What if the
SWEDES
Should COME?
What if the
Swedes
should Come? WITH SOME THOUGHTS About Keeping The ARMY on Foot, Whether they Come or Not.
LONDON:
Printed for J. ROBERTS, near the
Oxford-Arms
in
Warwick-Lane.
MDCCXVII. Price Six-Pence.
What if the SWEDES should Come?
I Have been mighty willing to have had the King of
Sweden
been my Hero for some Years past: His early Gallantry; the Injuries done him by his Enemies, which at first drew him into the War, and many other Considerations, gave me warm Inclinations to his Interest. For 'tis natural to all honest Men to entertain favourable Thoughts for Gallant Princes, however unfortunate.
The first Shock I receiv'd in my Opinion of his Conduct, was, when he lay still so many Months in
Saxony
with a great Army, refused the Glory of healing the Breaches of
Europe,
which seemed then all to be offer'd to his
Arbitrium
; and went upon a desperate Enterprize of dethroning the
Czar
of
Muscovy
; a Prince whose Strength consisted at that Time rather in the Distance and Barrenness of his Countrey, than the Superiority of his Force.
'Tis needless to enter into the History of his
Swedish
Majesty's Affairs since then; which indeed have been but one continu'd Train of Misfortunes; yet even under these, the Vigor of his Courage has carry'd him on with such an unmov'd Steddiness of Resolution, that had not some of his Attempts seem'd desperately extravagant, it was hard not to have a secret Respect for so much unfortunate Gallantry.
But if what we expect now from him should go on; if he should make this most ridiculous Attempt, for such I must call it, I shall believe him entirely
demented
; considering his own present Circumstances, divested of all his
German
Dominions, destitute of Allies, without Money, and at War with Five Potent Princes already, who are every Hour expected to Land in the Heart of his Dominions: If this Attempt should be made, I shall have no more to say than this, What may not be expected from a King that sleeps in his Boots, and lies in the Straw?
Having other Discourses therefore before me, than a bare Enquiry by Guess, and a meer Search after the Conjectures of Men, Whether the King of
Sweden
intends to come hither or no? I shall wave the insignificant Debate, and take it for granted, according to the common Opinion, that we are really
to expect him.
I must make one Provision however, as I go on, which the Iniquity of the Times makes necessary, and which the Malice of Men also gives me Reason for; it being natural for some People to charge every Man that speaks honourably of any Enemy,
with being in his Party.
I therefore premise, That by saying
I believe he will come,
I do not imply that I desire he should. I neither wish it for his own Sake, or ours. I do not wish it
for his own Sake
; because, as in a Quarrel with
Great-Britain
I cannot wish him Success, so in some other of his Quarrels, I know not how to wish him to be beaten. What Infatuation has embark'd him in so scandalous a Quarrel as this, against the King and Nation of
Great-Britain,
God only knows: I fear it looks like a Judgment from Heaven upon him, for his entire Overthrow and Destruction.
Ceasing then to pity him as a Brave and Heroick Prince, I must, while his Eyes are turn'd this Way, look on him as an enrag'd Enemy, and I speak of him as such.
It is no Work of mine to enter here upon the Design of his Coming; the Views upon which he has undertaken such a wild and unaccountable Attempt; or the Persons in whose Cause he must seem to embark,
if he makes the Attempt.
I could spend many Pages on the Improbability of Success: The Strength of the Government here; the powerful Alliances the King is supported with from Abroad; the Poverty and Desperation of the King of
Sweden
's Circumstances Abroad,
and the like:
But as all these are,
if he comes,
to be disputed at the Muzzle of the Musket, and the Point of the Sword, talking of them in Paper will no way end the Dispute, nor help our Troops.
I am therefore turning my Eyes another way, and looking upon our expecting People. Our Business is to see if there be any Thing needful to be said to them. This Part of my Discourse I shall form, upon the Supposition,
whether it shall be so or no,
That the
Swedes
were now actually on Shore here, to the Number of 20 or 25,000 Men, or any Number what they please, as their Partizans here threaten they will be.
Some that know not the
Swedes,
and think
Englishmen
are a kind of People, that no body can look in the Face, talk
Cavalierly
of it all, and wish they were fairly on Shore, that a fair Battel might decide it.
For my Part I must own, that tho' I cannot be so Phlegmatic as some are, to be disheartned and discouraged at the very Thoughts of it, and if it was to be put to a Day of Battel should have a good Hope of Success; yet neither am I so Sanguine, as to be fond of the Trial: Battel is a terrible Crisis, be it how it will: And we have
no certain Word,
tho' we have
a good Hope
to direct us to know what the God of Battel may have determin'd about it. I must therefore be of the Number of those, who with a feeling Concern for the Miseries of their Native Countrey, are ready to say, we would not be glad by any Means to hear that an Army of
Swedes,
or of any other Enemies, were actually on Shore here.
But while thus we are looking with an Eye of Expectance on these Events, and that with some Impatience;
it seems very necessary,
that with all the Calmness and Composure I can, I should cast in my Mite towards allaying the general Anxiety which I see upon the Minds of Men, about this great Affair.
This I cannot do upon any Foundation so well, as upon a Supposition, that they will really land upon us if they can: And I think it is a very needful Question to put to one another, as was by a certain Writer of those Times, in Case of the Pretender,
What if they should Come?
There is no doubt but many who have a feeling Sense of the Calamities of War, will say,
What if he should Come
! Why, 'tis plain, what will be the Case. (1.) The Seat of a bloody War is fix'd in our own Countrey, which hitherto we have, blessed be God, been deliver'd from; and have only paid our Quota's, and sent our Troops Abroad into other Countries, where the Fields have been ravaged, the People plundred, Virgins ravished, Churches robb'd, old and young murder'd▪ and the Fields cover'd with Blood. This wil
be then brought home to our own Doors; and we shall feel the Miseries which we have only hitherto talk'd of at a Distance: As we have formerly pity'd the Desolations of
Europe
▪ now they will all be at Liberty to pity us and we shall be the
Aceldama
of the World. (2.) Another Thing will be, the
Jacobite
Party will take Heart, Rebellion revive, and the Party of Men among us, who so lately have been suppress'd, will all fly to Arms again▪ and the Interest of the Pretender will be set on Foot, with a Foreign Power to support it▪ the Consequence of which may be bloody, and a terrible Civil War; and for how long, God only knows.
This is making it look as dismal as we can well do; and I am willing to talk of it thus▪ because the Enemy should not be able to say▪ I do not see it in a true Light.
Also I would not appear insensible, because I am not ignorant of the Calamities of a Countrey, which is made the Seat of a War, especially of so bloody, so inveterate a War as thi
may be; and a War carry'd on with so much Animosity, and perhaps Personal Rage, as this may be, if it comes to the length that these People persuade themselves it will. The Description of a War between a Nation justly alarm'd in its own Defence, and an enrag'd revengful Party, fir'd with the Reproaches of their late Defeat, and enrag'd to the last Degree of Vengeance, if they have Power; and this Party now supported by a Foreign Enemy; I say, the
Description of such a War
is not easy, nor can the Calamities that may attend it be well describ'd.
For,
First,
To talk of it with Levity, and without Concern, would favour of the
Gascogne,
and look like the Blusters of one that intended to have no Share in the Danger, and, perhaps, none in the Loss; such a Temper I care not to represent: Or,
Secondly,
To talk of it with Anxiety and Concern, is to discourage People from that vigorous Resolution to resist
to the Death,
which is the undoubted Duty of every true Protestant, who has any Concern for the Interest, Safety, Liberty, and Deliverance of his Countrey.
I shall therefore take the middle and just Method; I shall give due Weight to the Invader, the Goodness of his Troops, the intrepid Courage of their King, the Desperation of his Circumstances, the Resolution they come hither with, to Conquer, or to Dye: I am for allowing all these to be extraordinary, and Things that are not to be laughed at, or jested with; and I only desire that every Man that thinks them fit to be laugh'd at, may be oblig'd to be one of those that shall look them in the Face; and if he can laugh at them, he is welcome.
I remember a Passage of the late King
James
the IId, of which I was both Eye and Ear-Witness, and
is as follows
: When the King was expecting the Prince of
Orange,
and preparing to put his Army in a Posture to receive him, he order'd Eight Regiments of his Light Horse to be made Curiassiers, and to be arm'd with
Back, Breast,
and
Head-Piece,
as the
German
Curiassiers are; and he appointed Three Regiments of them; (
viz.
) Of
Lanier, Fenwick,
and a Third, whose Colonel I do not remember, to pass in Review, with their Armour on, in St.
George's Fields,
where the King himself saw them perform their Exercise.
He drew them up round him, after he had review'd them, that they might hear him speak; and told them, He was very well satisfied with their Appearance, and did not doubt but they would behave themselves well, when they came to Action; that it was his Concern for their Safety that had caused him to order them to fight arm'd, and withal to give them a Superiority in the Field; and he added,
I hope you will use your selves to them, that they may not be tiresome to you in Service; you will find the Advantage of them. Gentlemen,
said the King,
I assure you the Troops we have to do with, will not be afraid to show their Faces.
He did not say this to discourage but to animate his Men; and with the same Design I hope we may be allow'd to speak freely of the
Swedes
; that they are
Iron-Fac'd Fellows,
that will not turn their Backs for a Cut or two in their Flesh; they are us'd to Blows, and know how to dye in the Service of their King:
But what then?
So much the greater will be the Glory of the
British
Troops in Grappling with them. What are they, that we are not; and what have they, that we have not? Nay, how much greater are the Arguments our Men have to engage? They fight in Duty, and follow as they are led, for Glory, for Conquest, and perhaps for Plunder; we for Liberty, Religion, Estates, Countries, Wives, and Children; and in a word, for all that can be dear to us as Men or as Christians.
But I wave this Part; 'tis fit for a Commander haranguing,
as was the Custom of old Times,
at the Head of his Troops; a Trade as much out of Fashion
now,
as it was useless and insignificant
then.
My present Discourse is not directed to the Troops; I make no doubt but they will do their Duty; we have not so many
British
Cowards, as some People may imagine; but my present Business is with the civil quiet People at Home; who however they are
civil
and
quiet,
as I call them, because of there being no Danger of their troubling us much with their
fighting,
yet are apt enough to bear their share in doing Mischief, and sometimes may have it more in their Power, than such People should indeed be trusted with, to weaken or strengthen the Hands of those that do fight, than any that are in the Action it self.
And that I may tell those People their Business with Plainness,
it is thus
in short, If the Enemy Land, let us have a care that we be not the Instruments of our own Discouragement; that we do not weaken our own Hands, and wound our own Helpers, by our Weakness and want of Conduct at Home: For this is certain, That it is more in the Power of our own Folly, to do harm to our own Cause and Interest, than we may imagine; and there are among us Men who may by their Ignorance do more Injury to the Cause of King
GEORGE,
while they even fit at Home, and seem to do nothing, than the
Swedes
themselves would do by the Descent of an Army.
We see these People vaunting and swaggering now of the Strength of the Nation, the Alliances of the King, the Weakness of the Enemy, and the Cowardliness of the
Jacobite
Party, and the like. Very well: Without enquiring whether they are right or wrong; let them hold there where they are; but let me caution, that they be not,
as is often the Case with such People,
as unreasonably surpriz'd and discouraged afterwards, as they are now without Judgment insulting and defying. I remember some of the High People in
England,
a little before the Revolution, who laugh'd at the Prince of
Orange,
and the
Dutch,
and made them the Subject of their Mirth and Sport, all the while they were talk'd of, and expected: No body could shew any Concern about them at that Time, but these Men upbraided them with Cowardize, and a sneaking faint-hearted Folly. When the News came, that they were put out to Sea, but were driven back by a Storm, the Company of these People was really not
bearable,
(if that Word be so) no, not among their own Friends: Nothing troubled them, but that the
Dutch
had not Landed, and been gloriously beaten,
and the like.
Afterwards, when they were actually Landed, and Things began to look Threatning and Dangerous, these were the Men who grew melancholy, look'd dismally; and in short, many of them run quite away, even before it came to a Crisis, and never came back to
England,
for some Years afterwards.
There is a vast deal of Odds between not contemning an Enemy, and not being afraid of him. It was a Maxim of
Julius Caesar,
Not to contemn his Enemies: And all the World knows he was never a Man of Fear. Let us give the
Swedes
their due Weight, that we may prepare to match them; and when they
do come,
as People tell us
they will,
let us take care not to be surprized at it.
The Question is,
What shall we do if they Come?
And the Answer is as direct as the Question;
Do! We must Fight them.
There is nothing else to be done with them, nor is there any need to fear but we shall be well able to do this. They must be Fought with; and that immediately;
before
they have Time to rest and refresh themselves;
before
they have Time to extend and spread themselves, and open the Country, to make way for Rebels, Disaffected and
Jacobite
Rabbles to join with them, and list in their Troops:
Before
they can increase their own Numbers, get a Footing in the Country, or give Time for others to draw together and divert the King's Army.
This must be done
with Vigor, and immediate Application; and it's our Duty that are not in the Field, and are not immediately call'd out to Action, to Encourage and Enliven those that are, by the Chearfulness of our Countenances, and the Readiness of our appearing on all Occasions, to Support, Supply, Recruit and Assist the King, his Government and Family, with our Substance, and with whatever necessary Sums may be wanting on such an Emergency as this. To this Purpose, one great part of our Duty, who are in the Interest of King
GEORGE, is this,
and it is on this Account these Sheets are written, (
viz.
) not to discourage one another.
And that I may speak plainly to the People that are more particularly concerned, and tell you directly what I mean by discouraging one another; I mean, that cursed, foolish, and if I may so call it, fatal Way we have, of running down all Publick Credit, and Publick Funds and Stocks, upon the Surprize of such Things as these, as if we were Confederate with the Enemy in the Attempt upon our Country.
I know nothing within my Observation, more absurd and ridiculous than this Practice; and yet I see no Disease among us harder to cure; and the more, because it is not always the meer Contrivance or Practice of the Enemies to the Government; for if that were the Case, some Measures ought to be taken, and might be taken to prevent it: But the very Friends to the Publick are found to be the Men soonest frighted, and in their Fright doing most Mischief.
If a High-Church-Man gets up
Bank
Bills, and hurries them in for Payment, musters up all his Party, and Friends; to run down Stocks, and to sink Publick Credit, we know his Design, and the End of it: But for the other People to take the Alarm, and to see them blindly follow, though their Enemies lead, is preposterous, and unanswerably weak.
To what Purpose also is it, that the Whigs do this? And who are the Losers, when they run to
Exchange-Alley
with their Stocks, Funds, Annuities,
&c.
and sell them in a Fright? Who do they Enrich, and who are they that make a Prize of their Fears? Are they not their Enemies the High Men, who generally buy them up at the fallen Rate, to which the Sellers own Fears have reduc'd them, and then in a few Days fell them back again to the poor Desponding Creatures, when their Courage is a little reviv'd and their Spirits recover'd, at perhaps Ten
per Cent
again?
Exactly thus was the Case at the late Attempt for an Invasion in
Scotland,
in the Name of the
Pretender,
in Queen
ANNE
's Time, of which I shall speak more largely by and by. In the mean Time, in order to prevent this Mischief on the like Surprize, I would only recommend to those who are Friends to King
GEORGE
's Interest, this one Consideration, (
viz.
) That this is the ONE, and only Thing, by which you can effectually Ruin your Country, and betray King
GEORGE
into the Hands of his and your Enemies. 'Tis pity indeed, that the true Interest of the Nation should be so much at the Mercy of Mens Fears, and that a Set of People, who have such a sincere Affection to the King and his Interest, as that there is no room to suspect them of an ill Design, should be able to do so much Prejudice to the Cause they are embark'd in, and be so unable to avoid it. So just a Remark is it, that Men in Danger, who let Fear govern them, run into their Danger, rather than out of it: Fear deprives Men of the Use of those Helps which Reason offers; and Men in a Fright generally do themselves Harm, by the Measures they take to do themselves Good.
Let me turn this Advice to the Citizens of
London
in Particular. O Ancient and Famous Metropolis, the Mart of
Europe,
and Magazine of the whole World; as Immense in Wealth, as Innumerable in People, Sumptuous in Buildings, Rich, even to Profusion, in Furniture and Equipage, Formidable in Wealth, and justly esteemed beyond all the Cities in the World, for Shipping, Commerce, Inhabitants and Credit.
Of you it has been a happy Truth, which has so seldom been contradicted, that it almost became Proverbial, That in all the Civil Broils of the Kingdom, that Side which the City of
London
adher'd to, always prevail'd. And whence has this proceeded, but from the hearty, generous, and bold Advances your Citizens made, as well in raising Men, furnishing Armies and Navies with Provisions, Arms, Necessaries,
&c.
for the War, as particularly supporting by your Credit and Cash, the Party you espoused, in a Manner and with a Zeal peculiar to your immense Riches, and inimitable by any other part of this Kingdom.
In the Times of the late Confusions in the Reign of King
Charles,
the Courage and Unanimity of your City in concurring with the Parliament, gave them such eminent Advantages, as well in levying Armies, fitting Fleets, as supplying those Armies and Fleets, and their Leaders, with great Sums of Money on all Emergencies, as was the chief, if not at some times the only Support of that War, and in the End gave to the said Parliament that manifest
Superiority over the King's Party, as finally ended in the Overthrow of all his Majesty's Measures, and made the Parliament, to whom you so constantly adhered, invincible.
Your Money restor'd their Circumstances, your Numbers recruited their Troops, your Steadiness and constant Adherence to them, made them,
Antaeus
-like, rise up from every Fall, stronger than they were before.
It cannot now be said that your Affection to King
GEORGE
and his Interest, is less than that of your Forefathers was for the Parliament Side in a Civil War; your Wealth, Opulence, Commerce, Manufactures, and especially your Numbers, are visibly and remarkably greater than ever.
With you are found those immense Sums of Money which are no where else in the World so much as heard of; they are your Citizens, who when Two or Three Millions
Sterling
are wanted to any inviting Proposal, frequently fill up the Subscriptions in Two or Three Hours, and are ready to tread one another to Death to bring in their Money.
You give the Standard to our Wealth; and it is the Glut of Money within your Walls, that gives Reason to the Parliament to reduce the Interest of Money through the whole Nation: Your Banks are the Center of the running Cash, as the Stocks of your Companies are the Fund of Credit and Commerce: Money flows Annually from these, as from a Fountain, diffusing it self like the Blood through the Veins, not of your City alone, but of the whole Kingdom.
Your growing Wealth, and the Rise of Families within your Walls, exceeds the Imagination, much more the Description, of the nicest Calculators. The Nobility, and the Gentry of
Britain,
by well managing Hereditary Estates, improving their Revenues, intermarrying with flowing Fortunes,
&c.
maintain the Lustre of Antient Families, and sometimes grow up to great Magnitude upon the Ruins and Decay of one another. But in you the greatest Fortunes are raised by Industry and Application, from the smallest Beginnings; nay, from meer Air, and in a word, from nothing at all; shewing, that
an Estate indeed is a Pond,
but Trade is a Spring; the one may contain its own Waters within its firm and faithful Banks, but the other is an inexhaustible Flux of Wealth, that knows no Decrease, but overflows its Banks, and enriches continually its adjacent Parts with its plentiful Streams.
Hence the most flourishing Families of the Nobility think it now not below them, to search the opulent Families of the
London
Merchants, to find immense Fortunes for their Eldest Sons, by whose Treasures the Mortgag'd Estates of their Ancestors are redeem'd, and the Daughters of our Citizens never fail to become a Coronet at the Coronations of our Queens.
But why do we talk of these Things? 'Tis to Thee, our Princes apply for weighty Loans, upon the Emergencies of State; nor can the Demands of the Nation be so great, but thou art able to supply them at the shortest Warning. 'Tis thy Credit adds Currency to the Royal
Exchequer,
whose Bills are brought to thy
Bank
to give them Life, and which visibly stagnated in their own Worth, notwithstanding their high Interest, till they receiv'd a new Circulation at thy Hands.
Even the Imperial
Exchequer
flies to thy unfathomable Wealth for its Supply, and Mortgages Nations to Thee for thy Money: Nay is not the whole Nation Mortgaged to thee at this Time; and of Fifty Millions
Sterling
which the Government is now in Debt, and for which the whole Island is Burthened with Taxes to discharge; is not the Gross of the Money thine, and is not the Value of the Interests and Properties governed at thy Pleasure?
Where shall we go to match the Wealth of thy Inhabitants; and what City or Nation is there in the World, that we can describe thee by?
Let us bring back all this to the present Case. While this City stands, while this Wealth circulates, while this Credit supports it self, and the Spirit and Courage of the Citizens of
London
hold up, no Invasion, no desperate Attempt of Foreign Kings, or Domestick Rebels can affect us.
What Madness then must possess the Minds of the Citizens of
London,
that in Case of any Publick Dangers, or the View of Publick Disorders, shall, instead of bold Declarations to stand by their Sovereign, and to support one another to the last, fall immediately to stabbing and wounding the Vitals of their own Credit, running every one to the
Baenk
for their Money, to the Markets with their Stocks, as if all was lost, and they were every one to shift for themselves? Like Sailors in a Ship, who while the Ship swims, and the Masts stand, assist one another, and look well to the Main; but when she strikes upon a Rock, and is visibly splitting, then every Man prepares to swim, and save his own Life. But to carry this Simile home; if Men frighted with their own Shadows, abandon the Conduct of the Ship while she is sound, and has suffer'd no Damage, they ruin themselves, and are the only Cause of the Loss of the Ship.
What can be the Condition of the Citizens of
London,
that they should suffer themselves to be terrify'd and disorder'd, at the Shadow of Enemies while they are yet at a Distance? And why should they take this fatal Way of expressing their Apprehensions, which not only weakens their own Hands, but gives inexpressible Room of Boasting and Triumph to their Enemies; not making only, but increasing the Terror and vain Apprehensions; and besides all, making their Market.
What an Example had we of this Practice at the Attempt of the Pretender, in the late Queen's Time, to land in
Scotland
? It was then but too evident, that had the Pretender landed, tho' at that Time the Disaffection was not reckon'd so dangerous as it has been since, yet the very Stop of the
Bank,
the Run upon Stocks, and the Ruin of the Publick Credit, were such, as in Two or Three Days, had it continu'd, would have put all the Nation into an inexpressible Confusion. It is true, it was begun by the
Jacobite
Party, who were Enemies; but the timerous Party of the Whigs, who were Friends to the Government, took the Fright, and like Men in a Ship, who begin to strip that they may swim, put the rest immediately into the same Confusion too. It was then all the Stocks and Funds sunk in Value; the Run upon the
Bank
was such, that had the Pretender landed, tho' he had been beaten afterwards, yet it is certain, the
Bank
must have stopp'd Payment, and every Thing was running into Distraction.
This is the Folly I would arm the Citizens against, as the only Injury they can do themselves, and as the great Discouragement to the whole Nation. If the
Swedes
should land, the
Jacobites
arm, the Troops draw together to fight; is that a Time to shew our selves uneasy, to fly to the Publick Funds and Places of Receipt, to take in our Money? What is that less or more, than to say we look upon all as lost, and are willing to shift for our selves?
And how scandalous is this to a City of that Magnitude, Wealth, and Grandeur, not to say Pride, as the City of
London
? Did our Fathers do this, when the Royal Army was marching up victorious from
Oxford,
after some Advantage in the Field, and very few to oppose them; and the King, at the Head of his Army, was come up to
Brentford
; when as it was said, some even of the Members of the House of Commons were secretly fled, and the Cause was upon the Point of being given up? What did the City? They raised new Troops, sent out their Regiments of Auxiliaries, march'd out in Person, and encourag'd the Troops so much by their Example, that the King's Army receiv'd a Check at
Brentford,
and durst make no further Attempt.
Did the City behave then in a Cause so disputable, and at best so inferior to this now before us; and shall we be all in an Alarm, and run down our publick Credit and publick Stocks, and amass our Money into our own Hands, as if we were packing up our All to be gone? For shame, O ye Citizens of
London,
who value you selves upon your Sense of the
Revolution,
exemplify'd in King
GEORGE
's Succession, be not thus the Destroyers of your selves.
How scandalous is it, that your Stocks should fall, and your Credit seem to decline already, even upon the Notion of this remote Invasion; a Thing which may be, or may not be; and which it is Two to One now whether it be not already defeated and disappointed? What can the meaning of this be? Why is your Credit in the City worse if the King of
Sweden
were actually on Shore, than it is now? Is there any Doubt but he must be beaten? Is it possible we can be so dispirited, as to fear King
GEORGE
's being dethron'd; and if there is no Danger of that, Why are our Publick Funds less worth? And if that should be, What are you and all your Funds good for? So that on the whole, your only Step is to keep up the Credit, keep up your Esteem of all publick Matters; for by that you keep up the Value of your own Estates, keep up the Courages of all your Friends, and do more to disappoint and discourage your Enemies, than Ten Thousand Men extraordinary could do in the Field.
For it's plain, one great Expectation of the Tories, in the Beginning of their Success, is, That we shall be all in an Amaze, that Stocks will run down, the
Bank
stop Payment, and the Citizens shew themselves in a Fright, than which nothing can be a greater Mark of a general Confusion and Discouragement.
While I am talking thus to the Citizens who know these Things, I need say no more to shew them the Folly of this unhappy Conduct; they know very well how many ill Consequences it is attended with, and how many Ways it is serviceable to the Enemy.
But perhaps some may answer, We acknowledge the Fact, but which way is it possible to prevent it? Every one have their own Fears, aand their own Apprehensions; and Thousands are in Circumstances which render them more subject than ordinary to such Apprehensions, having little or nothing else to depend upon, but what are in such publick Hands; and being afraid to have the Rate of Things fall farther, they therefore sell off, and hasten the Fall farther by increasing the Fright.
These Things may be true in some Particulars, but cannot hold good in the general; and there may be many useful Things offered to the Persons concerned, to prevent such a Confusion, as is the usual Consequence in these Cases; and had such Measures been taken in former Times, the little malicious Runs upon Stocks and Banks had not happened.
Upon the first Appearance of any such Disorder, all that are Friends to the present Government, that value the Credit of the City, and see the Usefulness of keeping up the Courage of the People to the common Interest, will, if they have any Regard to that Interest, stand together with their Fortunes and Stock of Cash, and support the Credit of the
Bank.
And to encourage them in this Work, the Names of all such Citizens, who having Money in the
Bank,
forbear to call it out, or who carry any Money in to the Assistance of the
Bank,
at such a Time of Exigence, should be taken down, in order to be laid before the Parliament, and in order to have them publickly known, that the Government may on all Occasions make such Acknowledgment to them, and reward them in such a Manner as so generous a Conduct shall deserve.
That on the contrary, the Names of all those Bankers, Merchants, or whatever other Persons, that shall be found making large Demands on the
Bank
at such a Time as that, should be taken down, and laid also before the Parliament, that they might be known, mark'd out, and due Notice taken of them, as there should be Occasion.
At such a Time as this, it would seem an acceptable Service, for the Citizens, on such Occasions as may offer, to subscribe large Advances of Money upon such publick Securities as the Parliament may offer; that it may be seen the City are neither doubtful or discouraged in Defence of King
GEORGE
and his Interest.
These are Steps fitter and more becoming the Zealous and Loyal City of
London,
than the Confusions occasion'd by running down their own Credit, and lessening the Value of their own Estates, as if all was in a Fright, and the Nation in Danger of being lost. And I am free to say, such a Step as this would go farther to the conquering of the King of
Sweden,
and discouraging the
Jacobites
from joining them, or from appearing together in order to encourage and support the
Swedes,
than the raising Ten Thousand Men to join the Army would do.
I could propose many noble Things such a City as this could do, upon so eminent an Occasion as this. But I know none that can come up to this. Let the
Jacobites
see the
Bank
supported by the Money'd-Men, see the Stocks rise 2
per Cent.
the very Day they hear of the King of
Sweden
's Coming, and the City advancing Two Millions to the Government upon new Funds, and then let us but observe their Countenances: Such a Step would as effectually dishearten and disappoint them, as beating the
Swedish
Fleet before they landed would do: I take upon me to say, that in case such a Thing as a
Swedish
Invasion is projected, and a Rebellion at the End of it, the Dependance of the Enemy is as much upon the Confusions and Disorders such Things usually make among the People in
London,
by the Stop of Credit, the Fall of Stocks, and the like, as upon beating the Forces, nay, and more too; for this is the Thing by which they expect to discourage the Friends of the Government, and hearten and encourage their own Party to take Arms. And indeed what can raise Tumults and Disorders sooner than a Stagnation of Credit, a Stop of Cash, an Interruption of Trade, and a general Face of Fright and Terror upon the King's Friends?
Is this the Way to beat the
Swedes
? Or is it the Way to cause a despicable Enemy to ruin us, while they themselves are out of Gun-Shot? Is it possible that our Enemies, through the Infirmity of our Friends, should have found out a new-invented Engine to wound a whole Nation at a Blow, that kills while the Person hurting is entirely out of Sight, and out of Reach, and cannot have the Wound return'd? Is not this to make them fancy to themselves, that Heaven is fighting for them, as it did once for King
Jehosaphat
▪ and that we are as the Children of
Ammon
and Mount
Seir,
who are killing one another for fear, without any Reason, but by an Infatuation from Heaven?
Certainly it is an Infatuation; that there is no Room to dispute. Whether it be from Heaven or not, Let the Casuists and Divines answer that. But for Men who otherwise, as it has already appear'd, have been able by their Figure, their Wealth, and their Reputation, to support their Princes, and keep up the Spirits of the Nation, in a War against the mightiest Nations of the World; and to make such Efforts in Matters of Money, which have been the Surprize of
Europe
: I say
for these,
if a despicable Handful of but Seven Thousand Men, for it was no more the
Pretender
had with him; or of Fourteen Thousand, for it is no more the
Swedes
have threatned us with, should but Land upon their Country; for these to be discourag'd, and despairing, and run to the
Bank
for their Money, and to
Exchange-Alley
to sell their Stocks for what they can get; as if every Man was making up his Pack to fly, or Shipping off to be out of Danger; is not this an Infatuation? Can any Rational Account be given for it? O Citizens! O
Englishmen
! remember a little your own Circumstances; nothing but a little Steadiness under all these Things is wanting, to make you the most formidable People in the World; while this foolish Temper makes you a Terror to your selves, and the Scorn and Laughing-Stock of your Enemies.
I have been told by those who say they know it very well, that when the Citizens of
London
were in that terrible Fright at about Twenty Two Sail of Ships, though Twenty Eight were at the Heels of them; and Seven Thousand Men, though the whole Nation was ready to Arm against them; I say, I have been told, that when they sold their Stocks at 14
per Cent
less than they cost them, and had the
Pretender
Landed, would have sold them for any Thing they could get; it was the Tory Party that bought them: And that in less than a Fortnight, their Fright being over, they bought them back again from the Tories, for the old Price again: So that as was said, the Tories got Two Hundred Thousand Pounds by the needless Fright the Whigs were in; and all this in less than Twenty Days Time, and laugh'd at them into the Bargain: Was there any Thing but Madness and Infatuation in all this?
If you would not be thus dup'd, and let into the Secret again; if you have any Regard to the Cause you are embark'd in, and to King
GEORGE,
who is ready to stand by you, and merits that you should better stand by Him, than by such Conduct as this, you can be suppos'd to do:
Be wiser,
shew more Steddiness, more Resolution, more Sense of the Nature and Consequence of the Things before you: In short, remember your Vows to King
GEORGE,
your Engagements to support and assist him: Is this assisting him? Or is it assisting his Enemies? Cowardice is Treason in its Nature, though not in its Design; and a Coward is as ill used in an Army, as a Traytor, though not for the same Reason. And what is this but Cowardice, and that of the worst Kind, for it is a Pannick that seizes you, while your Enemy is afar off; and that of so fatal a Nature, that it does as it were open the Door to him, and invite him to come in; nay, which is worse, it encourages Traytors at Home to open the Door, and assist to let them in.
It makes the Enemy appear as if they were more formidable than really they are, and gives them a Triumph, even without a Victory. Do you think they do not stand and laugh on such Occasions, to see the Citizens crowd down
Grocers-Alley
to the
Bank,
and come back hugging their Money, as if they had just snatch'd it out of the Fire, or sav'd it from a Shipwreck? Is this like the Citizens of
Carthage,
where the Ladies cut off their Hair, which was then the greatest Ornament of Beauty, and willingly gave it to make Cordage and Ropes for the Rigging out their Navy against the
Romans?
Or is it rather like the Citizens of
Constantinople,
who pleaded Poverty with their Emperor, when he begg'd of them from Door to Door, to contribute Money to hire Troops to defend their City, and had immense Treasures laid up in their Coffers for the Plunder of the
Turks?
Let these ignominions Sights be seen no more among us: But if you would strike Terror into the
Swedes,
if you would convince your Enemies that King
GEORGE
is Invulnerable, while he has such a City, and such Citizens, to stand by him: Let it be seen by your Conduct in Times of Danger, for then indeed is the Time to shew the Sincerity of your former Vows, and the Weight of all your Addresses.
What do all our Addresses and Associations amount to, if in a Time of Difficulty you abandon your selves to needless Fears, and suffer Rumours and Shams raised by your Enemies, to make an Impression upon you in this most sensible Part?
And now I have mention'd
Associations,
Things which I confess I have not seen so much Benefit arise from as has been expected;
I do not mean now only,
but even formerly too: I say, since I have named the Word ASSOCIATION, I cannot but put my Fellow Citizens in mind of it, how they may
Associate
NOW more to their own Honour, and to the Interest of the King, and the whole Nation,
than ever
they, or perhaps any City in the World, had an Opportunity to do before. For if the Citizens of
London
would
Associate now
as they ought to do, I affirm it is in their Power to form such an
Association
at this Time, or at any Time of publick Danger, as would fright the most Potent Enemy in
Europe
from ever making any Attempt to disturb the Peace of
Great Britain.
This would be, by a general Association of the Money'd Men, to stand together, and assist one another with their utmost Strength of Money and Credit, to support the Credit of the Publick Stocks, to maintain the Currency and Honour of the
Bank,
and to prevent any Possibility of the Enemy making a Run, or Push, as they call it, upon the
Bank,
to the Stop of their Cash, or hindring the Circulation of their current Bills.
In virtue of this Association, the Subscribers should agree, and oblige themselves not to draw any Money out, or transfer any of their Stock from the
Bank
at an Under or Falling Price, for such and such a Time, or during any such Time of Publick Apprehensions of Danger.
They should on the other Hand, raise a Capital Subscription of Seven, Eight, or Ten Millions
Sterling,
to support the said Credit of the
Bank,
as well by buying up all the Stock of such, as through Malice, or real Ignorance and Apprehensions, shall offer to sell the same at any Price, not exceeding Five
per Cent.
under the current Price of the
Bank
Stock, as it was at the Time when those Apprehensions and Fears began.
That they will out of the said Stock Subscribed, enable the
Bank
to advance any Sum of Money upon such Security, and such moderate Interest as the Parliament shall appoint, for His Majesty's present Occasions, as readily and chearfully, as in Time of Freedom from Danger, and of general Tranquility.
Time, and the narrow Extent of this small Tract, will not permit me to enter into an Enquiry what a Glory such a Transaction as this would bring; not to the Reign of King
GEORGE
only, but to the Memory of such Subjects, and such a City, through the whole World. Were such an Association entred into, and bravely supported,
Jacobitism
would quickly learn to Despair, her Advocates would forsake her, Foreign Princes would cease to think of helping her; they that hope now for our Confusions, would give it over, and the Spirit of Rebellion would evaporate, die in its own Vapour, and sink out of the Nation.
'Tis from a true and distinguish'd Zeal for the Prosperity and Glory of the City of
London,
the Safety of the King's Government, and the Peace of the whole Nation, that the Author of these Sheets has made these Thoughts Publick; and as he never entertain'd a Thought, or wish'd in Prejudice of the Protestant Succession of
Hanover,
or in Favour of King
GEORGE
's Enemies, so he wishes this may be received, accepted and practised, SO as that the Government may receive the Advantage, and he may have the Satisfaction of having thus seasonably made the Proposal; which is all the Honour, and all the Reward he desires.
Such a Method as this would so strengthen the Hands of King
GEORGE,
so encourage His Friends and faithful Subjects, so establish His Interest, and secure His Possession, that we should for the future have on one Side less Occasion, and on the other less Anxiety about the keeping, or not keeping, Standing Forces on Foot, on these or any other Occasions.
And now I have mention'd that so often disputed Point, a Standing Army; a Question which lies in less Compass than the many Words which have been made on one Side or other, would make us believe; I shall in a few Words give a State of the Case, and therewith conclude.
Of a Standing ARMY.
THE word
Standing Army
appears in several Shapes; but ought, as it is esteemed a Grievance, to be understood only thus: (
Viz.
) A Standing Army maintained in Time of Peace.
It remains to state, What is, or is not a Time of Peace. And to the present Case it is sufficient to say, that a Time of a threatned Invasion, unconquer'd Disaffection, and formidable Faction, is not a Time of Peace; and that therefore in those Cases the Word Standing Army is out of the Question.
But when Alliances and Treaties, Pacifications and Accommodations, Guarantees, and such like Things, have dissipated all our just Fears from Abroad; and Rebellion, Faction, and Disaffection is suppress'd and disarm'd at Home; then indeed the Nation may be said to be in Peace, and a Standing Army may be called a Grievance.
But as even then some Forces are necessary to be kept up, and are kept up by all Nations, to secure and preserve that State of Peace, which alone makes a Standing Army needful at other Times: The only Question then lies, What is, or is not a necessary
Medium
between the Extremes? What Number of Troops may be acquiesc'd in, as necessary for the publick Safety, and what shall be esteemed dangerous to the Nation's Liberty?
The Answer to this is short and easy, and was long ago discuss'd, in Answer to a Tract published against King
William
's Army, at the Time of the Peace of
Ryswick
; (
Viz.
) That the Parliament are and ought to be the Judges in the Case: That such a Force as the Parliament shall judge needful, and that Force being always subjected to Parliamentary Authority, as to their Continuance, Increase, and Decrease; such a Force, and no other, the Nation will always be easy with, and safe in: And such a Standing Army is not inconsistent with the Constitution of a
Free Nation.
Of this Opinion the Author of these Sheets ever was; and as he never saw any solid Reasons against it, so he never wrote one Word inconsistent with it in his Life.
There needs but one Word to add to this; and that is, That we have all the Reason in the World to believe His Majesty will always be satisfy'd with such a Settlement of Force; notwithstanding the Schemes of our projecting Authors for formidable Forces at Home, and Nurseries of Forces Abroad; in which it's very reasonable to think they have no Direction from the King: And this I gather from the last Words of his Majesty's Speech, the most engaging in this very Particular that could be spoken, from a Glorious Prince to a Loyal People; as follows.
My Lords and Gentleman,
I have an Entire Confidence in You, and have therefore nothing to ask, but that You would take such Measures as will best secure your Religion and Liberties: While You preserve these,
&c.
I shall sit Safe and Easy on my Throne.
FINIS