THE LIFE OF Dr. GEORGE ABBOT, LORD ARCHBISHOP of
Canterbury,
Reprinted with some Additions and Corrections from the
Biographia Britannica;
WITH HIS CHARACTER, BY The Rt. Hon. ARTHUR ONSLOW, Late SPEAKER of the HOUSE OF COMMONS; A DESCRIPTION OF THE HOSPITAL, WHICH HE ERECTED AND ENDOWED In his Native Town of
Guildford
in
Surrey;
CORRECT COPIES OF The CHARTER and STATUTES OF THE SAME, His WILL, &c.
To which are added The LIVES of his TWO BROTHERS, Dr. ROBERT ABBOT, Lord Bishop of
Salisbury;
AND Sir MORRIS ABBOT, Knt. Lord-Mayor of the City of
London.
GUILDFORD:
Printed for and Sold by J. RUSSELL, Bookseller. MDCCLXXVII.
A List of the Authors from whom the following Lives were compiled.
Fuller's Worthies, Abel Redivivus, and Church History.
Wood's Athenae Oxon. and Fasti Oxon.
Aubrey's Antiquities of Surrey, and Miscellanies
Heylin's Life of Laud, History of Presbyterians and Sabbath
Le Neve's Protestant Archbishops, and Fasti Eccles. Anglic.
Speed's History of Great-Britain.
Petrie's History of the Catholic Church.
Weldon's Court and Character of K. James.
Sanderson's History of Mary and James, and Reign of K James
— Continuation of Rymer's Foedera
Godwin de Praesulib. Angliae.
Ward's Lives of the Professors of Gresham College.
Newcourt's Diocese of London.
Camdeni Annales Jacobi I.
Sir R. Winwood's Memorials.
Wilson's History of K. James.
Complete History of England.
Rushworth's Historical Collections.
Cabala, third edit.
Weaver's Funeral Monuments.
Bp. Hacket's Life of Abp. Williams.
Reliquiae Spelmannianae.
Frankland's Annals of K. James.
Hammond L'Estrange's reign of K. Charles.
Lloyd's State Worthies.
Clark's Marrow of Ecclesiastical History.
The Account of the Dream, p. 2 of this work, was first published by Mr. Aubrey in the year 1696; he enquired very particularly into the truth of it, and it was attested by the minister and several inhabitants of Guildford.
A Young Gentleman, of the age of fourteen, favored the Publisher of this Work with the translations of the inscriptions on the monument, &c.
ERRATA.
Page. 1. in the note, line 12.
for
Maurice,
read
Morris.
P. 2. l. 13
for
was,
read
were.
P. 5. l.
.
for
to be,
read
to have been.
P. 8. l. 5 of the note.
for
The,
read
This.
P. 16. l. 14 of the note.
for
around,
read
ground.
P. 34. l. 2
for
the,
read
his.
P. 43. l. 6.
dele
gilt Spurs,
P. 49. l. 1 the note.
for
greatest learning,
read
greatest parts in learning P 51. l. 11 of note (
x
) after 1613,
read
They were received with great applause.
P.
.
Re
ord,
read
in the Records of the Corporation 13 Jam. I.
P. 80. Transi
of third inscription.
after
reward,
add
of the blessing.
P. 8o. Fourth ins
iption
for
eldest,
read
elder.
P. 1
. l. 2.
for
measure.
r
ad
measures. Line 10,
for
hath
read
have.
P. 1
. l. 2 and 3.
for
in good report,
read
with good report
maintained,
r
relieved. Line 10.
for
guidement
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guiding.
Line 12.
for
Son and Holy G.
read
of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost
read
direct.
Chap. 1. l.
for
requ
re of.
read
require and exact of. L. 11.
or
knowledge,
read
privity.
P. 1
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Thealogical
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Theological.
P.
. l. 8.
for
Ge
rge,
read
Maurice. There could be no other Son
of Morris Abbot a Bachelor of Law in 1630. The Compilers of the Biograpica Britannica were led into this mistake by A. Wood.
THE LIFE OF Archbishop ABBOT.
GEORGE ABBOT, was born October 29th, 1562, at Guildford, in Surrey, of very worthy parents, remarkably distinguished by their steady zeal for the Protestant Religion, for their living long, and happily together, and for their singular felicity in their children.
Mr. Maurice Abbot, was by trade a Clothworker, and settled at the town of Guildford, in Surrey, where he married his wife Alice March, and suffered for his stedfastness in the Protestant Religion, through the means of Dr. Story, who was a great persecutor of such persons in the reign of Queen Mary. But these storms being blown over, they passed the remainder of their days quietly, living together fifty-eight years. She deceased September 15, 1606, and he September 25, the same year, the former being eighty, and the latter eighty-six years of age. They left behind them six sons, of whom Robert the eldest, was then one of the King's chaplains, George, had been thrice vice-chancellor of Oxford, and their youngest son Maurice, was at this time an eminent merchant of the city of London.
While his mother was pregnant with this son, she is said to have had a dream which proved at once an omen, and an instrument of his future fortunes. Her dream was this. She fancied she was told in her sleep that if she could eat a Jack, or Pike, the child she went with would prove a son, and rise to great preferment. Not long after this, in taking a pail of water out of the river Wey, which ran by their house, she accidentally caught a Jack, and had thus, an odd opportunity of fulfilling her dream. This story being much talked of, and coming to the ears of some persons of distinction, they offered to become sponsors for the child, which was kindly accepted, and they had the goodness to afford many testimonies of their affection to their godson while at school, and after he was sent to the university. Such was the good effects of his mother's dream.
When he was grown up to an age proper for receiving the first tincture of learning, he was sent with his elder brother Robert to the free school, erected in their native town of Guildford, by K. Edward VI; and having passed thro' the rudiments of Literature, under the care of Mr. Francis Taylor, who had then the direction of that school, he was in 1578 removed to the university of Oxford, and entered a student in Baliol College. On November the 29th, 1583, being then bachelor of arts, he was elected probationer fellow of his college; and afterwards proceeding in the faculty of arts, he entered into holy orders, and became a celebrated preacher in the university. He commenced bachelor of divinity in 1593, and proceeded doctor in that faculty, in May, 1597: and in the month of September, of the same year, he was elected master of University College. About this time it was, that the first differences began between him and Dr. Laud, which subsisted as long as they lived, and was the cause of great uneasiness to both. On March 6, 1599, he was installed dean of Winchester, in the room of Dr. Martin Heton, who was preferred to the bishoprick of Ely: Dr. Abbot being then about thirty-seven years of age.
In 1600, he was vice-chancellor of the University of Oxford, and distinguished himself while in that high office, by the opinion he gave with respect to the setting up again the cross in Cheapside, about which there were great disputes, but in the end he carried his point against Dr. Bancroft, then Bishop of London, and afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury; which gained him great reputation as appears by a tract published on that subject.
The cross at Cheapside was taken down in the year 1600, in order to be repaired, and upon this occasion, the citizens of London desired the advice of both universities on this question; Whether the said cross should be re-erected or not? and Dr. Abbot, as vice-chancellor of Oxford, gave it as his opinion, that the crucifix with the dove upon it should not be again set up, but approved rather of a pyramid, or some other matter of mere ornament, for the reasons assigned in his letter. In this determination he acted consistently with his own practice, when in his said office he caused several superstitious pictures to be burnt at the market-place of Oxford, and among the rest, one in which was the figure of God the Father, over a crucifix, ready to receive the Soul of Christ; and he professes in this letter, that he was moved to such proceedings by his own observation and experience.
I remember, says he, in that college (Baliol) where I first lived, a young man was taken praying, and beating his breast, before a crucifix in a window; which caused the master and fellows, to pull it down, and set up other glass. Which example, makes me nothing doubt, but that the cross in Cheapside hath many in the twilight and morning early, who do reverence before it, besides Campian, whose act is famous, or rather infamous, for it. And, I am informed, that so much hath been signified by the neighbours, or inquest, making presentments concerning the circumstances of this cause. By all which, I do conclude, that it is a monument of their superstition; a great inducement, and may be a ready way to idolatry; and that there can be no tolerable use of this matter, which may be able to countervail the dangers and obloquy arising upon the retaining of it; and so much the rather, because it is perceived that many evil affected men do make their advantage from hence, to insinuate into the minds of their credulous hearers, that it is a token of the return of their faith again into this land, since their monuments are not extinguished in the chief street of our greatest city.
He afterwards desires, that the reader would observe, he says, the magistrates are to redress such enormities:
For, continues he, I do not permit inferior men to run headlong about such matters; and to rend, break, and tear, as well within, as without the churches; which was that which Luther reprehended, but the advice and consent of superior powers is to be had herein, that all things may be done decently and in order.
He held it therefore necessary, that they should apply to the Archbishop of Canterbury (Whitgift) and to the Bishop of London (Bancroft) for instructions. The issue of the matter was, that the cross only was erected again, without either the body, or the dove, which was agreeable in the main to the sentiments of the vice-chancellor, and the heads of houses at Oxford.
In 1603, he was again chosen vice-chancellor of the university, and discharged that office a second time with general approbation. In 1605, he was a third time vice-chancellor. In the succeeding year, he is said to have had a great share in the troubles of Laud, who was called to an account by the vice-chancellor, Dr. Ayry, for a Sermon of his preached before the university; and that year likewise, he lost his father and mother.
In 1608, died his great patron Thomas Sackville, Earl of Dorset, Lord High Treasurer of England, and Chancellor of the University of Oxford, suddenly at the council table, at whose funeral, Dr. Abbot preached a sermon, which was afterwards printed, and generally commended. After his decease, Dr. Abbot became chaplain to George Hume, Earl of Dunbar, and Treasurer of Scotland, one of King James's early favourites, and who had all along had a very high share in his esteem, and with him he went this year into Scotland, in order to assist in the execution of a very important design, for establishing an union between the Churches in that kingdom, and this, wherein he behaved with so much prudence and moderation, as gained him a very high character, and is thought to be the first step to all his future preferments.
There is no point in which all the writers who mention this Prelate, more clearly agree, than in this, that his journey to Scotland, brought him into that height of favour with the King, which so suddenly raised him in little more than three years, from Dean of Winchester, to Archbishop of Canterbury; yet it has so fallen out, that hitherto, his transactions in Scotland have lain so much in the dark, that it is a very difficult thing to discern how he merited by them, so high a share of the Royal favour. To explain therefore this hitherto untouched point, and set this matter in a clear light, shall be the business of this note, the rather because it will shew how unjustly this great man has been charged with unfriendliness to the establishment of the Church of England, and coldness in regard to the Hierarchy. King James had suffered so much before his accession to the Crown of England, from the spirit and power of the Presbyterians in Scotland, that he was greatly set on restoring the ancient form of government by Bishops in that kingdom; the care of which was principally entrusted to the Earl of Dunbar, to whom Dr. Abbot was now chaplain. That noble Lord, who is by all writers allowed to have been both the wisest and best man of all the favourites of that nation, had proceeded so far in this matter two years before, as to obtain an act for the restitution of the estates of Bishops, but the Presbyterians made so steady a resistance, that the consequences which were hoped from the restoring of that order, were in the utmost danger of being disappointed. But by the skill and prudence, the sound sense, and great moderation of Dr. Abbot, these difficu
ties were removed, and the clergy of Scotland, who had refu
ed to admit the Bishops for their moderators in their church synods, were brought to a better temper, and things put into such a train, as afterwards produced the entire establishment of the Episcopal Order in Scotland; for which the King had been so long struggling, and to so little purpose. The account given by the famous historian of the Church of Scotland, (David Calderwood) sufficiently proves the truth of what has been asserted.
'About the end of June, (1608) says he, the Earl of Dunbar came from court, and with him two English Doctors, Abbot and Higgins. Dr. Maxy, one of the King's chaplains came by sea. It was reported that no small sums of money were sent down with him, to be distributed among the ministers and some others. The English doctor seemed to have no other direction, but to persuade the Scots that there was no substantial difference in religion, between the two realms, but only in things indifferent, concerning government and ceremonies: and to report, that it was his majesty's will, that England should stand as he found it, and Scotland as he l
ft it. But when he came to St. Andrews, Mr. Robert Howie, a man of a seditious and turbulent spirit, declaimed against the discipline and government of our Kirk; and then they uttered their mind in plain terms: no order was taken with so manifest a breach, after the last conference. This was the policy of the aspiring Bishops, to cry peace, peace, and to crave silence of their opposites; when, in the mean time, they minded not to be silent themselves, when they found occasion.'
This very clearly proves, that it was by a kind and moderate, not a haughty and severe, behaviour, that the English doctor, as he calls Dean Abbot, won so much upon the Scots ministers, as to bring them into a compliance with the King's desires; so that in two years afterwards, the Lord High Treasurer, Dunbar, who was entirely governed in this matter by the advice of his able chaplain, procured an act in the General Assembly, by which it was provided.
'That the King should have the Indiction (or calling) of all General Assemblies. That the Bishops, or their deputies should be perpetual Moderators of the diocesan synods. That no excommunication, or absolution, should be pronounced without their approbation. That all presentations of benefices should be made by them; and that the deprivation or suspension of ministers should belong to them. That every minister at his admission to a benefice, should take the oath of supremacy, and canonical obedience. That the visitation of the diocese, shall be performed by the Bishop or his deputy only. And finally, that the Bishop should be moderator of all conventions, for exercisings or prophesyings, which should be held within their bounds.'
All which were afterwards ratified and confirmed by authority of the parliament of that kingdom. Such were the merits of Dr. Abbot in this respect, and so great justice was there done to them by his noble patron, the Treasurer, in the report he made to his majesty, of the Dean's behaviour in this respect, that, in conjunction with the service rendered his majesty, by giving his unquestioned testimony in the affair of Gowry's conspiracy, (of which a full account shall be given in the succeeding note) he was raised so high, and so firmly fixed in the esteem of his royal master, as that no opposition could prevent his arriving at the supreme dignity in his profession. As a proof of his advancing his fortune by this means, and not otherwise, it may not be amiss to transcribe the observation of a contemporary historian, (Speed) after Dr. Abbot was raised to the archiepiscopal dignity, who tells us,
'That the first preacher, and the first in that embassage, which King James sent into Scotland, to establish those neighbouring Churches, was he, whose eminency both for place and piety, is now worthily foremost in guiding our own; and whose blessed travels in that service, as they were acceptable to God, his majesty, and that nation; so are they a document to others, how powerful and admirably successful true learning is, where it is guided with true prudence; and where piety and the love of God's glory, is linked with charity and zeal of man's good.'
While he was at Edinburgh upon this occasion, a prosecution was commenced against one George Sprot, Notary of Aymouth, for having been concerned in Gowry's conspiracy eight years before, for which he was tried before Sir William Hart, Lord Justice General of Scotland, condemned and executed. A large account of this affair was drawn up by the judge, and a narrative prefixed thereto, by Dr. Abbot, who had been eye-witness of all that passed, and this was published at London, in order to settle the minds of the people, with regard to that conspiracy; which had hitherto been looked upon as a very mysterious affair, and about the reality of which there had been very great doubts.
There had been very great doubts.
] It is a difficult thing to give a clear account of this matter, within the short compass of a note; and yet the importance, as well as curiosity of the subject, very obscurely treated by most of our historians, as well as its close connection with the history of Dean Abbot's life, render it absolutely necessary. The conspiracy was framed by John, Earl of Gowry, son to that Earl of Gowry, who had been executed for surprizing the King's person at Ruthen Castle, in 1584; and carried on with great diligence and seerecy. The Scheme was to invite the King, upon some pretence or other, to the Earl's house at Perth, and there to make sure of him. This design was executed on Tuesday August 5, 1600, when the King was brought thither by Mr. Alexander Ruthen, brother to the Earl, accompanied by some persons of quality, under pretence of seeing some chymical experiment; and for this purpose after dinner, being brought to a chamber at the top of the house, Mr. Alexander Ruthen shut the door, and suddenly fell to upbraiding the King with the death of his father, for which he was now to make satisfaction; and, after this speech, left him for some time to the mercy of the executioner, who refused to do that office, though Alexander returning had, if this man had not hindered him; but the King with much struggling got at last to a window, and cried out so loud, that the lords and gentlemen of his retinue heard him, and came to his assistance; the Earl himself was killed by Sir Thomas Ereskine, the captain of the King's guard, as he was going to help his brother, and Alexander Ruthen was dispatched by Ramsay, one of the King's pages, who being well acquainted with the house, came by the back-stairs time enough to preserve his master. When the ministers of Edinburgh were desired to assemble the people, and give God thanks for this deliverance, they excused themselves, as not acquainted with the particulars; and when they were pressed only to make known to the people, that the King had escaped a great danger, and to excite them to thanksgiving:—they answered, that they were not very well satisfied, as to the truth of the matter; and that nothing was to be uttered in the pulpit, but that which might be spoke in faith. Upon this, the council ordered the Bishop of Ross to assemble the people, to declare the whole affair, and to make a prayer of thanksgiving, which was done accordingly. In November following, a parliament was held at Edinburgh, in which the estate of Gowry was confiscated, the whole family attainted; and the 5th of August established by act of parliament, for a day of thanksgiving in all succeeding times. After King James's accession to the throne of England, he appointed a weekly commemoration, by a Tuesday's sermon at court: and now, on the execution of this Sprot, an account of his share in the conspiracy was published, with a preface to the reader, subscribed by Dr. Abbot, and full as large as the account itself. As this little tract is become very scarce, it may not be amiss to give some passages from it, in order to set this matter in a clearer light.
'There are few in this island, says he, of any understanding, but have heard of the traiterous, and bloody attempt of the Earl Gowrie and his brother, against the person and life, of our most blessed Sovereign. Wherein albeit there were such evidences, and arguments, as that any man who would have taken notice thereof, might have been sufficiently informed therein, even at the very first, and afterward, by the clear depositions (for most pregnant circumstances) and ample attestations of many persons of honour, and quality; the parliament of that kingdom took full knowledge thereof, and accordingly proceeded to the forfeiting of the whole estate of that Earl, and of his heirs for ever: yet some humorous men, whom in that respect, I may justly term unthankful unto God, and undutiful to their King, out of fond imaginations, or rather, if you will, seditious suppositions of their own, did both at home and abroad, by whisperings and secret buzzings into the ears of the people, (who were better persuaded of them than indeed there was cause) employ their wits and tongues, to obscure the truth of that matter, and to cast an imputation where it was least deserved. Which, when God had permitted, for the space of some years to ranckle and fester in the bowels of those who were the authors of it; the same God, in his wisdom, at last meaning to cure them, if they would be cured, of that malady, discovered that in the same treason, although carried never so secretly, there were other confederates, of whom hitherto the world had taken no kind of knowledge. And albeit two of the persons interested in that business, were lately dead, and departed unto far greater torment, than all the earth could lay upon them, (unless they died repentant) yet it was apprehended, that a third party remained, who had foreknowledge of that conspiracy, and was able to utter much of the secrets of it: one George Sprot, a notary, inhabiting at Ayemouth, a place well known in that county. Which matter, or some part thereof, being made known to an honourable person, [the Earl of Dunbar] a most faithful servant to His Majesty: first, by some words that fell from Sprot himself, and afterwards, by some papers found upon him; it was so wisely carried, and so prudently brought about, by the great care and diligence of that nobleman (God Almighty blessing the business) that so much was revealed, as followeth in this treatise, upon the acts to be seen, which are here set down at large, word for word, as they agree with the process original, and other examinations, that such as have been averse, may at last receive satisfaction. Touching all which I shall say nothing, but only report that which befel upon the day of his death, when he suffered for that treason. Having then the sentence passed on him, upon Friday, August 12, 1608, in the forenoon, and publickly being warned to prepare himself to his end, which must be that day after dinner, he most willingly submitted himself unto that punishment, which (as he then acknowledged) he had justly deserved. And being left to himself, till dinner time was expired, then came to him into that private place where he remained, some of the reverend bishops, diverse lords of the Session, two of the English ministers there employed by his majesty, with diverse other ministers of the town of Edinburgh. Before whom he first acknowledged and avouched his former confession to be true, and that he would die in the same; and then falling on his knees, in a corner of that room where he and they then were, in a prayer to God uttered aloud, he so passionately deplored his former wickednesses, but especially that sin of his, for which he was to die, that a man may justly say, he did in a sort, deject and cast down himself to the gates of Hell, as if he should there have been swallowed up in the gulf of desperation: yet presently laying hold upon the mercies of God in Christ. he rai
ed himself, and strangely lifted up his soul unto the throne of grace, applying joy and comfort to his own heart so effectually, as cannot well be described. In the com
ting of this coafolation into his inward man, he burst out into tears, so plentifully flowing from him, that for a time they stopped his voice. The sight, and hearing whereof, wrought so forcible an impression in those persons of honour, and learned men, who beheld him, that there was scarce any one of them, who could refrain tears in the place, as diverse of themselves that day did witness unto me.—Afterward being brought to the scaffold where he was to die, he uttered many things, among which, I observed these: He acknowledged to the people, that he was come thither to suffer most deservedly; that he had been an offender against Almighty God, in very many respects; but that none of his sins were so grievous unto him, as that, for which he must die; where in, notwithstanding he was not an actor, but a concealer only. That he was ingyred (involved) in it by the Laird of Rastalrig, and his servant, the Laird of Bour, both which, he said, were men that professed not religion. Whereupon, he exhorted men to take heed, how they accompanied with such as are not religious; because, said he, with such as make not profession of religion, there is no faith, no truth, no holding of their word, as himself had tried and found. But touching the treason, for the concealing whereof he was condemned, he added, that he was preserved alive to open that secret mystery which so long had lain hid. That God had kept him since that attempt of the Earl Gowrie, from very many dangers, but notedly from one, when being in apparent hazard of drowning, he was strangely delivered; which, said he, was God's work, that I might remain alive unto this happy and blessed day, that the truth might be made known. And now I confess my fault, to the shame of myself, and to the shame of the devil; but to the glory of God. And I do it not either for fear of death, or for any hope of life (for I have deserved to die, and am unworthy to live) but because it is the truth, which I shall seal with my blood. My fault, saith he, is so great, that if I had a thousand lives, and could die ten thousand deaths, yet I might not make satisfaction, that I shou'd conceal such a treason against so gracious a King. These, and the like words, when he had spoken upon one side of the scaffold, he turned him to the second side, and afterward to the third (that all the people might hear) where he spake to the same purpose as formerly he had done.—And here, being told by the said ministers, and other persons of quality, that being so near his departure out of the world, it concerned him to speak nothing but the truth, and that upon the peril of his soul: he answered, that to the end that they should know that he had spoken nothing but the verity, and that his confession was true in every respect, he would (at the last gasp) give them some apparent token for the confirmation of the same. Then fitting himself to the ladder, the executioner cometh to him, and as the manner is, asking forgiveness of him; with all my heart, saith he, for you do but your office, and it is the thing I desire; because, suffering in my body, I shall in my soul be joyned to my Saviour. Ascending up to the ladder, he desired the people to sing a psalm with him, which they did with many a weeping eye. He named the 6th psalm, and beginning, or taking it up himself, in every verse or line thereof, he went before the people, singing both loud and tunably unto the very end. Then once again confirming and avowing his former confession, he covered his own face, and, commending his soul to God, he was turned off the ladder; where hanging by the neck some little while, he three several times, gave a loud clap with his hands, that all the standers-by might hear, which was the sign or token (as it seemeth) which he a little before had said, that he would give at the last gasp, for the rati ication and avowing of those things, which by his confession he had so many times declared and delivered. These things were done in the open sight of the sun, in the King's capital town, at the market-cross in Edinburgh, in the presence os diverse thousands of all sorts; of the nobility, of the clergy, of the gentry, of the burgesses, of women and children, myself, with the rest of the English ministers, standing by, and looking on, and giving God the glory, that after so long a space as eight years and eight days (for so it was by just computation, after the attempt of Gowrie) he was pleased to give so noble a testimony unto that, which by some maligners, hath been secretly called in question, without any ground or reason. I have reported at length those particulars, which I heard and saw; which that honourable personage who wrote this treatise following, doth somewhat more bric
y deliver, but yet both of us very truly, as thousands can witness.'
The King knew so well the difficulties that were to be encountered in this northern nation, that it gave him very high ideas of the abilities of the man, who was able to overcome them; and therefore, when another set of men filled the King's head and heart with apprehensions, he had recourse to Dr. Abbot, as the fittest person, to put things again into the right channel. The case was this, his majesty being engaged in the mediation of peace between the crown of Spain, and the United Provinces; by which the sovereignty of the latter, was to be acknowledged by the former: he demanded the advice of the convocation then sitting, as to the lawfulness of espousing the cause of the States. Upon this opening, they launched at once into the wide sea of politicks, and instead of satisfying the King's Scruples, excited new jealousies and apprehensions, as appears by a very singular letter written by him to Dr. Abbot, upon this subject
A very singular letter written by him to Dr. Abbot, upon this subject.
] This Letter from the King, to Dr. Abbot, was first published on occasion of the famous dispute between Dr. Sherlock, Dean of St. Paul's, and his adversaries, on his taking the oaths to King William III, after some hesitation, and grounding the defence of his conduct on (Bishop) Overall's Convocation Book. It is not necessary here, to enter at all into the merits of that dispute; but as the letter has a close connection with the history of the Archbishop's life, the reader will not be displeased to see it.
Good Dr. Abbot,
I Cannot abstain to give you my judgment of the proceedings in the convocation, as you will call it; and both as
rex in solio,
and
unus gregis in ecclesia,
I am doubly concerned. My title to the crown, nobody calls in question, but they that neither love you nor me, and you may guess whom I mean; all that you, and your brethren, have said of a king in possession (for that word, I tell you, is no more, than that you make use of in your canon) concerns not me at all: I am the next heir, and the crown is mine by all rights you can name, but that of conquest; and Mr Solicitor, has sufficiently expressed my own thoughts, concerning the nature of kingship; and concerning the nature of it,
ut in mea persona,
and, I believe you were all of his opinion, at least none of you said any thing contrary to it, at the time he spoke to you from me: but you know all of you, as I think, that my reason of calling you together, was to give your judgments; how far a christian, and a protestent King, may concur to affist his neighbours to shake off their obedience to their own sovereign? Upon the account of oppression, tyranny, or what else you like to name it. In the late Queen's time, this kingdom was very free in assisting the Hollanders, both with arms and advice, and none of your coat ever told me, that any scrupled at it in her reign. Upon my coming to England, you may know that it came from some of yourselves, to raise scruples about this matter; and albeit, I have often told my mind concerning
jus regium insubditos,
as in
May
last, in the star chamber, upon the occasion of Hales's pamphlet; yet I never took any notice of these scruples, till the affairs of Spain and Holland forced me to it. All my neighbours call on me to concur in the treaty between Holland and Spain, and the honour of the nation will not suffer the Hollanders to be abandoned, especially after so much money and men spent in their quarrel; therefore, I was of the mind to call my clergy together, to satisfy not so much me, as the world about us, of the justness of my owning the Hollanders at this time. This I needed not to have done, and you have sorced me to say, I wish I had not; you have dipped too deep, in what all kings reserve among the
arcana imperii;
and whatever aversion you may profess against God's being the author of sin, you have stumbled upon the threshold of that opinion, in saying, upon the matter, that even tyranny is God's authority, and should be remembered as such. If the King of Spain should return to claim his old pontifical right to my kingdom, you leave me to seek for others to fight for it, for you tell us upon the matter beforehand, his authority is God's authority, if he prevail.
Mr Doctor, I have no time to express my mind further on this theory business; I shall give you my orders about it by Mr Solicitor, and until then, meddle no more in it, for they are edge tools; or rather like that weapon that is said to cut with one edge, and cure with the other: I commit you to God's protection, good Dr. Abbot, and rest
Your good friend, JAMES R.
.
It does not appear what effect this letter of the King's produced, but in all probability it answered his majesty's end in writing it, as it is an incontestable proof of the confidence he had in the person it was written to. At least thus much is certain, that Dean Abbot, stood so high in the King's favour, that on the death of Dr Overton, Bishop of Litchfield and Coventry, which happened the latter end of April, 1609, his majesty thought of Dr. Abbot for his successor, and he was accordingly consecrated Bishop of those united sees, on December 3, in the same year.
But this it seems did not appear in the King's eyes a sufficient recompence, for the services rendered him by so able a man; and therefore, before he had set a month in this bishoprick, he was translated to London, that see becoming void by the death of Dr. Thomas Ravis, and he was accordingly removed thither on the 20th of January following. It was but a short time that he possessed both these bishopricks, and yet in that short time, he so remarkably distinguished himself by the diligent performance of his function, by constant preaching, and by expressing the utmost readiness to promote learning, and learned men, that he obtained a general good character, as appears from several memorials of those times
As appears from several memorials of those times.
] While he was Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, it appears, that he sollicited Abp. Bancroft, to bestow a prebend upon Dr. Thomas James, who was Sir Thomas Bodley's Librarian at Oxford. In the year 1610, Thomas Tisdale, of Glimpton, in Oxfordshire,
Esq
bequeathed five thousand pounds to Dr. George Abbot, then Bishop of London, Sir John Bennet, and Dr. Aray, to purchase lands for the maintainance of seven fellows and six scholars; which money was laid out in the purchase of two hundred and fifty pounds a year. Afterwards, Richard Wightwick, B. D. rector of East-Isle, in Berkshire, gave lands to the yearly value of one hundred pounds, for the maintenance of three fellows, and four scholars; upon which, the trustees beforementioned, having repaired, and, in a manner, rebuilt Broad-Gate-Hall, in Oxford, procured in the reign of King James, upon their petition setting forth these facts, a charter of Mortmain, for seven hundred pounds
per annum,
to this new foundation, which was called Pembroke College, in respect to William, Earl of Pembroke, then Chancellor of the University; and for our Prelate's activity in accomplishing this affair, Dr. Thomas Clayton, who was the first master of the new college, wrote him a very handsome letter of acknowledgement, which is still extant. See Ward's Lives of the Professors of Gresham College, fol. 1740. p. 210. in August, 1610, he consecrated the new church-yard, on the west side of Fleet-Ditch, the around of which had been given to the inhabitants of St. Bride's parish, by the Earl of Dorset. His zeal, and indefatigable diligence, in the publick exercise of his function, were so remarkable, and the conduct of his private life so exemplary, as well as irreproachable, that we find him celebrated by an eminent poet. [J. Davis of Hereford, in his Scourge of Folly, &c. in honour of many noble and worthy Persons,] for uniting the wisdom of the serpent, with the innocency of the dove: which was not only true of him then, but in the whole succeeding course of his life; wherein it may be truly said, that as his abilities raised him to preferment, so nothing but his rigid virtue and incorruptible probity, exposed him to those storms of envy and malice, which, however they might affect his fortune, could never shake his constancy or prejudice his reputation.
.
While the good Bishop was thus employed, a new opportunity offered of the King's testifying his esteem of, and confidence in, this worthy person, by the Archiepiscopal See of Canterbury's becoming vacant as it did, on the 2d of November, 1610, by the death of Dr. Richard Bancroft.
The court Bishops immmediately cast their eyes upon the celebrated Dr. Lancelot Andrews, then Bishop of Ely, and pointed him out to the King, as one sufficiently qualified to take upon him the government of the Church; and they thought this recommendation joined to the King's known regard for the parts and piety of this eminent man, enough to secure his promotion to the Primacy; but either the King himself thought of the Bishop of London, or he was proposed to him by his old friend and patron, the Earl of Dunbar; and therefore, without taking the advice of those prelates, his majesty preferred Bishop Abbot to the throne of Canterbury, in which he was seated on the 9th of April, 1611; and on the 23d of June following, was sworn of his majesty's most honourable privy council.
Thus we see him, before he had arrived at the age of fifty, exalted to the highest dignity of the Church, and celebrated by one of his con-temporaries, and a bishop too, [Godwin] for his learning, eloquence, and indefatigable diligence in preaching and writing, notwithstanding the great burthen that lay upon him, from the necessary attendance on the duties of his high office; especially presiding in the high commission court, which sat weekly at his palace, and his regular assisting at council, which, while his health permitted, he never failed.
At this time, he was in the highest favour both with Prince and people; and appears to have had a principal hand in all the great transactions in Church and State; he was never esteemed excessively fond of power, or desirous of carrying his Prerogative, as Primate of England, to an extraordinary height; yet as soon as he had taken possession of the archbishoprick, he shewed a steady resolution in the maintainance of the rights of the high commission court, and would not submit to Lord Coke's prohibitions.
He likewise shewed his concern for the interest of the Protestant Religion abroad, by procuring his majesty's application to the States General, against Conrade Vorstius, whom they called to the Professorship of Leyden; in which affair Sir Ralph Winwood was employed: and when it was found difficult to obtain from the States that satisfaction which the King desired, his Grace, in conjunction with the Lord Treasurer, Salisbury, framed an expedient for contenting both parties.
In all probability this alarmed some of the warm churchmen at home, who were by no means pleased with the King's discountenancing abroad, those opinions which themselves favoured in both universities; but, whatever their sentiments upon this matter might be, Archbishop Abbot seems to have had as great concern for the Church, as any of them, when he thought it really in danger, as appears by a short and plain letter of his to Sir Ralph Winwood, about one Mr. Amias, who had been appointed preacher in the English congregation at the Hague, of whom the Bishop says, that he was a fit person to breed up the captains and soldiers there in mutiny and faction, and, consequently, very unfit for his office.
His great concern for the true interest of religion, made him a zealous promoter of the match between the Elector Palatine, and the Princess Elizabeth; and that Prince being here in the beginning of the year 1612, his Grace thought fit to invite the nobility that attended him to an entertainment, at his archiepiscopal palace at Lambeth, where, though uninvited and unexpected, the Elector himself resorted, to shew his great respect for the Archbishop, and was so well pleased with his welcome, that when he feasted the members of the privy council at Essex House, he shewed particular respect to the Archbishop, and th
se who attended him.
On the fourteenth of February following, the marriage was solemnized with great splendor, the Archbishop performing the ceremony on a stage erected in the middle of the royal chapel; and on the tenth of April, his Electoral Highness returned to Germany; but before his departure, he made a present of plate to the Archbishop, of the value of a thousand pounds, as a mark of the just sense he had of the pains his Grace had taken in the accomplishing his marriage; and as an additional mark of his confidence, he wrote to him from Canterbury, in relation to the causes of that discontent, with which he left England
To the causes of that discontent, with which he left England.
] The Prince Elector Palatine, a little before he left England, addressed himself to the King, in hopes of obtaining the enlargement of the Lord Gray, who had been a long time a prisoner in the tower; but this application so little pleased the King, that he told him roundly in answer, he marvelled, how he should become a suitor for a man whom he neither knew, or ever saw; to which the Prince Elector answered, that this was true, but that he was recommended to him by his uncles, the Duke de Bouillon, Prince Maurice of Nassau, and Count Henry, who were well acquainted with him. In all probability, this, instead of giving the King satisfaction, filled him with new apprehensions; for his reply was in a very quick stile, Son, said he, when I come into Germany, I promise you not to importune you for any of your prisoners. This was so far from operating favourably in behalf of Lord Gray, that he was soon after more closely restrained, upon pretence of some private conversation he had with one of Lady Arabella's women, which proved after all to be no more than an amorous intrigue. These particulars we learn from a letter written by Mr. Chamberlaine to Sir Ralph Winwood, dated May 6, 1613, and he adds,
It is thought the Prince Palatine, went not away so well satisfied, being refused in diverse suits and requests: and I hear that from Canterbury he wrote to the Archbishop, complaining,
That the King did not use him like a son, but rather like a youngling, or childish youth, not to he regarded.
The concern his majesty had shewn for removing Arminius first, and then Vorstius, had given their favourers in Holland so much uneasiness, that the famous Hugo Grotius, the great champion of their cause, was sent over to England, to endeavour to mitigate the King's displeasure, and if possible, to give him a better opinion of the Remonstrants, as they began then to be called; and we have a very singular account of the man, and of his negotiation, from the pen of the Archbishop
Of the man, and of his negotiation, from the pen of the Archbishop.
] This is contained in a letter from his Grace to Sir R. Winwood, dated June 1, 1613, from Lambeth: it contains a great variety of curious particulars, some of which follow.
You must take heed, how you trust Dr. Grotius too far, for I perceive him to be so addicted to some partialities in those parts, that he seareth not to lash, so it may serve a turn. At his first coming to the King, by reason of his good Latin tongue, he was so tedious, and full of tittle-tattle, that the King's judgment was of him, that he was some pedant, full of words, and of no great judgment. And I myself, discovering that to be his habit, as if he did imagine that every man was bound to hear him, so long as he would talk, (which is a great burthen to men replete with business) did privately give him notice thereof, that he should plainly, and directly, deliver his mind, or else he would make the King weary of him. This did not so take place, but that afterwards he fell to it again, as was especially observed one night at supper at the Lord Bishop of Ely's, whither being brought by Mr. Casa
bon, (as I think) my Lord intreated him to stay to supper, which he did. There was present Dr Steward, and another Civilian, unto whom he flings out some question of that profession, and was so full of words, that Dr Steward afterwards told my Lord, that he did perceive by him, that, like a smatterer, he had studied some two or three questions, whereof when he came in company he must be talking to vindicate his skill; but if he were put from those, he would shew himself but a simple fellow. There was present also, Dr Richardson, the King's professor of divinity in Cambridge, and another Doctor in that faculty, with whom he falleth in also about some of those questions, which are now controverted among the ministers in Holland. And being matters wherein he was studied, he uttered all his skill concerning them: my Lord of Ely sitting still at the supper all the while, and wondering what a man he had there, who never being in the place or company before, could over-whelm them so with talk for so long a time. I write this unto you so largely, that you may know the disposition of the man, and how kindly he used my Lord of Ely, for his good entertainment.—You will ask me what is this to you? I must tell you therefore, that you shall not be without your part. At the same time that Sir Noel Caron was together with Grotius, being now to take his leave of the King, it was desired of his majesty, that he would not hastily give his judgment concerning points of religion, now in difference in Holland, for that his majesty had information but of one side, and that his Ambassador did deal partially, making all reports in favour of the one side, and saying nothing at all for the other. For he might have let his majesty know, how factious a generation these contradicters are; how they are like to our Puritans in England; how refractory they are to the authority of the civil magistrate, and other things of like nature, as I wrote you in my former letter. I doubt not but Grotius had his part in this information, whereout I conceive you will make some use, keeping these things privately to yourself, as becometh a man of your employment. When his majesty told me this, I gave such an answer as was sit; and now upon the receipt of your letters, shall upon the first occasion give further satisfaction. All things rest there as they did, and I, as ready to do you all good offices, remain,
&c.
GEORGE Cant.
.
In the spring of the year 1613, the affair of the Charterhouse was settled, and at the close of the month of June, his Grace, and the rest of the trustees, took possession of that place, pursuant to the will of Mr. Sutton; and if this gave the Archbishop, as no doubt it did, great satisfaction, an affair that happened about the same time, disturbed him not a little.
This was the famous case of divorce between the Lady Frances Howard, daughter to the Earl of Suffolk, and Robert, Earl of Essex, her husband; which has been always considered as one of the greatest blemishes of King James's reign, though the part acted therein by the Archbishop of Canterbury, added much to the reputation he had already acquired, for unshaken and incorruptible integrity.
Unshaken and incorruptible integrity.
] This affair of the divorce, was by the King referred to a court of delegates, consisting of his Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of London, Winchester, Coventry and Litchfield, and Rochester, Sir Julius Caesar, Sir Thomas Parrey, Sir Daniel Dunn, Dr John Bennet, Dr Francis James, and Dr Thomas Edwards. This affair was drawn out into a great length, and many accidents happened in the course of it, which gave the Archbishop infinite disquiet. He saw plainly, that the King was very desirous the Lady should be divorced, and, on the other hand, he was in his judgment directly against the divorce. He laboured all he could to extricate himself from these difficulties, by having an end put to the cause some other way than by sentence, but it was to no purpose; for those who drove on this affair, had got too great power to be restrained from bringing it to the conclusion they desired. The Archbishop was told, that a predecessor of his, which was Archbishop Grindall, had suffered about Dr. Julio's divorce, and so might he; but this, however, did not at all move him; on the contrary, he prepared a speech against the nullity of the marriage, which he intended to have spoken in the court at Lambeth, September 25, 1613, but he did not make use of that speech, because the King ordered them to deliver their opinions in few words. He continued, however, inflexible, with regard to his opinion, and therefore, when sentence was pronounced, the court was divided in the following manner.
The commissioners who gave sentence in the Lady Essex's behalf, were,
Bishops
Winchester,
Ely,
Litchfield and Coventry,
Rochester,
Doctors of Law.
Sir Julius Caesar,
Sir Thomas Parrey,
Sir Daniel Dunn,
The commissioners dissenting,
Archbishop of Canterbury, Bishop of London.
Doctors of Law.
Sir John Bennet,
Francis James,
Thomas Edwards,
To justify his conduct in this matter, the Archbishop drew up the reasons which induced him to be against the sentence, which King James thought fit to answer himself, and wrote also a letter to him upon that subject, in which there are some things that are very singular, and therefore worthy the reader's notice.
After that I had fully perused and rightly considered of all your papers, I found your principles so strange, and your doubts so far sought, that I thought it necessary, as I have already said, to set down unto you my observations upon them. But to conclude my letter with that plainness that becometh one of my quality; I must freely confess, that I find the grounds of your opposition so weak, as I have reason to apprehend, that the prejudice you have of the persons, is the greatest motive of breeding these doubts into you; which prejudice is the most dangerous thing that can fall in a Judge, for misleading of his mind. And the reason moving me to this apprehension, is partly grounded upon your last words to me at your parting from Windsor, and partly upon a line scraped out in your paper of doubts, for I am sure you think me not so blunt a secretary, but that I can read a line so scraped out. In your last speeches with me, you remember you told me, what assurance you had of the Earl's ability out of his own mouth, which you said you could not but trust, because he was so religious a nobleman. But when I told you of the other party's contrary affirmation, you remember how you used the word of iniquity, and how far your interlined line seems to have a harmony with this word, yourself can best judge. Now then if I would ask you what proof you have of the one's religion more than the other's, you must answer me by judging upon the exterior; and how deceivable that guess is, daily experience teaches us: but with a holy protestation, that I never knew any thing but good in the young Earl. Was not this the ground of master
Robert Bruse's
incredulity, because he knew the Earl of
Gowry
to be truly religious,
&c.
This letter might and probably did trouble the Archbishop, however he persisted in the same conduct, and never could be brought to do any thing, that might appear so much as a tacit approbation of that sentence, as is most evident in the account given of this matter, and all the circumstances attending it, (at least in relation to the Archbishop) written by himself. See a further account of this treatise in the list of the Archbishop's writings.
The circumstances that attended this affair, might possibly leffen the King's favour to him in some respects, but he still retained a great share of it, as appears by the raising his brother to the see of Salisbury, in the year 1615; but with Queen Anne, he stood always on the best terms possible, as we learn from himself, in a passage of a work of his transcribed in the following note.
He made use of his interest with her majesty, when all other applications had failed, to engage her to recommend Mr. George Villiers, so well known afterwards in the world, to his majesty's favour, for which at that time, the young man was so grateful as to call him father, and to desire his advice as to his behaviour, which the Archbishop very freely gave him; and it had been very happy for him if he had always followed those councils
If he had always followed those councils.
] We have this very remarkable passage from the Archbishop's own pen, in the discourse he wrote upon his disgrace, under the reign of King Charles. In that discourse he observes, that it was one of King James's maxims, to take no favourite but what was recommended to him by his Queen, that if she afterwards complained of this Dear One, he might answer, it is long of yourself, for you were the party that commended him unto me. Our old master, says the Archbishop, took delight strangely in things of this nature. He says that Queen Anne was graciously pleased to give him more credit than ordinary, and therefore when others had sollicited her in vain, he was applied to; but for some time her majesty would not listen to his persuasions, or think of recommending Villiers, for which she often gave him those reasons. My Lord, you and the rest of your friends know not what you do, I know your master better than you all, for if this young man be once brought in, the first persons that he will plague must be you that labour for him, yea, I shall have my part alfo; the King will teach him to despise and hardly intreat us all, that he may seem to be beholden to none but himself. Noble Queen (cries out the Archbishop after reporting this fact) how like a prophetess did you speak! The rest of the story being but short will appear best in the Archbishop's own words,
'In the end, says he, upon importunity, Queen Anne condescended, and so pressed it with the King, that he assented thereunto; which was so stricken while the
roh was hot, that in the Queen's bed-chamber, the King knighted him with the rapier which the Prince did wear. And when the King gave order to swear him of the bed-chamber, Somerset, who was near, importuned the King with a message, that he might only be sworn a Groom;—but myself and others that were at the door, sent to her majesty that she would perfect her work, and cause him to be sworn a Gentleman of the chamber. There is a lord or two living that had a hand in this atchievement; I diminish nothing of their praise for so happy a work, but I know my own part best; and on the word of an honest man, I have reported nothing but truth. George went in with the King, but no sooner he got loose, but he came forth unto me in the privy-gallery, and there embraced me: he professed that he was so infinitely bound unto me that all his life long he must honour me as his father. And now he did beseech me that I would give some lessons how he should carry himself. When he earnestly followed this chace, I told him I would give him three short lessons, if he would learn them. The first was, that daily upon his knees he should pray to God to bless the King his master, and to give him (George) grace studiously to serve and please him. The second was, that he should do all good offices between the King and the Queen, and between the King and the Prince. The third was, that he should fill his master's ears with nothing but truth. I made him repeat these three things unto me, and then I would have him to acquaint the King with them, and to tell me when I met him again, what the King said unto him. He promised me he would; and the morrow after, Mr. Thomas Murrey, the Prince's tutor, and I standing together in the gallery at Whitehall, Sir George Villiers coming forth and drawing to us, he told Mr Murrey how much he was beholden unto me, and that I had given him certain Instructions, which I prayed him to rehearse, as indifferently well he did before us; yea, and that he had acquainted the King with them, who said, they were instructions worthy of an Archbishop to give to a young man. His countenance of thankfulness for a few days continued, but not long, either to me or any other of his well-wishers. The Roman historian Tacitus hath some-where a note, That benefits while they may be requited seem courtesies, but when they are so high that they cannot be repaid, they prove matters of hatted.'
.
Towards the close of the next year, the famous Antonio de Dominis, Archbishop of Spalato, took shelter here, from the persecution with which he was threatened by the Pope, for discovering his dislike both of the doctrine and discipline of the Church of Rome, and was very kindly received by his majesty, who was pleased to order the Archbishop to entertain him, which he did with generous hospitality, till he was otherways provided for by the King. His Grace however thought himself sufficiently recompenced for the trouble given him in this affair by this stranger's procuring for him the manuscript of Father Paul's excellent history of the council of Trent.
In the spring of the year 1618,
viz.
on the second of March, our good Archbishop lost his brother the Bishop of Salisbury, and before his grief was well over for so near a relation, he met with fresh disturbances from the King's declaration for permitting sports and pastimes on the Lord's day, which was dated at Greenwich, May 24, 1618
The King's declaration for permitting sports and pastimes.
] The declaration runs thus,
'That for his good people's lawful recreations his pleasure was, that after the end of Divine Service, they should not be disturbed, letted, or discouraged, from any lawful recreations: such as dancing, either men or women, archery for men, leaping, vaulting, or any other such harmless recreations: nor from having of May-games, Whitsun-ales, or morrice-dances, and setting up of May-poles, or other sports therewith used; so as the same be had in due and convenient time, without impediment or let of Divine Service: and that women should have leave to carry rushes to the church, for the decoring of it, according to their old custom: withal prohibiting all unlawful Games to be used on the Sundays only, as bear-baiting, bull-baiting, enterludes, and at all times, in the meaner sort of people, by law prohibited, bowling.'
.
This declaration was ordered to be read in churches, and the Archbishop being accidentally at Croydon in Surrey when it came thither, had the courage to forbid it's being read, which however the King winked at, notwithstanding there were some about him, who let no opportunity slip of irritating him against this prelate.
The council of Dort set this year, to which were sent from hence in the beginning of the month of October four commissioners, and amongst them Dr Hall, Dean of Winchester, with whose health the climate of Holland disagreeing, he returned, and Dr Goad, the Archbishop's chaplain, was sent in his place.
The end of this year proved as disagreable to the Archbishop as it's beginning; in Autumn, the Queen, his gracious mistress, falling ill of that distemper, which, after a tedious sickness, brought her to her end on the first of March following.
The Archbishop himself began also to grow infirm, and finding himself less fit for the affairs of the world than he had been, resolved, while he had still strength, to enter upon a great and good design, which he had long meditated as a testimony of affection to his native town of Guildford, where on the fifth of April, 1619, he laid the first stone of his hospital, and afterwards nobly endowed it; a particular account of which will be given.
It was towards the end of this year, that the Elector Palatine accepted of the crown of Bohemia,
occasioned great disputes in King James's
some desiring that his majesty should not
in this matter at all, from a foresight that
t would produce a war in Germany; others again believing that both natural affection to his son and daughter, and a just concern for the Protestant interest, ought to have engaged his majesty warmly to support the new election. The Archbishop agreed
ntiment with the last mentioned party, and not being able at that time to attend the privy council, he wrote his mind with great plainness and freedom the Secretary of State
He wrote his mind with great plainness and freedom to the Secretary of State.
] This letter shall be here transcribed, not so much in proof of the matter of fact asserted in the text, as in respect to the work itself, for so it may be stiled, tho' no more than a letter, since it contains a compendious system of the Archbishop's sentiments in religion and politicks; so that if we were to spend ever so much in the enquiry after these points, we should never be able to point them out so clearly, fully, and in a manner so much to the reader's satisfaction, as they are here (and in another letter hereafter cited) represented by the Archbishop's own pen.
To Secretary NAUNTON.
Good Mr. Secretary,
I HAVE never more desired to be present at any consultation, than that which is this day to be handled, for my heart and all my heart goeth with it; but my foot is worse than it was on Friday, so that by advice of my physician I have sweat this whole night past, and am directed to keep my bed this day.
But for the matter; my humble advice is, that there is no going back, but a countenancing of it against all the world; yea so far as with ringing of bells and making of bonsires in London, so soon as it shall be certainly understood, that the coronation is past, I am satisfied in my conscience that the cause is just, wherefore they have rejected that proud and bloody man; and so much the rather, because he hath taken a course to make that kingdom not elective, but to take it from the donation of another man. And when God hath set up the Prince that is chosen to be a mark of honour thro' all Christendom, to propagate his gospel, and to protect the oppressed, I dare not for my part give advice, but to follow where God leads.
It is a great honour to the King our Master, that he hath such a son, whose virtues have made him thought fit to be made a King. And methinks I do in this and that of
Hungary,
foresee the works of God, that by piece and piece the kings of the earth that gave their power unto the beast (all the word of God must be fulfilled) shall now tear the whore and make her desolate, as St. John in his Revel
tion has s
retold. I pray you therefore, with all the spirits you have to put life into this business; and let a return be made into
Germany
with speed, and with com
ort, and let it be really prosecuted, that it may appear to the world, that we are awake when God in this sort calleth us.
If I had time to express it, I could be very angry at the shuffling which was used towards my Lord Doncaster, and the slighting of his embassage so, which cannot but touch upon our great master who did send him; and therefore I would never have a noble son forsaken for respect of them, who truly aim at nothing but their own purposes.
Our
triking in will comfort the
Bohemians,
will honour the
P
l
g
ave,
will strengthen the union, will bring on the States of the Low-Countries, will stir up the King of Denmark, and move his own uncles, the Prince of
Orange
and the Duke
d
Bouv
l
,
together with
Tre
ville
(a rich Prince in
France
) to ca
t in their shares; and
Hungary,
as I hope, (being in that same cause) will run the same fortune. For the means to support the war I hope
providebit Deus:
the parliament is the old and honourable way, but how assured at this time I know not; yet I will hope the best: certainly if countenance be given to the action, many brave spirits will voluntarily go. Our great master, in sufficient want of money, gave some aid to the Duke of
Sav
y,
and furnished out a pretty army in the cause of
Cleve.
We must try once again what can be done in this business of a higher nature, and all the money that may be spared is to be turned that way. And perhaps God provided the jewels that were laid up in the Tower, to be gathered by the mother for the preservation of her daughter: who, like a noble Princess, hath professed to her husband, not to leave herself one jewel, rather than not to maintain so religious and righteous a cause. You see that lying on my b
d I have gone too far; but if I were with you this should be my language, which I pray you humbly and heartily re
re
ent to the King, my master, telling him, that when I can
nd, I hope
o do his majesty some service herein. So commending me unto
. I remain
Your very loving friend, GEORGE Capt.
Sept. 12. 1619.
The next year was in a great measure spent in debates and negotiations upon this subject, in which the King took a great deal of pains with little effect.
The Archbishop's declining state of health, making exercise a thing not only convenient but necessary for him, he was wont in the summer to make a tour into Hampshire for the sake of recreation, and being invited by the Lord Zouch to hunt in his park at Bramzil upon the edge of Berkshire, and not far from Hartford Bridge, his Grace met there with the greatest misfortune that befel him in the whole course of his life; for hunting in this park on the twentyfourth of July, he let fly a barbed arrow from a cross-bow at one of the deer; which unfortunately struck one Peter Hawkins, my Lord Zouch's keeper, who was quite out of the Bishop's sight, and had been warned more than once to keep out of the way, in the left arm, by which wound a large blood-vessel being pierced, he bled to death in an hour's time. This unforeseen accident threw the Archbishop into a deep melancholy, tho' he was not conscious to himself of the least inadvertency or indiscretion, neither did this wear off in time, but throughout his whole life he observed a monthly fast on a Tuesday, the day on which this fatal mischance fell out, and settled an annuity of twenty pounds on the widow, which soon procured her another husband.
This affair made a very great noise, and there wanted not some to represent it in a sinister light to King James, but his majesty gave his judgment of matter in a short and clear sentence,
An angel,
said he,
might have miscarried in this sort.
When he was afterwards informed of the legal penalties which his grace had incurred by this accident, he wrote him a consolatory letter with his own hand, in which amongst other things he told him, that
he would not add affliction to his sorrow, or take one farthing from his chattels or moveables which were forfeited by law.
The Archbishop immediately on this misfortune retired to his own hospital at Guildford, there to wait the decision of the great point as to the irregularity, which some imagined he had incurred, for it happened very unluckily that at this juncture, there were four Bishops elected but not consecrated,
viz.
Dr John Williams, lord keeper of the great seal, to the see of Lincoln; Dr John Davenant, to that of Salisbury; Dr Valentine Cary, to that of Exeter; and his old antagonist Dr William Laud, whose preferment, on this occasion, he had warmly opposed, to that of St David's; and all, except Dr Davenant, scrupled the Archbishop's capacity to lay hands on them till he was cleared from all imputation as to this fact. The King being informed of this, directed, in the beginning of October following, a commission to the ten following persons,
viz.
the Lord Keeper; the Bishops of London, Winchester, and Rochester; the Elects of Exeter and St Davids; Sir Henry Hobart, Lord Chief Justice of the common pleas; Sir John Dodderidge, one of the justices of the King's bench; Sir Henry Martin, Dean of the Arches; and Dr. Steward; to consider and resolve the three following questions. 1.
Whether the Archbishop was irregular by the fact of involuntary bomicide?
The Bishop of Winchester, the two Judges, and the two Civilians, were very clear that he was not irregular; the other five thought he he was. 2.
Whether that act might tend to scandal in a churchman?
The Bishop of Winchester, the Lord Chief Justice Hobart, and Dr Steward, doubted; all the rest agreed, that a scandal might be taken tho' not given. 3.
How his Grace should be restored, in case the King should follow the decision of those commissioners, who had found him irregular?
All agreed that it could not be otherwise done than by restitution from the King, but they varied in the manner. The Bishop of Winchester, the Lord Chief Justice, and Dr Steward, thought it should be done by the King, and by him alone, in the same patent with the pardon. The Lord Keeper, and the Bishops of London, Rochester, Exeter, and St David's, were for a commission from the King directed to some Bishops. Judge Dodderidge, and Sir Henry Martin, were desirous it should be done both ways, for abundant caution. This return was made to his majesty on the tenth of November 1621, and accordingly a pardon and a dispensation both bearing date at Westminster, the twenty-second of November, passed the great seal, by which his majesty assoiled the Archbishop from all irregularity, scandal, or infamation, (if any was incurred) and declared him capable of all metropolitical authority, as if this accident had never happened. Such was the close of this business, after a great variety of proceedings, and many arguments published on both sides
And many arguments published on both sides.
] As the case was absolutely new, and such a one as naturally afforded room for talkative and busy men to display their abilities; there was nothing surprizing in the noise this accident made, or the various constructions put upon it by different people, according as their notions or their prejudices led them. The Archbishop being sensible of all this, either wrote himself, which is most probable, or caused to be written, a very short piece under this title,
'An apology for Archbishop Abbot, touching the death of Peter Hawkins, the Keeper, wounded in the park at Bramzil, July 24, 1621, by an unknown hand.'
It was sent on the eighth of October 1621 to Sir Henry Spelman, who, on t e nineteenth of the same month, returned an answer to it, which discovers full as much severity as learning. It is not
ar to whom this apology was addressed, or for whose
the answer to it was written; but it is very proba
, that both were intended for the use of the Commissioners,
pointed by the King, to enquire into the supposed irregularity of the Archbishop, of which his Grace had notice on the
of October, and the Commissioners applied themselves
ery closely to their business, from that time. Both these
are extant, in the posthumous works of Sir Henry Spel
, but these do not seem to have been the only pieces that we
pe
ed on this occasion; for we are told by a reverend prel
te. [
. Hacket] that the fact was much discoursed of in foreign
, especially amongst our neighbours the Sorbonnists, who disputed it three several times in their schools, and concluded the accident to have amounted to a full irregularity, which is an incapacity to exercise any ecclesiastical act of
or
.
.
Yet all this could not satisfy the minds of those who had scrupled the power of laying on hands, and therefore they petitioned the King, that they might not be compelled to wound their consciences by submitting to such a consecration; and, in compliance with their desire, the Bishop of Lincoln was consecrated in King Henry VII's chapel, on the eleventh of November, by the Bishops of London, Worcester, Ely, Oxford, and Llandaff; and the Bishops of Sarum, Exeter, and St David's, in the chapel of the Bishop of London's palace, on the eighteenth of November, by the same reverend Prelates.
It does not appear, that his Grace was at all lessened, by the suggestions of his enemies, in the King's favour, or his courage in any degree abated, by the troubles he had met with
in any degree abated, by the troubles he had met with.
] Bishop Hacket, in his Life of Archbishop Williams, p. 68. says, the Archbishop was wont to dissent from the King as often as any at the council board, and that his Majesty loved him the better for his courage and sincerity.
. On the contrary, we find him, in the year 1622, opposing the Spanish match, which was a thing the King had set his heart upon, with the greatest firmness and spirit, and even venturing, under his hand, to give his sentiments on that subject in terms so vigorous and pathetick, that no pen can properly represent them but his own
No pen can properly represent them but his own.
] This letter from the Archbishop to King James is without date, but the subject points out plainly enough the time when it was written; and it is inserted here, to shew the Archbishop's principles in religion, in regard to which there cannot be a fuller testimony.
May it please your Majesty,
I HAVE been too long silent, and am afraid, by my silence, I have neglected the duty of the place it hath pleased God to call me unto, and your Majesty to place me in: but now I humbly crave leave, I may discharge my conscience towards God, and my duty to your Majesty; and therefore I beseech you freely to give me leave to deliver myself, and then let your Majesty do with me what you please. Your Majesty hath propounded a Toleration of religion, I beseech you to take into your consideration what your act is, what the consequence may be; by your act, you labour to set up the most damnable and heretical doctrine of the Church of
Rome,
the Whore of
Babylon.
How hateful it will be to God, and grievous to your good subjects, the professors of the Gospel, that your Majesty who hath often disputed, and learnedly written against those heresies, should now shew yourself a Patron of those wicked doctrines, which your pen hath told the world, and your conscience tells yourself, are superstitious, idolatrous, and detestable. And hereunto I add what you have done, in sending the Prince into Spain, without consent of your council, the privity and approbation of your people; and although you have a charge and interest in the Prince, as son of your flesh, yet have the people a greater, as son of this kingdom, upon whom, (next after your Majesty) are their eyes fixed, and welfare depends; and so tenderly is his going apprehended, as (believe it) however his return may be safe, yet the drawers of him into this action, so dangerous to himself, so desperate to the kingdom, will not pass away unquestioned, unpunished. Besides, this Toleration which you endeavour to set up by your proclamation, cannot be done without a parliament; unless your Majesty will let your subjects see, that you will take unto yourself, ability to throw down the laws of your land at your pleasure. What dreadful consequences these things may draw afterward, I beseech your Majesty to consider, and above all, lest by this Toleration, and discountenancing of the true profession of the Gospel, wherewith God hath blessed us. and this kingdom hath so long slourished under it, your Majesty do not draw upon this kingdom in general, and yourself in particular, God's heavy wrath and indignation.
Thus in discharge of my duty towards God, to your Majusty, and the place of my calling, I have taken humble leave to deliver my conscience. Now, Sir, do what you please with me.
[
Rushworth's Collections, vol.
1,
page
85.
This letter is likewise printed by Arthur Willson in his history, with this re
lection, both on the King and the Archbishop.
'Thus did our Solomon in his latter time, (though he had fought with beasts at Ephesus, as one saith of him) incline a little too much to the Beast: yet he made his tale so good to the Archbishop of Canterbury, (what reservations soever he had) that he wrought upon the good old man, (afterwards) in conclusion of the work, to set his hand as a witness to the articles.'
Upon this, another historian of the same reign [S
nderson] takes upon him to insinuate, that this long letter to the King, was penned to please his disciples, and copies given to publish in print after his decease; for, says he, we
he
rd doings of it till now, in our last days;
'for Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, was the first man that signed to the postcript, which attested those articles of the marriage, and so did all the privy council.'
Then speaking of the excuse made by Mr Willson, for the Archbishop, this writer adds,
I can tell him there were two other Bishops, John, Bishop of Lincoln, and Lancelot, Bishop of Winchester, men of far greater merit, and high esteem, and evener conscience, that subsigned with him.
But in this fact he is mistaken, for Lancelot, Bishop of Winchester, did not sign, more willingly than the Archbishop. The apology of the other historian was also unnecessary, for the articles which the Archbishop apprehended, and wrote against, were private articles, as appears plainly from the whole transaction printed in Rushworth's collection, vol. I, p. 85,—101. But another great writer, [Heylin] gives quite another turn to this whole affair, for he owns that the letter came abroad, not in these last times, as Sanderson calls them, but at the very time it was supposed to be written, yet he denies that the Archbishop was the author of it, and suggests, that it was only fathered upon him, that it might make the greater impression upon the people.
. The King however remained fixed in his resolution, and the articles agreed on for the said marriage, were sworn to, in the presence of the Archbishop, and other great officers of state, notwithstanding which they never took effect.
The Archbishop thenceforward assisted but seldom at council, being hindered chiefly by his infirmities, but in the King's last sickness he was called for, and attended with great constancy, and received the highest marks of the King's confidence, to the very last moment of his life, and was near him when he expired, on the twenty-seventh of March 1625.
At the coronation of King Charles I, the Archbishop, as his office required, set the crown upon his majesty's head, tho' he was extremely weak, and much troubled with the gout, but thenceforward he visibly declined in the King's favour, and the Duke of Buckingham, who was his declared enemy, watched for an opportunity to make the Archbishop feel the weight of his displeasure.
This was at last taken, for his refusing to license a sermon, preached by one Dr Sibthorpe, Vicar of Brackley in Northamptonshire, to justify and promote a loan, which the King had demanded. This sermon was preached at Northampton, in the Lent assizes 1627 before the Judges at Northampton, and it was transmitted to the Bishop, with the King's direction, to license it, which he refused to do, and gave his reasons for it; notwithstanding which, the sermon was licensed by the Bishop of London, (Dr Mountaigne) after many things had been corrected therein, from the lights given by the Archbishop's objections, for which however it was resolved that he should suffer. Discourses of this nature were so loud at court, that some of his Grace's friends overheard and reported them to him, upon which he thought fit to retire to his palace at Croydon; a month before his usual time. On the fifth of July, Lord Conway, who was then Secretary of State, made him a visit, and intimated to him, that the King expected he should withdraw to Canterbury, which the Archbishop declined, because he had a law-suit at that time with that city, and desired he might rather have leave to go to his house at Ford, five miles beyond Canterbury, which was yielded to; and on the ninth of October following, the King granted a commission to the Bishops of London, Durham, Rochester, Oxford, and Bath and Wells, to execute archiepiscopal authority, the cause assigned being no more than this,
That the Archbishop could not at that time, in his own person, attend those services, which were otherwise proper for his cognizance and jurisdiction.
Some writers have pretended, that his supposed irregularity, occasioned by the Death of Peter Hawkins, was revived; but the commission which is extant on record shews the contrary, nor indeed was that affair ever thought of afterwards; but the Archbishop did not remain long in this situation, for the necessities of the times rendering a parliament necessary, his Grace was sent for about Christmas, and not only restored to his authority aad jurisdiction, but, on his coming to court from his palace at Lambeth, was received when he quitted his barge, by the Archbishop of York and the Earl of Dorset, who conducted him to his majesty, where, having kissed the King's hand, he was desired not to fail the council chamber twice a week. His Grace sat in that parliament which began on the seventeenth of March following, and continued in the full exercise of his office ever after, of which it may not be amiss to take notice in this single instance. On the twenty-fourth of August 1628, he consecrated Richard Montagu, to the see of Chichester, a man who had been remarkably busy in supporting th
pretence of his irregularity, and at this consecration Dr Laud, then Bishop of London, assisted, which is the clearest proof that can be, that no doubts stuck longer as to his irregularity, even with those who loved him least.
In parliament, the Archbishop maintained his credit in as high a degree as any of his predecessors, and it is more than probable, that the knowledge of this procured him such marks of respect, as were at this time afforded him by the court. When the Petition of Right, that great pillar of the English liberty, was under consideration, the Archbishop of Canterbury delivered the sense of the house of Lords thereupon, at a conference with the house of Commons, and at the same time, laid before them such propositions as their Lordships had agreed upon, for which, thanks were returned, in set speech, by Sir Dudley Diggs.
The interest of Bishop Laud was now so great at court, that he drew up a scheme of instructions, which having the King's name at the head of them, were, in the month of December, 1629, transmitted to his Grace, under the pompous title,
His Majesty's instructions to the most reverend father in God, George, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, containing certain orders to be observed and put in execution, by the several Bishops in his province.
These instructions his Grace communicated to his suffragan Bishops, in which, as Heylin observes, he acted
ministerially;
but to shew that he still meant to exercise his own authority in his own diocese, he restored Mr Palmer and Mr Udnay to their lectureships, after the Dean and Archdeacon of Canterbury had suspended them; and, in other respects, softened the rigour of those instructions, which were contrived to enforce the particular notions of a prevailing party in the Church, which the Archbishop thought a burden too hard to be borne by the tender consciences of those who made the fundamentals of religion their study, and were not so zealous for forms.
His conduct in this and other respects, is said to have made his presence unwelcome at court, and
o indeed it seems to have been, for upon the birth of Charles, Prince of Wales, (afterwards King Charles II,) which happened on the 29th of May, 1630, Laud, then Bishop of London, had the honour to baptize him as D
an of the chapel, notwithstanding that the Archbishop of Canterbury is the Ordinary of the court, and the King's houshold, wherever it is, are regarded as his parishioners; so this was visibly as much a slight upon the Archbishop, as an act of favour towards his antagonist.
The Archbishop however was proof against all such accidents as these, and went on doing his duty without fear or favour, and yet one of the last acts of his life plainly shews, that he was very far from being so indifferent towards the discipline and ceremonies of the Church of England, as some have represented him. This act of his was an order dated the third of July 1633, requiring the parishioners of Crayford in Kent, to receive the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, on their knees, at the steps ascending to the communion table.
We may well stile this one of his last acts, since a month a
terwards,
viz.
on the fourth of August in the same year, he deceased at his palace of Croydon, worn out with cares and infirmities, at the age of seventy-one.
He was buried according to his own express direction, in the chapel of our Lady, within the church dedicated to the holy Trinity, in his native town of Guildford in Surrey. Soon after his decease, a noble monument was erected over his grave with the effigies of the Archbishop in his Episcopal robes, and over that his Parliament Robes, in white marble, lying under the Arch supported by six black marble pillars of the Dorick Order, raised on pedestals of books piled up. In niches, at the East end of the Monument, are two figures, over their heads, thus,
Hinc Lumen
[
Hence Light
],
Hic Gratia
[
Here Grace
]. On the top prettily disposed are nine small figures, one of which has the following inscription,
Fidit & Patitur
[
he Trusts and Suffers.
] On the West end, below the cushion, is a representation of a sepulchre filled with skulls and bones, with an iron grate before it: and on several parts of the monument, are the arms of Abbot.
On the west end is this Inscription in capitals
Sacrum Memoriae
Honoratissimi Archi-Praesulis, Doctoris
Georgii Abbot,
qui hanc natalibus
Guilfordiam,
studiis literarum
Oxoniam
decoravit, ubi Socius primo Collegii
Baliol,
dein Collegii Universitatis Praefectus, et Academiae Procax
eliarius laudatissimus, Prudentiae, Pietatis, Eruditionis aestimatione adeo gratiam pientissimi Regumque om
ium doctissimi,
Jacobi, Magnae Britanniae
Monarc
promeruit ut post Decanatum
Winton.
ad Episcopatum
Covent: & Lichfield.
mox ad
London.
statim ad
Cant.
Archiepiscopatum, et totius
Angliae
Primatum, et Sacratissimi Concilii Regii Senatum cito subvolaret: Cum
que
inde altius in terris non posset, coelos pe
it, d
erum, honorum plenus. Fratri, eid
m
que
Patri summe venerando,
Mauricius Abbot
Eques Auratus,
m
rent
ssimus hie aeviternum parentat.
IN ENGLISH THUS
Sacred to the Memory
Of the most Honourable Archbishop Doctor
George Abbot,
who graced this Town of
Guildford
with his Birth, and
Oxford
with his Studies, where first he was Fellow of
Baliol
College, then Master of
University
College, and worthy Vice-Chancellor of the University. By his great Prudence, Piety, and Learning, he so
erited the favour of the most pious and learned of all Kings,
James
King of
Great-Britain,
that from the Dean'r
o
W
nchester,
e was translated to the Bishoprick
of
Coventry and Litchfield,
soon after to
London,
and then to the Archbishoprick of
Canterbury,
and Primacy of all
England,
and one of his Majesty's Privy Council. When he could go no higher on the earth he ascended to Heaven, full of Years and Honour.
Maurice Abbot,
full of sorrow, a Knight of the gilt Spurs, eternally pays the Funeral Obsequies to his deserving Brother, and the same his [ghostly] Father, greatly to be revered.
At the East end, at his feet, is this inscription.
AETERNAE Memoriae Sacrum
Magni hic (Hospes) Hospitis Monumenta vides, s
d Mortui videsis viventis etiam viventia. Quod pagum
unc utrius
que
sexus Ptocho-Trophio sumptuoso, Provinciae suae Metropolin Aquaeductu specioso ornavit. Quod primas Annos 22 praesederit duorum optimorum R. R. Conciliis inservierit,
Carolum
pium D
ademate et Unct
one sacravit: Quod
R. Jacobi
jussu Ecclesias olim
Scotiae
perlustravit, quod curà ipsius eundem
R.
erud
tiss. Academia
Oxon.
allubescentiâ mirâ exceperit, sibi
que
tum Burgenses Parliamenti, tum Auctiores Professorum reditus impetravit; Quanti haec! sed quod pie, patienter,
benter tanta liquerit; hoc un
m in ultimis recensendum, in primis censendum censeas Hospes, et valeas.
IN ENGLISH THUS
Sacred to Eternal Memory.
Reader, here you see the Monument of a great Man, now dead, you may see also the memorable Deeds of his Life, which now remain. He adorn'd this Town
a sumptuous Hospital, for both Sexes; and the Metropolis of his Province with a spa
ious Aqueduct. He presided as Primate 22 Years; was in the Privy-Council of two emin
t Kings; and crown'd and an
inted
Charles
By the ord r o
K. James,
he surveyed formerly the Church of
Scotland;
by his care, the University of
Oxford
receiv'd the same learned King with si
gu
r sat
ction;
e
likewise for it Members to s
r
e in
a
r
e
Salary for the Professors. How
this one thing is to be accounted
that he left such great Things,
and willingly, but you, Reader, may
e
as to think it of great con
quence.
a
ewel.
On the cushion under his head, thus;
Ao D.
1633. Augusti
d
IVto .
Anno Aeta
i
XXXI.
The facts related in the
ription, sufficiently prove that
e
a man of great natural parts, and those
improved,
or the worthy performance
h s high station in the Church
.
e shewed h mself in many circumstances of his life, a man of great moderation towards all parties,
to the Prote
tant religion, an honest
not
humble courtier, and one
should have attracted the
laity, by the sanctity of
and the uprightness of their behaviour, rath
have claimed them as nece
ari
y annexed to their function. These notions of his,
little with the humour of some writers, has drawn upon him many reflections that he did not deserve
Ref
ections that he did not deserve.
] Our old church hi
torian [Fuller) tells us,
'That he forsook the birds o
his own feather to fly with others, genera
ly savouring the laity, more than the clergy, in causes that were brought bef
e him.'
One would imagine from hence, that this Archbi hop had been a man of great severity in his gover
ment;
another writer [L'
range] censures his Gr
e for
in visitations: and as it is impossible that a man ou
b
guil
of opposite offences at the same time, i m
that he was guilty of neither; but that
upon immoral clergymen in the high
and his
erness for good men, who were
ce
emo
ies, exposed the Archbishop to such
loved the former too well, and had too
Mr. Sander
on strikes much deeper at the A chbishop's character, for in his history he tells us,
'That his Grace grew so much out of humour with the court, on the
his regularity, upon the accident of
death, that he refused, because he was not permitted
o go to the altar, to attend the service of the
able; saying to our author,
Since they will have it so, that I am incapable of the one, I shall spare myself the trouble of the other.
'
He adds to this charge a much higher. He says,
'That the Archbishop fell upon down right Puritan principles, and had so many church and state male-contents vi
ited him, that it produced a new sect, who were stiled
Nicodemi
es.
and in
for which he gives this wise reason,
That the Archbishop
constantly candle light in his
night at noon-day.
'
The conclusion of h
ch
rge
t
e
terest of all, and therefore I shall
ns
ribe his own words.
'Here he began to be the
m
of eminency
n
u
a ring
eader of that faction,
I can name
private disciples, which
appeared
'
These passages were first
in
book called
word for word, with that in
and Death of King James, fr m whence it evidently
that he wrote them both. Y
t wi h re
pect to th
assures us that Dr
the Archbish
and near relation, kn
not
ng
candle in his chamber and study; and as to the malecontents that resorted to him, the Archbishop has fully purged himself of that accusation in the narrative of his troubles. This humour of inveighing against the Archbishop, was not confined to his own times, but has prevailed even amongst later writers. Mr John Aubrey having transcribed what is said of this Prelate on his monument, adds immediately;
'Notwithstanding this most noble character, transmitted to posterity on this Archbishop's monument, he was, though a benefactor to this place, no friend to the Church of England, whereof he was head, but scandalously permitted that poisonous spirit of Puritanism to spread all over the whole nation, by his indolence at least, if not connivance and encouragement; which some years after broke out, and laid a flourishing Church and State in the most miserable ruins; and which gave birth to those principles, which, unless rooted out, will ever make this nation unhappy.'
I might easily add more instances of the same sort, but that I am persuaded the reader will think these sufficient, and therefore I shall conclude this note, with an observation of Fuller's, in his Church History.
'The truth is, says he, the Archbishop's own stiffness and averseness to comply with court designs, gave advantage to his adversaries against him, and made him more obnoxious to the King's displeasure. But the blame did most light upon
ishop Laud, men accounting this a kind of
filius ante diem,
&c. As if not content to succeed, he endeavoured to supplant him, who might well have suffered his decayed old age to have died in honour: What needs the
felling
of a tree a
falling?
'
.
The general historians of those times ran much into writing of characters, and that which Hammond l'Estrange bestowed upon the Archbishop, has been copied into various works. Dr. Heylin, in his life of Abp. Laud, makes use of it to express what he did not care should fall from his own pen, though upon other occasions, he has treated this writer in his history very freely. Lloyd, in his State Worthies, has copied that character without naming his author, and to say the truth, it is from thence, that most of the strokes of satire bestowed upon the memory of this great man have been stolen; [see the notes [
q
] and [
r
] and yet how little suitable that character is to the person for whom it was drawn, the reader will easily perceive from the piece itself
From the piece itself.
] The historian writes thus.
'Not long after his return from
Scotland,
aged and self-fear,
George Abb
t
the titular Archbishop of
Canterbury,
went to his everlasting home,
August
4. A very learned man he was, his erudition all of the old stamp, stiffly principled in the doctrine of St.
Augu
tine;
which they who understand it not, call
Calvinism,
therefore disrelished by those who inclined to the
Massilian
and
Armenian
tenets. Pious, grave, and exemplary in his conversation. But fome think a better
Man
than Archbishop, and that he was better qualified with merit for the dignity, than with a spirit answering the function, in in the exercise whereof he was conceived too facile and yielding; his extraordinary remissness in not exacting strict conformity to the prescibed orders of the Church in point of ceremony, seemed to resolve those legal determinations to their first principle of indifferency, and led in such an habit of inconformity, as the future reduction of those tender conscienced men to long discontinued obedience, was interpreted an innovation. This was the height of what I dare report his failings reached to: that he was a ringleader of that sect which lately appeared desperate proselytes, loth I am with a late author [Sanderson] to affirm, warrant I have none to leave so ill a savour upon his fame, nor can it be infallibly inferred from these men, their being then in favour with him. Their principles perhaps were entertained since his death, or if before, not then declared, and until such secrets be discovered, men may be mistaken in those they favour; the greatest sufferer of these times was so.'
L'Estrange's Reign of K. Charles.
As injurious as this character is in some points, yet it is plain, that the author did not credit what Mr. Sanderson had asserted, and indeed, it is happy for this Archbishop's memory, that almost all his censurers have contradicted each other, and thereby afforded just room to posterity, to question the truth of what they have all advanced, especially
en it is considered, that in all their censures, they enter into the se
rets of this Prelate's heart, and take upon them to publish to the world, what, if true, could be known only to God and himself.
. He has not met with much better quarter from the noble historian, tho' there is more of decency preserved in his animadversions, as the reader will perceive from the picture of our Archbishop drawn by his pen
Drawn by his pen.
] The Earl of Clarendon speaks of him thus.
'It was about the end of
August
in the year 1633, when the King (
Charles
I) returned from
Scotland
to
Greenwi
h,
where the Queen kept her court; and the first accident of m
ment that happened after his coming thither, was the d
th of
Abbot,
Archbishop of Canterbury, who had sat too many years in that se
, and had too great a jurisdiction
ver the Church, tho' he was without any credit in the court
rom the death of King
James,
and had not much in many y
rs before. He had been master of one of the poorest
eges
i
Oxford,
and had learning sufficient for that province. He was a man of very morose manners, and a very
our aspect, which in that time was called gravity; and under the opinion of that virtue, and by the recommendation of the Earl of
Dunbar,
the King's first
Scotch
favourite, he was preferred by King
James
to the bishoprick of
Coventry
and
Litchfield,
and presently after to
London,
before he had been Parson, Vicar, or Curate, of any parish-church in
England,
or Dean or Prebendary of any cathedral church; and was in truth, totally ignorant of the true constitution of the Church of
England,
and the state and interest of the clergy; as sufficiently appeared throughout the whole course of his life afterward.'
'He had scarce performed any part of the office of Bishop in the diocese of
London,
when he was snatched from thence, and promoted to C
nterbury, upon the never-enough to be lamented death of Dr.
Bancroft,
that Metropoli
an, who understood the Church excellently, and had almost rescued it out of the
Calvinian
Party, and very much s
bdued the unr
ly spirit of the
Nonconformists,
by and after the conference at
Hampton-Court,
countenanced men of the greatest learning, and disposed the clergy to a more solid course of study than they had been accustomed to; and if he had lived, would quickly have extinguished all that
ire in
England,
which had been kindled at
Geneva,
or if he had been succeeded by Bishop
Andrews,
Bishop
Over
l,
or any man who understood and loved the Church, that infection would easily have been kept out, which could not afterwards be so easily expelled.
'But
Abbot
brought none of this antidote with him, and considered the Christian religion no otherwise, than as i
abhorred and reviled Popery, and valued those men most, who did that most furiously. For the strict observation of the discipline of the Church, or the conformity of the articles or canons established, he made little enquiry, and took l
s care; and having himself made a very little progre
s in the antient and solid study of divinity, he adhered only to the doctrine of
Calvin,
and for his sake, did not think so ill of the discipline as he ought to have done. But if men prudently forbore a publick reviling and railing at the hierarchy and ecclesiastical government, let their opinions and private judgment be what it would, they were not only secure from any inquisition of his, but acceptable to him, and at least equally preferred by him: and tho' many other Bishops plainly discerned the mischiefs which daily broke in to the prejudice of religion, by his defects and remissness, and prevented it in their own dioceses as much as they could, and gave all their countenance to men of other parts and other principles; and tho' the Bishop of
London,
(Dr.
Laud
) from the time of his authority and credit with the King, had applied all the remedies he could to those defections, and from the time of his being Chancellor of
Oxford,
had much discountenanced and almost suppressed that spirit, by encouraging another kind of learning and practice in that university, which was indeed according to the doctrine of the Church of
England;
yet that temper in the Archbishop, whose house was a sanctuary to the most eminent of that factious party, and who licensed their most pernicious writings, left his successor a very difficult work to do, to reform and reduce a Church into order, that had been so long neglected, and that was fo ill filled, by many weak, and more wilful churchmen.'
History of the Rebellion, Oxon.
8
vo. p.
88, 89.
. A later writer justly esteemed for his perfect knowledge of the English history, and not so much addicted to party, has done much more justice to the virtues and abilities of this great Prelate, and therefore we held it reasonable to annex his testimony to these memoirs
Testimony to these memoirs.
]
'Archbishop
Abbot,
says he, was a person of wonderful temper and moderation; and in all his conduct, shewed an unwillingness to stretch the act of
uniformity,
beyond what was absolutely necessary for the peace of the
Church;
or the
prerogative
of the crown, any farther than conduced to the good of the
state.
Being not well turned for a court, tho' otherwise of considerable learning, and genteel education, he either could not, or would not, stoop to the humour of the times; and now and then by an unseasonable stiffness, gave occasion to his enemies to represent him, as not well inclined to the
prerogative,
or too much addicted to a
popular interest;
and therefore not fit to be employed in matters of government.'
Dr. Welwood's Memoirs
8
vo.
1700,
p.
38
.
His charity and publick spirit ought certainly to have been set in a clearer light, than hitherto they have been, by the friends to the Church; the rather, because a writer, remarkable for his keenness, [Heylin] has been pleased to assert, that
marks of hisbenesaction we find none, in places of his breeding and preferment;
which is at once an unjust and unchristian aspersion, as will be made appear
As will be made appear.
] The Archbishop loved hospility, and living as became a man of his rank, he tells us himself, in his narrative, that this was recommended to him by King James, and that he never forgot his majesty's injunctions upon that head, neither is it the Archbishop alone that mentions this, but even some who did not wish him very well, and who plainly intimate, that among the rest of his faults, he was thought to live too high, to have too much company, and to become thereby too popular.
Life of Abp. Laud.
p. 245. This hospitality of his, together with the troubles he met with, must have hindered him from growing rich, and consequently, put it in some measure out of his power to shew his publick spirit in other respects, how much soever it might be his inclination. Yet some instances we find of his generosity in this way, at least enough to falsify Heylin's reflection; for besides his noble and well-contrived charity at Guildford, he gave to the school of arts in Oxford, one hundred pounds at one time, and fifty pounds at another. In 1619, he bestowed a large sum of money on the library of Baliol college, for augmenting the number of books, and repairing the building. He built a fair conduit in the city of Canterbury, for the convenience of the inhabitants. He likewise intended to have left a yearly revenue for the support of that conduit, if he had not been deterred by the ungratesul usage he met with from the Mayor and corporation, as may be seen in the will. In 1624, he contributed to the founding of Pembroke college in Oxford. He discharged a debt of three hundred pounds owing from Baliol to Pembroke College. About the year 1632, he gave one hundred pounds to the library of University college. For the other, see the Archbishop's will.
.
In regard to his learning, succeeding ages may judge thereof, from his writings upon various subjects, of the most remarkable of which, we have, for the reader's satisfaction, added a succinct account
Added a succinct account.
] As to his works, we shall endeavour to give a list of them in the order of time in which they were written. 1.
Quaestiones sex, totidem praelectionibus in Schola Theologica Oxoniae, pro forma habitis, discussae et disceptatae anno
1597,
in quibus è sacra Scriptura et Patribus, quid statuendum sit definitur. Oxoniae
1598, 4to. This work was afterwards printed in
Germany,
and published by the famous Abraham Scultetus, 1616, 4to. It did the Archbishop great honour. 2.
Exposition on the Prophet Jonah, in certain Sermons preached at St. Mary's Church in Oxford,
London, 4
to.
1600. And again 1613 3.
His answer to the Question of the Citizens of London, In January
1600,
concerning Cheapside Cross,
London 1641. See a particular account of this treatise, in p.
. 4.
The Reasons which Dr. Hill hath brought for the upholding of Papistry, unmasked and
wed to be very weak,
&c. Oxon. 4
. 1
4. This Thomas Hill quitted the Church of England for that of Rome, and wrote this book to vindicate that change, the title of it was,
A Quartron of Reasons of Roman Catholick Religion,
&c. 5.
A Preface to the Examination of George Sprot,
&c. Of which a large account is given in p. 8. 6.
A Sermon pre
ed at Westminster, May
26. 1608,
at the Funeral of Thomas, Earl of Dorset,
Lord High T
asurer of England, on
Isaiah
by George Abbot, Dr. of Divinity, and Dean of Winchester, one of his Lordship's Chaplains,
London, 4
to.
1608. 7. In the year 1
04. that translation of the Bible which is now in use, was made by the direction of King James, and Abbot was the second of eight learned divines in the university of Oxford, to whom the care of translating the whole New Testament (excepting the
) was committed. It was printed in
. 8.
the Nullity between the Earl of Essex and his Lady
September
25, 1613,
at Lam
, and
in the same.
This treatise makes
pages in twelves, and has the following remarkable attestation at the end of it.
This narration is wholly written with mine own hand, and was finished October 2, 1613, being the eighth day after giving the sentence. And I protest before Almighty God, that I have not willingly wrote any untruth therein; but have delivered all things fairly to the best of my understanding, helping myself with such memorials and notes, as I took from time to time, that if there was occasion, I might thus set down at large the truth to posterity; when this case shall be rung from
Rome
gates, o
the
ct hereafter be questioned.
GEORGE
Cant.
To this is added
Some observable things since September
25, 1615,
sentence was given in the cause of the Earl of Essex, continued unto the day of his marriage, December
26, 1613, which appears also to have been penned by his Grace, or by his direction, and to it is annexed,
The speech intended to be spoken at Lambeth September
25, 1613,
by the Archbishop of Canterbury, when it came to his turn to declare his mind concerning the nullity of marriage between the Earl of Essex and the Lady Frances Howard.
These were printed all together, under the title of,
The Case of Impotency as debated in England,
&c. Lond. 12
mo.
1719. 9.
A brief Description of the whole World; wherein is particularly described all the Monarchies, Empires, and Kingdoms of the same, with their Academies,
&c.
by the Most Reverend Father in God, George, late Archbishop of Canterbury,
with a curious frontispiece by Marshall, London, 8
vo.
1634. Of which work there have been many editions. 10.
A short Apology for Archbishop Abbot, touching the Death of Peter Hawkins, dated October
8, 1621; of which an account is given in p. 33. 11.
Treatise of perpetual Visibility and Succession of the true Church in all Ages.
London, 4
to.
1624. His name is not to this book, only his arms impaled by those belonging to the see of Canterbury, are put before it. Dr. Heylin in his Life of Abp. Laud, p. 53, acquaints us with the reason of his writing it, but does not tell us why he did not own it. 12.
A Narrative containing the true Cause of his Sequestration, and Disgrace at Court. In two Parts. Written at Ford in Kent
1627, Printed in Rushworth's Collections, Vol. I, p. 438-461, and in the Annals of K. Charles, from p. 213, to 224. Bishop Hacket, in his Life of Abp. Williams, p. 68. assures us, that he had seen this manuscript in the Bishop's own writing, and had several of the facts contained in it from the Archbishop's own mouth. 13.
History of the Massacre of the Valtoline.
Printed in the third volume of Fox's Acts and Monuments, edit. 1631. 14.
His Judgment of bowing at the Name of Jesus.
Hamburgh, 1632. 8
vo.
Besides many instructions to the Bishops of his diocese, speeches in parliament, letters, and other occasional compositions.
It may not be amiss to observe here, that there was another writer of both his names, who flourished somewhat later. This George Abbot wrote
a paraphrase on Job, a vindication of the Sabbath,
and
a paraphrase on the Psalms.
This last was printed in 1650, and it appears from thence, that the author was lately dead, and had been, while living, a member of the parliament then sitting. Another George Abbot, fellow of Merton college in Oxford, in 1622, and who took the degree of Bachelor of Law, in 1630, was our Prelate's nephew, and the son of Sir Maurice Abbot, but it does not appear that he was a writer.
FINIS.
CHARACTER OF Archbishop ABBOT, BY The Right Honourable
Arthur Onslow,
LATE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.
CHARACTER OF Archbishop ABBOT, Upon reading Lord CLARENDON'S Account of him.
Which see, pages 48 and 49 of this work.
THAT worthy Prelate did surely deserve a better representation to posterity. He was a very wise and prudent man, knew well the temper and disposition of the kingdom with respect to the ceremonies and power of the church, and did therefore use a moderation in the point of ecclesiastical discipline, which if it had been followed by his successor, the ruin that soon after fell on the church might very likely have been prevented. His being without any credit at court from the latter end of King James's reign will bring no dishonour on his memory, if it be consider'd that his disgrace arose from his dislike of, and opposition to the imprudent and corrupt measures of the court at that time, and from an honest zeal for the laws and liberties of his country which seem'd then to be in no small danger, and it was a part truly becoming the high station he then bore. His advice upon the affair of the Palatinate and the Spanish match shewed his knowledge of the true interest of England, and how much it was at his heart; and his behaviour and sufferings in the next reign about the loan and Sibthorp's sermon as they were the reasons of his disgrace at that time, so ought they to render his memory valuable to all who wish not to see the fatal counsels and the oppression of those times revived in this nation. The Duke of Buckingham was his enemy because the Archbishop would not be his creature, and the church perhaps might have been thought to have been better govern'd, if he had stooped to the Duke and given in to the wantonnesses of his power: but he knew the dignity of his character, and loved his country too well to submit to such a meanness, tho' very few of his brethren had the courage or honesty to join with him in this, and if the Archbishop himself is to be credited
Vide his Narrative.
, his successor's rise was by the practice of those arts this good man could not bend to. As to his learning we need no better testimony of it than his promotion by King James, who had too much affectation that way to prefer any one to such a station who had not borne the reputation of a scholar; but there are other proofs of his sufficiency in this, even for the high place he held in the church. If he had some narrow notions in divinity, they were rather the faults of the age he had his education in, than his, and the same imputation may be laid on the best and most learned of the reformers. His warmth against popery became the office of a Protestant Bishop; tho' even towards Papists there is a
See Rushworth's Collections, vol. 1st. page 243.
remarkable instance of his mildness and charity, which shewed that his zeal against their persons went no farther than the safety of the state required. His parts seem to have been strong and masterly, his preaching grave and eloquent, and his stile equal to any of that time. He was eminent for piety and a care for the poor, and his hospitality fully answer'd the injunction King James laid on him, which was to carry his house nobly, and to live like an Archbishop. He had no thoughts of heaping up riches; what he did save was laid out by him in the erecting and endowing of an handsome Hospital for decay'd tradesmen, and the widows of such, in the town of Guildford in the county of Surrey, where he was born and had his first education; and here I cannot omit taking notice that the body of Statutes drawn by himself for the government of that house, is one of the most judicious works of that kind I ever saw, and under which for near one hundred years that Hospital has maintain'd the best credit of any that I know in England. He was void of all pomp and ostentation, and thought the nearer the church and church-men came to the simplicity of the first christians, the better would the true ends of religion be served, and that the purity of the heart was to be preferred to, and ought rather to be the care of a spiritual governor, than the devotion of the hands only. If under this notion some niceties in discipline were given up to goodness of life, and when the peace of the church as well as of the kingdom was preserved by it, 'twas surely no ill piece of prudence, nor is his memory therefore deserving of those slanders it has undergone upon that account. It is easy to see that much of this treatment has been owing to a belief in the admirers and followers of Archbishop Laud, that the reputation of the latter was encreased by depreciating that of the former. They were indeed men of very different frames and the parts they took in the affairs both of church and state as difagreeing. In the church, moderation and the ways of peace guided the behaviour of the first, rigour and severity that of the last. In the state they severally carried the like principles and temper. The one made the liberty of the people and the laws of the land the measure of his actions, when the other, to speak softly of it, had the power of the Prince and the exalting the prerogative only, for the foundation of his. They were indeed both of 'em men of courage and resolution; but it was sedate and temperate in Abbot, passionate and unruly in Laud. It is not however to be denied that many rare and excellent virtues were possessed by the latter; but it must be owned too, he seems rather made for the hierarchy of another church and to be the minister of an arbitrary Prince, and the other to have had the qualifications of a Protestant Bishop and the guardian of a free state. Thus much I thought was due to the character of this good man, not only for the sake of justice, but as an offering of gratitude to his memory for the great and lasting obligations the town of Guildford (to which I have some relation) lies under to him. And what I have here said of him I am amply justified in, from several accounts delivered down of him, from letters and other pieces of his own in Rushworth's Collections
Vol. 1.
, and from the Statutes of his hospital before-mentioned, and other memorials of his worth which are there preserved.
July the 10th, 1723.
A. O.
It is not perhaps unworthy of observation, that in England Calvinism went along with Civil Liberty, and Arminianism the contrary; and that in Holland it was at the same time the very reverse.
Archbishop
ABBOT
's WILL.
THE WILL OF
GEORGE ABBOT,
Late Lord Archbishop of
Canterbury.
1632.
IN the Name of Almighty God from whom alone cometh my help, I George Abbot by the Providence of God Archbishop of Canterbury, considering with myself the certaintie of that decree that it is appointed for all men to die once, and weighing the uncertainty of that hour when my Lord and Great Master will call for me, being now in reasonable health and perfect memory, I praise God for the same, and being willing to dispose of myself, and of that small portion of wealth which the Lord in mercy hath lent unto me, do make this my last Will and Testament as followeth.
FIRST, I do thank the God of Heaven and Earth, for bringing me from meaner estate to a place of some note in his church, which by his mercy and unspeakable goodness I have laboured to discharge to my power in simplicity of conscience, having ever in my memory that great and last day of accompt, when all mens bodies shall stand before that tribunal of Christ, and in the mean while not forgetting that saying of the Prophet
Psalm cxvi. v. 11.
,
Quid retribuam Domino?
because in so many troubles as this inconstant world doth afford his Divine Majesty did ever protect and uphold me, and so I trust that high and great God will out of his incomprehensible love do unto the end. Then I commend my soul unto the blessed Trinity, the Father who created it, the Son who redeemed it, the Holy Ghost who in some measure hath sanctified it, beseeching that God in Trinity and the same Trinity in Unity to receive it into the kingdom of heaven there to reign for ever for Jesus Christ's sake, by whose death and bitter passion only which that unspotted and innocent lamb did suffer for the sins of the world, I stedfastly hope to have full and free remission of all my offences, according to the truth of the gospel now by his great mercy published in this famous Church of England, which I hold to be the best framed pattern of all the Churches in Europe, and according to the doctrine which in my life-time for full forty years together (when I write this) I have taught in my preaching and maintained in my writing, and in the verity whereof (because it is grounded upon the sacred scriptures of the old and new Testament) I hope to appear with chearfulness and confidence before the throne of God.
I commend my body to the earth in assured hope of a joyful resurrection, desiring to be buried in the Trinity Church at Guildford which is near unto my Hospital, that in the same town where my flesh had the beginning thereof, it may rest as the
depositum
of my love to that place; but I leave all circumstances of my interring and funeral to the judgment and discretion of mine Executors.
I give to the Poor of the parish of Lambeth thirty pounds; and to the Poor of the parish of Croydon twenty pounds; both these sums to be disposed according to the discretion of mine Executors, and if it may be it is best that they should be directed to some permanent use.
I have heretofore given to the Mayor and his Brethren at Guildford one hundred pounds
See the Letter to the Corporation of
Guildford.
, which sum is in their hands, or at least in their disposing, I declared it so at first and my desire is that it should be preserved to a perpetual use, to be lent by five and twenty pounds a man to four several tradesmen in that town, to set poor men on work; I would not have these sums to be lent but upon good security, and to hold for two or three years at the most, without any interest or consideration (saving paying for making the bonds) and then to be lent from time to time to other traders there, with this proviso upon the bonds that if any of the borrowers to die before the end of the term for which the money is lent, that the sum be repayed or delivered back to the Mayor and his Brethren within three months after his decease.
To him whosoever shall succeed me in the Archbishoprick I give all the pictures and maps now hanging in the gallery at Lambeth, together with my barge, praying him not to grieve my Executors for dilapidations, since it appeareth to the world how careful I have been in repairing all the houses belonging to the See of Canterbury, beyond that which my predecessors have done in the memory of man, and that I have bestowed divers thousands of pounds upon the same, as may well be seen by books of accounts truly kept concerning those expences, besides the care which to my great charge I have had for the preservation of the woods of the Archbishoprick standing in Kent and Surrey, which I have so spared beyond my predecessors, that I have bought timber to the value of some hundreds of pounds to repair my houses, because I would not cut young trees, but let them grow up to the benefit of my succcessors; and being now fair I leave it humbly to his Majesty's consideration, whether it be not fit that my successor and successors to enter good bond into the exchequer not to cut any timber, saving for necessary reparations of his own houses, which was the course holden in Queen Elizabeth's days especially for the Bishoprick of Winchester, and not unfit elsewhere to be followed. I have many books in the great study or library at Lambeth marked with these two letters G C, I bequeath those to that library to the use of the Archbishops of Canterbury in succession; and I appoint that a catalogue should be made of them, and sent to the Dean and Chapter of the cathedral church in Canterbury to be there kept, and a transc
ipt or copy thereof to remain in the library at Lambeth; the cost of this I leave to my Executors, but pray Mr. Baker my secretary to take some pains therein for that which shall remain unperfected by me, which I hope shall not be much, yet in that which shall be I would have Mr. Baker to take the advice of my hou
hold chaplains being with me in house at the time of my death; and because I am not ignorant that by falsehood, cavils in law, or some negligence, not only those books given by me, but those which were left by my Lord Bancroft may be diverted from the use of my successors, and so this great and good work be frustrated, as far as in me lieth I do in the name of that dreadful and Almighty God, who is the rewarder of all men's deservings be they good or be they evil, lay it upon the soul and conscience of him and them that shall succeed me in this Archbishoprick, that to the best of their power by all means they keep that library and all the books safe as I have done, and I pray God to bless all them that have that good mind, and to divert and hinder all those that have any intendment to the contrary, and this I pray not only for and concerning my successors but all other persons whatsoever,
My next general care is of my servants among whom I do not know any unhonest or unworthy man, my will for them is that my houshold should by my Executors be kept together at my charge for the space of one month after my decease, that men may have some time to dispose of themselves. And to begin with the poorest; I do give two hundred pounds to be divided by my Executors unto forty yeomen or inferior of my servants by five pounds a year. And I give forty pounds more to supply any forgetfulness of mine towards such as have served me; or if the sum beforenamed do not hold out, those last moneys to be disposed by the discretion of mine Executors towards gentlemen or yeomen where they shall see fit, and according to what proportion they shall hold most convenient; those to whom I give particular legacies are to have none of this two hundred and the forty pounds, but my servan s at Croydon are to be taken in. To such gentlemen as at the time of my death shall serve me in house, and have no portions or named legacies, I give to each of them a gold ring to the value of forty shillings to wear in remembrance of me. And I intreat my successor whosoever he shall be to entertain so many of my servants as he shall need, assuring him that he can not have more honest and serviceable persons to attend him.
To Sir Edmond Scott I give my little silver clock, and a trencher salt of gold without a cover, which remaineth among my plate, and this he must receive as a memorial of my love, because otherwise by my means he is not ill provided for, although if if it were more he is worthy of it.
To Mr. Richard Brigham, the controller of my house, I give my four coach mares, and one hundred pounds in money, he knoweth that I have not been altogether forgetful of him in my life-time, but all that I have done is too little, because his faithfulness, diligence, and discretion hath been such in serving me that my estate by his means hath been the better within doors and without.
To my two chaplains attending me in mine house I give my pictures and maps in the gallery at Croydon, to be divided between them; and to each of them a ring of gold of forty shillings. And such another ring I give to my chaplain Master Edward Abbott of Loarkin.
To my secretary Master William Baker, as honest a man as ever served any master, I give my gold ring with the table diamond to wear in remembrance of me, praying him to take some pains to perfect up the catalogue of my books given to the library at Lambeth, that it may orderly appear to posterity what I have left there, according to the care that I did take for the books left by my predecessour the Lord Bancroft the founder and first beginner of that library; I give him also the great inlayed cabinet of wood standing in the Queen's chamber at Lambeth, the keys whereof lie in the old desk which standeth in the study, which is next to the closet near the chapel.
To Master Richard Line I bequeath my lesser gold chain, and twenty pounds of money if he owe me so much at the time of my death; I have done something for him in my life-time according to my ability, and it may fall out that I may do more.
To Master William Sherman I give a gold ring with a turtoyse in it which I have ready lying by me, and a piece of gilt plate of thirty ounces, I have not altogether forgotten him heretofore in some other matters.
To honest John Goodwyn I give one hundred marks in money, and my big clock which useth commonly to stand in my chamber; I have much desired to leave him some office or matter of continuance, but God hitherto hath not offered me the means to do it according to my desire.
To Ralph Watts who long hath served me painfully and diligently I give also one hundred marks in money, and a gold ring with a turkoise in it; I have done something for him besides, but I wish it were much more.
To Walter Dobson my receiver, and the receiver of the archbishoprick, I give twenty pounds, and the ring with the West-Indian sapphire which I have used to wear having my arms cut in it; I hope he hath not utterly lost his time under me, and therefore he will be content with this remembrance of him. I leave him also my little written book with the blue strings, wherein are set down the leases and woods, and provisions belonging to the archbishoprick, I would have him keep it to himself for it may be of good use unto him.
To George Aisme, my page and godson, I give ten pounds, and one of the summer nags which I have running amongst my horses.
To Master John Harte, sometime solicitor of my causes, I give all the arrearages of young Livesays wardship, if any be behind; and I give him also a gold ring with a turtoise in it.
I bequeath to Robert Clarke, yeoman of my horse, ten pounds. And so much I give also to George Hollist.
I give moreover to Master Francis Harton, Master John Goodwin, and Ralph Watts, the remainder of young Peyton's wardship to be equally divided amongst them as it hath been heretofore. To Walter Dobson I give that which is left of Turvey's wardship
(videlicet)
fifty shillings yearly. And to George Hollis the remainder of Pole Wheeler's wardship so long as it doth continue, I do not know the time but it is fifty shillings by the year.
To Sir Dudley Diggs, my antient pupil in Oxford, I give my ring set with an orient sapphire, and all my antique coins of gold, silver, and brass which are in my study at Lambeth.
To Sir Henry Martin, dean of the arches, and my good friend, I bequeath all my serpentine cups and vessels, which I give him that when he seeth ruseth t h em he may think of me.
To Master Serjeant Hendon, my old Oxford acquaintance and friend, careful in my law-business, I give the fair bible which lieth in a white box, standing in that room wherein I have heretofore ordinarily studied while I remained at Lambeth.
To the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury I do give five and twenty of those books which now remain in my study at Croydon, and I do give five and twenty more (to be taken after the other from thence) to the Dean and Chapter of Winchester to be put into their several libraries, and these I wish my Executors to choose out with the privity and some advice of the Dean or Vice-Dean of those churches for the time being, supposing that they wish to have such books as be not in their libraries already.
For Baliol college I have done divers things already, and if God send me life I have a purpose to let them taste something more of my courtesy.
There is a lease of two houses which was taken in the name of my brother Sir Morris Abbot, as he very well knoweth, my will is that my executors do so order it that twenty pounds yearly out of the benefit arising by that lease, be paid to my brother John Abbot of Guildford during his life, if the lease do so long continue; and other twenty pounds yearly arising from that lease I appoint to be paid to the wife of Peter Hawkins sometime of Bramsil in Hampshire, for so long as the said woman doth live and no longer. What benefit may be made by the renewing the under leases, together with the remainder of the time after the decease of my brother John and the wife of Peter Hawkins, I give to my nephew Mr. Maurice Abbot of the Inner-Temple, and I pray my executors that these things may be truly performed according to my honest meaning.
To Sir Nathaniel Brent, and his wife my kinswoman,
he daughter of my brother Doctor Abbot sometime Bishop of Salisbury, I give a piece of gilt plate of thirty ounces. And I do further declare that it is my purpose and intent, that one paper or instrument under my hand and seal made for her benefit and now in her custody, should take place according to the conditions and time therein specified; this paper beareth date the tenth of January one thousand, six hundred and twenty. And my will is that the like paper should be available and take place in behalf of Master Edward Leonthorpe sometimes my servant. I do leave power sufficient to my executors to see these things performed.
I do give also to the said niece of mine the Lady Martha Brent, the gilt bason and ewer which the Lord Thomas Earl of Dorset, sometime Lord Treasurer of England, and in his life-time my honourable good master gave unto me by his will as a legacy; they may easily be known because they have engraven upon them the arms of his lordship.
I bequeath to my brother Sir Morris Abbot Knight my great silver hour-glass with the case wherein it is kept, as a special remembrance of me.
To his son my nephew Master Maurice Abbot, student of the Inner-Temple, I do give my bigger chain of gold to wear when he seeth cause, and otherwise to keep in memory of me. I give to him all the profits that may be raised of the lease of the Priory of Dover, which in his name is taken of the Archbishop of Canterbury to make use of it to himself after my decease; and there be some petty leases now fit to be demised the benefit whereof I give unto him. He knoweth what I have done for him besides, and I doubt not but he will safely keep a paper of directions which I have heretofore given unto him.
To my brother John Abbot I bequeath twenty pounds, and to his wife a piece of gilt plate of twenty ounces. To their daughter Sarah Sàye, I give twenty pounds, and a piece of gilt plate of twenty ounces. And I give to my other niece Damaris Bingstey a piece of plate of thirty ounces gilt. To John Abbot their brother I give a ring of forty shillings and no more, because I have otherwise provided for him already, God send him to use it aright, and to perform those things which by writing I have given him in charge.
I had a purpose to have left some yearly revenue for the maintenance of a conduit which I built in the town of Canterbury, but the mayor of that city and his brethren by the instigation of two or three persons have used me so unrespectfully and ungratefully, that I have held it fit to alter that purpose.
To the clerk of my kitchen — Shelton I give ten pounds. And so much to George Hodges, Also ten pounds to William Harrison my taylor.
I do give to Master Simon Hayward that serveth me fifty pounds.
To the Princess the Lady Elizabeth, daughter to my old lord and master King James of England, I give one hundred pounds to make a pretty cup of gold, in token of my dutiful respect and service to her princely dignity.
I do give to my niece Margaret Marsh one hundred pounds to bestow upon some jewel to be worn in memory of me. And the like sum I give, and to the same purpose, to my niece Mrs. Elizabeth Tresham. And the like sum I give to my niece Mrs. Mary Diggs. And so much to my niece Mrs. Martha Abbot, be she married or unmarried. I bequeath to my nephew Mr. Edward Abbot, Merchant, for his wife, one hundred pounds.
I designed afore two hundred pounds to be distributed among my poorer servants, at the rate of five pounds a man, I do now add unto it two hundred pounds more to be divided amongst them, so that there will be ten pounds a year for each of them.
To James Sowthis I do give for a legacy twenty pounds.
Touching the hospital erected by me in Guildford where I was born, and my parents of good memory long inhabited; I have finished the main building, and if there be any thing of decency or ornament convenient to be added thereunto, if God permit me life I shall accomplish those also. I have procured from my old sovereign King James of blessed memory a gracious mortmain, and I have devised statutes for the good government thereof, which I have caused formerly to be set down, and I have sent them to the hospital; I may peradventure add some small things unto those statutes during my life but if after my decease any thing appear not to be perfect, I leave the charge of the explaining the same unto my executors, to whom I leave a power to change circumstances if necessity so require, provided that they keep the substance of mine intendment. My purpose in the first place is to maintain there one master of the hospital, twelve poor brothers, and eight poor sisters all aged persons of honest report. But my intent in the second place is that some manufacture be set up in that town of Guildford, to find work for the younger sort of people. And to that end I have begun the work already, and bes
owed a good stock upon it. For the prosecution of this manufacture I crave the furtherance of the mayor and his brethren in that town, wishing that they will jointly agree together for the best course to promote that business, the honour will be God's, the reputation will be theirs, and will be a great benefit to that town if their poor be set on work. I would have my executors and the master of the hospital ever willing and ready to help forward mine intention, and if they all look at the public and not too much at the private, God will give a great blessing unto it. I have appointed a room for the work-house, and I hope it be already fitted thereto. For the endowment of the poor of the hospital I have bought land at Merrow, of one Master Harwood, and I have already passed it to that house; if there be no such conveyance made, I do by this my will give that land to the master and brethren of that hospital. I have bought also of one Master Goodwin lands at Meredin, or lands called Meredin, to the rent of forty pounds by the year. And of one Constable I have bought land at Horsham, yielding rent to the value of forty pounds by the year. These two parcels I do give to my hospital for ever, and I would have my executors to help forward those donations of mine if there be cause, but no way to hinder them. I have bought of Thomas Hill land at Ewhurst for the yearly rent of twenty-seven pounds, ten shillings; if it shall seem fit to Mr. George Duncan to have this land changed, I shall not be against it, so that there be as much land for value, and a good title laid in lieu of it; but be it one or the other I give it to my hospital. For the upholding of the manufacture set up by me in Guildford I do give one hundred pounds a year for ever to the said my hospital, (that is to say) threescore pounds a year bought of Master Bishe, and forty pounds by the year lying at Charlewood and bought of one Polsdon; and howsoever perhaps I do not hitt on the right names of the sellers, or the places where these lands lie, I will that it be no hinderance to this my donation or donations, but that the possessions be made good to the master and brethren of my hospital. I intended for the maintenance of the poor of my hospital two hundred pounds by the year, and now by the releasing of certain wood ground bought of one Bromfield of Katherine-Hill near Guildford, there wanteth the rent of twelve pounds ten shillings yearly charged upon my hospital. If I provide not this in my life-time, I require my executors to supply it with speed; but I am upon a bargain in Sussex, which I hope shall clear it up all. And whereas my good friend Sir Nicholas Kempe did by his last will and testament, give five hundred pounds to be bestowed on some good work as I should think meet, I here declare that I have bestowed that whole sum upon some of the lands before-mentioned to be bought and conveyed to my hospital, which I do being warranted thereunto not only by the general words of his will, but by particular signification from himself, for he was present when I laid the first stone of the chapel for that hospital and gave me one hundred pounds towards the work, and since from to time, and lately before his death being with me at Croydon, he voluntarily assured me he would be mindful of that house and foundation; and whereas he doth not in his will specially name the hospital, I conceive the reason of it out of true ground to be, because he did not know whether I would have any man's name used in the founding of that house and corporation besides mine own; but I declare him now a principal and the only benefactor of moment to that place, and I have caused mention to be made of it in the statutes of that house that he did confer to that foundation six hundred pounds, which to posterity will be an honour and memorial to that good knight sometime an officer in the archbishoprick and to me.
For the performance of this my last will and testament I must appoint some person or persons to take care, I having a good part been mine own executor, having already distributed with mine own hands much of that little which God hath given unto me. But yet for the further accomplishing of that which I intend, and for the disposing of my funeral, I appoint my executors my brother Sir Morris Abbot Knight, and my nephew Mr. Maurice Abbot of the Inner-Temple, Barrister, not doubting but care will be taken that all things shall be performed according to my true meaning above expressed. Whatsoever is remaining (my funeral charges excepted) be it money, bonds, plate, debts, cattle, or other moveables will fall to mine executors, who I doubt not but will take pains for the performance of my will, and among other things will look that my note books which are written with mine own hand, be safely kept. Such legacies as I have given to my servants I wish to be satisfied with all convenient speed, especially to those who are the poorer of them; and the like I declare for that which is by me bequeathed to the parishes of Lambeth and Croydon. There is no great matter to be done to my hospital, but if any small thing be requisite I would have it done as soon as may be.
So beseeching Almighty God to increase the number of his faithful, to abate more and more daily the strength of antichrist and popery; to send peace and prosperity to this island; to bless our sovereign my most gracious lord and master the king with long life and happiness, and to send him a fair and plentiful issue; I commend my soul again and again to the mercy of my most blessed Saviour and Redeemer.
July 25, 1632.
G. Cant.
Proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury.
A WORTHY AND MEMORABLE LETTER, RECEIVED From the Lord of
Canterbury,
his Grace.
Memorand. That the letter underwritten being sent to this Town, before this day, by the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, his grace, for special reasons is ordered to be registered on Record, and followeth in these words, viz.
AFTER my hearty commendations, I do not live so far from you, but that I many times do enquire of the state of your town, which, because it was the place of my beginning, I cannot chuse but have in extraordinary recommendation. And understanding that it hath not pleased God to give unto it that flourishing estate for trade and traffique which I have known it sometime to have, I have often, both in meditation with myself, and in consideration with some of my friends, your well willers, debated by what means I might give the best furtherance unto the same, wherein if I shall acquaint you with my thoughts, you will bear with me, because they all proceed from a good mind toward you, and if I erre in any thing, upon information I shall quickly be reformed. First therefore you must know, that considering my perpetual expence, my means are not great, to bring about some such thing as my heart hath desired, as perhaps for the erecting of some hospital, as my most worthy predecessor the Lord Archbishop Whitgift did at Croydon, the like whereof would require a full purse, and long continuance of time in the place which I hold, whereof no man can take to himself any assurance, since we are daily in the hand of God, and enjoy our breath, but at his pleasure. But in this I do not forget, that this may be a relief for some few aged folks, but the generality of the town is not the better for it, whereas if the corporation did thrive and flourish, those poor and aged people, would easily be maintained by the charity of such as be of best ability.
Some other time, my mind hath run upon bestowing of some stock upon the town, that men who do trade, might have some money lent them for two or three years, freely, putting in some good security to the Mayor and his brethren to repay the same again, that so the stock may go from hand to hand, and be preserved to posterity. But here I have thought that if trade be not good, this can little avail, for a well meaning man may be decayed, and not only lose that which is lent unto him, but that also which he hath of his own, and then to force sureties to pay his debt, is to weaken the estate of other who did undertake for him. Upon these and the like deliberations, I have thought then with myself what course there may be taken for the advancing of trade amongst you, which will set the poor on work, and may be a benefit unto the common-wealth, and the thing which I most pitch upon is clothing, because both town and country hath been accustomed thereunto. And yet herein I confess that the making of your kersies doth give me little satisfaction, because sometimes they are up for the price, and sometimes they are down; and as far as I can learn by the Merchants which deal for cloth, there is not great hope in that kind of any certainty hereafter.
So that this putting me to seek further, I have entred into consideration, whether it were not good to fall to the making of stuffes, as they call them; as Say, Serge, Dorincks, Durance, Perpetuana, and other of that kind, which might employ the wool growing thereabout, and exercise the people in Labour. And here I find as many difficulties, for it is a great attempt to alter the trade of a Town so far from the former course thereof; and perhaps a glutt of them may cause them to be as ill vented as other cloths are now.
Thus out of my love to the place of my birth, and to you all, I stand distracted what to do, if God should make me able to effect any thing for you; but after all those ways above-named, my meditations have fallen upon this, whether in probability the making of broad cloth, either blues or mingled, or white, be not a likelier trade to thrive than that which is now used; and if there may be appearance thereof, (for certainty I know there is none in any mortal thing) the greatest will be to alter the tools which now are, as Racks, Mills, &c. into those which are convenient for the making of broad Cloth; now in this methinks I may give you some help, If I shall do as the low Countrymen lately have promised to do to their people, the more to invite them to the making of cloth, That is, to bestow four or five pound upon every man that will set up a loom at first; and in like proportion to the alteration of Mills, and other instruments fit for that whereof I speak, which, if God do bless me, I shall be willing to do to some reasonable quantity, if it may do good unto that corporation, the welfare whereof I so much desire.
My request unto you Mr. Mayor, and to your brethren, is, that you will think upon these things, and meeting together at your own opportunities, deliberate what may be most available for the place wherein you live, which I would have you to beat, and beat again with yourselves, and others, before you return me an answer, lest if any alteration should hastily be, and it should have ill success, blame should be laid upon me when I have not deserved it. And if you can find out any other matter, than those which I have thought upon, if they be not of too great Charge, I shall upon Consultation, easily condescend unto your desire, for I have a meaning to do you some good, as God shall send me life, and afford me ability.
In token whereof, I have now dispatched away one hundred pounds, which I trust my Countryman Mr. Robert Parkhurst, will see by exchange conveyed unto you. And this money I would have to be no way employed, but to be laid up in safe custody, until such time as I shall give order for the using of the same, upon such resolution as I shall receive jointly from you. And so thanking you for sundry remembrances, which at several times I have received from you, I forbear at this time to be further troublesome to you, but leave you to the good blessing of the Almighty.
From Lambeth,
Dec. 13. 1614.
Your very loving friend, G. Cant.
Trinity Hospital in Guildford Surrey.
A DESCRIPTION OF THE HOSPITAL. WITH A CORRECT COPY OF THE CHARTER.
A DESCRIPTION OF THE HOSPITAL, AT
GUILDFORD.
THE Hospital which the Archbishop so nobly endowed, at Guildford, stands over-against Trinity Church; it is built of brick in a qu
drangular form, with a noble tower at it's entrance, and four turrets over the gate. In the south east corner of the quadrangle are genteel apartments for the master; on the west side are apartments for the brethren, and on the east for the sisters. The chapel at the north east corner, is spacious and high roofed, and has two large gothic windows of painted glass very well stained, representing as follows. The north window has four lights, divided with stone work: in the first, Isaac is sending Esau for venison, Rebecca behind; and from a window, at a distance, Esau is discovered hunting. See
Genesis
27th ch. Underneath is this inscription.
Natu priorem praeferens
Paterni amoris impetu,
Coeca errat indulgentia.
Natura non dat gratiam.
By the impulse of paternal affection, blind Indulgence preferring the elder, errs, but nature does not grant the favour.
In the second, Rebecca is instructing Jacob to obtain the blessing, and underneath
Vtero gemellos dum tulit
Edocta mater coelitus
Docet minorem vt occupet
Natale priulegium.
The mother, being inspir'd from Heaven, while she bore the twins in her womb, advises the younger to obtain the blessing.
In the third, Isaac blessing Jacob; Rebecca behind.
Benedictionis proemium
Pascentium, haud captantium est
Subest
que
decreto Dei,
Non ordini natalium.
The reward belongs to those who feed; not to those, who eagerly desire it; and is conferred according to the Decree of Heaven, not according to Birth-right.
In the fourth, are Isaac, Esau, Jacob, and Rebecca; Esau with the savoury meat, threatening Jacob.
Maior minori irascitur,
Sibi; praereptum dolet,
Quod poscit ortu debitum.
Hinc odia fratrum maxima.
The eldest is angry with the younger, and grieves at what is taken from him, which he demands as due
to him from his birth. Hence arose the greatest hatred between the brothers.
In the first light of the East Window, is Jacob's ladder,
Genesis
28. and underneath the following.
Saxum reclinatorio,
Coelum
que
pro tentorio est:
Hic scala coeli cernitur.
Pia sunt piorum et somnia.
A stone is for his pillow, and Heaven for his teaster: here the ladder of heaven is seen, and the dreams of the pious are holy.
In the second, Laban embracing Jacob; Rachel behind with her sheep, the well, &c. Chap. 29. verse 13.
Primo receptus comiter.
Pascit peregrinos greges,
Sub lege dura seruiens,
Patiens
que
longi temporis.
Being at first received kindly, he feeds strange sheep, serving on hard terms, but patient a long time.
In the middle light, are Jacob, Rachel, Leah, Dinah with the twelve Patriarchs.
Foelix frequenti coniuge
Fit Patriarcharum pater,
Prolem
que
numerosam videt,
Semen futurae Ecclesiae.
Being happy in a fruitful wife, he is made the father of the Patriarchs, and sees a numerous offspring the seed of a future Church.
In the fourth light, Laban's covenant with Jacob, behind are tents, with his wives, children, &c. Chap. 31, verse 43. &c.
Domum remigrans, inuidum
Socerum insequentem mitigat:
Coitquè foedus mutuum,
Monente per somnum Deo.
Returning home he mitigates his envious father-in-law pursuing him, and enters into a mutual covenant, God admonishing him in a dream.
In the fifth, Jacob praying, the cattle round him, out of his mouth a scrowl proceeding, thus;
MINOR SUM CUNCTIS MISERATIONIBUS TUIS ET VERI- TATE TUA QUAM EXPLENTVI SERVO TUO.
I am not worthy of the least of thy mercies and thy truth, which thou hast shewed to thy servant.
And underneath is
Baculo, leviquè sarcina,
Qui pauper olim transijt,
Plenus bonorum iam redit.
His se minorem praedicat.
He who formerly poor, passed over Jordan with a staff and a light burthen, now returns full of wealth. He declares he is not worthy of it.
Near the top of the window, are three angels holding scrowls, with this inscription;
DO PAUPERIBUS. REDDO DEO. QUID RETRIBUAM DOMINO? HIC VOTA RESOLVAM.
I give to the poor. I restore to God. What shall I return unto the Lord? here will I pay my vows.
Underneath these, are four human figures, with escutcheons on their breasts; wherein there are the arms of York, France, Lancaster, and Scotland. There are beside these, several different coats of arms, and over the north window, this date, 1621. Near the chapel is a spacious dining room, at the upper end of which is a half length picture of the Archbishop, and near him another of Sir Nicholas Kemp, Knt. which, by the warm stile of the painting, must be Paul Vansomer's. Under his picture is his coat of arms: Gules
three Garbs
Or,
a Bordure engrail'd of the second.
Underneath the dining room, is a hall for the use of the brethren and sisters. Over the gate, is the master's dining room, and in the top of the tower, with iron grates before the windows, is the treasury. On scrolls in many of the windows are these words:
Romans 8. chapter, 15 verse.
CLAMAMUS ABBA PATER.
There are likewise two large kitchens, and other rooms, with exceeding good cellars under the whole building. The garden adjoins to the House, is walled round, and well planted.
THE CHARTER.
JACOBUS, Dei gra. Anglie, Scotie Francie et Hibnie Rex fidei defensor &c. OMNIBUS ad quos pntes Lre pvenerint salutem, CUM reverendissimus in Christo pater et pquifidelis Consiliarius noster Georgius providencia divina Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus totius Anglie primas et Metro
olitan. animo pio et liberali quoddam Hospitale in Villa de Guldeford, in Com. nro Surr. pro ppetua inhabitacoe pauper.
aegenor. viror. et mulierum, ibm sustentand. et alior. ibm i artib. manual. manufactur. et al. laborib. instruend. et enut
end. ad sua propria onera et expens. fundare et erigere in Aimo constituerit, Et sup. inde quandam Domu. cum nece
arijs edificijs, curtilagijs et gardinis, p. recepcoe et habita
e, hujusmodi pauper. et alior. et p. Scitu dict. Hospital. su
ptib. suis proprijs in Villa de Guldeford pdict. edificaverit, et pparaverit, ac nobis humilime supplicaverit (quaten us nos gratiam nram regalem ad dict. Hospitale erigend. fundand et stabiliend. ei dignaremur, Sciatis qd nos operi tam lau
bile graciose faventes; volentesq. vt intenco. ipius Reveredissimi patris pietatis et charitatis plenissima, ac hujusmod viro dignissim. optatum sortiat. effectum de gra. nra spial
c ex certa sciencia et mero motu nris volumus ac p.
ntesp. nobis heredib. et Successorib. nris. concedimus et ordin
us quod dict. domus cum edif. curtilag. et gardinis pdict. ic construct. edificat. et confect. de cetero sit erit et hebitur
um Hospitale p. sustentacone et relavamine pauper. et indige
viror. mulierum ibm sustentand. et alior. in manufactura la
rantm ibm perpetuis futuris temporib. duratur, Quod quidem Hospitale vocabitur Hospitale beate Trinitatis in Guldef
d, Ac Hospitale illud p. nomen Hospitalis beate Trinita
in Guldeford nominamus, erigimus, creamus, fundamus e
tabilimus p. pntes Et quod in Hospital. illo de cetero sint erunt unus Magister et sex pauperes viri vel plures ad nume
duodecim vel minus modo inferiu. menconat. nominand.
nstituend. sen cligend. qui vocabuntur fratres dict. Hospital, Quodq. vlterius sint et erunt in dict. Hospital. octo mulier. in Hospital. pdict. sustentand. Necnon aliqui alij in manufactur. laborantes in dict. Hospital. relavand. et sustentand. et ibm in artib. manualib. ac al. laborib. exercend. secdm ordinacon. in hijs Lris paten. express. et juxta tenor. harum Lrar. nrar. paten. ac ordinacon. vigor. eardem fiend. nominand, constituend. seu eligend, ET alterius de ampliori gratia nra spiali ac ex certa scientia et mero motu nris. volumus ac p. pntes p. nobis heredib. et successorib. nris concedimus et ordinamus qd pdict. Magister et fratres Hospital. pdict. p. tempore existen. et successores eor. de cetero imppm. sint et erunt vnu. Corpus corporat. et politic. de se in re fco. et nomine p. n
men Magistri et fratrum Hospital. bete Trinitatis in Guldeford pdict, Ac ipos Magistrum et fratres et successores suo
p. nomen Magistri et fratrum Hospital. beate Trinitatis in Guldeford pdict. in vnu. corpus corporat. et politic. p. idem nomen imppm. duratur realiter et ad plenum pro nobis heredib et successorib. nris nominamus, faciamus, ordinamus, constituimus, creamus, et stabilimus firmit. p. pntes, Et qd p. ide
nomen habeant successionem ppetuam, VOLUMUS etiam et p. pntes p. nobis heredib. et successorib. nris concedimus, c
stituimus et ordinamus qd dict. Magister et fratres Hospi
l. pdict. p. tempore existen. et Successores sui p. nomen Mag
r
et fratrum Hospital. bete Trinitatis in Guldeford pdict sin et erunt psone h
biles et in lege capaces ad habend. pquirendrecipiend. et possidend. terras Tenta revercoes et heredittamnt, sibi et successorib. suis in Feodo et perpetuitate; ac ad ternnos quoscunq. ac etiam bona et catalli cujuscunq. genis, nture seu specij fuerint, Necnon ad dand, comedend, dimitten. et assignand. terr, tenement, heredittament. bona et catalla c oia alia fca et res faciend. et exequend. p. nomen. pdict scum eram intencoem pntium et tenor. ordinaconu. et Statutor. p. pdi
nunc Archiepiscopum Cantuariensem dum vivit, aut si e vi
s excesserit p. Successores suos Archiepiscopos Cantuari
s. in forma in seruis in pntib.
ress. fiend; Et qd p. idem
omen Magistri et fratrum Hospital. beate Trinitatis in G
deford pdict. plitare et implitari. respondere et responderi, d
endere et def
ndi, valeant et possint in quibuscunq. Cur. pceis et locis et coram quibuscunq. Judicib. et Justiciar. et al officiar. et minister. nris heredum et successorum nostror. in om
. Plitis, querelis, sect, causis materijs et demand. cujuscun nature seu condicois fuerint eisdem modo et forma prou
alij ligei nostri psone habiles, et in lege
paces, seu ali
od Corpus corporat. et politic. infra hoc Regnu. An
e habere pquirere, recipere, possidere, gaudere, retinere, dare, concedere, dimittere, alienare, assig
are et disponere plitare et implitari, respondere et responderi defendere et defendi iacere seu exequi possint et valeant, Et qd dict. Magister et fratres et successores sui de cetero imppm. habeant comune Sigillum p. causis et negocijs hospital. pdict. quoquo modo concernen. agend. deservitur, Et quod bene liceat et licebiteis et Successor. suis Sigillum illud de tempore in tempus fra
gere mutare et de novo facere prout eis melius videbitur expedire; ET pro meliori execucone voluntat. et concession. nre in hac pte, necnon ad elecoem noiacoem et appurtnacoem pdci Georgij Archiepiscopi Cantuarien. nominamus assignamus et constituimus dlcm subdidum nrm Ricum Abbott de Guldeford pdict. fore et esse primu. et modernu. Magistrum Hospital. pdict, continuand. in eodem loco Magistri Hospital. pdict. duran. vita sua naturali nisi interim p. pdict. nunc Archiepiscopum Cantuariens. vel Successores suos p. aliquo vel aliquib. tali vel talib. delicto vel delictis default. vel default causa vel causis p. eundem Magistrum ppetrand. fiend. vel comittend. pro quo vel quib. p. constitucoes Statut. sive ordinacoes in ea pte scdm intencoem psentium fiend. et ordinand. ear. aliqu. vel aliqua
amoveri vel removeri debeat, amovebitur et removebitur, ET vlterius nos ex
leccoe nominacoe et appunctuacoe dict. Georgij Archiepiscopi Cantuar. nominamus, assignamus et constituimus Georgiu. Burges, Georgiu. Fry, Jacobum Seaman, Ricum Butcher, Johem Rapley, et Georgiu. Kitchiner fore
t ess
primos et modern. fratres ejusdem Hospitale ibm remansur. sustentand. et relevand. duran. vitis suis natural. nisi ipi aut eor. aliquis vel aliqui p. pdcm nunc Archiepiscopum aut Successores suos Archiepiscopos Cantuar. pro aliquo vel aliquib. tal. vel talib. dilict. vel dilictis, defalt. vel defalt, causa vel causis p. eos seu eor. aliquem vel aliquos respective ppetrand. fiend. vel comittend. & qua vel quib. p. ordinacoes Statut. vel constitucoes in ea pte secundum intencoem pntium fidnd. et ordinand. vel ear. aliquam vel aliquas respective amoveri vel removeri debeant vel debeat amovebuntur vel removebuntur vel eor. aliquis amovebitur vel removebitur, ET vlterius volumus ac p. pntes p. nobis hered. et Successorib. nris ordinamus et constituimus qd idem nunc Archiepiscopus duran. vita sua, et post ejus decessum Successores sui Archiepiscopi Cantuarien.
ligere nominare et appunctuare possint al. viros idoneos qui vna cum pdict. sex fratrib. supius noiat. aut eor. supvivend. erunt
ratres Hospital. pdict. et pdict. numer. duodecim fratrum aut tal. minor. numerum vltra pdict. numer. sex fratrum et infra numerum duodecim fratrum prout eidem nun
Archiepiscopo magis idoneum videbitur et declarabitur complere po
int; Qui quidem fratres
ic ut p
ert. noiand. seu eligend. postqm sic nominat. et elect. fuerint erunt de corpore politico supradict. et eisdem potestate, authoritate et ceter. omnib. gaudebunt put pdict. fratres supius noiat. vigore pntium gaudere po
int et valeant ac in Hospital. pdict. erunt sustentand. et relevand. duran. vitis suis nrlalib, nisi ipi aut eor. aliquis vel aliqui p. pdict. nunc Archiepiscopum aut Successores suos Archiepiscopos Cantuarien. pro aliquo vel aliquib. tali vel talib. delict. vel delict. defalt. vel defalt. causa vel causis per eos
ive eor. aliquem vel aliquo
respective ppetrand. fiend. vel comittend. pro qua vel quib. p. ordinacoes Statut. vel constitucon. in ea pte s
dm intenconem pntium fiend. et ordinand. vel ear. aliquam vel aliquas respective pro
t in eisdem ordinacoib. Statut. et constitutionib. declarabitur et pscribitur amoveri
vel removeri debeant vel debeat, amovebuntur vel removebuntur vel eor. aliqus amovebitur vel removebitur ET vlteriu
volumus ac p. pntes pro nobis heredib. et Successorib. nris ordinamus et constituimus quod sint et erunt in eodem Hospital. alique psone in Hospital. pdict. sustentand, ac in artib. manual. manufactur. aut alii laborib. intruend. et educand. Nec non octo pauper. femme in eodem Hospital. sustentand, que quidem femme et al. psone juxta ordinacon scdm ten
rem pntium imposter. fiend. de tempore in tempus inppm.
oiabun
ur constituentur eligenter regentur et in omnib. ordinabuntur; VOLUMUS etiam ac ex vbiori gra. nra
piali ac ex certa scientia, et mero motu nris pro nobis heredib. et Successorib. nris concedimus qd quandocunq. contigerit aliquem vel aliquos aut aliquam vel aliquos pdict. Magistri fratrum mvlierum aut aliar. psonar. supius noiat. aut qui imposter. iuxta formam et effectum pntiu. elect. noiat. sive associat. fuer. ab hac vita decedere vel ab Hospital pdict. pro aliqua causa ronabil. scdm ordinacones et constitueon. p. veram intencon. pntiu. fiend. amoveri, quod tunc et to
ies bene liceat et licebit pdict. Georgio Archiepiscopo Cantuarier. quamdiu vixerit et post obitum ipius al. vel alijs secundum tenor. Statut. p, ipm Georgiu. vel p. Successores suos fiend. et ordinand. vnu. al. magistr. aut vnu.
ratrem mulier. vel psonam, aut plures al. fratres mulier. vel p
on
s in Hospital. pdict. manutentand. sustentand. vel educand. in loc. sive loc. humoi Magistr. fratr, mulier. vel pson. aut h
moi fratr, mulier. vel pson. sic mort. vel amot. mortuor. vel amo
or. eligere et p
icere. Et
sc t
tius quoties casus sic acciderit, ET vi
rius de vb
r
eri gra. nra spiaii dedimus et conce
imus ac p. pntes p. nobis hered. et successor. damus et concedimus pfat Magistro et fratrib. Hospital. bete Trinitatis in Guldeford pdict. et Successorib. suis licenc. spial. liberamq. et licit. potestat. facultat. et authoritat. hendi recipiendi et pquirendi eis et cor. successor. imppm ad vsus et intencon. inferius in pntib. declarat. de nobis hered. et Successor. nris vel de pdco Georgio Archiepo Cantuar. hered. executor. vel assign. suis aut aliquib. al. psonis vel aliqua al. psona tam pdict. Hospitale dom, edisic, curtilag. gardin. et ceter. pmissa superius vt pfertur construct. edificat. sive confect. qm maner. messuag. terr, tent, reddit, rector, decim, et al. heredittamt. quecunq. que non tenentur de nobis hered. vel Successor. nris imediate vel alit. in Capite aut p. servic. militar. aut de aliquo al. sive de aliqu. al. p. servic. militar, dumodo non excedant in toto clarum annu. valor. Trecentar. librar. legal. monete Anglie p. annu. pter et vltra pdict. Hospital. dom. edisic. curtilag. gardin. et cetr. pmissa supius vt pfertur construct. edificat. sive confect; Statut. de terr. et tenement. ad manu. mort. non ponend. aut aliquo al. Statut. Actu ordinacoe, lege seu provisione ante hac hit, fact, edit, ordinat. seu pvis. aut aliqua al. re causa vel mater. quacunq. in contrar. inde in aliquo non obstante; DEDIMUS etiam et concessimus ac p. pntes pro nobis heredib. et successor. nris damus et concedimus pfat. Georgio Archiepo Cantuar. hered. executor. et assign. suis, necnon cuicunq. al. Subdit. nro, et quibuscunq. al. Subdit. nris hered. et successor. nror. licentiam spial. liberamq. et licit potestat. facultat. et authoritat. qd ipe vel ipi aut eor. aliquis vel aliqui tam pdict. Hospital, dom, edific, curtilag. et gardin, qm aliqua al. Maner. mesuag. terr. tenement, reddit, Rector, decimas, seu al. heredittament. quecunq. que non tenentur de nobis hered. vel successor. nris imediate vel aliter in Capite vel p. servic. militar. aut de aliquo al. sive de aliquib. al. p. servic. militar. non exceden. in toto pdict. clarum Annum reddit. sive valor. trecentar. librar. pfat. Magistro et fratrib. Hospital. pdict. et successor. suis licite et impune dare et concedere, vendere, legare vel alienare possint et valeant possit et valeat; Statut. de terr. et Tenementis ad manu. mortuam non ponend. aut aliquo alio Statuto Actu Ordinacoe lege seu provisione ante hac hit, fact, edit. ordinat. seu provis. aut aliqua al. re causa vel mater. quacunq, in contrar. inde in aliquo non obstante, ET vt intenco nra ac hoc piu. ppositum pdict. Georgij Archiepi Cantuar. meliorem firmioremq. sortiantur effectum, atq. ut bona, terr. tenement. reddit. revencon. et al. heredittament. ad sustentacon. Hospital. pdict. ac Magistri et fratrum pauper. mulier. et alior. in Hospital. pdict. manutenend. posthac concedend. et assignand. me
ius Gubernentur, tractentur, regentur et expendantur volumus concedimus et ordinamus p. nobis hered. et successorib.
ris p. petes quod pdict. Georgius Archiepus Cantuar. duran vita sua natural. et post ipius mortem Succ
ssores Archiepiscopi Cantuar. pro tempore existen. faceant et facere valeant et possint idonea et salubria Statut, constitucon et ordinacon, in
ript. tam concernen. veram religionem et divin. servic. infra Hospital. pdict. de tempore in tempus in honorem Dei omnipotends celebrand. quam gubernacon, elieccon, expulsion, a
oc
n, punicon, et direccon. Magistri frm mulier. et al. pson. Hospital. pdict. pro tempore existen, Necnon allocacon. stipend.
allar.
rdem Magistri fratrum mulier. et alior. et al. que
un
. idem Hospitale seu magistrum, et pauper. pdict. ac omn. officiar. et Minister. in eodem locand. et vtend, necnon ordinac
n, p. servacon, dimission. et disposicon. terr, tenement, possession. re
it. revencon. et al. heredittament. bona et catalli ejusdem Hospital. quovismodo tangen. sive concernen, Que quidem Statut. ordinacon. et constitucon. sit vt pfertur fiend. sub virtute Sacramenti seu aliter inviolabiliter observari de tempore in tempus imppm. p. nobis hered et Successorib. nris firmit. pcipimus p. putes, Ita tamen quod Statut. constitucon. et ordinacon. pdict. nec eor. aliquod. vel aliqua sint vel sitcontrar. sive repugn. legib. sive Statut. huius Regni nri Anglie, VOLUMUS etiam et p. putes pro nobis hered. et successorib. nris concedimus statuimus et ordinamus qd hujusmodi psone sive p
ona que ad id. p. ordinacon. statut. et constitucon. pdict. ordinabuntur et appunctuabuntur Sacrament. corporal. pro debit. dict. ordinacon. statut. et constitucon. observacoe et obedienc. pfat. Magistr. fratr. mulier. et al. pson. in Hospital. pdict. relevan
. et sustentand. et cor. quilet ministrare possint et valeat possit et veleat put. in ca pte ordinabitur absq. aliqua al. Comissione bri vel warranto a nobis hered. vel Successor. nris in ca pte procurand. seu obtinend, VOLUMUS eciam ac p. putes pro nobis hered. et successorib. nris pcipimus et ordinamus qd oia profic, exit. et rev
ncon. omniu. humoi torr. tenement. heredittament. et possession. imposter. si
vt ps
rtur dand. seu con
d
nd. hend. pquirend. seu assignand. de tempore in tempus impp
. comittentur dispon
ntur et expendantur ad sustenta
oem manutencon. et
ducacon. Magistri sratrum mulierum et cete
om remanen. et al. officiar et ministr. eiusdem Hospital. pr
tempore
ac ad sustentacon. manutencon. et re
a
on. d
mor. torr. tenement. reddit. et possession. humoi
eden
constitucon. e. statut. p. pdict. Georgium Archiepiscopum Cantuar. prout psertur faciend nec. ad aliq
od al. vsus aut intencoes. Eo quod expressa menco de vero valo
anno aut de certitudine pmissor. vel eor. alicujus aut de al. do
is sive concessionibus p. nos seu p. aliquem progenitor. vel pdecessor. nror. pfat. Georgio Archiepo Cantuar. et Magistro et fratrib. Hospital. pdict. vel eor. alicui ante hac tempora fact. in pntib. minime fact. existit, Aut aliquo Statuto Actu ordinacoe provisione proclamacoe sive restrictione ante hac hit. fact, edit, ordinat seu. provis, Aut aliqua al. re causa vel mater. quacunq. in contrar. inde in aliquo non obstan. IN cujus rei Testimoniu. has Lras nras sieri fecimus Patentes TESTE me ipo apud Westmonasterium vicessimo die Junij Anno regni nri Anglie, Francie, et Hibnie vicessimo et Scotie quinquagesimo quinto.
p. Bre. de privato Sigillo. YONGE ET PYE.
TRANSLATION.
JAMES, by the grace of God, of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, King, defender of the faith, &c. To all whom these present letters shall come, greeting. Seeing that the most reverend father in Christ, and our most faithful counsellour George, by divine Providence, Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, and Metrapolitan, out of a pious and liberal disposition, hath determined in his mind to found and erect at his own expence, a certain Hospital, in the Town of Guldeford, in the county of Surrey, for the perpetual habitation of poor and needy men and women, there to be maintain'd, and for the employment of others in manufacture in handicraft trades, and in labour, to be instructed and bred up to their own proper employments, and sor the site of the said Hospital, at his own proper costs, has prepared and built in the town of Guldeford, a certain house with necessary buildings, courts, and gardens, for the reception and habitation of such poor and others, and has humbly besought us to grant unto him (as far as in us lies) our royal favour to the erecting, founding, and establishing the said Hospital. Know ye, that we graciously favouring and wishing well to such a laudable work, that the full intention of the charity and piet
of this most reverend father may have its desired effect, most worthy of such a man of our special grace and certain knowledge, we will of our own free motive, and by these presents we grant and ordain for ourselves, our heirs and successors, that the said house with edifices, curtilages and gardens aforesaid, so built, erected, and made for the rest, may, shall be, and be accounted one hospital for the support and relief of poor and indigent men and women there to be sustain'd, and for the labour of others in manufacture there to continue for ever, which certain hospital shall be called the hospital of the Blessed Trinity in Guildford, and we nominate, erect, create, found, and establish by these presents the said hospital, by the name of the Hospital of the Blessed Trinity in Guldeford, and that in the said Hospital, for the rest, there may and shall be one master, six poormen, or more, within the number twelve, or under only to be hereafter mentioned, nominated, constituted, or chosen, who shall be called Brethren of the said Hospital, and whatsoever there may or shall be further in the said Hospital, and eight women in the Hospital aforesaid to be nominated and maintain'd, as well as some others labouring in the manufacture in the said Hospital to be reliev'd and kept, and there to be employ'd and labour in handicraft trade according to the appointment express'd in these our Letters Pattents, and according to the Tenure of these our Letters Pattents, and the appointment by vertue of them to be made, nominated, constituted, or chosen. And further for our more ample and special favour, and from our certain knowledge and free inclination, we will, and by these presents for ourselves, our heirs and successors, we grant and ordain that the said master and brethren of the aforesaid Hospital, for the time being, and the successors of them for the future. for ever, may be and shall be one body corporate and politique of themselves, in matter, fact, and name, by the name of the master and brethren of the Hospital of the Blessed Trinity in Guldeford, and they the said master, brethren, and their successors, by the name of the master and brethren of the Hospital of the Blessed Trinity in Guldeford aforesaid, in one body corporate and politique, by the same name truly to continue for ever, and this in full for ourselves, our heirs, and successors, we nominate, make, ordain, appoint, create, and establish firmly by these presents, and will that by the same name they have perpetual succession. And also for ourselves, our heirs and successors, we grant, appoint, and ordain that the said master and brethren of the aforesaid Hospital, for the time being, and their successors by the name of the master and brethren of the Hospital of the Blessed Trinity in Guldeford aforesaid, may and shall be fit persons and capable in law to have, acquire, receive, and possess lands, tenements, revenues, and hereditaments, for themselves and their successors in fee and for ever, and upon what terms soever, and also goods and chattels of whatsoever sort, nature, or kind they shall be, as well to give, grant, demise, and assign lands, tenements, and hereditaments, and all other acts and deeds to be done and executed by the aforesaid name, according to the true intent of the presents and tenure of the ordinations and statutes by the aforesaid Archbishop of Canterbury during his life, and after his decease by his successors Archbishops of Canterbury, in form following to be made or expressed in these presents. And that by the same name of the master and brethren of the Hospital of the Blessed Trinity in Guildford aforesaid, may and can be able to implead or be impleaded, to answer or to be answered unto, to defend and to be defended, in whatsoever court, pleas, and places, and before whatsoever our judges and justices, and other officiorys and ministers of our heirs and successors, in all pleas, complaints, suits, causes, matters, demands of whatsoever nature or condition, they shall be to them the same in manner and form as other our leidge subjects, fit and capable in law as in any other body corporate and politique within this our realm of England may and can be able to have, obtain, receive, possess, enjoy, retain, give, grant, demise, alienate, and dispose, to plead and be impleaded, to answer and be answered unto, to defend and be defended. And that the said Master and Brethren and the successors of them for the rest for ever, may have one common Seal for causes and transactions of the said Hospital, in what manner soever to be kept, done, and transacted, and that it well may, and shall be lawful for them and successors from time to time to break, change, and make new the said Seal as it shall seem to them more expedient. And for the better execution of our will and grant in this matter to the election, avoidance, and appointment of the aforesaid George, Archbishop of Canterbury, we nominate, assign, and appoint, that our beloved subject Richard Abbot of Guildford aforesaid, is, and shall be the first Governour and Master of the aforesaid Hospital, to be continued in the same place of Master of the said Hospital during his natural life, unless in the mean time by the said now Archbishop of Canterbury or his successors, for some such ofsence, offences, fault or faults, default or defaults, cause or causes, by the said Master to be perpetrated, done, or committed, for what or which by these constitutions, appointments, or ordinations on that part, according to the present intention to be made and ordain'd, or for some one or more of them, he ought to be or shall be displac'd or remov'd. And further we by the election, nomination, and appointment of the said George, Archbishop of Canterbury, do assign this our constitution, that George Burges, Gregory Fry, James Seaman, Richard Butcher, John Rapley, and George Kitchiner, now or hereafter to be the first and present Brethren of the same Hospital, there to remain, to be sustain'd and relieved during their natural lives, unless they, or some one or more of them, by the said now Archbishop, or his successors Archbishops of Canterbury, for some one or more such fault or faults, default or defaults, cause or causes, by them or some one or more of them respectively by to be perpetrated, done, or committed, for which one or more by the ordinations, statutes, or constitutions in that part, according to the intent of the presents to be made and ordained, either some one or more of them respectively should, or ought to be displaced or removed, and the said some one or more of them shall be displaced or removed accordingly. And we further will, and by these presents for ourselves, our heirs, and successors, do ordain and appoint that the same now Archbishop during his life, and after his decease his successors Archbishops of Canterbury may thus nominate and appoint fit men, who together with the aforesaid six brethren abovenamed, or the survivors of them shall be brethren of the Hospital aforesaid. And the aforesaid number of twelve brethren, or such number or numbers above the number of six brethren, and within the number of twelve brethren, as it shall seem more expedient to him the same now Archbishop, and shall be declared to be compleat, which kind of brethren so as before set forth to be named, or to be chosen, after being so named or chosen, may and shall be of the body politique aforesaid, and for themselves shall enjoy the power and authority, and all other things as the aforesaid brethren abovenamed may and can enjoy by virtue of these presents, and shall abide in the said Hospital, to be sustain'd and reliev'd during their natural lives, unless to him or some one or more of them by the aforesaid now Archbishop, or his successors Archbishops of Canterbury, for some one or more fault or faults, default or defaults, cause or causes, by them or some one or more of them to be perpetrated, done, or committed, for what or which, by the ordinations, statutes, or constitutions in this part, according to the intention of the presents to be mad
and ordain'd, either some one or more of them respectively as in these same ordinations, statute
, and constitutions it shall be declared and prescribed, must or ought to be displaced or removed, and some one or more of them shall be so displaced or removed accordingly. And we further will and by these presents for ourselves, our heirs, and successors, do ordain and appoint that there may and shall be in the same Hospital, some persons in the aforesaid Hospital to be maintained in some handicrast trades, manufacture, or to be instructed or brought up in some other labours. And also eight poor women in the same Hospital to be maintain'd, which sort of women and other persons by the ordination according to the tenour of the presents to be made from time to time for ever, shall be named, appointed, chosen, govern'd, and in all things ordered. We will also, and of our greater grace, special and certain knowledge, and of our free inclination, for ourselves, our heirs, and successors, we grant that whenever it shall happen that some one or more of the said master, brethren, women, or other persons above named, or those who for the future according to the form and effect of the presents elected, nominated, or associated shall depart this life, or for some fault shall be removed out of the said Hospital, according to the ordination and constitution by the true intention of the presents to be made for such removal, that then and as often as it shall and may be lawful for the aforesaid George Archbishop of Canterbury, who in his life time, and after his decease, and first of all, and even by others, according to the tenour of the statutes by him the said George, or by his successors to be made or ordained, one other master, or one other brother, woman, or person, or more other brethren, women, or persons into the said Hospital to be maintain'd, kept, or educated, in the place or places of such masters, brethren, women, and persons, or of such masters, brethren, women, or persons respectively so dead or removed to elect and promote, and so as often as the case shall so happen. And further of our own more sree and special grace, we give and grant, and by these presents for ourselves, our heirs and successors, do give and grant to the aforesaid master and brethren of the Hospital of the Blessed Trinity in Guildford aforesaid, and their successors, special, sree, and lawful power, faculty, and authority, of having, receiving, and obtaining for themselves, and their successors for ever, to the use and intention hereafter declared by these presents, from ourselves, our heirs, and successors, and for the aforesaid George, Archbishop of Canterbury, his heirs, executors, or assigns, or both as well for some person or persons, as for the aforesaid hospital, house, edifice, curtilages, gardens, and other premises as above set forth, as built or erected, or to be built, with which mannor, messuages, lands, tenements, rents, rectory, tithes, and all other hereditaments whatsoever which are not held of us, our heirs, and successors immediately exlalie in capite, or by knights service, or of some other person, or by some other tenure, and by knights service if so be they do not exceed in the whole clear yearly value of three hundred pounds of lawful money of England by the year, except and over and above the aforesaid hospital, house, edifices, curtilages, gardens, and other premises above set forth, as erected and built, or to be built, the statutes of lands and tenements in mortmain not to be pleaded or to be alledged by other statutes, act, ordinance, law, or provision heretofore made, set forth, ordain'd, or provided, or by any other thing, cause, or matter whatsoever to the contrary hereof in any wi
e, notwithstanding. We have also given and granted, and by these presents, for ourselves, our heirs, and successors, do give and grant to the aforesaid George Archbishop of Canterbury, his heirs, executors, and assigns, and also to every other of our subjects, and to all other our subjects of our heirs and successors, special licence and lawful power, faculty, and authority, that he or they, or one or some of them also to the aforesaid hospital, house, edifices, curteiages, and gardens, which with some other mannors, messuages, lands, tenements, rents, rectories, tithes, or all other hereditaments whatsoever, not held of us, our heirs, and successors immediately, or otherwise in capite, or by knights service, or of some other or others, or by knights service, not exceeding in the whole the clear yearly value of three hundred pounds) to the aforesaid master and brethren of the aforesaid Hospital and their successors, lawfully, and without damage, or they may and can give and give, sell, demise and alienate any statute of lands, tenements in mortmain not to be alledged, or any other statute, act, ordination, law, or provision heretofore had, made, set forth, or provided, or for any thing, cause, or matter whatsoever to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding. And that our intention, and this pious purpose of the aforesaid George, Archbishop of Canterbury may have the better and more firm effect, and that the goods, lands, tenements, rents, revenues, and other hereditaments, and supports of the asoresaid Hospital, and of the master and brethren, and poor women and others in the aforesaid Hospital, to be hereafter maintain'd, to be granted and assigned, that they may be better governed, treated, and ruled, and accommodated, we will, we grant, and ordain for ourselves, our heirs, and successors, by the presents, the aforesaid George, Archbishop of Canterbury during his natural life, and after his decease his successors Archbishops of Canterbury for the time being, may make, and may and can make fit, wholesome statutes, constitutions, and ordinances in writing, agreable to true religion and divine service, within the aforesaid hospital, from time to time for celebrating the worship of omnipotent God, which government, election, expulsion, avoidance, punishment, and direction of the master; brethren, women, and other persons of the aforesaid Hospital for the time being, and also the alotment of the stipend and salaries of them the said master and brethren, women, and other things whatsoever of the said Hospital, as the master, and the poor men aforesaid, and every officiary and minister to be placed and used in the same, and also the ordinance, preservation, dismission, and disposition of lands, tenements, possessions, rents, revenues, and all other hereditaments, goods, and chattels, to the said Hospital belonging, or in any wise appertaining; which certain statutes, ordinances, constitutions thus as before set forth, to be made by virtue of any oath, or otherwise inviolably from time to time sor ever, by us, our heirs and successors to be firmly prescribed or enjoyned by these presents, so notwithstanding that the statutes, constitutions, and ordinances aforesaid, nor any nor either of them might or should be contrary or repugnant to the laws or statutes of this our kingdom of England. We will also, and by these presents for ourselves, our heirs and successors do grant power, and ordain that the person or persons of this kind which shall be ordered and appointed to these ordinances, statutes, and constitutions aforesaid, by their corporal oath for their duty to observe and obey the said ordinances, statutes, and constitutions, they the aforesaid master, brethren, and women, and other persons in the aforesaid Hospital to be relieved and kept, and every of them may and can be able to do their duty, even as it shall on this part be ordain'd without any other commission writ or warrant from us, our heirs and successors on that part to be procured and obtain'd. We will also, and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors do command and ordain that all profits, products, and revenues of whatsoever kind, of the lands, tenements, hereditaments, and possessions for the future, so as before set forth to be given or granted, had, acquired, or assigned, from time to time for ever are committed, dispos'd, and ought to be expended to the relief, maintenance, and education of the master, brethren, women, and others there abiding, and other officiaries and servants of the said Hospital for the time being, and for the support, maintainance, and reparation of the houses, lands, tenements, rents, and possessions of this kind according to ordinance, constitution, and appointment by the aforesaid George, Archbishop of Canterbury as before set forth to be done, nor to any other use or inteat, because that express mention of the true yearly value, and of the certainty of the premises or of some one of them, or of other donations or confessions by us, or by some one of our progenitors or predecessors to the aforesaid George, Archbishop of Canterbury, and to the master and brethren of the aforesaid Hospital or any of them before this time made in the presents, in no wise to be made or done or by any other statute, act, ordinance, provision, proclamation, or restriction before these here made, set forth, ordain'd or provided. or for any other thing, cause, or matter whatsoever to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding. In testimony of which, we have caused these our letters to be made patents. Witness ourself at Westminster, the twentieth day of June, in the year of our reign over England, France, and Ireland the twentieth, and over Scotland the fifty-fifth.
By Writ from our Privy Seal, YOUNG and PYE.
THE FOUNDER's STATUTES FOR THE GOOD GOVERNMENT OF THE Hospital of the Blessed Trinity IN
GUILDFORD,
SURREY.
The Oath of the King's Supremacy.
I A. B. do utterly testify and declare in my conscience, that the King's Highness is the only Supreme Governour of this Realm, and of all other his Highness's Dominions and Countries, as well spiritual and ecclesiastical things and Causes, as temporal; and that no Foreign Prince, Person, Prelate, State, or Potentate, hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction, Power, Superiority, Preheminence, or Authority, ecclesiastical or sprtitual within this Realm. And therefore I do utterly renounce and forsake all Foreign Jurisdiction, Power, Superiority and Authority; and do promise that from henceforth I will bear Faith and true Allegiance to the King's Highness, his Heirs, and lawful Successors, and to my Power will assist and defend all Jurisdictions, Privileges, Preheminence, and Authority granted or belonging to the King's Highness, his Heirs and Successors, or united or annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm of England.
So help me God, and the Contents of this Book.
THE STATUTES OF THE HOSPITAL.
The PREFACE.
FORASMUCH as every Christian Man is bound according to the measure of grace and mercy which he hath receiv'd from God, to render back again to his Eternal Father such tokens of gratefulness and thankfulness as are in his power, and I George Abbott, Archbishop of Canterbury, from the mere mercy of the Blessed God, besides the inward graces of his Holy Spirit, having been partaker of some earthly and worldly benefits more than most of my birth and rank hath attain'd unto, I have held it agreable with my duty to leave behind me to posterity some monument of my thankfulness to my Creator, and some testimony of my faith in Christ Jesus, which if it bring not forth some fruits to his glory, is to be held but as a dead and unprofitable faith; And therefore my affection leading me to the town of Guildford, wherein I was born, and where my aged parents lived many years in good repute, I have thought upon erecting an Hospital there, which I have dedicated to the Blessed Trinity. And intending that poor people should be maintained therein, think good to lay down certain Statutes and Ordinances, which shall be for the governing of the Master, Brothers, and Sisters there, as also of all other persons who are therein to be placed; and of the guidement of the possessions and rents, which God hath and may enable me to bestow upon the same. In the name therefore of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, who directs my Pen aright, I thus begin.
CHAP. I. Of the Master and his Office.
THERE can be no body of people be govern'd but there must be a head, to direct and oversee all the rest of the members. This head I appoint to be the master, whose office shall be to rule and govern all the rest with mildness and love, if it may be; otherwise moderate severity if there be just cause.
He shall require of the brethren and sisters the due observation of the ordinances and statutes; he shall keep one key of the common chest, and another of the Evidence House, that nothing be done there without his knowledge; he shall cause the gate of the hospital to be open'd and locked at due times appointed, and night by night shall have the key brought unto him, he shall be present when any one is admitted, and whensoever wages or allowances are to be paid; he shall be careful to preserve and defend the lands and inheritances of the house, and to that end shall see the evidences well and safely laid up; he shall see that all entries be duly made in the ledger book: he shall look in time to all reparations and all other good husbandry of the hospital, being careful that no fire or candle be dangerously kept; if any lodging be void, he shall keep the key thereof till it be deliver'd to some brother or sister which is newly to be admitted.
CHAP. II. Of the Quality of the Master.
THIS Master of the Hospital I appoint to be a man fearing God, of good name and fame, of fifty years of age at the least, born or having lived twenty years before in the town of Guildford; which I will have evermore to be understood within the compass which is governed by the Mayor, and no otherwise; he shall be at his election or nomination a single or unmarried man, and so shall continue so long as he remaineth Master; and if he thinks fit to marry, and doth so indeed, I appoint that on peril of the breach of his oath, he leave the place, within three days, to a new election or nomination. If any person hath been Mayor of the town, and hath governed with good report, he shall be capable of this place; and so shall the minister who is parson of Trinity church in Guildford, although he was not born in the town, so that either of these be single men, and furnished with the rest of the conditions named in this chapter; he shall as near as may be a provident man, acquainted with the affairs of the world, especially for letting or selling of land, or turning it to the best benefit of the place where he is master.
CHAP. III. Of the manner how the Master shall be chosen or appointed.
I Do reserve unto myself, the nomination of the Master, so long as it pleases God that I shall live; and after my decease I appoint, that if the place shall be void by the death, resignation, or expulsion of the former Master, that then the Vice-Master, or in his absence the Senior Brother, shall, as soon as may be, give notice to the electors that the place is void, that so they may meet together in the chapel of the hospital to make a new choice. The electors I appoint to be five; the Mayor of Guildford (or in his absence his deputy); the Parson of Trinity parish (and if he be not in town, the Parson of St. Nicholas parish); and three of the brethren of the hospital, that is to say, the Vice-Master, and the two Senior, or most antient Brethren; and look on whom the greater part of these five shall agree, he shall be admitted to the place of master; these shall proceed without favour or affection, or without any corruption whatsoever, directly or indirectly, as in the presence of God, who judgeth righteously touching the good or evil actions of all men in the day of Christ. This election I appoint to be within four and twenty hours of the being void of the mastership, or at least within that space after it shall known that the place is void. And if within that time it be not supplied by a new election, I then order, that by way of devolution it shall fall to the Archbishop of Canterbury, to be nominated by him according to my statutes; and if the See of Canterbury be void, or the Archbishop
sede plena
shall not design the Master within twelve days, then it shall be in the omination of the Bishop of Winton, for the time being, and if that See be also void, or the bishop
sede plena
shall not appoint the Master within seven days, then Sir George Moor, of Loseley, Knt. or after his decease, the heir of his house, whoever he shall be from time to time, shall have the sole appointing and designing of the Master; which, if it be not compleated within five days, the choice shall return to the first five electors. When the election, or nomination is thus passed, the person elected, or nominated, shall in the presence of all the brethren of the house, in the Chapel of the Hospital, take first the oath of sovereignty and obedience to the King's Majesty, his lawful heirs and successors, as by law prescribed, and then this oath here ensuing.
I A. B. from henceforth, so long as I shall continue and remain Master of this Hospital, shall and will by God's assistance, do my best endeavours to perform, fulfil, and obey the statutes, ordinances, and constitutions of the same, so far as they concern me, and shall do my best, that the rest of the brethren andsisters, as also all others that are under me, do keep and observe the same; I shall not hereafter at any time procure, or willingly give assent unto the hurt, endangering, or endamaging of the said hospital, in the hereditaments, or any of the moveable goods thereof, or in any thing that may concern the estate or welfare thereof; but to my best skill and power, shall defend, promote, and set forward the benefit and commodity thereof while I live. So help me God in Christ Jesus.
CHAP. IV. Of the Vice-Master.
THE Master, and the five senior brethren that be at home, shall, the morrow after Michaelmas day, yearly, choose a Vice-Master, one of the gravest and best understanding, who shall govern in the master's absence, as is prescribed in these statutes; and the rest of the brethren and sisters shall for that year, yield unto him a regard and due respect; the election shall be made by the major part, where the master's voice shall be accounted two. And at the end of the year, he shall have a stipend of thirteen shillings and four-pence out of the common chest; he shall keep one of the keys of the evidence house, and another key of the common chest; and in the absence of the master, he shall night by night, have the keys of the hospital brought unto him.
CHAP. V. Of the poor Brethren and Sisters who are capable of that Place.
THE Head being thus settled, the members are to be added which must compleat the body. On the right side, I put the poor men whom I call brethren, and on the left side, the poor women whom I term sisters. I ordain, that such as are to be nominated into these places be persons of good name and fame, no drunkards, or noted for contention, no lepers, or such as have any contagious, infectious, or incurable disease; none such as at any time have been known to have begged from door to door; but such as in their younger years have honestly laboured, and by age, impotency, or other hand of God, be grown poor, and fallen to decay; such only as have been born in the town of Guildford, or at least have lived there for twenty years before; I will that they be threescore years of age, before they be chosen; single, and unmarried persons, and so to remain; else if they do afterwards marry, by virtue of their oaths, they are to leave the hospital, and all interest they have therein, within two days; and among these, I would have preferr'd such as have born office, or have been good traders in the town, whereby they have set others on work, if any of them be fallen into poverty; such as have been soldiers, sent, or chosen out of Guildford, and have ventured their lives, or lost their blood for their prince and country; and if any be of my kindred, or have served my father, or me, I would have them to be capable, although they were not born in Guildford, nor be of the age above-named, so that at one time, there be not above three of my kindred, or more than three at once that have been my servants, and so that otherwise they be qualified as before.
CHAP. VI. The manner of choosing the Brothers and Sisters.
THE Nomination of these during my life, I reserve to myself; but after my decease I appoint that the first place that falleth void, be it brother or sister, be filled and named by the mayor of Guildford, or in his absence by his deputy; and the second place, by the master of the hospital, or in his absence by the master of the free school, in Guildford, and so turn after turn; the third, by the mayor, or his deputy; the fourth, by the master or schoolmaster, and so forward for ever. I do ordain that this nomination be perfected and accomplished within four and twenty hours, after the known death or avoidance of any formerly possessed with the place; and if the mayor, or deputy, for their turns, do not design the person to be supplied within the space above-named, then my will is, that the parson of the parish of St. Nicholas do appoint him, or her, that is to succeed; and if the master of the hospital, or the schoolmaster do not design for their turns, the person to be supplied by them within the space aforesaid, then my will is, that the parson of Trinity parish do appoint him or her that is to succeed; and if the said person be not at that time at home, then the master of the hospital; which, if he be not then at the nomination shall fall to the parson of St. Mary's church, in Guildford; all which nominations I would have to be as in the presence of God, without corruption, or filthy lucre; without favour, or sinister affection; for I give unto these persons this power only upon trust, and not to make a gain of that which I have spared from my back and from my belly, and from my kindred, and from some other good use in some other place, to bestow for God's sake on the poor members of Christ in this town; the Lord forbid that any man should abuse this my charity, for which he did never sweat or labour.
The manner of these nominations I ordain to be, that the mayor, master of the hospital, or other person, in whom the power of appointing or designing for that turn is, do come into the Chapel of the said Hospital, and there before four, or more of the brethren, do name him or her, whom in his conscience he findeth fittest; which being done, the master, or vice-master shall conduct the person so named to the chamber which is void; which he or she shall presently enjoy, but not have any other allowance of the house, till the end of one quarter of a year; the money that is to be saved being to be put into the common chest of the hospital, to supply reparations, law-suits, and other casualties; but after the end of three months, the brother or sister design'd, shall in the chapel of the hospital, before the master, or vice-master, first take the oath of allegiance, or obedience to the King's Majesty, as by law it is prescribed, and then this oath ensuing.
I A. B. from henceforth, so long as I shall remain a member of this hospital of the Blessed Trinity, in Guildford, shall and will, by God's assistance, do my best endeavour to fulfil and keep the statutes and ordinances of the same, so far forth as they concern me; I shall be obedient to the master of the hospital, in all reasonable and honest things; I shall not at any time willingly procure or give assent unto any indangering or endamaging of the said hospital, either in the estate, hereditaments, or moveable goods thereof, but to my best power and skill, shall defend and set forward the welfare and commodity thereof whilst I live. So help me God in Jesus Christ.
Here I think fit to add this. That because it may fall out that there be not men or women of threescore years of age, and single persons in the town to supply such places as are void, (as in my own lifetime I found once by experience that there were not) I do give licence, that in such case, and no other, some aged married man or woman be chosen, which is of quality and conditions otherwise agreable to my statutes; but in the choice of such a person, I will have the consent of the mayor of Guildford, the master of the hospital, and the parson of Trinity parish, all concurring, because I will not have this done but upon necessity. This man or woman shall have the weekly allowance os the house, and nothing else, and shall be called by the name of an out-brother, or an out-sister.
CHAP. VII. Of the Service of God.
AMONG or above all things that such persons as remain in the hospital are to do, it is first to take care that God be served, who is the giver and continuer of all good things. The master therefore of the hospital shall so often as he conveniently can, read some part of divine service, according to the book of common prayer, morning and evening, in the chapel of the hospital, to the brethren and sisters, and give God thanks, for their founder, and all other God's benefits and blessings; and this to be every day, except those hereafter mentioned; and if the master does not perform it himself, then the vice-master, (whom I would have always chosen such a one as can handsomely read) or in his absence, such a one of the brothers as the master shall appoint, shall without grudging perform that office, there can no man be too good to serve God. On the sabbath-days, festival-days, Wednesdays, and Fridays, at morning and evening prayers, and at Saturdays at evening prayers, all the brethren and sisters of the hospital being at home and not sick, (except the porter, who is to tarry at home to keep the house in the absence of the rest) shall repair two and two in orderly fashion to Trinity church (which is near unto them) and there devoutly pray with the rest of the congregation, for the preservation of the king's majesty, his children and issue when God sendeth them, as also for the happiness and prosperity of his kingdoms, and hear the word of God preached and read, and there be partakers of the Lord's supper at least thrice every year; and to the end all persons that are able may be present at prayers in the chapel or parish church, the master, or vice-master in his absence, shall weekly appoint one to note such as are absent from prayers, who shall daily give their names to the master, or in his absence to the vice-master; and if any without a sufficient cause to be allowed by the master, or in his absence by the vice-master, be not present at prayers, he or she shall for the first time forfeit one halfpenny, for the second a penny, and so for every time after for each month, to be abated and defaulted from their allowance at the pay day happening next after such their default of these forfeitures, one third part to be employ'd to the porter for that month, and the other two to the common chest; but in case any one without such cause as is aforesaid, shall be found to have been absent seven times in one month, he shall for the first time that he is found so offending, forfeit all his allowance of the house for one fortnight; and for the second time he or she shall have an admonition solemnly given them by the master and vice-master, which shall be entred into the ledger book; but if after three such admonitions, the same person shall be found again to have offended in the same kind, he or she shall then for a negligent and incorrigible person, be expelled from the hospital, never to be received there again; for why should any one who will not serve God, be thought fit to be in this body. After my departure out of this world, I appoint that a commemoration or thanksgiving should be said at prayer time, daily in the chapel, for me as the founder of this hospital, and for Sir Nicholas Kempe, Knt. who was a benefactor to this house; the substance of this commemoration to be, that they thank God for raising up unto them such a founder and benefactor, and do pray God that they use aright such benefits, as by their means have been, and are bestowed upon them.
The following is a Copy of the Thanksgiving.
Most gracious God, we yield thee all humble and hearty thanks for all these fatherly mercies, and outward comforts thou hast prepared for us; particularly that it hath pleased thee to move the heart of the most Reverend Father in God, George Abbot, late Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, who for the worship and service of God, and the relief and comfort of the poor, founded and erected this hospital; and also we thank thee for raising up Sir Nicholas Kempe, Knt. that in his lifetime, and at his death, was to this house a worthy benefactor; Grant O Lord, that we may spend and use these thy mercies a
ght, to thy
and glory; and that others by their good examples, may be
up to works of charity, and that both they and we may
attain everlasting life, through Jesus Christ, our
Lord and Saviour.
CHAP. VIII. Of honest Conversation.
NEXT after the service of God, an honest and quiet godly conversation is to be looked unto, it being the rule of the apostles, that christians should live godly, and justly, and soberly in this present world; I do therefore wish that the brethren and sisters of this hospital should live peaceably and quietly together, as having one heart and one mind, avoiding faction or bandying, or siding one against another, but studying to cherish, help, and comfort each other, especially in time of sickness, striving with all goodness and humbleness to bear one another's burden; I would have them by no means to be haunters of alehouses or taverns, for that ministreth occasion of drunkenness; which is a vice odious to God and good men, apt to bring on all kind of sin, and hath all the days of my life been hateful unto me.
CHAP. IX. What Crimes are to be avoided, and upon what penalties.
IF any brother or sister shall be convinced of any kind of incontinency, perjury, forgery, obstinacy in heresy, sorcery, or any sort of charming or witchcraft, or of any crime punishable by loss of life, or limb or ear, or shall be publickly set on the pillory, or whipt for any offence by them committed, or shall obstinately refuse to frequent divine service by law established, upon confession or conviction hereof, before the mayor of Guildford, the master of the hospital, and the school master of the free-school, such brother or sister shall immediately by them be displaced and expelled out of the house, and shall never be received thither again. And if any brother or sister shall be a blasphemer of God's holy name, an ordinary swearer, a gamester at unlawful games, a drunkard or hunter of taverns or alehouses, a brawler, fighter, contentious person, scold, or sower of discord, and thereof shall be convicted by confession or honest proof, before the master of the hospital, the vice master, and parson of Trinity church in Guildford, or any two of them, such offender shall for the first time have a solemn admonition given him or her, to be entered into the ledger book; for the second time shall forfeit all allowance and commodity for one month to the common chest, and shall have another solemn admonition as before; and if he or she offend in the like a third time, that person shall be expelled the house for ever, by those three or two of them which are last before-mentioned.
CHAP. X. Of residence within the Hospital.
THE Eye of the governour doth best direct th
se things that are under his charge, and therefore tis fit that the master of the hospital be present continually, if it may be, but because necessary business may call him sometimes away, I allow unto him for his own affairs (if he have cause) two months in the year, to be taken jointly or severally at his discretion, so that always when he goeth to lie two nights out of town, he do enter it into the ledger book; when he is abroad in business of the hospital, either for law-suits or to visit the possessions of the hospital I account him not absent; if his private necessities enforce his absence for more than two months, if he shall before the greater part of the brethren at home shew a reasonable cause, which shall be approved by them first, and then by the mayor of Guildford, I give unto him one month more, to be registered in the ledger book; but beyond this none shall have further power save the archbishop of Canterbury for the time being, whom I beseech to be moderate herein, and so to provide that by the absence of the master the hospital be not suffered in any sort to run into dilapidations of building or estate. To each brother and sister I allow the space of two months absence in the year, if they have cause to use it jointly or dividedly, but so that they ask leave of the master, or in his absence of the vice-master, whom I would not have to be difficult in granting them leave, the time of their going forth shall be recorded in the ledger book; and to the end that the members of this house may not be much flirting abroad but remaining at home as is fit for aged folks, I appoint that no brother or sister being absent for any whole week from the hospital shall have any more than half their weekly allowance, and this not to be neither unless the master and vice-master do give approbation thereunto. The master, brethren, and sisters are not to lodge any where in Guildford but in the hospital, and if any brother or sister without a sufficient cause to be allowed by the master, or in his absence by the vice-master, shall lodge out of the house, for the first time he or she shall forfeit two-pence, for the second time four-pence, for the third time eight-pence, for the fourth time two shillings and six-pence, and for the fifth time the whole next month's allowance, these forfeitures to be to the common chest, for the sixth time such is to have a solemn admonition to be entered in the ledger book, for the seventh offence in any one year which shall be counted to begin at the feast of St. Michael another admonition is to be given and entered; but if within the same year he do transgress again, he or she shall then by the master and vice-master be expelled the hospital, for that party who hath so much mind to be out of the house why should he be troubled so far as to be kept in it.
CHAP. XI. That no Strangers lie within the Hospital.
AS on the one side I have been careful that those os this society should lodge within the house, so my desire is as great that such as are strangers should not lie within the hospital; I have provided that no married persons be of this body, but experienced in other places hath taught me that fathers and mothers are not unwilling to draw their children and kinsfolk unto them, which will be both a burden and disturbance to the house, and so will the receiving of other strangers be, besides the disorders that cannot be foreseen; I do therefore ordain that no person whatsoever shall be lodged in the hospital, or continue there one whole night saving the master, and the brethren, and sisters, except they be necessary servants of the house only; I allow the master, or in his absence the vice-master in extremity of sickness and not otherwise, to give leave to any brother or sister to have one person of their kindred, or otherwise, to watch with them besides the help that they shall have from the rest of this society, but if any brother or sister do openly or secretly suffer any person to lie or continue all the night in their chambers or any other place in the hospital, and be thereof convicted, he or she shall for the first time forfeit the whole allowance of a month to the common chest; and for the second time the benefit that should come to him or her for a quarter of a year to be to the common chest as before, both these to be entered with an admonition into the ledger book; but the party that the third time transgresseth in this kind, and is convicted thereof before the master, vice-master, and parson of Trinity church, shall be by them for ever expelled out of the said hospital; and herein I require them to be strict and severe. To the master of the hospital I give leave to entertain a servant or two for his necessary uses, but such as he will be answerable for to the society; and because the lodgings provided for him hath convenient rooms, and sometimes there may be extraordinary concourse to the town, as when the court lieth near, or at the time of the assize, or in some other cases which cannot be foreseen, I do permit unto him to lodge either his friend or some other person or persons of quality, so that it may not be longer than for four or five nights; and the same liberty I allow to be used to my brother Sir Morris Abbot Knt. or to any of his children or children's children if they should have occasion to see Guildford, provided always that none of these bring any detriment or expence to the hospital.
CHAP. XII. Care to be taken for those that be Sick.
IT cannot be conceiv'd but where aged people are, some are like divers times to be sick, who are then to be attended and comforted, for in health each one can take care for himself, but in sickness he must be help'd by others; for the better performance of this, I appoint first that all the sisters shall from time to time be careful over the sick, as themselves would wish to be help'd by others in their extremities, where they are to remember that as natural sisters are loving to their brothers and sisters, especially in time of necessity, so I would have these be kind each to other, whom I as a common father have incorporated into this society; and secondly, I ordain that early the morrow after Michaelmas day, the master shall appoint especially two of the sisters whom he thinketh to be most fit for that purpose, to take upon them this particular charge and christian duty, these shall be called the Relievers of the Impotent; and when they have well and carefully performed that charge, at the end of the year they shall have six shillings and eight-pence a piece out of the common chest, as an augmentation of their allowance, but if any so appointed by the master shall refuse to take that charge upon them, the party so refusing shall be debarred from receiving any allowance whatsoever for that year, and that which is saved from her shall be put into the common chest of the hospital.
CHAP. XIII. Of the Porter and his Office.
THERE will be a necessity of having a porter to keep the gates of the house when the rest are gone to the parish church or otherwise to a sermon, I do therefore ordain that the five junior brethren shall in their turns for the space of one month a piece supply this place, the junior of all first beginning and so ending upwards, and on the first day of every month the brother whose turn it is, shall come unto the master, or in his absence to the vice-master, to receive his charge for that place; his office shall be to ring a bell twice each morning and evening unto prayers, the second ringing to be one quarter after the first; he shall also in the summer between the annunciation and Michaelmas receive the keys of the gates from the master or vice-master in the morning, and open the fore gate at seven of the clock, and shall shut it at eight o' clock in the evening during that time, and carry the keys to the master or in his absence to the vice-master every night; and from the feast of Michaelmas to the annunciation he shall open the gates about eight o'clock in the morning, and shut them at seven o'clock at night, and then carry the keys to the master, or in his absence to the vice-master; the back-gate shall not be open but when there is especial use for carriage or otherwise, and when that is finish'd it shall be presently shut again.
CHAP. XIV. Of the Reparations of the Hospital.
I Have caufed this house to be substantially built, and with God's blessing, together with those who shall enjoy it at the fame time, may continue long without great need of reparations. If any thing be amiss in the main work I would have it presently amended, least neglect at the first bring on further decay; to this end I ordain that yearly on the Monday next following the feast of St. John Baptist, the master or vice-master in his absence, with
hree other of the brethren whom he shall think apt
for that purpose, do discreetly view the house in all its buildings, the cellars and leads, together with the garden walls, and the house near the garden, and where they find cause that as soon as may be they see it repaired; and if they see any tile fall off, or any brick be notedly missing in the building, or if any thing happen which can abide no delay for the mending, although it be in the winter time, I would have it repaired as soon as conveniently may be, and all things so done in the public structure shall be at the expence of the hospital out of the common chest. If in any private room of the hospital any glass window be broken, or any other decay be by wilfulnefs or negligence, that brother or sister whose the room is shall at his or her charge see it amended within the space of a month, upon warning given by the master or vice-master, within which time if it be not done, the person whose default it was shall for every week forfeit four-pence, to go the common chest. If the glass of any public room be broken, it shall be enquired of who was the cause thereof, and if it be found, the party offending shall make it up again; and if it cannot be discovered who it was, it shall be repaired at the charge of the hospital. But for the better preservation of all glass in the house, I do utterly forbid the keeping of any dog within the hospital or precincts thereof, upon pain to the party offending, of forfeiting five shillings to the common chest for every day; and in this I require the master and vice-master upon their oaths to be very severe.
CHAP. XV. Of clean keeping of the Public Rooms.
IT is a religious care that the house of God should be decently kept, and it is a seemly sight that public places whereunto strangers may resort do lie no otherwise than cleanly; I ordain therefore that on every Saturday in the afternoon, the chapel and hall be swept by one of the three junior sisters in their turns, the latest coming into the house being first to begin, and so to the next in order; and if the garden yield herbs or flowers in the summer time, they cannot be better employed than to adorn these rooms. I do utterly forbid any swine or other noisome beasts, to be kept within the precinct of the hospital or backside, because my desire is, that both comeliness and health shall be every where preserved.
CHAP. XVI. In what Worldly Business the Brothers and Sisters may exercise themselves.
TO the end that idleness may be avoided, which is the mother of many sins, I do not only permit that any brother or sister who hath skill in any manual trade, do work in the same, either within the hospital or without, to get some part of their living; I do much commend them who shall employ themselves that way, but ever with this caution, that their labouring within the house be not offensive by any great noise, ill savour, or otherwise, to the rest of the society; I allow also that any brother or sister being able to exercise themselves in any honest labour of the body, may perform the same abroad so that they lodge not out of the hospital, without special leave of the master or in his absence of the vicemaster, and that to be not above one night in the week. I do forbid that any brother or sister should keep any alehouse or victualling house, within the hospital or without, upon pain of losing their place
ipso facto.
It shall not be lawful for any member of this body, by themselves or others, to beg or crave of any person within this town, or elsewhere; if any be found so to do, after two admonitions given by the master, (which by virtue of his oath after notice given I charge him to perform) he or she shall forthwith be expelled by the master; yet if any person shall without craving or asking, voluntarily give any aims or benevolence, it shall be lawful for those that are there present to receive it, and to put it into the box prepared for that purpose, that so when it cometh to any quantity it may be divided among the brothers and sisters equally, for I will not have the master to have any portion thereof; there shall be two several locks and keys to the box, the one to be kept by the master, the other by the senior brother at home; and once in the quarter it shall be opened in the presence of the most part of the society, to be distributed among all, provided always that if any thing be bestowed upon any particular person in respect of kindred, sickness, or any other impotency, that wholly shall go to the party on whom it is particularly and specially bestowed.
CHAP. XVII. Of the House for the Evidences and Common Seals.
I Have built a strong room in the top of the tower, over the gate, and although it be within the master's lodgings, yet would I have three keys to the door thereof, the one to be kept by the master, the other by the vice-master, and the third by the senior brother who is not vice-master. In this room I appoint things of moment which are not of daily use, to be safely laid up; and there shall be one chest, with three several locks of sundry wards and fashions, the keys whereof shall be kept by the three abovenamed; in this chest shall be kept the common seal, copies of the statutes, and such stock of money as yearly remaineth after disbursements, and is to be reserved for reparations and other necessary uses. I ordain also that there be in the same room one other large chest, wherein the foundation of the hospital shall be kept, and all evidences of lands sorted fitly into several boxes, which shall be superscribed with papers of direction according to the lands or parcels of the same; there shall also be put all rentalls, surveys, terrars with buttails and bounds, if any such be, counterparts of leases, court-rolls, and yearly accounts; and to this chest there shall also be three several locks and keys, to be kept by the master, or by the most antient brother, the second and third by one other of the brethren, who from year to year the morrow after Michaelmas day shall be chosen by the major part of the brethren of the hospital. I ordain that no parcels of evidence shall at any time be taken from thence but upon especial cause, and then also not to be longer kept from thence but as necessary occasion for the use thereof shall require; there shall also remain in the said chest a paper book, wherein shall be entred the parcels of all evidences from time to time taken forth, the day and year when, and to whose hands it was delivered, and for how long a time as is to be presumed, and the day and year also shall be entered when and by whom such parcel of evidence is delivered in again.
CHAP. XVIII. Of the Books and Register of the Hospital.
IN such a room of the master's lodgings as I shall appoint, there shall be a fair ledger-book kept with lock and keys, whereby the master and vice-master shall be entered and registred, the name, age, and qualities, and times of admittance of every master, brothers, or sisters, as also the times of the removings and deaths; there shall also be one other fair ledger book, wherein shall be entered the copies of all leases or other grants that be presently in use, or hereafter shall be made by the said hospital; and there shall be a third ledger book, wherein shall be entered such things as are given to them of any moment, and by whom, and the inventory of all the moveables, and also all other matters that be of weight and may be fit by record to be continued to posterity, but especially such admonitions as are given to offenders according to these statutes.
CHAP. XIX. How their Lands shall be demised, and with what Covenants, &c. How their Woods are to be kept, and both Woods and Lands surveyed.
THE Lands or Houses which I give to the hospital are intended by me to be for the good thereof, and that in perpetuity, if God be so pleased; I do therefore in this chapter lay down such conditions as are fitting to be observed in their demise; as first, that no lease or any other grant shall be made of any lands, tenements, or hereditaments belonging to this hospital, unless the master, vice-master, and besides them the greater part of the brethren do yield their consents thereunto, nor unless the full accustomed yearly rents thereof, according as I do leave it, be thereupon reserved and payable quarterly, or at the least half yearly, at or within the said hospital; and such lease or grant shall not be above twenty and one years from the making of the same by the hospital, and with reservation of all timber trees. And in the same lease shall be contained the true and perfect parcels and quantities of land by common estimation, with the buttalls and boundalls thereof, if convenient it may be; secondly, there shall be in every such lease or grant a proviso contained, that the farmer or tenant shall pay the rent at the hospital within twenty days next ensuing any one rent day limited for payment thereof, without any demand to be made further. In each lease or grant to be made, covenants of this effect shall be, first that the lessee at his own cost shall not only repair, and if need be, re-edify all edifices thereupon, and so well re-edified and repaired shall leave them at the end of the term, but shall also from time to time hedge, fence, ditch, and scour the ground, according to the usual courfe of husbandry of the country where the lands do lie; secondly, that the said lessees shall bear, pay or discharge, or save harmless the said hospital, of and from all charges, ordinary or extraordinary; going out or to be paid by reason of the lands demised, or of any parts thereof; lastly, that the lessees betwixt every eighth and ninth year of the said term, shall make or cause to be made, and written fair in parchment, and delivered up to the master at the hospital, a true and perfect terrier, containing the name and quantity, by estimation, of every parcel of ground demised, the manner of the situation, and lying of the same towards other lands, and the names of the present owners of the lands which are of any side, abutting upon the ground demised; I do ordain and appoint that the said hospital upon any reservation or otherwise, shall not increase their rents or revenues of those lands I shall give unto them, to any higher or greater proportion than as the rents thereof now are, and according to that rent they are now let for, unless it fall out that upon necessity, which cannot be avoided, some one of their farms do diminish in their rents, which I ordain shall be moderately supplied, by raising somewhat upon some other farm which may well bear it, for I desire that my hospital shall keep up the rent wherewithal I do endow it; but I do charge the conscience of the master and brethren, that they be very wary and careful before they make any such alteration. I do also ordain, that in renewing and letting of leases, the present farmers and tenants be always preferred, doing reasonably for the benefit of the hospital, as other men will do. And amongst the rest, I would have those especially favoured who have their leases from myself, or by my direction; and also I do ordain and appoint that such money as they shall raise or make up on the fine of leases, shall be divided into two parts, the one moiety to be distributed between the master, brethren, and fisters, equally, saving that the master shall have a double portion of the other moiety, to be put into the common treasury for the bearing of public burthen, as suits of law, reparations, or the like. For the underwoods, if they be not in my time leased out, I would have to be cut in due season, and yearly look what profit is made thereof, that it should be accounted as part of their revenue, and go to the common charges of the house; but no timber trees to be sold but upon great necessity, or apparent shew of decay, and the money arising thereof, to be put into the common treasury, not to be expended but upon great occasion.
CHAP. XX. By whom the Revenues of the Hospital are to be received and disbursed.
THE revenues and rents of the house shall be reserved in the hospital, by the master, vice-master, and the other clavigers or key-keepers, and they shall give their acquittance for it; if either of these places be void, or any of them be out of town, or so sick that they cannot be present at this receipt, then in their stead shall be called the next two brothers in antient, that are able to stir abroad, they taking unto them, if neither of them can write, some of the brethren that can write, or some other honest person who is able to write, and presently upon the receipt of the rent, an entry shall be made thereof into the ledger book, and then immediately shall the money be laid up in the common chest, there to remain until there be occasion for payments to take it out again. When any quarter is ended, the next day if it be not Sunday, or if it be so, then the next day following, the clavigers, or chest-keepers, shall assemble in the master's lodgings, and taking forth of the common chest so much money only as is to be distributed, they shall pay unto each brother and sister their several due allowances, a note of the receipt thereof being presently made in the ledgerbook; and if any be sick, or absent, it shall be paid to such a brother as he or she shall make their attorney, and then shall the master also receive his allowance. If besides the quarterly wages or allowance, there happen any occasion for disbursements of money otherwise, as for reparations, or suits of law, or some such like thing; this shall be inserted into the ledger-book, the day being named, and the occasion, and in whose presence, and to whom 'twas delivered, together with the hand or mark that received it.
CHAP. XXI. Of Accounts to be made sor the whole Year.
THERE's nothing that maketh any corporation so to flourish, as good husbandry, and diligent looking to the state thereof; and if I your founder, in the course of my life had not been provident that way, how should I have been able to build this house, and endow it with possessions? and therefore I do appoint that on the twenty-ninth day of October, which was the day whereon I was born, yearly, the master, vice-master, clavigers, and two others of the brothers who are most antient, and be in no office, or key-keepers, shall meet together in the master's lodgings, and there shall examine what rents or money of the common stock hath been received that year, as also what have been spent every way, and if they have exceeded in any expence, which God forbid, they shall be careful to set some course that in the year to come, it be more frugally and thriftily carried, and if there be any surplusage of money beyond the expence of the year past, which ended at Michaelmas, they shall carry that up to be put in the common chest; and they shall always at the time of their accounts set down in the ledger book, what the stock of money is which remaineth over and above the expences of the year; these accounts I ordain to be ended before Allhallows day yearly; if the nine and twentieth day of October fall on the Sunday, then the accounts shall begin the morrow after. When the accounts are ended, the master or vice-master shall in the hall upon Allhallows day, declare to all the brothers and sisters what the whole sum of the receipts was the year past, what also was the sum of that which hath been expended, and what remains in stock of the house the year twelve-month before, and what is the remainder this present year, that all of them may praise the diligence and faithfulness of those that manage the money, or dispraise it if there be cause. If there be found to be any arrearages in any of the accountants hands, the same shall either presently be paid, or within three days at the farthest be delivered to the clavigers to be laid up in the common chest, upon pain of loss of the next month's allowance of him that shall be so behind; but if after the said three days be expired, the whole arrearages shall not be paid within thirty days, that party in whom the default is, shall lose his place, and be sued in law for the arrearages remaining. I do ordain, that none of the money belonging to the common chest shall, upon pain of perjury in all those that give consent thereunto, be lent out to any person whatsoever, either within the hospital, or without; for no man's particular case is to be preferred before the publick good of the house, before order and will of me the founder.
CHAP. XXII. Of the Statutes.
THAT all the members of this house may understand my mind for their good government, and each of them know their duty one to another, I do ordain and appoint, that in the chapel on the Wednesday in the Easter-week, yearly, the master, or vice-master, or some other of their brethren who can read most distinctly, and shall by the master, or in his absence by the vice-master, be appointed thereunto, shall read over the whole book of these statutes to the whole society; and if they be too long to be read upon one day, I allow more time, so that the whole be read through by the Saturday of that week. If any brother or sister be absent at these times without a sufficient cause, allowed by the master or vice-master, he or she shall forfeit twelve-pence for every time; and if any refuse to read being appointed, he shall forfeit for every time of refusing, five shillings; those sums to go to the common chest.
CHAP. XXIII. How the Master if he transgress is to be punished.
I Do ordain, that if the master of my hospital shall be found to be negligent in performing the duty and charge which is imposed upon him by these ordinances, then, upon notice thereof given to the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, for the time being, such punishment shall be inflicted upon him, as the said lord archbishop in his discretion shall think convenient.
CHAP. XXIV. Of the Chambers in the Hospital.
I Appoint, and my will is, that the master's lodgings shall be reserved for myself, during my life, if I see cause to use it; and then if I do make use of it, the master, for the time being, shall have his lodgings in the north-west part of the hospital, yet that so to whom it appertaineth to go into the evidence-house, or to do other business designed in these statutes, shall have access at all convenient times into the lodging reserved for myself; my executor shall also have the use of my lodging for himself, if he will, for one year after my decease, provided that he resign it not over to any other, nor place any therein, unless it be some member of my hospital. The other chambers shall be assigned to the brothers and sisters of the hospital, and as any of them shall fall void, the next successor shall come into the said room; I do only except the corner chamber on the south-west side, which being a double chamber, I assign to such a person as hath born office in the town, if any such be to bestowed by myself for my lifetime, and afterwards at the discretion of the master.
CHAP. XXV. Of the Visitor of the Hospital.
I Do reserve unto myself during my life, power to abrogate, add unto, change, or alter these ordinances, and to place, or displace any member thereof, with cause, or without cause to be rendered thereof to any other, to let leases, and wholly to govern the same as I shall see reason, and this to be during my natural life, without any other persons intermedling therein; and after my decease, I do ordain and appoint the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, from time to time, to be the visitor of the said hospital, whom I do beseech in the bowels of Jesus Christ, to have a fatherly and compassionate care of the good estate thereof, as also of the poor members of the same; the power of the Archbishop shall be, by himself, or others whom he shall appoint, to interpret any doubt arising out of the ordinances and statutes, and to punish censure, and remove any member thereof convicted according to these ordinances by me set down; the said Archbishop, also from time to time, shall have authority, by himself, or other whom he shall appoint, to visit this hospital, and the members thereof, to compose their controversies, to direct and advise them, as also to enquire into the publick state of the house, and of the private behaviour of all persons in the same; and if other men towhom I have given any charge or power, in nomination of person into the hospital, or of removing them out of it, or any other matter whatsoever, do not their duties according to these statutes, that then the Lord Archbishop, by himself, or whom he please, shall see it performed, for which fatherly care I do not doubt but God will return many blessings upon him.
CHAP. XXVI. Of such allowances as are to be made by the Master and Members of this Hospital.
THE Benefits that the master is to reap by the hospital, shall be twenty pounds in money, to be received at equal portions, at the four quarters in the year, the lodging assigned unto him, a livery gown, and a double portion of such dividend in money, as is to arise by fines taken for renewing of leases, when it shall fall out. I appoint to every brother and sister, two shillings and six-pence, to be weekly paid to them, their chamber, and their livery, besides such money as may arise by letting of leases hereafter, and from the poor men's box; and concerning gowns, this I do ordain, that once in two years, against Allhallows-tide, there be bought cloth good and strong, of price about nine or ten shillings, the London yard, out of the which the master shall have the allowance fit for a large gown, and each brother and sister so much as will make unto them a reasonable gown, according to the tallness or stature of the party that is to wear it; in these gowns they may go to the Trinity church, or other place where the sermon is to be; the badges are to be accounted to belong to the hospital, and must descend to those that come in from time to time; and if any die, his or her gown is to be left to the use of those who shall succeed, that the hospital be not driven to buy liveries, but at the time appointed; notwithstanding when new gowns are bought and made, it shall be at the will of every one to cut out their old, or dispose of them at their pleasure. The master is to take care of these things, as also of buying seacoal or charcoal every year that may serve for the publick use between Allhallows-tide, and our Lady-day in Lent; if this be got in, in the summer-time, it will be cheaper because the ways are fairer; when the wood that I bought of Bromfield shall be grown fit, I appoint that such fuel as may be taken of it, be used without spoil in the cutting, and this will save some money which is otherwise to be laid out. I do appoint, that yearly, on Christmas-day, there be expended ten shillings amongst the company, publickly in the hall, in remembrance of the birth of our Saviour Christ; and the like sums on Easter-day; as also upon Whitsunday; that the master, brethren, and sisters, may with thanks to God lovingly rejoice together; and I appoint other ten shillings, to be bestowed upon the twenty-ninth day of October, yearly, in commemoration of the birth-day of their founder.
CHAP. XXVII. Touching the Manufacture to be set up.
IN the procuring of my letters of mortmain, one principal matter intended by me, was to set up some manufacture in the town of Guildford, that young people might be set on work, and that by trading that place might flourish as heretofore it hath done; I have taken order, if God do bless it, for lands of one hundred pounds by the year, to be purchased for that purpose, and when it be done, I intreat the mayor of Guildford, and his brethren, solemnly to meet once or more times in the year, and to call unto them such wise and discreet persons, as they shall think fit to advise, whereupon this employment may best be fastned, as or hemp-knitting of stockings or waistcoats, or any other laudable trade that may be for the common-wealth of that corporation in particular; and I do pray these persons which shall so meet, to think upon orders to be set in writing for the digesting of the work, and how once at least in the year there may be an account taken how this manufacture doth prosper, and what is from time to time to be altered, added, or amended in the project; if God save my life, I shall think upon the advancing and establishing of this my intendment, which I do earnestly desire that a beginning may be given to the work. For the erecting and continuing of this manufacture, I do appoint the land at Charlwood, bought of one Polesdon, which is let for forty pounds yearly, which rent I order to be applied only to that purpose; and in like manner, I appoint the lands at Burstow, bought of Mr. Bishe, and being rented at sixty pounds a year, to be employed solely for this manufacture, so that I do ordain, this 100
l
by the year shall not be mingled with any other money of my hospital, but the rent thereof to be put into a chest by itself, and all accounts appertaining thereunto, to be kept and reserved by themselves; I appoint, that upon this chest be written and fastened in paper, The Chest for the Manufacture, and three locks and keys shall be thereunto, which keys shall be kept by the master, vice-master, or senior key-keeper; and in this chest shall always be a great ledger-book, wherein shall be set down what money for the manufacture is receiv'd in, and what is laid out, and the account at the end of the year shall be there kept, that it may be seen how the benefit by the trade increaseth or decreaseth. I do not tye them that have the charge of this work to any one certain trade, but give them power at the end of the year, which I wish to be on the tenth or eleventh of November, to alter it if they find reason for the same, but appoint, that such alteration shall not be, but upon great deliberation and good grounds, least by too much shifting all comes to nothing. I do ordain, that some discreet man who dwelleth in the town of Guildford, and writeth a fair hand, be chosen for a clerk to write down things necessary for the stablishing this work, and for this I appoint him to have twenty shillings yearly at or upon the tenth of November; and if the work do prosper, it shall be in the power of the overseers for this work to better his pay, so that it do not exceed twenty shillings more in any year.
CHAP. XXVIII. The Proportion of the Rent of the Hospital, and the Allowances of them.
THE mentioning of the clerk's fee for the manufacture, doth put me in mind to set down an establishment of the revenues for my hospital, and the expences which must issue out of the same. The lands then that I have endowed it withal, the rents whereof I would never have increased or decreased if it may be, are these; the lands at Merrow which was bought of Mr. Goodwin, by the year forty pounds; the land at Ewhurst, bought of Thomas Hill, by the year twenty-seven pounds, ten shillings; the lands at Horsham, bought of Constable, by the year forty pounds; the wood land bought of Bromfield, by the year twelve pounds, ten shillings; in the whole sum, this amounteth to by the year to two hundred pounds; out of these receipts I do make this proportion of yearly allowances, to the master of the hospital by the year, twenty pounds; to twenty poor brothers and sisters, two shillings and sixpence a piece, by the week, which in the year amounteth to one hundred and thirty pounds; to the vice-master, yearly, thirteen shillings and four pence; to the two relievers of the impotent, thirteen shillings and four-pence; for four gaudy days, forty shillings; for the clerk to record things, and for reading the statutes yearly, twenty shillings; to the parson of Trinity-church, yearly, thirty shillings; the total of all which expence, amounteth to one hundred and fifty-five pounds, sixteen shillings, and eight-pence; there remaineth then over and above, yearly, the sum of forty-four pounds, three shillings, and four-pence, which I ordain to this use; that once in two years, there should be bought sixty yards of cloth London measure, to make new gowns, for the master, brothers, and sisters, which clothing may be strong, good cloth, and may arise in the whole to about thirty pounds, whereof fifteen pound was saved the year before, and fifteen pounds to be taken out of the rent of that year when the gowns were bought; out of the rest of the surplusage of the revenue, I appoint fuel to be bought yearly, which is to be burnt in common for the relief of the poor brothers and sisters, from All-hallowtide to Easter, which may amount to about; if any wood or coal be had towards this, out of the lands bought of Bromfield, it may save so much money otherwise; but I do order, that the said lands of Bromfield be so disposed of, that it may yield rent, or wood, or coal, to the proportion before set down by me, that the hospital may honestly enjoy that which I have paid for. When all these expences are issued forth, there will be a convenient surplusage remaining, yearly, for the stock of the house to bear law-suits, reparations, or other publick charge of the hospital, which will be more increased by such money as will arise out of the quarter's pay, which is forborne upon the coming in of every brother and sister at the first; and this stock I ordain to be so carefully kept for the publick, that if the master, or any brother, shall take out for any employment, the value of one shilling, or upwards, upon any occasion or colour, I appoint, that being convicted thereof before the Archbishop of Canterbury, he shall presently, by the said lord archbishop, be expelled the house. When this stock ariseth to one hundred pounds, I would have that sum carefully kept in gold, against time of extremity, and none of it to be taken out without great cause, and yet then upon the first opportunity to be made use of again, because I hold it convenient, that this my foundation should not be without one hundred pounds lying by against any great need, which I hold fit to be kept as a secret of the house, and not to be revealed by the master, or any brother of the house, to any stranger whatsoever; the rest which is above this hundred pound, is to be a running stock safely kept, but upon necessary occasions money to be taken out for the publick use of the hospital from time to time.
CHAP. XXIX. The Explanation of a Clause in the second Chapter of these Statutes.
'TWAS in the year of our Lord, 1619, that I first intended the building of this hospital, and then minding the good of the town of Guildford, in laying down the persons that should be capable of places in my foundation, I declared, that such as were born, or did dwell twenty years in Guildford; I would have Guildford to be understood, that alone which was under the government of the town, and not otherwise, wherein I did straiten the extent of the place, 'twas not want of charity to others, but to increase my favours to the inhabitants thereof in desiring that there should be provision for them, and somewhat to spare, if God were so pleased; now since that time I had quite established my work, I do hear, that the mayor and his brethren have endeavoured to enlarge their jurisdiction, and have gone about to draw under their government some places adjoining, as if they were hereafter to be members of that corporation, and consequently capable of such benefits, as may arise by the government of that town. I will not dispute whether this endeavour be well or no, for I have nothing to do with it, but for avoiding of controversies in future times, I do hereby declare, that my settled purpose and meaning, is, that from henceforth, I app
t none to be capable of my hospital, which was not born, or lived in Guildford, the town of
u ldford being taken as it was in the year 1620, and not according to any addition that hath been made since, or may be hereafter. Whereafter, if I should be d
manded a reason, it were a sufficient answer to ask as it is in the gospel, 'May I not do what I will with my own?' but I have many other causes and reasons to declare, as I now do, as first, I keep myself to my first purpose and intention; secondly, 'twas the good of Guildford, old Guildford as it was, when I was born, and my parents lived in it, that I did seek which I did know would be greater to the poor of that place, when it was kept restrained within itself, and not communicated to any other; thirdly, it is well known that I was born in the parish of St. Nicholas, in that town, unto which parish are belonging many houses in, and about Katherine-hill, unto whom, notwithstanding, I did not enlarge my benevolence, because they were not under the government of the mayor, and my desire was, and is to keep my charity within bounds, that after my death, things may go on quietly, and there be no variance or controversy. Now if I have thus restrained the place where I was born, it shall not be well if any other neighbours shall murmur thereat, or be discontented therewithal. I do therefore charge the master and brethren of the hospital, that they never give way to any importunity, that may or do cross this my explanation and declaration.
These Statutes were finished, and delivered to be the ordinances, whereby the Hospital of the Blessed Trinity in Guildford is to be governed.
August 17, 1629.
G. Cant:
In the Presence of
Morris Abbot
Ri: Brigham
Maurice Abbot.
Walt: Dobson
A LIST OF THE MASTERS.
THE most Reverend Father in God, George, late Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, on the 29th Day of October, 1622, being just 60 years of age, placed his Brother, Mr. Richard Abbot, to be Master of the said Hospital, who departed this Life, the 30th Day of March, 1629. Master, 6 years, 5 months, 1 day.
After whose death, the said Lord Archbishop appointed Jasper Yardley, Gent. to succeed him. He died May 31st, 1639—Master, 9 years, 2 months, 1 day.
The same day was chosen according to these Statutes Henry Snelling Died Nov. 18, 1643—Master. 4 years, 5 months, 18 days.
The The same s;ame day was chosen Thomas Smith. Died August 2d, 1644—Master, 8 months, 14 days.
The The same s;ame day was chosen Henry Horner. Died Feb. 9th, 1654—Master, 10 years, 6 months, 7 days.
The The same s;ame day was chosen Rev. John Holland. Died July 6th, 1691—Master, 37 years, 4 months, 25 days.
The same day, July 6th, 1691, wa hosen Samuel Shaw. Died August 9th, 1702—Master, 11 years, 1 month, 3 days.
The The same s;ame day was chosen Samuel Barton. Died Octob. 12th, 1709—Master, 7 years, 2 months, 2 days.
The The same s;ame day was chosen Robert Berry. Died Dec. 21st, 1719—Master, 10 years, 2 months, 9 days.
The The same s;ame day was chosen Thomas Sands. Died June 17th, 1729—Master, 9 years, 6 months, 27 days.
Tbe same day was chosen Ephraim Woods. Died May 2d, 1734—Master, 4 years, 10 months, 15 days.
The The same s;ame day was chosen Henry Stoughton. Died July 27th, 1744—Master, 10 years, 2 months, 25 days
The The same s;ame day was chosen Hugh Moth. Died June 18th, 1749—Master, 6 years, 10 months, 22 days.
The The same s;ame day was chosen William Goodyer. Died Octob. 3d, 1762—Master, 13 years, 3 months, 16 days.
The next day, Oct. 4th, was chosen Rev. C
rnelius Jeale. Died October 29th, 1762—Master, 25 days.
The The same s;ame day, was chosen Michael Wallis. Died March 12th, 1769—Master, 6 years, 4 months, 14 days
The The same s;ame day was chosen George Lovedale White.
THE LIFE OF ROBERT ABBOT, Bishop of
SALISBURY.
THE LIFE OF Bishop ABBOT.
THIS learned and humble man, was born
anno
1560, and bred up under the same school-master, with his brother the Archbishop; till being sufficiently qualified for the university he was sent to Baliol College in Oxford,
anno
1575.
In 1582, he took his Master of Arts degree; became a noted preacher there, also a constant lecturer at St. Martin's Church, in the Quadrivium, and sometimes at Abingdon in Berkshire.
His preferment was remarkably owing to his merit, particularly in preaching; notwithstanding the distinction which some have affected to make, between the talents and tempers of these two brothers;
'That George was the more plausible preacher, Robert the greater scholar; George the abler statesman, Robert the deeper divine: gravity did frown in George, and smile in Robert:"
such the qualities of this Robert evidently were; that upon the first sermon he preached at Worcester, he was made lecturer in that city, and soon after rector of All-Saints there; and upon a sermon he preached at Paul's Cross, he was presented to the rich benefice of Bingham in Nottinghamshire, by one of his auditors, John Stanhope,
Esq
and it is observed, that
'As dew dropping on mowen grass refresheth it, and maketh it spring anew, so his labours in his pastoral charge much refreshed the consciences of true converts, which had felt the scythe of God's judgments, and made them
spring
up in
hope
and
newness
of life; again, as dew distilling in silver drops mollifieth the parched ground, so his heart melting into tears in many penitential exhortations mollified the stony hearts of those who had been before most obdurate in their sins; and again, as dew that falls from heaven returns not thither back again, but enricheth the soil, and makes fruitful the earth; so his pains wheresoever he bestowed them were never steril, but brought forth much fruit of comfort both to himself, and of knowledge in the mysteries of salvation to his hearers.'
In 1594 he became no less eminent for some of his writings; particularly, against a certain Papist, on the Sacrament. He then took his degrees in divinity; that of Doctor being completed in 1597.
In the beginning of the reign of King James I, he he was made chaplain in ordinary to him; and this King so well esteemed of his writings, that, with the second edition of Dr. Abbot's book
e Antichristo,
in 1608, his majesty ordered his own commentary upon part of the Apocalypse to be printed: an honour, which that King did to no other of the great clerks in this kingdom. And, in truth, the Doctor's pen had now brought him also into general esteem, for what he had hitherto published in Defence of William Perkins's
Reformed Catholic,
against Dr. William Bishop, now a secular priest, but afterwards, in the Pope's stile, a titular Bishop, of the Aërial Diocese of Chalcedon. It is asserted by Dr. Featley, in his life of Abbot, that he has herein given that William Bishop as great an overthrow, as Jewell to Harding, Bilson to Allen, or Reynolds to Hart. At the end of this excellent work is added a particular treatise, he soon after writ, intitled,
The true ancient Roman Catholick;
which he dedicated to Prince Henry; to whom it was so acceptable, that he returned him many thanks in a letter written with his own hand, and promised his assistance, upon the next vacancy, to advance him higher in the Church. And though by that Prince's untimely death the Doctor lost some hopes, yet, in course of time, his deserts found other friends to do him that justice.
In 1609, he was unanimously elected master of Baliol College. Here it is observed of him, that he was careful and skilful, to set in this nursery the best plants; and then took such care to water and prune them, that in no plat, or knot, throughout the University of Oxford, there appeared more beautiful flowers, or grew sweeter fruit, than in Baliol College, while he was master. His diligent reading to his scholars, and his continual presence at public exercises, both countenanced the readers, and encouraged the hearers. These regulations and improvements he further wrought, by establishing piety, which had been much neglected; restoring peace, which had been long wanted; and making temperance more familiar among them, which had been too great a stranger in that society.
In May 1610, we find him nominated by the King, among the first fellows of his majesty's Royal College at Chelsea, then newly founded, and designed as a kind of fortress for controversial divinity; being thus, as it were, engarrisoned, with the most able and select champions for the Protestant cause, against all assaults of Popery: and in November the same year, he was made prebendary of Normanton, in the church of Southwell.
Upon his preaching a sermon before the King, during his month of waiting at court, in 1612, when the news of Dr. Thomas Holland's death was brought from Oxford, his majesty named him successor in the Thealogical Chair, usually called the King's Professor of Divinity; but he modestly refused the same, till his brother procured a mandate from the King for him to hold it. Some notable circumstances we meet with of him in this station
Some notable circumstances,
&c.
in this station.
] Among the rest, while he was Professor in the chair at Oxford, was, his preaching a sermon before the university; in which, he so significantly laid open the oblique methods then used by those who secretly favoured Popery, to undermine the Reformation; and Dr. Laud, then present, was so notoriously suspected to be one who used those methods, as to have the said reflections applied by the whole auditory to him; that in great vexation he wrote to his patron, Dr. Neal, then Bishop of Lincoln, (therefore about the year 1614) to know whether he should not make a direct reply to it. The passage Laud objected to, was, that Abbot should say,
'There were men, who, under pretence of truth, and preaching against the Puritans, struck at the heart and root of that faith and religion now established among us; which was the very practice of Parsons and Campian's counsel, when they came hither to seduce young students; who, afraid to be expelled, if they should openly profess their conversion, were directed to speak freely against the Puritans, as what would suffice: so these do not expect to be accounted Papists, because they speak only against Puritans; but because they are indeed Papists, they speak nothing against them: or if they do, they beat about the bush, and that softly too, for fear of disquieting the birds that are in it.'
Hereupon, Laud, in his letter to the said Bishop of Lincoln, complains,
'That he was fain to sit patiently at the rehearsal of this sermon, though abused almost an hour together, being pointed at as he fat; yet would have taken no notice of it, but that the whole university applied it to him; and his friends told him, he should sink in his credit, if he answered not Dr. Abbot in his own: nevertheless, he would be patient; and desired his Lordship to vouchsafe him some direction.'
But as we hear not that Laud did answer it, the Bishop might perhaps vouchsafe him rather directions to be quiet.
; and herein, he has had the character given him of a profound divine, most admirably well read in the fathers, councils, and schoolmen; and a more moderate Calvinian, than either of his two predecessors in the divinity-chair, Holland and Humphrey, were; which he expressed by countenancing the Sublapsarian way of predestination.
Lastly, upon the King's perusal of his
Antilogia,
against the
Apology
for Garnet, and the fame of his incomparable lectures in the university, upon the King's supreme power, against Bellarmine and Suarez, (printed after his death) his majesty, when the See of Salisbury fell void, sent his
Conge d' Elire
for him to the Dean and Chapter.
Thus, as he set forward, one foot in the temple of virtue, his other still advanced in the temple of honour, though indeed, but leisurely; which is imputed to his own humility; the obstruction of his foes, who traduced him for a Puritan, (though cordial to the doctrine of the Church of England) and the unwillingness of some friends to adorn the Church with the spoil of the University, and mar a Professor to make a Bishop.
He was consecrated by his own brother the Archbishop, on December 3, 1615, in his chapel at Lambeth. Herein equalizing the felicity of Seffridus, some time Bishop of Chichester, who being a Bishop himself, also saw his brother, at the same time Archbishop of Canterbury.
Other bishopricks were voiced upon him; but the business of the nullity before-mentioned, in his brother's life) made a nullity for a time in his Grace's good intentions; insomuch, that King James, when the Doctor, newly consecrated Bishop of Sarum, came to do his homage, said pleasantly to him, Abbot,
I have had very much to do to make thee a Bishop; but I know no reason for it, unless it were, because thou hast written against one;
alluding to the name of the Popish priest before-mentioned.
In his way to Sarum, he made a farewel oration at the university, with great applause. We have some fragments of it preserved, in the original Latin, in Hollandi Her. Angl. and Featley's Life of Abbot; and a translation thereof, or epitome in English, by Lupton, in his Hist. of modern Protestant Divines. His brethren, the heads of houses, and other Oxford friends, parted with him on the edge of his diocese with tears for grief; and the gentry of Sarum received him with those of joy. The next Sabbathday following, he offered his
first fruits in the temple,
taking for his text, the words of the Psalmist 26. 8.
Lord, I have loved the habitation of thy house, and the place where thine honour dwelleth.
After he had verified the Words of his Text in the person of David, his Sermon ended, he verified it in himself, and made a demonstration that he loved that house of God,
not in tongue only and in word, but in deed and verity;
for observing the beautiful old cathedral to be much decayed, through negligence, and the covetousness of those who filled their purses, with that which should have stopped the chinks, he used such means with the prebendaries, as drew from them five hundred pounds, which he applied to the reparation of the church; and then laboured to repair the congregation, both by doctrine and discipline, visiting his whole diocese in person, and preaching every Sabbath-day, whilst his health would permit, either in the city, or in the neighbouring towns; but this was not long, for my author tells us, that preaching on John 14. v. 16.
I will pray the father and he shall give you another comforter, that he may abide with you for ever,
many of his hearers, presaged his departure from them; so indeed it proved his last and farewel sermon, for soon after he came out of the pulpit, he was seized with most dreadful fits of the stone in the kidneys, which were brought on by that sedentary course he had accustomed himself to, by his close application to study, so that his hour-glass, contrary to others, the
sooner ran out, by being stopped.
But in all the bodily tortures of his last fit, his soul was at ease; for the assurance of heavenly things, caused him most chearfully to part with earthly, and the quick sense he had of the
powers of the life to come
deaded the sense of his bodily pains. There were many came to visit him on his death-bed, and among others the Judges being then at Sarum in their circuit, to whom he spared not his christian admonitions; and amongst many points he discoursed on before them, insisted very much upon the benefit of a good confcience, rendering many thanks to his Creator for the great comforts he felt thereby now in his extremity, and admonished all that heard him, so to carry themselves in their most private and secret actions as well as in their publick, that they might obtain that at the last which would stand them in more stead, than what all the world could afford besides. Having, when death approached, summoned his domesticks, and with broken speeches in the language of a dying man, beginning to make a profession of his faith, his friends persuaded him to refrain, it being manifest in his writings; he yielded to their advice, and signed all his works with these words;
That faith which I have defended in my writings, is the truth of God; and in the avouching thereof I leave the World.
Thus with exhortations, benedictions, and the pains of his disease, quite worn out, he lay as it were slumbering, with now and then a short ejaculation; and at length, with eyes and hands uplifted for the space of two or three hours, after some weeks continuance in that dreadful disorder, he gave up the ghost, on March the 2d, 1617, in the fifty-eighth year of his age, with these words;
Come Lord Jesu, come quickly, finish in me the work that thou hast begun; into thy hands, O Lord, I commend my spirit, for thou hast redeemed me: O God of truth, save me thy servant, who hopes and confides in thee alone: let thy mercy, O Lord, he shewn unto me: in thee have I trusted, O Lord, let me not be confounded for ever.
He had not completely filled this see two years and three months, being one of the five Bishops which Salisbury saw in six years; and was buried over against the Bishop's seat in the cathedral. Dr. Featley who was his domestic chaplain, tells us, that he had so endeared himself to the inhabitants of Salisbury by his diligence in his pastoral charge, by his hospitality and bounty to the poor, and lovely and lowly carriage even towards his inferiours, that he was universally lamented.
He had been twice married, the last time with some displeasure to the Archbishop, about half a year after his promotion to the said see. He left one son, or more, and also one daughter named Martha, who was married to Sir Nathaniel Brent, Warden of Mer
on College in Oxford; and their daughter Margaret, married Dr. Edward Corbet, Rector of Haseley in Oxfordshire; who gave some of the Bishop's MSS to the Bodleian Library, as may appear in the article set apart for the enumeration of his writings
Enumeration of his writings.
] And first, those in print are,
The Mirrour of Popish Subtleties: discovering the Shifts which a cavelling Papist, in behalf of Paul Spence a Priest, hath gathered out of Saunders and Bellarmine,
&c.
concerning the Sacraments,
&c. Dedicated to Archbishop Whitgift, London, 4
to.
1594. 2
The Exaltation of the Kingdom and Priesthood of Christ.
Sermon on the 110th Psalm. Dedicated to Bishop Babington, 4
to.
London 1601. 3.
Antichristi Demonstratio; contra fabulas Pontificias, & ineptam Bellarmini,
&c. Dedicated to K. James, 4
to.
1603. and in 8
v
.
1608. This is much commended by Scaliger. 4.
Defence of the Reformed Catholic of Mr. W. Perkins, against the Bastard Counter-Catholic of Dr. William Bishop, Seminary Priest.
Dedicated to King James: the first part, 4
to.
1606. the second part, 4
to.
1607. third part, 4
to.
1609. A most elaborate work, as one calls it; and Dr. Featley wishes, that W. Bishop had answered all the said Reformed Catholic; then we should have had in Abbot's encounter, a whole system of controversies exactly discussed; and the truth of the Reformed Religion, in all points solidly confirmed by scripture, fathers, and reason. 5.
The old Way; a Sermon, at St. Mary's Oxon.
4
to.
London, 1610. Dedicated to Archbishop Bancrost, and translated into Latin by Thomas Drax. 6.
The true Roman Catholick: being an Apology against Dr. Bishop's Reproof of the Defence of the Reformed Catholic,
4
to.
1611. Dedicated to Prince Henry, as was before observed, p. 149. 7.
Antil
gia: Adversus Apologiam, Andreae Eudaemon-Johannis, Jesuitae, pro Henrico Garnetto Jesuitâ proditore,
London, 4
to.
1613. Dedicated to King James. 8.
De gratiâ et perseveren
iâ Sanctorum, Exercitationes habitae in Academia Oxoniensi.
Lond. 4
to.
1618. & Francf. 8
vo.
1619. Dedicated to Prince Charles. 9
In Ricardi Thompsoni, Angli-Belgici Diatribam, de amissione et intercessione Justificationis & Gratiae, animadversio brevis.
Also printed after his death; London, 4
to.
1618: for he finished this book the last day of his life; and then, his brother the Archbishop, directed Dr. Featley, to draw up, from his Grace's notes, the attestation which is affixed thereto. 10.
De supremâ Potestate Regiâ, exercitationes habitae in Academia Ox
niensi, contra Rob. Bellarmine & Francf. Suarez. Lond.
4
to.
1619. Dedicated by his son, to George, Archbishop of Canterbury. He also left behind, many compositions in manuscript, as his Sermon at St. Mary's
In Vindication of the Geneva Bible from Judaism and Arianism;
which Dr. Howson opposed, till King James turned his edge from Geneva to Rome; and then, he as fiercely declared against the Pope;
That ho'd loosen him from his chair, though he were fastned thereto with a tenpenny nail.
Our author also left other Sermons, which he had preached at Paul's Cross, and at Worcester; and some in Latin, at Oxford,
&c.
Lectures on St. Matthew.
Examination of Mr. Bishop's Reproof of his Dedication,
&c.
to the Answer of his Epistle to the King.
Preface to be inserted after the dedication of his book
De Antichristo:
besides Commentaries on some parts of the Old Testament. And a Commentary in Latin,
upon the whole Epistle to the Romans;
which is called an accurate work, in large Sermons upon every text; wherein he has handled all the controverted points of religion, and enclosed the whole magazine of his learning: and it is regretted, that the Church should be deprived of such a treasure, particularly that of Worcester; to which he seems to have bequeathed it, in his epistle to the sermons he dedicated to Bishop Babington: this work, in four volumes folio, was given by Dr.
Corbet
beforementioned, to the
Bodleian
library, where it remains. To conclude with the words of our last quoted author;
'If all he wrote on the history of
Christ's passion,
the prophet
Esay,
and the
Epistle to the Romans,
had scen the light; he had come near unto, if not overtaken, the three prime worthies of our university,
Jewell, Bilson,
and
Reynolds.
'
FINIS.
THE LIFE OF Sir MORRIS ABBOT, LORD-MAYOR OF
LONDON.
THE LIFE OF Sir MORRIS ABBOT.
MORRIS ABBOT, the youngest son of Mr. Maurice Abbot, of Guildford, and brother to Robert and George beforementioned, was bred up to trade, and became an eminent merchant in the city of London, but was more remarkably distinguished, by his applying himself to the direction of the affairs of the East-India company, and his earnest attention to whatever might promote the extensive commerce of this nation, or strengthen her foreign colonies.
In this quality, we find him one of the commissioners employed in the negotiation and conclusion of a treaty with the Dutch East-India company, by which the Molucca Islands, and the commerce to them, is declared to be two thirds belonging to the Dutch East-India company, and one to the English.
This treaty was concluded at London, on the seventh of July, 1019, and ratified by King James, the sixteenth of the same month, and is as remarkable a transaction as any in that reign.
It was in consequence of this treaty, and in order to recover the goods of some English merchants, that Sir Dudley Diggs, and Morris Abbot, were sent over into Holland, in the succeeding year, 1620, but with what success does not appear.
He was afterwards one of the farmers of the customs, as appears from a commission granted in 1623, to him and to many other persons, for administering the oaths to such persons, as should either desire to pass the seas from this kingdom, or to enter it from foreign countries.
In the succeeding year, 1624, he was appointed one of the council, for settling and establishing the colony of Virginia, with very full powers for the government of that colony, as by that commission appears.
On the accession of King Charles I, to the throne, Mr. Abbot was the first person upon whom he conferred the honour of knighthood, and so great was his interest at that time in the city, that we find him chosen to the first parliament called in that King's reign,
viz.
in 1625, in conjunction with Sir Thomas Middleton, Sir Heneage Finch, and Mr. Robert Bateman.
In 1627, he was one of the Sheriffs of London, with Henry Garway; Sir Cuthbert Hacket, being then Mayor.
About the year 1635, he erected the monument to the memory of his brother the Archbishop, in his native town of Guildford.
In 1638 he was Lord-Mayor of the city of London; on which account
here was published by Sir T. Heywood, a description of his solemn entry.
On the tenth of January, 1640, he departed this life. No farther particulars are to be met with, except that he was a great lover and encourager of trade, as well as fortunate therein.
He had a son whose name was George, fellow of Merton college in Oxford, and who took the degree of Bachelor of Law in 1630.
FINIS.