
will treat you in the same manner with the rest of the
Grecians,
and that he will content himself with barely making Slaves of you. No; his Design is to destroy and extirpate you. For he is sensible, that a People, who have so long known what it is to command, will never bear Servitude, and that you are incapable of doing it, if you would: He knows, that you would be always struggling to break your Chains, and that you would give him more Disturbance than all the rest of the World. And therefore you may look upon it as an undoubted Maxim, that he can intend nothing less than you total Ruin and Destruction.
From thence he proceeded to inveigh against the Orators,
and the Orators.
for the treacherous Part they had acted upon these Proceedings of
Philip;
and he did it with great Boldness and Acrimony, by exposing their false Reasoning, their false Zeal, and their false Courage. He told the People, it was in vain to think of their being victorious abroad, so long as they nourish'd in their Bosom these Pensioners and Creatures of their Enemy; these domestick Foes, who were as so many hidden Rocks and Shelves, upon which they must one Day unavoidably suffer Shipwreck. He went on to shew them, that the insolent Behaviour of
Philip
towards them, was wholly owing to these Haranguers, who sav'd him the trouble of managing and undermining them, as he did the other States, with an Appearance at least of bearing them Good-will, and doing them good Offices. He instanc'd in the
Thessalians,
tha tho' he had brought them under Subjection, h
had taken some Pains to inveigle them into it and had strow'd the Way to it with Flowers by freeing them from their Tyrants, and by re
storing them to their Seat among the
Amphictyons
That he had drawn the poor
Olynthians
into hi
Snare, by heaping his Favours upon them, and had lull'd them asleep by his Cession of
Potidae
to them. That he had at present got the
Thebans
under his Dependence; but that he had thought it proper to gild their Chains, by putting them in the Possession of
B
eotia,
by laying waste the Country of their Enemies the
Phocians,
and by delivering them from a long and burthensome War.
But why,
says Demosthenes,
does he not think it worth his while to amuse you with some such Marks of his Complaisance and his Bounty? Why does he not endeavour to gain upon you by some real or pretended Benefits? On the contrary, he infringes your Treaties, breaks into your Alliances, and seizes your Possessions; and does it with an high Hand, without so much as attempting to excuse, or dissemble it.
He tells them the Reason of this Difference in
Philip
's Conduct with regard to them, was, because he had no need of keeping any Measures with them, or of saving Appearances: For that he knew he had a Party among them, who were always ready to plead his Cause, and to justify all his Proceedings.
Athens,
says Demosthenes,
is the only City of Greece,
where a Man may, with Impunity, display his Eloquence in Defence, and even in Praise of the common Enemy.
He expatiated further upon the base and ungenerous Artifices of the Orators, in persecuting their Fellow-Citizens.
They,
said he,
who have no real Concern for the Welfare of the Publick, may with Ease and Safety censure, arraign and condemn. They can always secure themselves from Danger by their inexhaustible Fund of Flattery and Dissimulation; by their daily shifting and changing their Opinion, according to the different Taste and Humour of the People; and by disguising and concealing from them the weak and disorderly State of their Affaris.
The truly brave and zealous Citizen he describes in another manner:
That the only thing he has in view, is the Peoples Interest; that, in order to promote it, he opposes their Inclinations, combats their Opinion, and makes no Concessions to them out of Complaisance; that he delivers his Mind freely and openly, according to the best of his Judgment; and makes himself accountable to them not only for the Reasonableness of his Advice, but likewise for the Success of it. Demosthenes
does not directly apply this Character to himself; but it may be easily collected from what follows, that he thought it belong'd to him.
I know,
says he,
Fellow-Citizens, as well as others, how to flatter, to accuse, to proscribe, and to practise all those other little Arts of gaining Credit with you; but I have a Soul above it. I have no Avarice, nor Ambition; my chief Aim is to repeat and inculcate those Truths, which, because they are distasteful to you, must therefore give my Rivals the Preference in your Favour; and yet they are such, as, if you would hearken to them, would give you the advantage over your Enemies. It is to me a Part unworthy of a good Citizen, to study ways of rising on a sudden to the highest Rank of Men in
Athens,
when you are at the same time sinking to the lowest Rank of Men in
Greece.
When he had thus endeavour'd to open their Eyes, and to free them from their Dependence on the other Orators, he press'd them to proceed forthwith to Action.
It is my part,
says he,
to propose; it is yours to resolve, and to execute.
He concludes with exhorting them to supply the Necessities of the State; to keep their Troops on foot, and in good Discipline; to dispatch Ambassadors to all Parts, with Instructions to communicate their Resolutions, and to give notice of the common Danger that threaten'd
Greece;
and thereupon to negotiate and conclude whatever should be thought requisite for the Service of the Common-wealth. And above all, he advis'd them to shew no Mercy to those who prostituted themselves for Gain to the Enemy of their Country.
Whatever effect these Remonstrances had for the present,
Philip
was not discourag'd from making further Attempts:
Philip
takes advantage of the Divisions in
Peloponnesus.
And he was furnish'd with a Pretence for it by the Divisions which were now in
Peloponnesus;
and they were owing chiefly to the
Spartans,
who having little to do in the late Foreign Transactions, were recovering their Strengh at home, and, according to their usual Practice, as they increas'd in Power, made use of it to insult and oppress their Neighbours. The
Argives
and
Messenians
being at this time persecuted by them, put themselves under the Protection of
Philip;
and the
Thebans
joining with them, they all together form'd a powerful Confederacy. The natural Balance against it, was an Union between
Athens
and
Sparta,
which the
Spartans
press'd with great Earnestness, as the only means for their common Security; and
Philip
and the
Thebans
did all in their Power to prevent it.
Demosthenes
spirits up the
Athenians
against him.
But
Demosthenes
exerting himself upon this Occasion, rous'd up the
Athenians;
and put them so far upon their Guard, that, without coming to an open Rupture with
Philip,
they oblig'd him to desist.
This Storm in
Peloponnesus
was no sooner blown over, but another happen'd, which fell more immediately upon the
Athenians;
and that was an Attempt upon
Euboea.
Philip's
Attempt upon
Euboea.
Philip
had long form'd a Design against this Island, as being not only a rich Acquisition, but an easy Passage into the Continent of
Attica;
and in order now to execute it, he had gain'd some of the principal Men, who suffer'd him to throw in a Body of
Macedonians;
by means whereof he demolish'd some Places, and fortified others, and erected several petty Tyrants, who acted in his Name, and under his Authority.
Plutarchus
of
Eretria,
or
Clitarchus
(as he is otherwise call'd) sent to let the
Athenians
know, That the Island must be lost, if it were not immediately reliev'd: Whereupon they dispatch'd some few Troops thither under the Command of
Phocion.
This
Plutarchus,
upon their Arrival, chang'd his Opinion, and made head against them. However
Phocion
was not discourag'd; he gave him battle, and routed him, and having gain'd a signal Victory, return'd home. He was succeeded in the Command by one
Molossus,
who was not equal to it, and suffer'd himself to be taken Prisoner. But it does not appear, that
Philip
prosecuted this War to any further Advantage;
The Island preserve'd by
Phocion.
so that the Recovery of the Island may be ascrib'd to
Phocion.
He had, before this Action, given several. Proos of his Courage and Capacity;
His Character.
but he began now to distinguish himself as a General, and to bear a principal Part in the Affairs of the Government. As he had Talents very well suited to both these Capacities, he did not approve the modern Practice of allotting the Civil Power to one Sett of Men, and the Military to another, but was for having them united in the same Persons, as they formerly were in
Solon, Aristides
and
Pericles.
He had studied Philosophy under
Plato
and
Xenorates:
and in Oratory he was upon a level with the best Speakers of his time. He was not so pompous and diffuse as they; but was better heard than most of them. His Manner was plain and concise, strong and pointed, full of Matter and good Sense, and always to the purpose. When he was one Day in the Assembly observ'd to be very pensive, and his Friends ask'd him the Reason of it,
I am considering,
said he,
how to contract what I have to say.
And
Demosthenes,
who had a secret Jealousy of him, was wont to call him,
The Pruning-book of his Periods.
This Brevity and Simplicity in his Diction, was of the
Spartan
kind; and he had still more of the
Spartan
in his manner of Deportment. He had such a settled Composure in his Countenance, that he was never seen either to laugh or cry. He was grave and austere even to Moroseness; insomuch that they who were Strangers to him, did not care to accost him. But this Severity was more in his Appearance than in his Temper: For he was naturally very easy and conversable; humane and beneficent; and a great Patron of the distress'd, even of those who had most oppos'd him. His Friends reproving him for pleading in behalf of an ill Man, He told them,
The Innocent had no need of an Advocate.
In the Camp he went very thinly clad, and generally barefoot; and he lived at home with his Family much in the same coarse hardy way. There is upon this occasion a remarkable Saying of his Wife, who was noted for her Virtue and good House-wifery; and being visited by an
Ionian
Woman of Distinction, who shew'd her all her Jewels, Embroidery, and other rich Ornaments,
For my part,
said she to her,
My only Ornament, is my good Man
Phocion,
who has commanded the
Athenians
now these twenty Years.
He was not so happy in his Son, who being inclined to Luxury and Excess, he sent him to
Sparta
to be put into a stricter way of Education; and
Demades
repoarch'd him with it publickly, as an Attempt to introduce the
Spartan
Manners and Discipline. He certainly had a very bad Opinion of the Manners of his Country, and would gladly have reform'd them; but he could not do it otherwise than by his Example; and that was of small Force against so general a Corruption. However as to his own particular, it gain'd him an Awe and Attention from those who would not imitate him. It created such an Opinion of him, that he was chosen General upon Forty five several Expeditions, and always in his Absence: For tho' he did not decline the Service when he was call'd to it, he never put himself in the way of it. He was so far from making a servile court to the People, or soothing them in their Follies, that he took all Occasions of thwarting and opposing them and he would never give up a point which he thought necessary for the Good or Safety of the Publick. The Oracle having, upon a certain Occasion, told the
Athenians,
That there was one Man in the City of a different Opinion from the rest, and Enquiry being made who this should be;
I,
said Phocion,
am the Man; I am pleas'd with nothing that the Common People say, or do.
Another time, when he had deliver'd his Opinion to them, and found that it was generally approved,
I wish,
said he, turning to his Friend,
That what I have propos'd, be not wrong.
He was so tenacious in what he thought most adviseable, that he would rather suffer himself to be treated as a Coward, than enter into a War, which did not appear to him to be just and necessary. There is an Instance of this kind, when being press'd to engage the Enemy at a disadvantage,
No,
said he,
You cannot at this time make me valiant, nor I you wise.
The truth is, he was naturally inclin'd to Peace, and consider'd War no otherwise than as the means of procuring it. He endeavour'd, by several private Negotiations, to put an end to the War with the
Macedonians;
and herein he seem'd to act the Part of a Mediator: But the Moderation and Complaisance, which he shew'd in this Correspondence with the Enemies of his Country, created a Suspicion of his being too well affected to them; and at last it cost him his Life. He certainly was upon good Terms with
Philip, Alexander
and
Antipater,
who all successively esteem'd and caress'd him, and would have loaded him with Presents; but he could not be prevail'd upon to accept any. Upon this occasion
Antipater
was wont to say,
I have two Friends at
Athens, Phocion
and
Demades;
of whom the former will not suffer me to gratify him at all, and the other is never to be satisfy'd. Phocion,
upon the whole, was one of the wisest and best sort of Men that
Athens
ever bred. But the Steadiness of his Virtue, and the Singularity of his Manners, would not let him drive on with the Current of the Times he liv'd in; and
Plutarch
mentions it as his Misfortune,
That he came to the Helm, when the Publick Bottom was just upon sinking.
When
Philip
found his Affairs advance slowly in
Euboea,
he thought fit to retreat, and march'd back to
Thrace,
in order to distress the
Athenians
in those Parts, from whence they receiv'd a great Part of their Provisions. With this View, in the last Year of the 109th
Olympiad,
he laid Siege to
Perinthus,
Philip
besieges
Perinthus
, and firmly attach'd to the
Athenians.
He invested it with an Army of thirty thousand Men; and having rais'd his Works to a great heighth, so as to command those of the Enemy, he made his Assault with all kinds of battering Engines. The Inhabitants were no less active and resolute on their Part; so that when
Philip
had made a Breach in the Wall, which he thought sufficient to gain his Entrance into the Town, he found they had run up another Wall within side; by means whereof, together with the natural Advantage of the Place, which rose up gradually in the Form of a Theatre, they made a vigorous Defence, and held out till they were reliev'd from
Byzantium.
Philip,
to cut off this Communication, divided his Army, and march'd with one half of it to form the Siege of
Byzantium,
leaving the other to carry on that of
Perinthus.
and
Byzantium.
These violent Proceedings gave a general Alarm both in
Greece
and
Persia.
The Lieutenants of the Provinces near the Coasts, were order'd to assist the Besieg'd with what Forces they could spare. The Islands of
Chios, Cos
and
Rhodes,
united in the same Design; and the
Athenians
began now to exert themselves in earnest.
Demosthenes
had before endeavour'd to awaken them out of their Lethargy, and to convince them, that the first Attack against
Perinthus
was an open Violation of the Peace: And they so far gave Attention to him, that
Chares
was sent out with a Fleet. But he was a bad Man, and of a mean Capacity; and as such, he was pitch'd upon by the Creatures of
Philip
for this Service. He behav'd according to their Expectations, and had so little Credit with the Allies of
Athens
upon the
Hellespont,
that they did not care to admit him into their Ports. But the People now being grown more sensible of their Danger, thought it necessary to appoint some other Commander, on whom they could better depend; and accordingly
Phocion
was order'd out with a fresh Supply of Forces.
Philip
had hitherto endeavour'd, by many specious Pretences, to cover his Designs, and to keep Measures with the
Athenians:
But when he found they had taken the Alarm, and were arming so many others against him, he wrote them an expostulatory Letter,
He endeavours to justify his Proceedings
wherein he charg'd them with the Infraction of their Treaties, and with many other Injuries, which he pretended to have receiv'd from them. It was full of Complaints, Reproaches and Menaces, and was drawn in a very masterly manner, with so much Art and Delicacy, with such a Variety of Facts, and such plausible Reasoning upon them, and with such a Spirit of Majesty throughout the Whole, that it may be look'd upon as one of the finest Pieces of Antiquity. It was calculated for the Use of the Partizans at
Athens,
so as to furnish them with Materials for pleading his Cause in the Assembly; and the Intent of it was, to try if it were yet too late to divert the People from pushing things to an Extremity. The Point that he laid the greatest Stress upon, was the engaging the
Persians
against him; and this he imputed to the
Athenians.
It does not clearly appear how far they were concern'd in it: But it is certain, that, in order to check the Growth of his Power.
Demosthenes
had prepar'd the People for an Alliance with
Persia,
and still press'd it; and
Pausanias
says, that the
Persian
Troops, which were employ'd on this occasion, were commanded by
Apollodorus
an
Athenian.
From such Circumstances as these,
Philip
thought himself sufficiently warranted to remonstrate in the manner he did to the
Athenians.
He told them,
That by this Instance of their calling in the
Persians,
and that at a time when he was in peace with them, they had shewn more Hatred and Rancour against him, than in cases of the most open and declared Enmity between them; That they had acted in it contrary to all the Rules of Prudence and Policy, and to the constant Practice not only of their Ancestors, but of themselves likewise.
And to this purpose, he reminded them, that they had some time since pass'd a formal Resolution, to invite him to act in conjunction with them and the other
Grecians,
against the
Persians,
as
Barbarians,
and as their common Enemy. His applying these Appellations of
Barbarians
and Foreigners to the
Persians,
was an artful way of disclaiming them with regard to himself, and of blending together the Interests of
Greece
and
Macedonia,
as if they were inseparable.
Demosthenes,
to prevent the Impressions this Letter might make upon the People,
Demosthenes
re:futes him.
endeavour'd, by way of Answer, to expose the Fallacy of the Arguments contain'd in it. They were founded wholly upon a Presumption, that the
Athenians
were the Aggressors: But it was notorious, that
Philip
was taking their Places, intercepting their Provisions, attacking their Allies, and making every Day fresh Incroachments upon them, and that in a time of profound Peace
as he calls it, and before any Measures had been taken by the
Athenians
to oppose him This was the Truth of the Case; and tha
which
Demosthenes
thought it more necessary to convince the People of, than to go about to justify, or to refute the Facts they wer
charg'd with. He told them,
The Lette
was wrote in a stile not suitable to th
People of
Athens;
That it was a plain De
claration of War against them; That
Philip
ha
long since made the same Declaration by his Ac
tions; and that by the Peace he had conclude
with them, he meant nothing further than a bar Cessation of Arms, in order to gain time, and t
take them more unprepared.
From thence h
proceeded to his usual Topick of reproving them for their Sloth, and for suffering them selves to be deluded by their Orators, who wer
in
Philip
's Pay. At the same time he advis'
them to change their Generals; for that the who had ruin'd their Affairs, were not ver
likely to retrieve them.
Phocion
declar'd h
Opinion to the same effect concerning the Ge
nerals;
Phocion
succeeds
Chares
in the Command.
and it was upon this Occasion, that h
was appointed to succeed
Chares.
The
Byzantines
receiv'd him with great Mark
of Confidence and Friendship; and he, by act
ing in concert with them, soon oblig'd
Philip
abandon his Design both upon
Byzantium
and
Perinthus.
He raises both the Sieges,
He also took some of his Ships, recover'd several Places which he had garrison'd, ravag'd the flat Part of the Country,
and drives
Philip
out of the
Hellespont.
and drove him out of the
Hellespont.
It is said, that the Siege of
Perinthus
was rais'd before by the
Persians;
but whatever hand they had in it, the Inhabitants of that Place, as well as of
Byzantium,
ascribed their Deliverance wholly to the
Athenians,
and testified it in the most solemn manner, giving them liberty to settle among them, and intermarry with them, and granting them greater Privileges and Immunities, than their own Citizens enjoy'd. They also consecrated Crowns, and erected Statues to them. The Inhabitants of the
Chersonese,
in token of the like Deliverance, rais'd Altars to the
Athenians,
and decreed to them a Crown of Gold. So terrible was the Name of
Philip
grown to the People in these Parts, that they thought they could never give sufficient Proofs of their Gratitude to those who had freed them from him. And as to himself, his Disappointment in this Expedition, with the Loss of a good Number of his Men, was the greatest Mortification he had hitherto receiv'd. This reduced him to his old Artifice, of endeavouring to renew the Peace with
Athens:
And he kept up the Appearance of negotiating it for the next two Years after the Siege of
Perinthus.
But he was arming all the while, and making new Infractions; and the subsequent Account of his Proceedings will shew, that there was no way left of bringing things to a Determination, but by the Sword.
Without waiting the Result of his last Overture of the
Athenians,
Philip's
Expedition into Scythia:
he march'd against
Atheas
King of
Scythia,
upon a pretence, that he had not gratified him for the Assistance he had given him in his Wars against the
Istrians.
The
Scythians
gave him battle; but tho' they were far superior in Number, he defeated them, and carried off a great deal of Booty, which consisted chiefly of Women and Children, and Cattle; and among the latter, there were twenty thousand Mares for breeding. In his Return, the
Triballi
of
Moesia
pretending to a Share of the Spoil, disputed his Passage; and thereupon ensued a sharp Conflict, wherein his Horse was kill'd under him, and himself so wounded, that he must have fallen into the Enemies hands, if he had not been rescued by his Son
Alexander,
who was with him in this Expedition, and gave this early token of what might one Day be expected from him.
The Peace in the mean time was under consideration at
Athens;
His Overtures of Peace rejected at
Athens;
and the People were divided concerning it, according to the different Sentiments of their Leaders.
Phocion
was for accepting it, but was strongly oppos'd by
Demosthenes;
and his Advice for rejecting it prevail'd. When
Philip
sound the
Athenians
would not treat with him, and that they were acting offensively against him, especially at Sea, where they block'd up his Ports, and put an intire stop to his Commerce,
whereupon he forms new Alliances,
he began to form new Alliances against them, particularly with the
Thebans
and
Thessalians,
without whom he knew he could not keep open his Passage into
Greece.
At the same time he was sensible, that his engaging these Powers to act directly against
Athens,
and in his own personal Quarrel, would have so bad an Aspect, that they would not easily come into it. For which reason, he endeavour'd underhand to create new Disturbances in
Greece,
and creates fresh Divisions in
Greece.
that he might take such a part in them, as would best answer his Views: And when the Flame was kindled, his Point was to appear rather to be call'd in as an Assistant, than to act as a Principal.
These fresh Commotions took their Rise from the
Locri Ozolae,
who border'd upon the
Phocians,
and were accus'd of the same Act of Profanation which they had committed in breaking up a piece of Ground belonging to the Temple of
Apollo
at
Delphi:
And this Case was referr'd, in the same manner as the former was, to the
Amphictyons,
who, in order to form their Judgment upon the Matter in dispute, went to take a view upon the Place, but were so insulted and attack'd by the
Locrians,
that they were forc'd to fly for it. Hereupon both Sides had recourse to Arms, and there was all the Appearance of a second
Holy War.
But it was not carried on with the same Zeal as the former; it was ended almost as soon as it began and serv'd only to advance
Philip
's Authority in
Greece.
His Designs promoted by Aeschines.
This was owing chiefly to
Aeschines
who was secretly his Agent, and had, by his means, got himself to be deputed on the part of
Athens,
as one of the Members in the present Assembly of the
Amphictyons.
When he found the War went on so heavily, and that they, who were to contribute towards it, were very backward in sending in their Quota's, he propos'd to the rest of the Deputies, that the several States which they represented, should either hire Foreign Troops, and tax themselves to pay them, or that, in order to save that Trouble and Expence, they should choose
Philip
for their General. They readily swallow'd the Bait that was laid for them, and agreed to the latter of these Proposals. Hereupon a formal Embassy was sent to
Philip,
to demand his Assistance in avenging the Honour of the Deity; and to notify to him, That the
Grecians
had, by their Representatives in the Council of the
Amphictyons,
Philip
chosen General against the
Locrians.
chosen him their General for that purpose, with full Power to proceed in the manner he should judge most proper.
Philip
did not want much Persuasion to accept the Offer of that, which he had so eagerly pursu'd, and which was, in effect, the Completion of all his other Designs. He unmediately got his Troops together, and began his March: But instead of going on to chastise the
Lorcrians,
He seizes upon Elatêa.
he made a sudden turn, and seiz'd upon
Elatêa
a capital City of
Phocis,
which was very well situated for awing the
Thebans,
of whom he began to grow jealous, and for preparing his way to
Atheans.
But by so extraordinary a Step as this, he fairly threw off the Mask, and bad defiance to the whole Body of the
Grecians.
The
Athenians
alarm'd at it.
The News of it arriving at
Athens
in the Evening, the Trumpets sounded the Alarm, and the City was fill'd with Terror and Amazement. The next Morning the Assembly met, and all the Generals and Orators assisted at it: But when it was expected, that some of the Members should rise to offer their Advice upon the present Exigency, every body sat mute and confounded. The Crier made Proclamation, and demanded, according to the usual Form,
Who of them was dispos'd to speak?
No body yet offering, the same Question was several times repeated; but still to no purpose. At length,
They are animated by
Demosthenes.
in this general dead Silence,
Demosthenes
rose up, and endeavour'd to dispel their Fears, and to animate them for their Defence. The most immediate Danger they apprehended from
Philip,
was his late Alliance with the
Thebans;
and this was the point that
Demosthenes
labour'd chiefly to clear up to them, and to make it appear, that the
Thebans
were not so strongly attach'd to him as they imagin'd.
For if it were so,
said he,
we should not now have heard of his being at
Elatêa,
but in
Attica. To which he added,
That however the
Thebans
might before have been deluded by him, this last Proceeding of his had more fully open'd their Eyes. It is true,
said he,
some part of them he had gain'd by Mony and Artifice; and he has drawn down his Troops to keep them in heart, and to intimidate the rest, who are the greatest Part, and who have hitherto oppos'd him, and would still continue to do so, if they had any Prospect of being supported.
Wherefore he propos'd, That all who were able to bear Arms, should march out of the City, and make a general Rendezvous at
Eleusis,
as well to set an Example to the rest of
Greece
for asserting the common Liberty, as to shew the
Thebans
in particular, that they were ready to protect and assist them. And in regard to that inveterate Enmity and Rancour, which had so long subsisted between
Athens
and
Thebes,
he advis'd the People to suppress it for the present, and not to revive the Memory of past Injuries, which, he told them, would only serve to hinder, or retard that Union and good Correspondence, which were now become so necessary for their mutual Preservation. He further propos'd, That Ambassadors should be sent to the several States of
Greece,
to make it a common Cause; but especially, and in the first place to the
Thebans,
as they were more immediately expos'd, and as they were the Barrier to
Athens.
The Assembly readily agreed to this Advice of
Demosthenes;
and pursuant thereto, a Decree in form was drawn up, with an additional Clause, That a Fleet of two hundred Sail should be fitted out, to cruize near
Thermopylae.
There being no time to be lost in this Negotiation with the
Thebans,
His Negotiation with the
Thebans.
Ambassadors were forthwith dispatch'd to them, with
Demosthenes
at the head of them; and they were met by others on the part of
Philip.
Python
opposes him.
The principal of them was
Python,
who was a
Byzantine
by Birth, and had been made a free Citizen of
Athens,
but was now in
Philip
's Interest. He was a very able and forcible Speaker, and therefore was upon this occasion oppos'd to
Demosthenes.
The
Macedonians
were heard first, the Preference being given to them as Friends and Allies. They set out with large Encomiums upon
Philip,
and after a long Recital of the many Benefits and Advantages the
Thebans
had receiv'd from him, and the many Injuries and Provocations they had receiv'd from
Athens,
they endeavour'd to excite their Gratitude on the one hand, and to fire their Resentment on the other. They also tempted them with the Hopes of Booty, which, they told them, they should find in great abundance in
Attica,
and that they would at the same time prevent the ravaging their own Country, and making it the Seat of the War, which would be the necessary Consequence of their entering into an Alliance with
Athens.
Upon the whole, they propos'd to them in the alternative, either that they should join with
Philip
in the Invasion of
Attica,
or that they should sit still, and give him a free Passage thorugh
Boeotia.
Demosthenes,
by way of Reply, used the same king of Reasoning with the
Thebans,
as he had done with the
Athenians,
to convince them of the Necessity of proceeding against
Philip
as their common Enemy: For that whatever Words or Pretences he made use of, his Designs were too visible from his Actions. He instanc'd particularly in the manner of his seizing upon
Elatêa.
He told them,
That in case he should succeed so far as to conquer
Attica, Thebes
would suffer in its Turn; That he would go on from one City, and one Province to another, and would never stop 'till he had made himself Master of the whole.
The
Thebans
were not very inclinable to enter into any Engagements on either side: They had too lively a Sense of the Miseries they had undergone, especially whilst the Wounds they had receiv'd in the
Phocian
War were still fresh upon them. But
Demosthenes
fired them to such a degree, that they were no longer Masters of themselves. The Force of his Eloquence, upon this Occasion, is said
to have cast a Mist over their Understanding, to have carried them away like a Whirlwind, and to have work'd them up to a sort of Enthusiasm:
Insomuch that, laying aside all Fear and Gratitude,
The
Thebans
enter into an Alliance with
Athens.
and other prudential Considerations, they declar'd themselves for the Alliance with
Athens.
That which animated
Demosthenes,
next to his Zeal for the publick Safety, was his having to do with a Man of
Python
's Abilities; and he some time after, took occasion to value himself upon the Victory he had obtained over him.
I did not give way,
said he,
to the boasting
Python,
when he would have bore me down with a Torrent of Words.
Demosthenes
values himself upon his Success.
He gloried more in the Success of this Negotiation, than of any other he had been employ'd in, and spoke of it as his Masterpiece in Politicks. It was certainly of the greatest Importance to
Athens
at this time, when
Philip
seem'd fully bent on her Destruction, and when she had no other immediate Prospect of Relief, but from the gaining the
Thebans. Demosthenes
therefore, to do himself Justice, put the People in mind of the Danger they had escap'd. He told them,
It was he, who had dispersed that Cloud which hung over the City, and that, by this Instance of his unwearied Diligence and Zeal for the Publick, he had exceeded all that had been done by the greatest Orators of former Ages.
He was generally more modest than he appears to have been in this Case: But it must be consider'd, that what he said upon this Occasion, was some time after, in his Defence against
Aeschines,
who, by his artful and invidious insinuations, had put him under a Necessity of enumerating his Services to the Common-wealth, and of setting them in the strongest Light they would bear.
When
Philip
found himself thus disappointed of the
Thebans,
Philip's Artifices to avoid fighting.
he sued again to the
Athenians
for Peace: but they saw his Drift too plainly to trust him, and were too much exasperated to hearken to any Terms of Accommodation. However, he resolved to stand it out with them, and both Sides prepared for Battle. But before it came to Action, he try'd another Stratagem; which was, by bribing the Oracle, to terrify them with fatal Omens and predictions concerning the Event of it.
Demosthenes,
to prevent these Warnings making any deep Impression, treated them with the utmost Contempt; and it was upon this Occasion, that he charged the Priestess with
Philippizing.
He put the
Thebans
in mind of their
Epaminondas,
and the
Athenians
of
Pericles,
who, he told them, were govern'd by Reason and good Sense, and would not suffer themselves to be carried away by such idle superstitious Fancies, which they look'd upon only as a Cloak for Cowardice. The
Athenians
were so eager for the War, that they easily got the better of these frightful Apprehensions; and
Demosthenes
had, by his las
Treaty, gain'd such an Ascendant both ove
them and the
Thebans,
that they submitted themselves intirely to his Directions.
Accordingly they took the Field,
Olymp.
110. 3. The Battle at
Cheronêa.
and encamp'd together near
Cheronêa
in
Boeotia;
where
Philip
met them with thirty thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse. He was somewhat superior to them in Numbers, and more so in the Goodness of his Officers. He gave the Command of the left Wing of his Army to his Son
Alexander,
but, in regard to his Youth, he placed the best of his Officers about him; and the right Wing he took to himself. In the
Grecian
Army, the
Thebans
were on the right, and the
Athenians
on the left. At Sun-rising the two Armies join'd Battle, and behav'd with such equal Courage and Bravery, that it was long before any Impression was made on either side; till at length
Alexander,
exerting himself in an extraordinary manner, broke in upon the
Sacred Band
of the
Thebans,
and cut them to Pieces; after which, the rest of that Wing were easily routed.
Philip,
who had to do with the
Athenians,
forc'd them likewise to give way: But they soon recover'd their Ground; and
Lysicles,
who, in Conjunction with
Chares,
commanded the
Athenian
Troops, push'd forwards into the Centre of
Philip
's Army; where, imagining himself victorious, he cry'd out to his Men,
Come on, let us pursue them to
Macedonia.
Philip,
observing what pass'd, and that
Lysicles,
instead of attacking his Phalanx in Flank, when he had so fair an Opportunity, went on a wild disorderly Pursuit, said cooly,
The Athenians don't know how to conquer.
And thereupon h
drew up his Phalanx on a little Eminence, from whence he pour'd down upon them, and takin
them both in Flank and Rear,
Philip
gains the Victory.
intirely route them. It was upon this Occasion, that
De
mosthenes
threw down his Arms, and was one
the first who fled: And there is a ridiculou
Circumstance told of him, that in his Flight hi
Clothes catching hold of a Bush, he took it fo an Enemy, and cry'd out for Quarter. Ther
were above a thousand
Athenians
kill'd in th
Action, and above two thousand taken Prisoners; and the Loss, on the Part of the
Thebans
was much the same.
Philip
was transported with this Victory beyond measure;
His Behaviour upon it.
and having drank to Excess at an Entertainment, which he gave upon that Occasion, went into the Field of Battle, where he insulted over the Slain, and upbraided the Prisoners with their Misfortunes. He leap'd and danc'd about in a frantick manner, and with an Air of Burlesque sung the Beginning of the Decree, which
Demosthenes
had drawn up as a Declaration of the War against him.
Demades
who was in the Number of the Prisoners, had the Courage to reproach him with this unge
nerous Behaviour, telling him,
That Fortune ha
given him the Part of
Agamemnon,
but that h
was acting that of
Thersites. He was so struck with the Justness of this Reproof, that i
wrought a thorough Change in him; and he was so far from being offended at
Demades,
that he immediately gave him his Liberty, and shew'd him afterwards great Marks of Honour and Friendship. He likewise releas'd all the
Athenian
Captives, and without Ransom; and when they found him so generously dispos'd towards them, they made a Demand of their Baggage, with every thing else that had been taken from them; but to that
Philip
reply'd,
Surely they think I have not beat them.
This Discharge of the Prisoners was ascrib'd in a great measure to
Demades,
who is said to have new modell'd
Philip,
and to have soften'd his Temper with the
Attick Graces,
as
Diodorus
expresses it: And
Philip
himself acknowledg'd upon another Occasion, that his frequent Converse with the
Athenian
Orators, had been of great use to him in correcting his Morals.
Justin
represents his Carriage after the Battle in a very different Light; as that he took abundance of Pains to dissemble his Joy; that he affected great Modesty and Compassion, and was not seen to laugh; that he would have no Sacrifice, no Crowns nor Perfumes; that he forbad all kind of Sports; and did nothing that might make him appear to the Conquerors to be elated, nor to the Conquer'd, to be insolent. But this Account seems to have been confounded with others, which were given of him after his being reform'd by
Demades.
It is certain, that after his first Transport was over, and that he began to recollect himself, he shew'd great Humanity to the
Athenians,
and that, in order stil
to keep measures with them, he renew'd the Peace.
He renews the Peace with
Athens.
But the
Thebans,
who had renounc'd their Alliance with him, he treated in another manner. He,
His Severity towards the
Thebans.
who affected to be as much Master of his Allies, as of his Subjects, could not easily pardon those who had deserted him in so critical a Conjuncture. Wherefore he not only took Ransom for their Prisoners, but made them pay for leave to bury their Dead. It is further said, that either by the Sword, or by Banishment, he clear'd the City of the principal Men who had stood in Opposition to him, and confiscated their Goods; That he recall'd all such as had been banish'd for espousing his Interest, and made 'em Judges and Magistrates, with a Power of Life and Death over those who had been the Authors of their Exile. After these Severities, and after having plac'd a strong Garrison over them, he granted them a Peace.
CHAP. IV.
From the Battle of Cheronêa, to the Death of Philip of Macedon. Containing the Space of above One Year.
THE Generality of the
Athenians
were not much dejected upon this Overthrow, especially since
Philip
had shewn so much Moderation towards them: But they who saw further into the Consequences of it, were not very easy in their present Situation.
Isocrates
was more particularly affected with the Loss and Disgrace they had suffer'd; and was so apprehensive, that
Philip
would make some further use of his Victory, that he chose rather to starve himself to death,
Isocrates
starves himself.
than to survive the Liberty of his Country: Which is a sufficient Proof, that his Intimacy with
Philip,
which has before been mention'd, was with an Intent to serve the Common-wealth; and that his End was good, tho' he was mistaken in the Means of attaining it, and in the Man he had to deal with. The Truth is, he was not conversant enough in publick Affairs. His proper Province was his School, wherein he succeeded beyond any Man of his Time; and he got so much Mony by it, that he was oblig'd to build a Gally, and maintain it at his own Charge.
Plutarch
condemns him for his unactive and recluse way of Life, and sets him in a very pedantick Light: That he sat poring at home in his Study, when every Body else was in Arms: That, instead of sharpening his Sword and his Spear, and brightning up his Helmet, he was adapting, ranging and polishing his Words and Sentences; and that he was three
Olympiads
in composing
His Panegyrick.
one single Oration.
How,
says he,
would that Man have been terrified at the clattering of Weapons, or the routing of a Phalanx, who was so afraid of suffering one Vowel to clash with another, or to pronounce a Word where the Syllables were uneven?
But notwithstanding this Piece of Raillery, he was generally respected and admir'd, not only as a perfect Master in his Profession, but as a thorough Well-wisher to his Country.
The Enemies of
Demosthenes
were not wanting on this Occasion, to accuse him as the Author of their Misfortunes. But the Generality of the People still retain'd their former good Opinion of him,
The Conduct of
Demosthenes
approved.
and not only acquitted him of all that had been laid to his Charge, but restor'd him to the Management of their Affairs, and put themselves wholly under his Care and Guidance, to provide for their future Security. As a further Instance of their Regard for him, they pitch'd upon him as the most proper Person to speak the Funeral Oration upon the Interment of the Slain. Nothing could be a stronger Mark of their Approbation of his Services, than the appointing him, who had advis'd the War, to celebrate the Memory of those who were kill'd in it. And it is mention'd to the Honour of the People likewise, that, contrary to their usual Practice, they had distinguish'd so rightly in the present Case of
Demosthenes,
and judg'd of him according to the Zeal and Intention of his Service, and not according to the Success.
This Defeat was attributed chiefly to the ill Conduct of the Generals,
Lysicles put to death
Lysicles
and
Chares;
the former whereof the
Athenians
put to death
t the Instance of
Lycurgus,
who had great Credit and Influence with the People, but was a se
ere Judge, and a most bitter Accuser.
You,
Lysicles, said he,
was General of the Army; a thousand Citizens are slain, two thousand taken Primers; a Trophy has been erected to the Dishonour
f this City, and all
Greece
is enslav'd: You had the Command when all these things happen'd; and yet you dare to live, and view the Light of the
um, and blush not to appear publickly in the Forum;
, Lysicles,
who are born the Monument of your Country's Shame.
Character of
Lycurgus
the Orator.
This
Lycurgus
was one of the Orators of the first Rank, and free from the general Corruption which then reign'd among them. He manag'd the publick Treasure for twelve Years with great Uprightness, and had all his Life long the Reputation of a Man of Honour and Virtue. He encreas'd the Shipping, supply'd the Arsenal, drove the bad Men out of the City, and fram'd several good Laws. He kept an ex
ct Register of every thing he did during his Administration; and when that was expir'd, he caus'd it to be fix'd up to a Pillar, that every Body might be at liberty to inspect it, and to censure his Conduct. He carried this Point so far, that, in his last Sickness, he order'd himslef to be carried to the Senate-house, to give a publick Account of all his Actions; and after he had refuted one who accus'd him there, he went home and died. Notwithstanding the Austerity of his Temper, he was a great Encourager of the Stage; which, tho' it had been carried to a Excess that was mainfestly hurtful to the Publick he still look'd upon as the best School to instru and polish the Minds of the People: And this end, he kept up a Spirit to Emulation mong the Writers of Tragedy, and erected t
Statues of
Aeschylus, Sophocles
and
Euripides.
left three Sons who were unworthy of him, an behav'd so ill, that they were all put in Prison but
Demosthenes,
out of regard to the Memory
their Father, got them discharg'd.
It does not appear,
And of
Chares.
that
Chares
underwent an Prosecution for his Share in this Action; tho
according to his general Character, he deserv'd
as much or more than his Colleague. For he had no Talents for Command, and was very little different from a common Soldier.
Timotheus
sai
of him,
That instead of being a General, he was fitter to carry the General's Baggage.
His Perso
indeed was of that robust kind of Make; and
was that which serv'd in some measure to recommend him to the People: But he was more Man of Pleasure, than Fatigue. In his Militar Expeditions, he was wont to carry with him Band of Musick; and he defray'd the Expenc
of it out of the Soldiers Pay. Notwithstanding his want of Abilities, he had a thorough goo
Opinion of himself. He was vain and positiv
bold and boisterous; a great Undertaker, an
always ready to warrant Success; but his P
formances seldom answer'd; and hence it wa
that
Chares
's
Promises
became a Proverb. And yet as little as he was to be depended on, he had his Partizans among the People, and among the Orators, by whose Means he got himself to be frequently employ'd, and others to be excluded who were more capable. As he had no true Merit of his own, he could the less bear it in those who had: This was the Grounds of his malicious Charge against
Iphicrates
and
Timotheus;
and the manner in which it was carried on, has already been mention'd as a Reproach to the Common-wealth. In short, he was a bad Man, as well as a bad Officer, and did very little real Service or Honour to his Country, either at home or abroad.
This Year,
Olymp. 110. 4.
The Death and Character
of Timoleon
being the last of the hundred and tenth
Olympiad,
died
Timoleon.
He had some time before lost his Sight, which he bore very patiently; and the
Syracusians,
to alleviate his Affliction, and to shew their Respect and Gratitude to him, went in great Numbers to visit him, and carried with them all the Strangers in those Parts, to entertain them with the Sight of their great Benefactor. Notwithstanding his Blindness, he continu'd to the last to give his Attention to the Publick. When any Matter of Moment came before the Assembly, he was conducted to the Theatre in a Sort of Carr, and was usher'd in with the joyful Acclamations and Benedictions of the People; and when he had deliver'd his Opinion, they were always determin'd by it. He was buried at the Charge of the Publick, with great Pomp, and with a general Lamentation; and Anniversary Games were in stituted to do Honour to his Memory. Tha
which endear'd him so much to the
Syracusians
besides the great things he had done for them was his living and dying among them as thei
common Father, and as a Native of
Sicily,
without regard to the Honours and Applause, that he might have receiv'd upon his return to
Greece.
But he was a wise and moderate Man, as well as valiant and fortunate; he knew where to stop, and how to enjoy the Fruits of his Conquests. There is hardly an Instance of any other
Grecian,
who, after such Success, went quietly to his Grave, without exposing himself further, so as to fall a Sacrifice either to his own Ambition, or to the Insolence and Ingratitude of his Countrymen.
Plutarch
observes a remarkable Difference between the Atchievements of
Timoleon,
and those of his Contemporaries: That in those of
Timotheus, Agesilaus, Pelopidas,
and even of
Epaminondas,
who was the Pattern that
Timoleon
copied after, there was a certain Stiffness, Labour and Struggling, which took off from the Merit and Lustre of them; but that those of
Timolcon
were like the Poetry of
Homer,
and the Painting of
Nicomachus,
which, besides the Strength and Beauty, that they had in common with others, were more free and easy, more gracesul and more masterly. We can never too much admire and extol the easy Progress that he made with an handful of Men in
Sicily,
by driving out the Tyrants, dispersing the numerous Fleets and Armies of the
Carthaginians,
and taking
Syracuse,
one of the strongest Cities of the World, and which had so long withstood all the Power of
Athens;
tho' it must be confess'd, that it was not so well fortified, nor so well defended now, as in the Time of the
Peloponnesian
War. But tho' his Actions were so generally applauded, it happen'd once, that two of the
Syracusians,
who were popular Speakers, brought a Charge against him for some Part of his Conduct as General; and one of 'em demanded, that he should give Security for his Appearance; which the People were highly offended at, as thinking that, in his Case, the ordinary Forms of Justice ought to be dispensed with. But he would not suffer himself to be exempted from a due Observance of the Laws, which he had taken so much Pains to enforce against others. However, when the Matter came to be heard, he treated it as a Piece of Calumny, and instead of going about to refute it, he only thank'd the Gods, that they had granted his Request; for that he had liv'd to see the
Syracusians
now at Liberty to say whatever they thought fit. He lest them in full Possession of the Liberty both of speaking and acting; and they enjoy'd it about twenty Years, till the ill use they made of it, gave Rise to the Tyranny of
Agathocles,
who brought them again into their former Condition.
The Battle of
Cheronêa
was so decisive, tha
from thence we may date the Downfal of the Liberties of
Greece.
For tho'
Philip
did not pursue his Advantage so far as might naturally have been expected; yet the Terror of his Arms kept the whole Country in awe, and pav'd the Way to its more intire Subjection.
Philip
proposes an Expedition against
Persia,
The Point which he had in view, and which he had long form'd in his Thoughts, was an Expedition against
Persia:
And as this was not easily to be carried on without the Assistance of the
Grecians,
he engag'd them, under a Pretence of revenging the Wrongs they had receiv'd from the
Barbarians,
to join with him in it, and got himself to be declar'd their Captain General;
and is declared Captain General.
which was a principal Motive with him in this Undertaking.
But whilst he was making the necessary Preparations for this war, he was diverted from it by the Affairs of his Family. He suffer'd great Uneasiness with his Wife
Olympias,
He divorces
Olympias,
who was of a turbulent, jealous and revengeful Temper, and had also given him strong Suspicions of her Chastity; insomuch that, tho' there was no formal Proof against her, he made it a Pretence to divorce her,
Marries
Cleopatra.
and married
Cleopatra,
a very beautiful young Woman, and Niece to
Attalus,
one of his principal Officers.
Attalus
was transported with the Honour done to his Family, and being heated with Wine at the Marriage Feast, said publickly,
The
Macedonians
ought now to invoke the Gods, that the new Queen might bring
Philip
a lawful Successor. Alexander,
who was before disgusted at the Treatment his Mother had met with, was now more thorougly provok'd at that which so nearly concern'd himself.
What?
said he,
Do you then take me for a Bastard?
And in a Rage threw his Cup at him; which
Attalus
return'd.
Philip,
who sat at another Table, was so incens'd at what had pass'd,
uarrels with his Son
Alexander.
that he drew his Sword, and run at his Son as the Disturber of the Feast; but being lame he fell down, and gave the Company time to interpose. But
Alexander
was not to be pacified; they had much ado to keep him from destroying himself. He was so far from submitting himself to his Father, that he rallied him upon his Fall.
In troth,
said he,
the
Macedonians
are mighty well fitted with a General to conduct them out of
Europe
into
Asia,
who is not able to go from one Table to another without danger of breaking his Neck.
With this Sarcasm he quitted the Room, and retir'd to
Illyrium,
having first carried his Mother to
Epirus.
But this Affair was afterwards made up by Means of
Demaratus
a
Corinthian,
who being in great Credit and Confidence with
Philip,
made him sensible, that he had gone too far in his Resentment against his Son, and thereupon was sent to bring him back.
Philip,
soon after this Accident, met with another of the same kind, which prov'd more fatal to him.
The Marriage of his Daughter
Cleopatra.
This happen'd upon the Marriage of his Daughter
Cleopatra
with
Alexander
King of
Epirus,
and Brother of
Olympias. Philip,
to add to the Solemnity of the Nuptials, and to do himself Honour upon his intended Expedition, which he had still very much at Heart, made a most magnificent Entertainment, and invited all the most considerable Men of
Greece,
taking this Opportunity to testify his Gratitude for their having chosen him their General. The several Cities, from whence they came, were not wanting on their Part to compliment him on the Occasion, and to flatter his Vanity: They vy'd with one another in sending him Crowns of Gold; and
Athens
was not less zealous and devoted to him than the rest. The next Day after the Feast, there were publick Shews to be exhibited, and
Philip
went in great Pomp to assist at them, being dress'd in a white Robe, and his Nobles and Guards attending him in the form of a Procession. There were carry'd before him twelve Images of the Gods of exquisite sine Workmanship; and a thirteenth was added, which was more splendid than the rest, and was to represent himself as One among the Number of the Deities. But in the Heighth of the Solemnity, amidst the joyful Acclamations of a numberless Croud of Spectators from all Parts, and just as his Statue enter'd the Theatre, the Ceremony was interrupted by
Pausanias
a young
Macedonian
Nobleman. He had some time before been grosly affrnoted by
Attalus,
who, after he had made him drunk, carnally abused him, and then prostituted him to others.
Pausanias
made his Complaint to the King, and demanded Justice: But
Philip
did not care to hearken to an Accusation against the Queen's Uncle. The young Man renew'd his Suit, and was so importunate for Redress, that at last
Philip,
to pacify him, gave him a Commission of the first Rank in his Guards.
Pausanias
did not look upon this as a Satisfaction for the Injury he had receiv'd; and tho' he stifled his Revenge for some time, he took the present Occasion of executing it in the most publick manner upon the Person of the King.
Philip
had order'd his Guards, both before and behind, to keep at a proper Distance from him, so as to leave him room enough to appear more conspicuously to the People; and as he march'd alone in that intermediate Space,
Pausanias
made up to him, drew his Dagger and stabb'd him,
Philip
kill'd
by Pausanias.
and left him dead upon the Spot.
Pausanias
had Horses ready for his Escape, and had like to have succeeded in it; but one of his Feet being hamper'd in a Vinc, he was taken and cut to Pieces.
Olympias
is said to have provided the Horses for this purpose,
Olympias
accessary to the Murther.
and was look'd upon not only as privy to the Murther, but as the chief Promoter of it. Neither was
Alexander
himself quite free from Suspicion. But his Mother was so far from concealing the Part she had in it, that she affected to make it publick, and was only afraid lest the Proofs should not appear strong enough against her. The very Night she went to assist at the King's Funeral, she caus'd a Crown of Gold to be put upon the Head of
Pausanias,
whilst he was hanging upon a Cross. Some Days after she buried him, and erected a Tomb for him, and appointed an Anniversary-day to be kept in Honour of his Memory. She likewise consecrated the Dagger with which he committed the Fact. Then she turn'd her Rage against
Cleopatra,
for whom she had been divorced; and having murther'd her Infant Child at her Breast, caus'd her to be hang'd. From these and several other Instances, which might be given of her Cruelty and Revenge, it may easily be believ'd, that she was more than consenting to the Assassination of the King, and that she made use of the Resentment of
Pausanias,
to satisfy her own.
The News of
Philip
's Death was a joyful Surprise in
Greece,
and particularly in
Athens,
where the People crown'd themselves with Garlands,
The manner in which the News of
Philip'
s Death was receiv'd at
Athens.
and decreed a Crown to
Pausanias.
They sacrific'd to the Gods for their Deliverance, and sung Songs of Triumph, as if
Philip
had been slain by them in Battle. But this Excess of Joy did ill become them: It was look'd upon as an ungenerous and unmanly Insult upon the Ashes of a murther'd Prince, and of one whom they just before had rever'd, and crouch'd to in the most abject manner. These immoderate Transports were rais'd in them by
Demosthenes,
who having the first Intelligence of
Philip
's Death, went into the Assembly unusually gay and chearful, with a Chaplet on his Head, and in a rich Habit, tho' it were then but the seventh Day after the Death of his Daughter. From this Circumstance
Plutarch,
at the same time that he condemns the Behaviour of the
Athenians
in general upon this Occasion, takes an Handle to justify
Demosthenes,
and extols him as a Patriot, for not suffering his Domestick Afflictions to interfere with the Good-fortune of the Common-wealth. But he certainly might have acted the Part of a good Citizen with more Decency and Composure, and more to the Honour of himself and his Country.
This Accident happen'd to
Philip
in the forty seventh Year of his Age,
A. M. 3668. Olymp. 111. 1.
and the twenty fifth of his Reign; during which time he was constantly in Action, 'till by Degrees he chang'd the whole Face of Affairs, both in
Greece
and
Macedonia.
The Steps by which he advanc'd,
His Character.
were firm and sure, but withal so slow and imperceptible, that he seem'd to have no great Share of Ambition; and yet in reality Nobody had more; but Nobody had it so much under Command, nor knew so well how to disguise it. It was varnish'd over, as as his Actions in general were, with false Colours; it had the Appearance of Justice and Humanity, and Beneficence to Mankind, in protecting the Innocent, redressing the Injur'd, and extirpating Tyranny: But his Acts of this kind were only plausible Methods of advancing his own Grandeur and Authority, and of subverting the Publick Liberty, under a Pretence of defending it.
He was admirably well qualified for the part he acted. For he had an equal Mixture of Fire and Phlegm, which serv'd to correct each other: The first put him upon forming great Designs, and the latter conducted him in the Execution of them; so that his Success was owing chiefly to this due Temperament, which made him cautious without Fear, and bold without Rashness. When he had taken his point, he kept it always in view, and conceal'd it from every body else. For he trusted no body further than was necessary; he had Favourites, but no Confidents. He was his own Minister, his own General, and his own Treasurer; and as he had all the Capacity, Vigilance and Activity, which these several Offices requir'd, he was intirely Master of his own Schemes, and of the Execution of them. Which
Demosthenes
takes notice of, as a particular Advantage that he had over the
Athenians,
by being so secret in his Deliberations, and so uncontroul'd in his Actions. And the Case was much the same in the other Republicks, where Matters of the most secret Importance were canvass'd and debated in their popular Assemblies, the Resolutions taken upon those Debates were made publick, and the Hands of those who were to executed them, were tied up; and by these means they generally lost their Effect, especially with regard to
Philip,
who knew so well the Constitution of
Greece,
and the Use that was to be made of such a Method of proceeding.
He look'd upon all means of attaining his ends to be justifiable; and he had Expedients of all kinds, and for all Occasions. He knew all the different ways that were to lead him to his Mark; but he generally chose that which was most dark and intricate, and out of the common Road. He lov'd Feints and Stratagems for the Pleasure of deceiving; and he valued himself less upon the Success of a Battle, than of a Negotiation: For which reason he seldom employ'd Force, 'till his Artifices fail'd him. And yet when he found himself obliged to have recourse to Arms, no body behaved with more Bravery and Intrepidity, nor with better Conduct.
Plutarch
therefore bears too hard upon him, when speaking of him by way of comparison with
Epaminondas,
He says, He had none of the principal Virtues of that Great Man, and, among his other Defects, mentions his want of Courage. But there does not appear to be the least Foundation for this Charge; and it has been refuted by his greatest Enemy
Demosthenes,
who describes him with his Eye out, his Collar-bone broke, his Hand and his Leg maim'd; and then adds, That he had seen this
Philip
thus wounded from Head to Foot, still ready to throw himself into the midst of Dangers, and to sacrifice the rest of his Body in the further Pursuit of Glory.
He infused the same Spirit into his Soldiers, who were so animated by his Example, and so inured to Action, that he could always depend on them. He had also a way of gaining their Affections: He would call them his Comrades, and treat them otherwise with great Familiarity; and he did it in such a manner, as neither to lessen his Authority, nor relax the Discipline. They were grown so hardy and expert under him, that the
Macedonian
Troops were reckon'd at this time almost as much superior to the
Grecians,
as the
Grecians
were to the
Persians.
These were the Men whom
Clytus
afterwards reproach'd
Alexander
with, when he told him,
It was his Father's Troops, by which he had conquer'd. Alexander
was too sensible of the truth of it
and it cost the old Man his Life.
If
Philip
had been equal in other respects to what he was in the Field, he had made a glorious Figure: But his Tricks and Subterfuges and deep Dissimulation, his gross Bribery, Trea chery and Breach of Faith, which make up the main of his Character, have cast such a Shade over his real good Qualities, that they are hardly to be distinguish'd, and have given occasion to call even his military Virtues in question. But in that respect, he was undoubtedly superior to all the Captains of his time: And he had otherwise great Talents. He had a fine Understanding, with a strong and clear Judgment; great Prudence and Foresight; great Variety of Learning, and other acquir'd Knowledge. He spoke and wrote with great Ease, Propriety and Dignity, but with too much Art and Subtilty: For there was Design and Insincerity in every thing he said, whether he were in jest, or in earnest. He always promis'd more than he intended to perform; and he had as little regard to his Oath, as to his Promise. To this purpose he had a Saying,
That Children were to be cheated with Play-things, and Men with Oaths.
And yet notwithstanding this impious Maxim of his, he made a great Shew of Religion, and it was that which gain'd him his first footing in
Greece
in the
Phocian
War. Among his other Arts of Hypocrisy, by which he impos'd upon the World, we may reckon that of his being attended every Morning by a Servant, to put him in mind of his Mortality. His Friendships were govern'd wholly by his Interest: They were only mercenary Engagements, that he had enter'd into with bad Men, and for bad Ends and when they had serv'd his Purpose, he had done with them. This was the Case of most of his Agents who sold their Country to him; he paid them their Price, and then discarded them; for he lov'd the Treason, but not the Traytor
Of which there was a memorable Instance in his Treatment of the two Magistrates, who betray'd
Olynthus
to him. When they found themselves universally scouted and contemn'd for that Act of Treachery, and even by the common Soldiers in his own Army, they applied to him for Protection and Redress; but he gave them a very short Answer, and a very cutting one;
O!
said he,
you must not mind what such blunt Fellows say, who call every thing by its own Name.
He had a particular Faculty of setting two Friends at variance, and by that means of getting into their Confidence. And this was his main Artifice in the carrying on his Designs against
Greece,
by sowing Jealousies, fomenting Quarrels, and playing one State against another; and when he had, by these Methods, broke into their Alliances, and separated their Interests, the remaining Part was not difficult. His hardest Task was with the
Athenians,
with whom he was continually either fighting, or treating: And tho' they had, 'till his time, the Reputation of a more resined Wit than their Neighbours, and of more Sagacity, Penetration and Attention to their Interests; yet he found means to amuse and confound them, to delude and insatuate them, to corrupt and divide them.
He was not so taken up in the pursuit of his Ambition, but that he found time for his Pleasures, wherein he indulg'd himself in a very dissolute and licentious manner; and in this part of his Life, he acted openly, and without Reserve. He lov'd Riot and Drunkenness, and Intemperance of all kinds, and encourag'd them so much in others, that he was surrounded with a Set of lewd Parasites and Debauchees, Players, Buffoons and Pantomimes, who engross'd all his Favours, and shar'd all his Bounty; but amidst these Excesses, he had, or affected to have, some Sense of Shame; so that when he had committed any Acts of Violence or Injustice, he would easily bear Reproof, and often repair the Injury. There was a Woman who put her self in his way, after he had been sitting long at Table, and demanded justice of him. He heard her Case, and determin'd against her.
Then,
said she,
I will appeal. What? From your King?
said
Philip. And who is it you would appeal to? To
Philip,
when he is sober,
she replied. Whereupon he examin'd the Afsair over again, and finding he had given a wrong Judgment, made a new one in her Favour. Another Woman had long solicited an Audience of him upon a like Occasion; and being put off from time to time, with a pretence that he was not at leisure, she could bear no longer, but said to him,
If you have not time to do me Justice, cease to be King.
He was so far from resenting her manner of reproaching him, that he immediately redress'd her Grievance; and from thenceforwards he became more exact in giving Audience to his Subjects. There was another Instance of a good sort of Man, whom he was advis'd to banish, for having spoken ill of him;
No,
said
Philip, Let me consider first, whether I have not given him Occasion for it.
And being afterwards inform'd, that he had never given him any Mark of his Favour, and that he was in bad Circumstances, he reliev'd him. When the Man had tasted of his Bounty, he chang'd his Note, and spoke as much in his Praise: which gave occasion to
Philip
to make another Reflection,
That Kings have it in their own power to be belov'd or hated.
He has given several other Proofs of his
swallowing Injuries,
as
Longinus
calls it; and some remarka
Instances of his Clemency and Forbearan
have been already mention'd in the Recit
of his Actions.
Thus by a Mixture of some good Qualities, with a great many bad ones, he accomplish'd his Ends, so far at least, that he had throughly open'd the Way to the Destruction of the Liberties of
Greece,
and laid the Foundation of all his Son's Glory. And if the Actions of each of them be duly weigh'd, it will be found, that
Philip
's Part was the more difficult of the two. For it was certainly easier to conquer
Asia
with the Assistance of the
Grecians,
than to break the Power of the
Grecians,
who had so often beat the
Asiaticks.
Wherefore we may venture to pronounce, That tho'
Alexander
was the greater Conqueror,
Philip
was the greater Man. However they were both form'd for the Task they undertook. If
Philip
had liv'd to pass over into
Asia,
his artful and deliberate Valour would not, in all Likelihood, have had so good an Effect there, as the Heroick Ardour and Impetuosity of his Son, which bore down every thing that oppos'd him, and which carried him on with such Rapidity through the whole Body of the
Persian
Empire. But however
Philip
might have succeeded in that Expedition, it seems pretty extraordinary, that he should think of entring upon it, before he had made a more intire Conquest of
Greece,
which was certainly his original Plan, and the Point, in which all his other Views center'd: And his Success at
Cheronêa
had given him the
airest Prospect he ever had, of subduing the whole Country. It had put the
Athenians
and the
Thebans
so far in his Power, that they were expecting every Hour to have his Yoke impos'd on them. As to the
Spartans,
tho' they had avoided entering into the Quarrel, it is hardly to be suppos'd they would tamely have submitted to him After the Battle, he wrote them an haughty Letter, to try how they would relish his Authority
But in Answer to it, their King
Archidamus
the Son of
Agesilaus
sent him word,
That if he measur'd his Shadow, he would find it no bigger after his Victory, than it was before.
The Answer they sent him to another Letter of the same kind, was,
Dionysius to Corinth.
However, they were not in a Condition singly to make Head against him; and the other subordinate States were so weak and disunited, and withal so indolent and remiss, that there was no immediate Appearance of forming any considerable League against him. But whether he thought the
Grecians
were still too formidable for him, to act in open Defiance of them; and that his Shew of Moderation and Humanity, and his Arts of Insinuation, were easier and safer Methods of gaining further Ground upon them; or whether he really contented himself with the having humbled them, and with the Honour of presiding in their Great Council, and of leading them forth to Battle under the Title of their General, it is certain, that he did not pursue his first Scheme of Conquest against them, nor make use of the Advantages, that he had then in his Hands. He had still lest them in a Condition to recover their former Liberty, if they had had any Remains of their former Spirit: But that was so broken and decay'd, that they became an easy Prey to his Successors.
INDEX.
A.
A
Brocomas,
a
Persian
General, 26.
Academick Sect,
Plato
was the Founder of it, 259.
Aeginetes,
infested the Coast of
Attica,
89.
Aegyptians,
attack'd by the
Persians,
112, 113.
Aeschines,
an
Athenian,
in the Interest of
Philip,
263. spent the Remainder of his Life in a voluntary Exile, 265. promoted
Philip
's Interest, 310.
Agathocles,
his Tyranny, 328.
Agesilaus,
succeeded
Agis
King of
Sparta,
64. sent with an Army into
Asia,
65. his Success,
ibid.
recall'd, 74, 75. his Success, 77. his Victories, 79. he reduc'd the
Phliasians,
98. declar'd War against
Thebes,
121. made Inroads into
Arcadia,
131. his Policy, 139, 145. defended
Sparta,
179. censur'd for objecting to the Peace, 196. his Transactions in
Aegypt,
ibid. 197, 198. his Death and Character, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204.
Agesipolis,
King of
Sparta,
76. sent to throw down the Walls of the
Mantineans,
92. died of a Fever, 98.
Agias,
a
Grecian
General, 34. beheaded, 35. his Character, 38. he was an
Arcadian,
ibid.
Agis,
King of
Sparta,
enter'd the
Elian
Territories with Fire and Sword, 63. his Death, 64.
Aleibiades,
Orders given to dispatch him, 10. the House where he was set on Fire, and he kill'd as he attempted to escape, 11. his Character, 11, 12, 13, 14.
Alexander of Ph
rae,
kill'd his Uncle
Polyphron,
137. seiz'd and imprison'd
Pelopidas
and
Ismenias,
153. murder'd by his Wife and his Brothers, for his Tyranny, 174. an Account of his Cruelties,
ibid.
Alexander
the Great, when born, 231. rescu'd his Father in a Battle, 308. commanded the left Wing in his Father
Philip
's Army, 317. what he said to his Father, 329.
Alexander,
King of
Epirus,
married the Daughter of
Philip,
330.
Amnesty, a general one, 21.
Amphictyons,
or States-General of
Greece,
232. declare War against the
Phocians,
233. their Decree, 268, 269.
Amyntas,
the Name of several Kings of
Macedon,
209.
Amyntas
the Second, Father of
Philip,
and Husband of
Euridice,
210. what Children he had,
ibid.
Anaxibius,
Admiral of the
Spartans,
48. killed, 88.
Andromachus,
Governor of
Tauromenium,
279.
Andronicus,
a Comedian, 243.
Antalcidas
the
Spartan,
employ'd to treat with the
Persians
about Peace, 82. makes a Peace with them, 90. his character, 91. starved himself to death, 92. the Peace renewed, 111. his Reflection on
Agesilaus,
119.
Anticrates,
a
Spartan,
rewarded for killing
Epaminondas,
185.
Antipater,
what he said of
Demades,
252. what he said of
Phocion
and
Demades,
302.
Anupetas,
a
Spartan
Commander, 97.
Anytus,
one of the Accusers of
Socrates,
54. his Proposal to
Socrates,
57.
Apollo.
at
Delphi,
309.
Arcadia,
Commotions there, 133. they renew the War, 147. make a league with the
Athenians,
161. defeated, 164. Divisions amongst them, 175.
Archias,
joined in Commission with
Leontidas,
96. killed, 101.
Archidamus,
Son of
Agesilaus,
105. had the Command of the Army, 150. his Victory, 151. his gallant Behaviour, 179.
Argaeus,
killed in Battle, 217.
Argos,
a Sedition there, 134.
Ariaeus,
one of
Cyrus
's Officers, 30. after the Defeat he decamped, 32.
Aristippus,
24.
Aristodemus,
a
Spartan
Commander, 76.
Aristophanes,
wrote the Play call'd the
Clouds,
57.
Artagerses,
a
Persian
Commander, kill'd by
Cyrus,
29.
Artaxerxes,
King of
Persia,
28, 29. the Battle in which
Cyrus
was kill'd, 29, 30. he summon'd the
Greeks
to surrender, 31. their Answer, 31, 32. engag'd twenty thousand
Greeks
in his Service against
Aegypt,
112. at War with
Aegypt,
117. procur'd a Peace amongst the
Greeks,
163.
Asdrubal,
a
Carthaginian
Commander, 285.
Asiatick
Cities revolt from
Sparta,
81.
Aster
of
Amphipolis,
what he said to
Philip,
and
Philip
's Answer, 235. executed by
Philip,
ibid.
Asylum, Thebes
was one for those that fear'd the
Spartans,
132.
Atheas,
King of
Scythia,
defeated by
Philip,
308.
Athenian
Empire, the Fall of it, 2. thirty Tyrants there,
ibid.
severely treated by them, 14. routed, 20. their Zeal and Superstition, 55. repent of condemning
Socrates,
and condemn his Accusers, 58. engag'd against
Sparta,
70. their Allies, 76. inclin'd to Peace, 116. shar'd the Command equally with the
Spartans,
147. dislike their Ambassador's Proceedings in
Persia,
and put him to Death, 159. make a League with the
Arcadians,
161. agree to assist the
Mantineans,
177. their Indolence, 204. make Peace with
Philip,
217. make Peace, 224. prevented
Philip
's Designs, 239. treat of a Peace with
Philip,
262. unite with
Sparta,
297; a Crown of Gold decreed to them, 307. alarm'd at
Philip
's seizing
Elatea,
311. their Joy on the Death of
Philip,
332.
Attalus,
Uncle of
Cleopatra,
Philip's second Wife, 329.
Attick
Graces, 319.
Attick Moses, Plato
so call'd, 258.
B.
Boeotians,
jealous of the
Spartans,
19.
Business to-morrow, a Proverb, 101.
Buskin,
why
Theramens
was so called, 9.
B
zantium,
besieged by
Philip,
303. the Siege raised, 307.
C.
Calippus
of
Syracuse,
killed
Dion,
and usurped the Government, 275.
Callibius,
Commander of the Guards, sent to assist th
thirty Tyrants by
Lysander,
6.
Callicratidas,
his Character, 73.
Callistratus,
an
Athenian
Orator, 242.
Caranus,
the first King of
Macedonia,
208.
Carduchi,
a fierce and warlike People in
Persia,
41 attacked the
Greeks
in their Retreat, 42.
Carthaginians,
their Design on
Syracuse,
272, 285 defeated, 286, 287. their third Attempt, 288.
Cehronea,
the great Battle fought there, 227.
Cephisodorus,
killed by
Leontiades,
101.
Chabrias,
an
Athenian
Commander, cleared the Coa of the
Aeginetans,
85. his Success, 106. defeated the
Spartan
Fleet, 107. recalled from
Aegypt,
112. re pulsed the
Boeotians,
148. commanded the
Athenian
Fleet, 221. killed, and his Character, 222.
Chalybes,
the stoutest People of the
Barbarians,
43.
Chares,
an
Athenian
Commander, 221. sent with
Fleet, and assisted
Artabazus,
223. accused but ac
quitted, 224. sent to assist the
Olynthians,
256.
Chares
's Promises, a Proverb, 325.
Charon
and
Mellon
killed the
Spartan
Governor o
Thebes,
101.
Cherisophus,
the
Spartan,
joined
Cyrus,
25. led the Va
of the
Greek
Army in their Retreat, 40. sent to the
Spartan
Admiral to get Ships for the
Greek
that retreated with
Xenophon,
44, 46. the Army divided, 47. re-united,
ibid.
his Death,
ibid.
Cheronea,
the Battle there, 317.
Chersobleptes,
Son of
Cotys,
290.
Chio,
the Philosopher's Letter about
Xenophon,
49.
Cinadon,
executed for Treason, 64.
Cleander,
Governor of
Byzantium,
48.
Cleanor,
chose General in the room of
Agias,
40.
Clearchus,
the
Spartan,
24. joined
Cyrus,
25. what h
said to
Cyrus,
28. his Answer to the
Persian
Heralds 32. his reply to
Tissaphernes,
33, 34. beheaded, 35 his Character, 37.
Cleombrotus,
King of
Sparta
sent against the
Thebans,
104. was against the
Theban
War, 119. what he demanded of the
Thebans,
122. kill'd in Battle, 126.
Cleonymus,
Son of
Sphodrias,
105. kill'd in Battle, 126.
Cleopatra,
the second Wise of
Philip, 328. Olympias
murder'd her Infant Child, and caus'd her to be hang'd, 332.
Cleopatra,
the Daughter of
Philip,
her Marriage, 330.
Clouds,
the name of a play in which
Socrates
was attack'd, 56.
Clytus,
with what he reproach'd
Alexander,
336.
Conon,
66. his Advice, 67. instrumental in forming a Confederacy against
Sparta,
68. beat the
Spartan
Fleet, 78. his Advice to
Pharnabazus,
81. rebuilds the Walls of
Athens,
ibid. his Death, and Character, 83, 84, 85.
Conon,
Son of
Timotheus,
paid part of the Fine laid on his Father, 225.
Corcyra,
Commotions there, 115.
Corinth,
a Massacre there, 79.
Corinthians,
jealous of the
Spartans,
19. obliged to withdraw their Garrison from
Argos,
93.
Cotys,
King of
Thrace; Iphicrates
marry'd his Daughter, 229.
Cotys,
Father of
Chersobleptes,
290.
Crimesus,
the Battle there, 286.
Critias,
the worst of the thirty Tyrants, 6. he accused
Theramenes,
ibid. and got him condemned and executed, 7. slain, 17.
Crito,
what
Socrates
said to him, 58.
Cunaxa,
a Battle fought there, 30.
Cyclopes,
271.
Cyripaedia,
or a just Picture of Monarchy, 216.
Cyrus
makes Preparations against his Brother
Artaxerxes,
11, 23. his Levies, and his Pretences for it, 24. his Forces, 24, 25. his March,
ibid.
his generous Behaviour on the Desertion of two of his Commanders, 26. his Speech to the
Grecian
Captains, 27. the Battle, 29. killed, 30.
D.
Daemon
of
Socrates,
55.
Darius,
King of
Persia,
on his Death-bed declared
Ar
taxerxes
his Successor, 23.
Decemvirate,
established in several Places by
Lysander
2, 64.
Sec
Ten.
Demaclides,
101.
Demades,
an Orator of
Athens
in the Interest of
Philip
250, 251. when
Philip
's Prisoner for what he re proach'd him, and was thereon set at Liberty, 318.
Demagogues
inflam'd the People, 226.
Demaratus,
a
Corinthian,
reconciles
Philip
to his So
Alexander,
329.
Democracy
restored at
Athens,
21.
Demosthenes
his Rise and Character, 240, 241, 242 by whom instructed in Oratory, 243. bribed by
Har palus,
245. his Character, 247, 248. presses the
A thenians
to relieve
Olynthus,
and describes
Philip
249, 253. a Crown of Gold decreed him, 264. defend
Diopithes,
291. he inveighs against
Philip,
292 inveighs against the Orators likewise, 293, 294 295. praises some of the Citizens, 295, 296. re
ute
Philip,
306. animates the
Athenians
against
Philip
311. sent Ambassador to
Thebes,
313. fled from Battle, 318. his Conduct approved, tho' not successful
322. his Joy on
Philip
's Death, 333.
Dercyllidas,
had the Command of
Thimbron
's Army
54, 61
. made Peace with
Tissaphernes,
61. made a Truce with
Pharnabazus,
62. what he demanded
ibid.
sent into
Asia,
77.
Dinon
killed in Battle by the
Thebans,
126.
Diodorus Siculus,
his Credulity and Superstition, 269.
Diomedon,
sent by the
Persians
with Money to tempt
Epaminondas,
191.
Dion,
of
Syracuse,
his Character, 274. kill'd, 275.
Dionysius,
the Elder, usurp'd
Syracuse,
273. his Character,
ibid.
Dionysius,
the Younger, drove into
Italy,
274. restor'd. 275. surrender'd to
Timoleon,
281. sent to
Corinth
ibid. reduced greatly, 282.
Diopithes,
opposed
Philip,
290. accused by the
Athenians, ibid.
Diphridas,
a
Spartan
Commander, 85.
Divine, Plato
so call'd, 249.
E.
Ecdicus,
a
Spartan
sent to
Rhodes
with eight Ships, 86.
Elatea,
a City of
Phocis,
seiz'd by
Philip,
311.
Eleans,
submitted to the
Spartans,
63.
Elians,
defeat the
Arcadians
and
Argives,
164.
Epaminondas,
a
Theban
General, 117, 119. what he said to
Ageslaus,
120. Commander in Chief against the
Spartans,
122. his Policy, 123. his Victory, 126. commanded the Army, 138. he restored the
Messenians,
141. imprisoned, 142. tried and acquitted, 143. he invaded
Peloponnesus,
148. turned out of the Government of
Boeotia,
ibid. restored to the command of the Army, 155. endeavour'd to surprize
Sparta,
179. his Designs against
Mantinea,
180. mortally wounded in Battle, 185. his Death and Character, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193. the Advice he gave on his Death-bed, 195.
Ephori,
why they decreed that none but Iron-Mony should be current, 4. the Decree revers'd,
ibid.
they banish'd
Thimbron,
54. condemned
Cinadon,
64. recalled
Agesilaus,
75. declar'd War, 99. consent to put several to Death without trial, 146. they fined
Agesilaus,
201.
Evagoras,
King of
Cyprus,
89.
E
oea,
the Island, preserv'd by
Phocion,
298.
Eudamidas,
a
Spartan
Commander, 94.
Euphron,
of
Si
yon,
an Account of him, 160.
Euripides,
assisted by
Socrates
in writing his Plays, 60.
Eurydice,
Wi
e of
Amyntas,
and Mother of
Philip,
210.
Euthycrates,
an
Athenian
corrupted by
Philip,
betrayed
Olynthus,
256.
F.
Fabian,
Soldiers, famous at
Rome,
228.
Men not fit for Soldiers, 188.
F
lard, le Ch
va
er de
,
his Comments on
Polybius,
127.
Founder of moral Philosophy,
Socrates
was, 59.
G.
Gelon,
the first Tyrant of
Sicily,
272.
Gisco,
a
Carthaginian
Commander, 288.
Gorgidas,
one of the Governors of
Boeotia,
110.
Gorgoleon,
a
Spartan
Commander, slain in Battle, 109.
Graces,
to sacrifice to them, recommended by
Plato
259.
Great King of
Persia,
a Man stoned to Death for proposing to pay him Tribute, 206.
Grecians,
refuse to follow
Cyrus,
but are persuaded to i
by
Clearchus,
25. again refuse, but are persuaded to it by
Menon,
26. their Retreat under
Xenophon.
See
Xenophon.
the Army mutiny, 46. and divide,
ibid.
reunite, 47. the End of the Expedition, 52. corrupted by
Persian
Gold, 68. the Love of Money rooted in them, 69. their Indolence, 205. divided in the
Phocian
War, 233.
Gryllus,
Son of
Xenophon,
killed in Battle, 185.
Gygaea,
second Wise of
Amyntas
the Second, 210.
Gylippus,
a
Spartan
Commander, stole part of the Money
Lysander
sent to
Sparta,
which being discover'd, he, for Shame, banifhed himself, 3.
H.
Hamilcar,
a
Carthaginian
Commander, 285.
Harmodius,
the Reply made to him by
Iphicrates,
228.
Harpalus,
an Officer of
Alexander
's, birbed
Demosthenes,
246.
Haven, of
Menelaus,
199.
Hegelochus,
an
Athenian
Commander, gain'd great Honour, 181.
Helots,
on what Condition offer'd their Freedom, 139. Several deserted, 146.
Hemlock the Juice of it given to condemned Persons, 7, 58.
Hiero,
the Brother of
Gelon,
succeeded in
Syracuse,
273.
Hippo,
a Tyrant, 287. taken and executed, 288.
Hippomachus,
one of the thirty Tyrants, slain, 16.
Holy War, a second, 309.
Hypates,
kill'd by
Pelopidas,
101.
Hyperides,
his Character, 252.
I.
Jason
of
Thessaly,
an Account of him, 136. assassinated, 137.
Icetes
of
Syracuse,
278. his Troops gave way, 283. reduc'd to the Condition of a private Man, 285. taken and executed, 288. and his Wife and Children,
ibid.
Idrieus,
Prince of
Caria,
what
Agesilaus
wrote to him about
Nicias,
202.
Iphicratensian
Troops, so called from
Iphicrates,
228.
Iphicrates,
sent with Recruits from
Athens,
80. his Success,
ibid.
commanded the
Grecian
Forces against
Aegypt,
112. made Admiral, 114. accused by
Chares,
223. why acquitted, 225. his Character, 227. his Answer to
Harmodius,
228, 229. starved himself to Death, 321.
Isadas,
rewarded for his Gallantry in Battle, but fined for going unarmed, 180.
Ischolas,
a
Spartan
devoted himself a Sacrifice in Defence of his Country, and was killed in Battle, 141.
Ismenias,
headed a Faction at
Thebes,
94. condemned to Death, 96.
Ismenias,
seiz'd and imprison'd by
Alexander
of
Pherae,
153. releas'd, 156.
Isocrates,
his Character, 265, his Advice to
Philip,
266, 267. was eighty eight Years old,
ibid.
Its Sister,
a brave Action, why so called, 103.
K.
Key,
of
Greece, Thermopylae
so called, 239.
King,
of
Persia,
why he endeavour'd to make Peace amongst the
Grecians,
150. pleased with
Pelopidas,
and granted his Demand, 158.
L.
Laches,
an
Athenian
Admiral, 165.
Lacratidas,
his generous Saying about
Lysander,
72.
Laestrigones,
271.
Lasthenes,
an
Athenian
corrupted by
Philip,
betray'd
Olynthus,
256.
Leon,
a
Corinthian,
282.
Leontidas,
headed a Party at
Thebes,
94. kill'd by
Pelopidas,
101.
Leo
ychidas,
Son of
Agis,
his Legitimacy suspected, 64.
Leptines,
surrendered himself to
Timoleon,
285.
Leuctra,
the Battle there, 124. the Order of it, 124, 125.
Libys,
Brother of
Lysander,
appointed Admiral to block up the
Piraeus
at
Athens,
19.
Locri Ozolae,
a People bordering on the
Phocians,
309.
Locrians,
worsted by the
Phocians,
233.
Lycomedes,
an
Arcadian
General, 133. spirited up the People, 149. murder'd, 162.
Lycon,
joined in the Accusation against
Socrates,
54.
Lycophron,
of
Pherae,
236. he quitted
Pherae,
237.
Lycurgus,
the Orator, his Character and Death, 323.
Lysander,
his Victory, a terrible Shock to
Athens,
1. he engrossed the whole Empire of
Greece,
2. return'd in Triumph to
Sparta,
3. his Ostentation and Vanity, 5. Sacrifices to him as a God,
ibid.
he desires
Pharnabazus
to deliver
Alcibiades
alive or dead, 10. supported the Tyrants of
Athens,
19. supported
Agesilaus
in being made King, 64. killed in Battle, 71. his Character, 72, 73, 74.
Lysicles,
put to Death, 322.
M.
Macedonian, Phalanx,
instituted, 213.
Macedonians,
take advantage of the Indolence of the
Greeks,
206. how far they may be looked on as
Greeks,
207. their Original, 208.
Macrones,
assisted the
Greeks
in their Retreat, 4
.
Magon,
a
Carthaginian,
282. why he returned, 283. killed himself,
ibid.
Mamercus,
Tyrant of
Catana,
280. taken and executed, 288.
Mantineans,
rebuild their City, 132. assisted by the
Athenians
and
Spartans,
177. reliev'd, 181. a Battle there, 182.
Megalopolis,
a City, when built, 132.
Melitus,
one of the Accusers of
Socrates,
54.
Mellon
and
Charon
killed the
Spartan
Governors of
Thebes,
100, 101.
Meneclides
stirred up the Prosecution against
Pelopidas
and
Epaminondas,
143.
Menestheus,
the Son of
Iphicrates,
229.
Menon,
the
Thessalian
joined
Cyrus,
25. he persuaded the
Grecians
to continue in his Service, 26. his Character, 36.
Messenians,
restored by
Epaminondas,
141.
Micythus
bribed by the
Persians,
what
Epaminondas
said to him, 191.
Milthocytus,
a
Thracian,
after the Battle went over to the King of
Persia,
32.
Mithridates,
a
Persian
Commander, galled the
Greeks
in their Retreat, 40. repuls'd, 41.
Mnaseas,
assigned as Director to
Phalecus,
was killed in the first Action, 239.
Mnasippus,
a
Spartan
Admiral, killed, 115.
Molossus,
an
Athenian
Commander, taken Prisoner, 298.
Monosyllables of the
Spartans, Epaminondas
made them lengthen them, 190.
N.
Nectanebus,
Nephew of
Tachos,
assisted by
Agesilaus,
197.
Neon,
appointed General of the retreating
Greeks
on the Death of
Cherisophus,
47.
Neoptolemus,
a Comedian, 243.
Nest of Tyrants, 284.
Newton,
Sir
Isaac,
reconciles a Difference in respect to the first King of
Macedonia,
209.
Nicarchus,
a
Grecian
Captain, gave Account to the
Greeks
of the Treachery of
Tissaphernes,
35.
Niceratus,
the Son of
Nicias,
a good and great Man, murder'd by the thirty Tyrants, 6.
Nicodemus,
a Man lame and blind, what
Pelopidas
said of him, 171.
Nicolochus,
a
Spartan
Admiral, defeated, 108.
O.
Oligarchy,
esablished in several Places, 2.
Olympias,
Wife of
Philip
and Mother of
Alexander,
divorced, 328. suspected as an Accessary to the Murder of
Philip,
331. She murder'd the Infant Child of
Cleopatra,
and caused her to be hanged, 332.
Olynthians,
a People grown powerful of a sudden, 94.
Olynthus,
betray'd into the Hands of
Philip,
256.
One only true God, 56.
Onomarchus,
his Success against
Philip,
but at length defeated, taken and executed, 237.
Oracle bribed, 316.
Orchomenus,
the Battle there, 133.
Oropus,
a Dispute to whom that City belonged, 242.
P.
Pammenes,
of
Thebes,
sent to assist
Artabazus,
237.
Parisatis,
Wife of
Darius,
and Mother of
Artaxerxes
and
Cyrus,
23.
Pausanias,
King of
Sparta,
sent after
Lysander
to support him, 19. he routed the
Athenians,
20.
Pausanias,
a
Spartan
Commander, 71. condemn'd, he escap'd, 74. died, 75.
Pausanias,
a young
Macedonian
Nobleman, why he killed
Philip,
cut to pieces for it, 331.
Peace, a general one, but broke the next Year, 163. Peace renewed by all but
Sparta,
195.
Pelopidas,
a
Theban
General, 100. he killed
Leontiades
and
Hypates,
101. his Success, 108, 109. he commanded the
sacred Band,
124. commanded the
Thebans,
138. imprison'd, 142. tried and acquitted, 143. seized and imprisoned by
Alexander
of
Pherae,
153. released, 156. went to
Persia,
157. sent against
Alexander
of
Pherae,
166. his Death, 168. his Character, 170, 171, 172, 173.
Perdiccas,
by
Herodotus
called the first King of
Macedon,
209.
Perdiccas,
Son of
Amyntas
the Second, left a Son, 212.
Perinthus,
besieg'd by
Philip,
302. reliev'd, 303. the Siege raised, 307.
Phaebidas,
a
Spartan
Commander, 94. seized
Cadmea,
or the Citadel of
Thebes,
95. fined for it, deprived of his Command,
ibid.
killed, 106.
Phaenicians,
fit out a Fleet for the
Persians,
64.
Pharnabazus,
gave Orders for the murdering of
Alcibiades,
10. took
Mendesium
in
Aegypt,
112.
Pharnabazus,
his Horse, attack'd and cut in pieces five hundred of the
Greeks,
47. defeated by
Xenophon,
48. encouraged the
Asiatick
Cities to revolt, 81. jealous of
Iphicrates,
113.
Phasion,
the
Megarean,
commanded seven hundred Forces for
Cyrus,
25. deserted, 26.
Phalecus,
Son of
Onomarchus,
239. turned out of his Command, but afterwards restor'd, 260.
Phallus,
succeeded
Onomarchus,
his Death, 238.
Philip,
one of the Governors of
Thebes,
100. killed, 101.
Philip,
Son of
Amyntas
the Second, 210. his Rise, 212. he defeated the
Athenians
and made Peace with 'em. 217. subdu'd the
Paenonians
and
Illyrians,
and seized
Amphipolis,
218. and several other Places, 219. his Letter to
Aristotle
on his Son
Alexander
's Birth, 213. takes several Places, 235. his Success, 237. prevented in his Design on
Thermopylae,
239. what he said of
Demosthenes,
245. his Designs on
Olynthus,
249. a Description of him,
ibid.
he took
Olynthus,
and put his two Bastard Brothers to Death, 256. called by the
Thebans
to assist them, 261. admitted into the Assembly of the
Amphictyons, ibid.
the
Athenians
negotiate a Peace with him, 262. ratify the Peace, 263. he gained the Straits of
Thermopylae,
268. obtain'd a Seat amongst the
Amphictyons
and Superintendence of the
Pythian
Games, 269. his Designs against the
Chersonese
of
Thrace,
290. he takes Advantage of the Divisions in
Peloponnesus,
297. obliged to desist,
ibid.
his Attempt on
Euboea,
ibid. besieges
Perinthus
and
Byzantium,
303. endeavours to justify his Proceedings, 304, 305. he defeated the
Scythians,
308. created new Disturbances in
Greece,
309. chosen General against the
Locrians,
310. his Artifice to avoid Fighting, 316. his Victory and Behaviour thereon, 318. made Peace with the
Athenians,
320. he proposes an Expedition against
Persia,
328. and is declared Captain General,
ibid.
divorces
Olympias,
and marries
Cleopatra,
ibid. quarrels with his Son
Alexander,
but is reconciled, 329. why and by whom killed, 331. his Character, 333. and to the End of the Book.
Philippi,
so called from
Philip,
219.
Philo,
for what rack'd to death, 260.
Philometus,
a
Phocian
General, 232. seizes the Riches of the Temple, 233. his Success, 334. how he killed himself,
ibid.
his Character, 235.
Philopoemen,
called the last of the
Grecians,
he imitated
Epaminondas,
192, 193.
Philiscus,
of
Abydus,
employ'd by the King of
Persia,
150.
Phliasians,
reduced by
Agesilaus,
9
.
Phocian
or sacred War, 231. the Cause of it, 233. the War continued, 260. ended, 268.
Phocion,
an
Athenian
Commander, 298. his Victory,
ibid.
his Character, 298, 299, 300. forty five times chosen General, 300, 301, 302. he succeeds
Chares
in the Command, 306. raises the Sieges, and drives
Philip
out of the
Hellespont,
307.
Phyllidas,
Secretary to the
Thebans,
entertain'd the Governors of
Thebes,
100.
Pisander,
Admiral of the
Spartans,
his Character, 66. killed, 78.
Pitholaus,
quitted
Pherae,
237
Plato,
his Death and Character, 257, 258, 259.
Plato,
of
Syracuse,
274.
Plutarchus,
or
Clitarchus,
of
Erte
ria,
298.
P
lemarks,
of
Thebes,
95.
Pollis,
a
Spartan
Admiral, defeated, 107.
Polybides,
besieg'd and took
Olynthus,
98.
Polydore,
killed by his Brother
Polyphron,
137.
Polymnis,
one of the best Schools in
Greece,
187.
Polyhron,
killed by his Nephew
Alexander,
137.
Polytropus,
a
Spartan
Commander, 133. killed in Battle, 134.
Praxitas,
a
Spartan
Commander, 79.
Protectors,
or Arbitrators of
Greece,
the
Spartans
called themselves so, 63.
Pruning,
Hook of his Periods,
Phocion
so called by
Demosthenes,
299.
Proxenus,
commanded two thousand
Boeotians
for
Cyrus,
24. What he said to the
Persian
Heralds, 31. beheaded, 35. his Character, 38. was a
Boeotian,
ibid.
Python,
a
Byzantine,
opposed
Demosthenes,
313.
R.
Retreat,
see
Xenophon.
Rhodes,
Commotions there, 86.
S.
Sacred,
Band of
Carthaginians,
287.
Sacred,
Battalion of three hundred, 109. or
Band of Lovers,
110.
Samos,
besieg'd, 223.
Satyrus,
a Player encouraged
Demosthenes
to proceed in Oratory, 243.
Scytalisin,
a Massacre so nam'd, 135.
Seuthes,
assisted by
Xenophon
's Forces, 50.
Sicani,
the People of
Sicily,
271.
Sicily,
what happen'd there, 270. who the first Inhabitants thereof, 271.
Siculi,
the Inhabitants of
Sicily
so call'd,
ibid.
Social
War, 194, 221. the End of it, 224.
Socrates,
endeavour'd to stir up the People against the thirty Tyrants, 8. accus'd, 54. his Defence, 55. rank'd amongst the Christian Philosophers, 56. Proposals made to him, 57. condemn'd and executed, 58. he resused to escape out of Jail,
ibid.
his Character, 58, 59, 60.
Socrates
of
Achaia,
commanded five hundred Forces for
Cyrus,
24. joined
Cyrus,
25. beheaded, 35. his Character, 38.
Sophaenetus,
commanded one thousand of
Cyrus
's Forces, 24.
Sosias,
the
Syracusian,
joined
Cyrus,
25.
Spartans,
their generous Behaviour when they conquer'd
Athens,
2. Riches got footing there, 4. were Sovereigns of
Greece,
22. had the chief Direction of the
Greek
Affairs, 53. their Quarrel and War with the
Eleans,
62, 63. were Proof against Bribery longer than the other
Greeks,
70. by whom joined, 76. gain the victory, 77. make Overtures of Peace, 82. their Insolence after the Peace with
Persia,
92, 93, 98. their Tyranny, 105. inclined to Peace, 116. defeated by the
Thebans,
126. their Behaviour after their Defeat by the
Thebans,
128. Conspiracies at
Sparta,
and how suppress'd, 145, 146. they divide the Command with the
Athenians,
147. their publick rejoicing on a Victory, 152. their servile Court to
Dionysius
of
Sicily,
169, agree to assist the
Mantineans,
177. create fresh Disturbances, 238. unite with the
Athenians,
297.
Sphodrias,
a
Spartan
Commander, his Designs against the
Athenians
miscarried, 104. killed in Battle, 126.
Struthas,
a
Persian
Commander in
Lower-Asia,
85.
Syracuse,
the Metropolis of
Sicily,
271. some Account of it, 272. repeopled, 284. Liberty restored, 288.
T.
Tachos
usurped
Aegypt,
and at war with the
Persians,
196.
Tacticks, Epaminondas
well skilled in them, 189.
Taxes, raised in
Athens,
254.
Tearless
Battle, 151.
Tegyra,
a Battle there, 108.
Teleutias,
a
Spartan,
Admiral, 79. sent to
Rhodes,
86. destroyed and took several
Athenian
Vessels, 89. killed in Battle, 97. his Character,
ibid.
Temple of the
Furies, Sparta
compared to it, 138.
Ten Men appointed instead of the thirty Tyrants, and followed their Example, 18. excepted out of the Peace, 20. had the Government, 72.
Ten thousand, their Expedition, 54, 266.
Teribazus
a
Persian
Governor of
Sardis,
82.
Theatrical Mony, 255.
Thebans,
engage against
Sparta,
70. recover their Citadel, 99. were against a Peace, 117. their City besieged before
Troy
was besieged,
ibid.
their Victory over the
Spartans,
126, 127. their Allies, 137. they attacked
Sparta,
but were repulsed, 140. their Grief for the Death of
Pelopidas,
168. their Glory raised by
Epaminondas,
193. see
Epaminondas.
they called in
Philip
to their Assistance, and the ill Consequences of it, 261. enter into an Alliance with
Athens,
315. severely used by
Philip,
320.
Thebe,
the Wife of
Alexander
of
Pherae,
154. assisted in the murdering of him, 174.
Theophrastus,
what he said of
Demosthenes
and
Demades,
251.
Theopompus,
a
Spartan
Commander, slain in Battle, 109.
Theramenes,
one of the thirty Tyrants, protested against their proceedings, accused by
Critias,
6. condemned and executed, 7. his Character, 8, 9.
Thimbron,
the
Spartan
General, 50. takes the
Greek
Army under his Command, 52. took several places, why recalled and banished, 54. killed, 85.
Thirty, Tyrants at
Athens,
2. their Proceedings, 5. their Cruelties, 10, 15. they murder'd the Inhabitants of
Eleusis,
16. removed from the Government. and ten appointed in their stead, 18. excepted out of the Peace, 20.
Thrasybulus,
oppos'd the thirty Tyrants, 15. his generous Answer to the Thirty, 16. his Speech, 17. his Conduct, 22.
Thrasybulus,
an
Athenian,
sent to
Rhodes
to settle the Commotions, 86. murder'd, 87. his Character, 88.
Thrasybulus,
the Brother of
Gelon,
succeeded in
Syracuse,
273.
Three Thousand, appointed by the Thirty Tyrants, 7, 9, 15.
Timagoras,
an
Athenian,
why put to Death, 159.
Timandra,
Mistress to
Al
ibiades,
10.
Timasion,
chose General in the room of
Clearchus
who was murder'd, 40.
Timocrates,
sent by the
Persians
to stir up the
Greek
Cities against
Sparta,
66. his Success, 68.
Timolaus,
a
Corinthian,
his Advice, 76.
Timoleon,
of
Corinth,
sent to assist
Syracuse,
276. an Account of him, 277. his Success, 280. several Places submitted to him, 281. took
Syracuse,
283. his Victory, 287, 288. his Death and Character, 325.
Timon,
the Man-hater, what he said to
Alcibiades,
13.
Timophanes,
Brother of
Timoleon,
276. why killed, 277.
Timotheus,
an
Athenian,
Son of
Conon,
107. his Success, 108.
Timotheus,
spirited up the
Athenians,
221. accused by
Chares,
223. fined, 225. withdrew to
Chalcis
where he dy'd,
ibid.
his Character, 229.
Tissaphernes,
23. his Opinion of
Cyrus
's Levies, 24. his Proposals to the
Greeks,
33. his Treachery, 34. attack'd the
Greeks
in their Retreat, but forced to retire, 41, 53. demanded that the
Greeks
should withdraw out of the Country, 62. endeavour'd to trick
Agesilaus,
65. why beheaded,
ibid.
Tithraustes,
General of the
Persians,
against the
Spartans,
66.
Tyrants, the thirty at
Athens,
2. Their Proceedings, 5. their Cruelties, 10, 15,
See
thirty.
Tyribazus,
offered the
Greeks
free Passage in their Retreat, not to revage his Country, 42.
W.
Wise Man,
Socrates
so stiled by the Oracle, 61.
X.
Xanthicles,
chose General in the room of
Socrates,
who was murder'd, 40.
Xenias,
commanded four thousand
Greeks
for
Cyrus,
24, he deserted, 25.
Xenophon,
gives a fine Character of
Cyrus,
31. his Answer to the
Persian
Heralds,
ibid.
chose General in the room of
Proxenus
who had been murder'd, 40. his Retreat, 41, 42, 43, 44. the Number of the Forces, 44. accused but acquitted with Applausd, 45. the Army divided and reunited, 47. he defeated
Pharnabazus,
48. appeased the Army, 48, 49. leaves the Army but returned to it, 50. again accused but acquitted, 51. his Success,
ibid..
the End of that Expedition, 53. his Death and Character, 214, 215, 216.
Z.
Zacynthus,
commotions there, 115.
Zeno,
why he quitted dealing in Bottomry, 247.
FINIS.