A MISCELLANY, CONTAINING SEVERAL TRACTS ON VARIOUS SUBJECTS. BY the BISHOP of
CLOYNE.
Modò me
Thebis,
modò ponit
Athenis.
LONDON:
Printed for J. and R. TONSON and S. DRAPER in the
Strand.
MDCCLII.
FARTHER THOUGHTS ON TAR-WATER.
Printed in the YEAR MDCCLII.
TO THE AUTHOR of SIRIS. An ODE.
By the R. R. T. L. B. O. N.
O! Qui caducae sollicitus times
Vitae, benignis usque laboribus
Fugare praesens imminentes
Corporibusque animisque pestes;
Musis amicus, leniter audias
Vocem camoenae, quae sibi reddita
Jam ludit exultim, lyramque
Suscitat, impatiens quietis.
Non fabulosis pros
iiens jugis,
Et docta labi murmure garrulo,
Nunc unda me multùm loquaces
Provocat ad numeros volentem;
Sed lympha morbos eluere efficax,
Sed parta dulcis, Te medico,
alus,
Sed muneris solantis aegrum
Conscia mens, modulatur ultrò
Carmen. Veternum triste fugit retro,
Fervet renati spiritus ingenî,
Et sol inassuetùm renidens
Luce diem meliore vestit.
Sed unde fulget largior aetheris
Prospectus? Ut vidisse juvat sacras
Sedes piorum, quot repertis
Artibus excoluere vitam!
NEWTONUS illic plurima cogitans,
Viroque charus BOYLIUS it comes,
Et SYDENHAMO juncta magni
HIPPOCRATIS spatiatur umbra▪
Hos tu sequutus, sorte pari doces,
Quae flamma magno corpore misceat
Se rerum, et illabens per artus
Totam agitet foveatque molem▪
Hinc suavis halat gratia floribus,
Plantasque radix prodiga parturit;
Ususque in humanos, per omnem
Nata viret medicina campum.
Sed quanta constat laus, Abies, tibi,
Ligno salubri! Te positum die
Natura fausto destinavit
Stare decus Borealis orae.
Dilecta silvae filia, turgidis
Seu laeta velis, montis et ardui
Nivale contemnens cacumen
Fluctibus imperiosa surgis;
Trunco cadenti seu pretium arrogas,
Et praeparato membra dari rogo
Urenda nil moerens, ab ipsis
Ducis opes medicata flammis.
Liquente torrens en! pice turbidus
Erumpit; undam rivus agit niger,
Secumque cursu concitato
Fert gravidas oleo favillas.
Mox arboris Tu proditor intimae,
Attemperatâ ritè sagax aquâ,
Ostendis interpres, liquorum
Quid valeat sociatus amnis;
Queis lympha praegnans particulis micet,
Quae caerulo vis insita poculo,
Imbuta fumis, sedet ignes
Ignea praetereunte succo.
Notam medelam da, puer, ocius
Hoc fonte manans certa fluit salus:
Beatus hinc, uvas nitentes,
Galle, tibi minùs invidebo.
Jam, jam aestuantes frigus amabile
Venas pererrat flammaque mox calet
Mollis vicissim, spirituque
Aethereo recreat Medullas.
Formas medendi, mille vafer modis,
Tentet latentes Chêmicus artifex:
Sin arte Naturae, Tuâque
Porrigitur Medicina simplex.
Cohors recedit torrida febrium;
Recline sensim se caput erigit,
Languore pulso; defluitque
Articulis inimicus humor.
Durare nimbos sic ratis impotens,
Quassata vento, et saucia vermibus,
Secura si, portu occupato,
Induerit piceos amictus;
Relapsa in aequor fert latus arduum,
Fiditque costis nauta tenacibus;
Impune; nec circum furentes
Uncta Ratis metuit Procellas.
Farther THOUGHTS ON TAR-WATER.
AS the many Experiments that are daily made of the Virtues of Tar-Water, furnish new Discoveries and Reflexions, some of these I have thrown together, and offer to the Public in hopes they may prove useful.
It is a frequent Complaint, that Tar-Water is made of bad Tar, being of a reddish Colour, sweetish or disagreeably insipid. But though the Dregs of Tar are often foul, and make foul Tar-Water, and though Tar already used is often made use of by unfair Dealers a second, if not a third Time, which produceth a vile Potion, void of the genuine Flavour and Virtue of Tar-Water. Yet I apprehend these Defects may sometimes be ascribed, rather to the Vessel wherein the Tar-Water is made, than to the Tar itself.
Tar-Water being made in an earthen Vessel unglazed, or that hath lost Part of its Glazing, may extract (as it is a strong Menstruum) from the Clay, a fade Sweetishness, offensive to the Palate. It should seem therefore that the best Way of making Tar-Water is in a Stone Jug, or earthen Vessel throughout well glazed, and, as it will not fail to extract a Tincture from any metallic Vessel, it should be warmed in a well glazed Pipkin, rather than a Sauce-pan.
By increasing the Proportion of Tar to the Water, and by stirring it longer, Tar-Water may be made strong enough for a Spoonful to impregnate a large Glass, a Thing very useful on a Road.
Those who in chronical Disorders, or as a Preservative, have for a long time drunk Tar-Water, must in acute Cases drink the more.
Tar-Water must be drunk warm in Agues, Small-pox, Measles and Fevers, in Colics and Disorders of the Bowels, in Gout also, and Rheumatism, in most other Ailments cold or warm, at the Choice of the Patient.
In Fevers the Patient cannot begin too soon, or drink too much. By undoubted Experience it is found to cool the hot, and warm the cold, and to be a most successful Medicine in Fevers, notwithstanding its great Virtue in Palsies and Dropsies.
When not long since an Inflammation attacked the Throat, Breast, and Lungs of Children, and became general in my Neighbourhood, Numbers were recovered by the Use of Tar-Water, nor did I hear that any miscarried who used it, though many perished who did not.
Nor is it a Medicine less proper and efficacious in old Age. At the same time that this inflammatory Distemper raged among the Children, a Woman in her sixty-eighth Year, from violent Cold was seized at once with Ague, Colic, and Jaundice, of all which Maladies she was cured in a Fortnight, by drinking three Pints of warm Tar-water every Day. Numberless such Instances daily occur, which shew it to be a safe and efficacious Medicine both for old and young.
Evacuations by Sweat, which usually render Patients very weak and dispirited, have not the same bad Effects when produced by Tar-Water, which I have frequently known to give high Spirits in all the Stages of a Fever, and under the lowest Regimen, therefore old People and weak Persons, who cannot well bear common Evacuations, are best cured by Tar-Water, which in some Sort seemeth to renew those who are worn out with Age and Infirmities.
Tar-Water is of singular Use in strengthening the Stomach and Bowels, and agrees particularly well with Infants, taken either by themselves or by the Nurse, and best by both. Though as it throws the ill Humours out into the Surface of the Skin, it may render them for a Time, perhaps, unseemly with Eruptions, but withal healthy and lively. And I will venture to say, that it lays in them the Principles of a good Constitution for the rest of their Lives.
Nor is it only useful to the Bodies of Infants, it hath also a good Effect on their Minds, as those who drink it are observed to be remarkably forward and sprightly. Even the most heavy, lumpish, and unpromising Infants, appear to be much improved by it. A Child there is in my Neighbourhood, of fine Parts, who at first seemed stupid and an Idiot, but, by constant Use of Tar-Water, grew lively and observing, and is now noted for Understanding beyond others of the same Age.
Infants are easily brought to take it by Spoon, and even grow to a Liking of it, and as their Disorders arise chiefly from Indigestion, they receive the greatest Benefit from a Medicine so well calculated to strengthen the Intestines, and preserve them from Fits. In a word, if it were the common Practice to accustom Infants from the Beginning to take Tar-Water, this would greatly conduce to the Health both of their Minds and Bodies. There is, I am verily persuaded, no one Thing in the power of Art or Nature, that would so generally and effectually contribute to repair the Constitutions of our Gentry and Nobility, by strengthning the Children, and casting off in their Infancy those Impurities and Taints, which they often bring into the World.
An Infant may take one Quarter of a Pint in the Day, warm, by Spoonfuls; less may do good, and there is no fear of Excess. When I consider the private Woe of Families, as well as the public Loss occasioned by the Death of such an incredible Number of Infants, under two Years of Age, I cannot but insist on recommending Tar-Water, both as a Remedy and Preservative in that tender Age, which cannot bear the common Treatment and Methods of Physic, or with safety take those Drugs which are fitter for grown Persons.
Another Reason which recommends Tar-Water, particularly to Infants and Children, is the great Security it brings against the Small-pox, to those that drink it, who are observed, either never to take that Distemper, or to have it in the gentlest Manner.
There is no Distemper more contagious and destructive than the Small-pox, or more generally dreaded, attended with worse Symptoms, or that leaves behind it worse Effects; I observe at the same time, that Tar-Water is in no other Case a more safe and sure Remedy than in this; of which Captain
Drape
's Certificate, sworn to before the Mayor of
Liverpool,
in the presence of several principal Persons of that Town, is a most evident Proof.
That one hundred and seventy Persons, seized at once with the Small-pox, deprived of all Conveniencies, and in the worst Circumstances of a narrow Ship and hot Climate, should all recover by the single Medicine of Tar-Water, except one who would not drink it, is a matter of Fact, so plain and convincing, and so well attested, as to leave no Doubt in Minds free from Prepossession, about the Usefulness and Efficacy of Tar-Water in the Small-pox; a Point I had been before sufficiently convinced of, by many Instances in my own Neighbourhood.
It hath been surmised by some celebrated Physicians, that one Day a Specific may be discovered for the peculiar Venom of the Small-pox. There seems to be some Reason for thinking that Tar-Water is such a Specific. I say this on good Grounds, having by many Experiments observed its Virtue in curing, as well as in preventing, that cruel Distemper; during the whole Course of which, it is to be drank warm; a moderate Glass (about Half a Pint) every Hour, in common Cases, may suffice, in bad Cases more may be given; there is no Fear of Excess.
Those who endeavour to discredit this cooling Cordial, and salutary Medicine, as an Inflamer of the Blood, do very consistently decry its Use in the Small-pox; but there can be nothing more clear, full, and satisfactory than Captain
Drape
's Affidavit, to convince reasonable People of the great and surprising Efficacy of Tar-Water, in the Cure of the Small-pox; and consequently of the groundlesness of that Report, which ascribes a heating or inflaming Quality to it. And yet that groundless Report hath hindred many from reaping the Benefit they might otherwise have done, from the Use of this Water, which is of excellent Virtue in all kinds of inflammatory Disorders, Fevers, Quinsies, Pleurisies, and such like of the hot and inflamed Kind, whereof the Public as well as myself have known a Multitude of Examples.
I ask whether the Fact sworn before the Magistrates of
Liverpool,
be not a sufficient Answer to all that is objected, from an inflaming Quality, to Tar-Water. Can any Instance be produced in the whole
Materia Medica,
or History of Physic, of the Virtue of a Medicine tried on greater Numbers, or under greater Disadvantages, or with greater Success, or more credibly attested. I wish for the common Good of Mankind, that the same Experiment was tried in our Hospitals. Probably the World would soon be relieved from that great and general Terror of the Small-pox.
When I hear of the Devastations made by this Distemper, in great Cities and populous Towns, how many Lives are lost, or (as may be said) thrown away, which might have been in all likelihood easily preserved, by the Use of a Medicine, so cheap and obvious, and in eyery one's power, it seems Matter of great Concern and Astonishment, and leaves one at a loss to guess at the Motives, that govern human Actions in Affairs of the greatest moment. The Experiment may be easily made, if an equal Number of poor Patients in the Small-pox, were put into two Hospitals at the same Time of the Year, and provided with the same Necessaries of Diet and Lodging, and, for further Care, let the one have a Tub of Tar-Water and an old Woman; the other Hospital, what Attendance and Drugs you please.
In all obstinate Sores and Ulcers, I very much recommend the drinking of Tar-Water, and washing them with a strong Lotion of it, will hasten the Cure.
One of the most painful and dangerous Cases is that of a Woman's fore Breast. How many poor Creatures after long languishing in Misery, are obliged to suffer the most severe chirurgical Operations, often the cutting off the entire Breast? The Use of Tar-Water in those Cases hath been attended with such Success, that I do earnestly recommend the drinking thereof, both as a Cure and Preservative, as a most effectual Medicine to remove the shooting Pains that precede a Cancer, and also to cure the Cancer itself, without Amputation. Cancerous and sore Breasts are such cruel Cases, occasioned by so many internal Causes, as well as outward Accidents, that it is a necessary Piece of Humanity, to contribute all we can to the Prevention and Cure thereof.
In the King's Evil, Leprosy, and foulest Cases, Tar-Water cannot be too much recommended. The poor Vagabonds of
Ireland,
are many of them infected and eaten up with the foul Disease, which with them passeth for a Canker, as they call it. Several Instances of extraordinary Cures have been performed on such Persons, by drinking Tar-Water copiously, for some Weeks or Months together, without Confinement or other Restraint, than that of a regular cool Diet. It is indeed a Specific, both for this and all other Taints and Impurities of the Blood.
An Extract of
Siris
was made, and Accounts of the Effects of Tar-Water were reprinted in
America,
in which Continent, as well as in the Islands, much Use hath been made thereof, particularly by those who possess great Numbers of Slaves: Of this I have been informed by Letters, and by Word of Mouth, from Persons belonging to those Parts, who have assured me of the extensive and successful Use of this Medicine in many Cases, and more especially in the most inveterate Kinds of the soul Disease.
I need not say how dearly they purchase Health who obtain it by Salivation, and yet long and severe as that Course is, it is often unsuccessful. There are Instances of such as having passed through it with much Misery and Patience, have been afterwards cured by the simple Use of Tar-Water.
The King's Evil, so lothsom in its Symptoms and Effects, and withal so difficult, if at all possible, to cure by any other Method, is most surely and easily cured by the Tar-Water, even when the Patient is far gone, even when he derives it from his Ancestors. A Quart
per diem
for a few Months, I have known to cure the most deplorable and abandoned Cases.
How many wealthy Families, otherwise at their Ease, are corrupted with this Taint in their Blood? How many want Heirs and Husbands, through this odious Malady? A Specific for this Disease alone, would be justly esteemed a most valuable Secret, and the plenty and cheapness of the Medicine ought not in Reason to make it less esteemed.
Salivating, Bleeding, and Purging, are attended with great Hardships and Inconveniencies (even where the Patient recovers) reducing the Strength and Spirits of those who use them, whereas Tar-Water greatly adds to both.
In Fractures and Wounds, a Quart or two drank daily, while the Patient is under Cure, doth very much assuage the Pain and promote his Recovery, both as by its balsamic Nature it disposeth the Parts to heal, and also as it lessens if not totally prevents the Fever.
A poor Boy in
Cloyne,
having fallen from a Tree, broke both Arm and Wrist. This Accident was concealed or neglected for two or three Weeks; he was then put under the Care of a skilful Bonesetter, who finding the Bones knit and grown crooked, and that it would be necessary to break them again, in order to set them right, and withal considering the hot Season of the Year (in
July
) he apprehended his Patient's being thrown into a Fever that might prove fatal. But the Boy being made to drink copiously of Tar-Water, this prevented or lessened the Fever in such sort, that the Bones were broke and set again, and the Cure proceded as easily and speedily as Could be wished.
I have known several Instances of Bruises and Wounds cured by Tar-Water. A Person in my Neighbourhood ran over by a Horse was much bruised, and cured only by drinking Tar-Water. Another knocked down with a Mallet, thereupon thrown into a violent Fever, and given for dead; another wounded with an Axe, so that his Life was thought in danger, were both recovered by the Use of Tar-Water; which, as it is sovereign against Gangrenes and Fevers, hath great Success in all Sorts of Wounds, Contusions, and Fractures, being taken throughout the whole chirurgical Process, along with whatsoever other Methods or Remedies are applied.
Tar-Water operates variously. In Dropsies and Bruises it hath been known to work by purging. The stronger Kind being used as a Wash, is good against ulcerous Eruptions. But in all Cases where the Lotion is used, I believe the drinking of Tar-Water might alone suffice, albeit the Sores may be longer withering and drying away.
There is a certain Age or Time of Life, when the female Sex runs no small Risk from the ceasing of their natural Evacuations. In this Case Tar-Water is a good Preservative, purifying the Blood, and clearing it from that cancerous Tendency, which it is sometimes subject to, about that time. I take it to be a Specific in all cancerous Cases, even the bleeding Cancer, esteemed incurable by Physicians, hath been cured by Tar-Water.
In Diseases peculiar to Women it is of no small Use. Several who had suffered much by Accidents in Child-bearing, have found themselves relieved by Tar-Water. In all Sorts of Tumours, Wens, and praeternatural Excrescences, it hath been found an excellent Remedy.
Many dangerous Symptoms, and even sudden Death are often owing to a Polypus, in some or other of the Vessels, through which the Blood circulates, than which it seems there is no inward Cause of Death or Disease more to be dreaded and guarded against; how many drop down dead in our Streets, or at Table, or in the midst of Business or Diversions? how many are found dead in their Beds?
Tremors, Palpitations of the Heart, irregular Pulses, Apoplexies, sudden Deaths, often proceed from a slow, stagnating, interrupted Motion, or stoppage of the Blood, in its Circulation through the Body; and there seemeth to be no Cause so certainly productive of obstructed Circulation, as the Polypus, a Case, perhaps, much more frequent than is commonly imagined.
Morgagni,
the celebrated Professor at
Padua,
and most eminent Anatomist, who was supposed to have dissected more human Bodies than any Man living, assured me, above thirty Years ago, that in the far greater Part of such Bodies, he found Polypuses, if not in the Ventricles of the Heart or larger Vessels, yet in some other Vessel or Cavity; to which he attributes many Disorders, and which he supposed to be formed by the obstructed Motion of the Blood. To prevent this, he dissuaded from all tight Ligatures, especially in Sleep, unbuttoning the Neck and Wrist-bands of his Shirt every Night, a Practice he had learned (as he said) from his Master, the famous
Malpighi.
When the Circulation is once quite stopped, nothing can restore it, which would be the same thing as restoring a dead Man to Life, and in Proportion, as the Circulation of the Blood is obstructed, the Body is disordered. Total Obstruction is Death; partial Obstruction is Disease. The Polypus therefore is always hurtful, if not mortal. It is, indeed, matter of serious Reflexion, that we may probably carry about with us a Principle of Death, always at work within, and of a Nature so violent and sudden in its Effects, so hard to come at, and so difficult to subdue.
It may well be thought at first View, a vain Undertaking, to attempt to dissolve a fleshy or membranous Substance, so latent and inaccessible, by common Means or Medicines. But, as Tar-Water hath been undoubtedly known to dissolve and disperse Wens, and other fleshy or membranous Tumours, in the outward Parts of the Body
See the Effects of Tar Water, Sect 228, and 229.
, having been drank and circulated with the Blood, it should seem by a Parity of Reason, that it may also dissolve and put an End to those Concretions that are formed in the Ventricles of the Heart or Blood Vessels, and so remove one great Cause of Apoplexies and sudden Death; and what cures may prevent. I have been the longer on this Subject, for the sake of many who lead sickly Lives, as well as several who are snatched away by untimely Death.
Universally, in all Cases where other Methods fail, I could wish this of Tar-Water was tried. It hath been sometimes known, that the most inveterate Head-aches, and other nervous Disorders, that would yield to no other Medicine, have been cured by a Course of Tar-Water, regularly and constantly pursued.
Wheresoever pure Blood or Plenty of Spirits are wanting, it may be concluded from manifold Experience, that Tar-Water is of singular Benefit. Several Persons have acknowledged themselves to be much fitter to go through Business or Study from the Use of it.
Nor is it only medicinal to human Kind: it is also of no small use in the Curing of brute Animals. It hath been tried on several Kinds, particularly with great Success in the late epidemical Distemper of our Horses. And I have been credibly informed, that being drank in plenty, it hath recovered even a glandered Horse, that was thought incurable.
And as it is of such extensive use, both to Man and Beast, it should seem, that a Tub of Tar-Water constantly supplied in a Market-Town, would serve, in some sort, for an Hospital. Many other Drugs are not easily got, this is every where plenty and cheap; many are of a doubtful Nature, this of known Innocence; others soon perish, this lasts for Years, and is not the worse for keeping. This, in short, is a Medicine for the common People, being a safe and cheap Remedy; for such as cannot afford to be long sick, or to make use of costly Medicines.
A Patient who drinks Tar-Water, must not be alarmed at Pustules or Eruptions in the Skin; these are good Symptoms, and shew the Impurities of the Blood to be cast out. It is also not amiss to observe, that, as Tar-Water by its active Qualities, doth stir the Humours, entering the minutest Capillaries, and dislodging Obstructions, it may happen that this working shall sometimes be felt in the Limbs, or discharge itself in a Fit of the Gout, which, however disagreeable, proves salutary.
I am credibly informed of several strange Conveyances, which Tar-Water hath found out, whereby to discharge Impurities from the human Constitution. A Person who had been in a bad state of Health above twenty Years, upon a Course of Tar-Water was thrown into a most extraordinary Fit of an Ague, and from that time recovered a good State of Health. An old Gentleman in the County of
Cork,
who for a long time had been a Valetudinarian, afflicted with many Infirmities, being advised to drink Tar-Water, found himself relieved, but it produced and soon cured a Pthiriasis or lousy Distemper, in which the putrid Humours having discharged themselves, left him quite sound and healthy.
In a Course of Tar-Water, if any Disorder happens from some other Cause, as from Cold, from the use of strong Liquors, from a Surfeit, or such like Accident, it would not be fair to impute it to Tar-Water; and yet this hath been sometimes done.
The Effects of Vomiting occasioned by Tar-Water are not to be apprehended. Some are discouraged from drinking because their Stomachs cannot bear it. But when it takes a turn towards working upwards, Nature, by that very way, hath been often known to carry on the Cure. A worthy Gentleman, Member of Parliament, came into my Neighbourhood, in the Autumn of the Year 1750; he was cachectic and extremely reduced, so that his Friends thought him near his End. Upon his entering into a Course of Tar-Water, it produced a prodigious Vomiting, which weakened him much for the present; but persisting to continue the Use thereof for about two Months, he was restored to his Health, Strength and Spirits.
Tar-Water is very diuretic, thereby preventing Stone and Gravel, and carrying off by Urine, those Salts that might otherwise occasion Fevers, Rheumatisms, Dropsies, Head-aches, and many other Disorders, if retained in the Blood. Hence, some have apprehended a Diabetes, from the continued Use thereof, but it is so far from causing a Diabetes, that it hath been known to cure that Disorder.
The Constitution of a Patient sometimes requireth during a Course of Tar-Water, that he take Water and Honey, also rosted Apples, stewed Prunes and other Diet of an opening Kind. A Hint of this is sufficient. If the Reader now and then meets with some Remarks, contained in my former Writings on this Subject, he may be pleased to consider, I had rather repeat than forget what I think useful to be known.
Some, endeavouring to discourage the Use of Tar-Water in
England,
have given out that it may indeed be serviceable in
Ireland,
where People live on such low Diet as sour Milk and Potatoes, but it cannot be of the same Service in
England,
where Men are accustomed to a more liberal and hearty Food; and indeed it must be owned, that the Peasants in this Island, live but poorly, but no People in
Europe
live better (in the Sense of Eating and Drinking) than our Gentry and Citizens; and from these the Instances of Cures by Tar-Water have been chiefly taken. Those who would confine its Use to the moist Air and poor Diet of
Ireland,
may be assured that all over
Europe,
in
France,
and
Germany, Italy, Portugal,
and
Holland,
Tar-Water works the same Effect. In both
North
and
South,
in
West
and
East-Indies,
it hath been used and continues to be used with great Success. It hath reached all our Colonies both on the Continent and the Islands, and many Barrels of Tar-Water have been sent from
Amsterdam
to
Batavia;
of all which I have had authentic Accounts. But its Use is no where more conspicuous than at Sea, in curing that Plague of sea-faring Persons, the Scurvy, as was found in the late Attempt to discover a north-west Passage; and (as I doubt not) will be found as oft as it is tried. Every Ship in his Majesty's Navy should always have a Vessel of Tar-Water upon Deck, for the Use of the Sailors, both in the Scurvy and other Maladies.
It is indeed a Medicine equally calculated for all Climates, for Sea and Land, for rich and poor, high and low Livers; being, as hath been elsewhere mentioned, a Cordial which doth not heat; a peculiar Privilege this, and of excellent Use. That it is a Cordial, is manifest from its cheering and enlivening Quality, and that it is not heating, is as manifest, from its singular Use in all Cases where the Blood is inflamed. As this Medicine imparts a genial friendly Warmth, suited to the human Constitution, those who pass through a Course of Tar-Water, would do well not to increase such friendly Warmth to an inflaming Heat, by a wrong Regimen of high-seasoned Food and strong Liquors, which are not wanted by the Drinkers of Tar-Water. There is a certain Degree of Heat necessary to the Well-being and Life of Man. More than this will be uneasy, and this Uneasiness indicates a proper Choice of Diet.
I have myself drank above a Gallon of Tar-Water in a few Hours, and been cooled and recovered from a Fever by it. So many Instances of the same Nature I have known, as would make it evident to any unprejudiced Person, that Tar-Water is a cooling Medicine; of which Truth I am as thoroughly convinced, as it is possible to be of any Theorem in Physic or natural Science.
The Unsuccessfulness of other Methods, should rather be an Encouragement than a Bar to the Trial of Tar-Water. A young Lady, Daughter to a worthy Gentleman near
Cork,
had been long afflicted with a grievous Pain in her Side, and having had the best Advice that could be got, was not relieved until she drank Tar-Water, which quite removed her Pain. Some time after she was again seized with the same Disorder, but returning to the Use of Tar-Water, she grew well and still continues so.
A Woman turned out of the Infirmary at
Cork,
as incurable, because she would not submit to the cutting off her Leg, came to,
Cloyne,
where she continued half a Year drinking Tar-Water, and living upon Bread and Milk, by which Course she recovered, and went to Service.
There is at present, while I am writing, a most remarkable Case here at
Cloyne,
of a poor Soldier in a Dropsy, whose Belly was swoln to a most immoderate Size. He said he had been five Months in an Hospital at
Dublin,
and having tried other Methods in vain, left it to avoid being tapped. It is a Fortnight since he came to
Cloyne,
during which Time he hath drunk two Quarts of Tar-Water every Day. His Belly is now quite reduced: his Appetite and Sleep which were gone are restored: he gathers Strength every Moment: and he who was despaired of, seems to be quite out of Danger, both to himself, and to all who see him. It is remarkable, that upon drinking the Tar-Water, he voided several Worms of a very extraordinary Size. This Medicine, which is observed to make some Persons costive, is to hydropic Patients a strong Purge. The present is but one of several Instances, wherein the Dropsy hath been cured by Tar-Water; which I never knew to fail in any Species of that Malady.
I am very credibly informed, that an aged Clergyman of
Maidstone
in
Kent,
being reduced to the last Extremity by the Gout in his Stomach, after having tried strong Liquors, and the Methods usual in that Case without Success, betook himself to drink a vast Quantity of warm Tar-Water, still replenishing and letting it take its Course; by which it pleased God to deliver him from the Jaws of Death.
A Gentleman in the County of
Clare,
near
Ennis,
had a Fever and Pleurisy, and Inflammation of the Lungs, being at the last Extremity, and given over by two Physicians, he was advised to drink Tar-Water, which he did, eight Quarts. Next Morning one of the Doctors asking at what Hour his Patient died? to his great Surprise found he was recovered. This I had from a Parliament-Man his Neighbour.
When the yellow Fever (as it was called) raged in the
West-Indies,
the Negroes, with a Tub of Tar-Water in their Quarters, did well: but some of the better Sort miscarried, among whom the Physician himself lay at the Point of Death; but his Brother recovered him by pouring down his Throat in Spoonfuls, some of the same Liquor that recovered the Negroes. The Fact was related to me by a Gentleman who was then in the Island of
St. Christopher's,
and knew it to be true.
A Physician himself, not long since assured me, he had cured an Ulcer in the Bladder, by ordering his Patient to drink Tar-Water, when he had tried all other Methods in vain, and thought the Case incurable
But it would be endless to relate the Effects of Tar-Water, in desperate Cases. The Recovery of Mrs.
Wilson,
Daughter to the late Bishop of
London,
from a lingering hopeless Disorder, was a noted Case, and attested to by his Lordship. I have even been informed upon good Authority, of two or three Instances, wherein Persons have been recovered by Tar-Water, after they had Rattles in the Throat.
In certain Cases, a smaller Quantity of Tar-Water hath proved ineffectual, when a larger hath perfected the Cure. A Woman of
Cloyne
got cold after Child-bearing, which occasioned a great Pain in her Thigh, Swelling also and Redness; she continued in great Torment above three Weeks. She then began to drink Tar-Water, but not drinking much she did not perceive much good; and when there was not any Hopes of her Life, she was persuaded to try what a Gallon a Day might do; upon this she grew better, the Swelling broke and ran; no Dressing was used but Tar, and no Washing but Tar-Water, until she was quite recovered.
In Ailments of an odd and untried Nature, it may be worth while to try Tar-Water. In Proof of this many Instances might be given. A Gentleman with a wither'd Arm had it restored by drinking Tar-Water. Another who, by running his Head against a Post, had a Concussion of the Brain attended with very bad Symptoms, recovered by drinking Tar-Water after other Medicines had failed. In my own Neighbourhood, one had lost the use of his Limbs by Poison, another had been bitten by a mad Ass; these Persons drank Tar-Water, and their Cure was attributed to it.
When Tar-Water is copiously drank in Fevers, the great Danger to be guarded against, is an excessive Flow of Spirits, which excites the Patient to talk and divert himself with Company, which may produce a Relapse; of this I have known fatal Effects.
If in a Course of Tar Water the Patient should find himself heated, let him abstain from or lessen his Dose of spirituous and fermented Liquors; for Tar-Water alone never heats.
In chronical Disorders it is not adviseable, to break off a Course of Tar-Water at once, but rather to diminish the Quantity by Degrees.
The Acid alone hath not the medicinal Virtues of Tar-Water. This is agreeable to Reason and Experience, as well as the Opinion of the ablest Judges. Doctor
Linden
justly observes,
"that when the empyreumatic Oil is entirely separated from the Acid, it is not in any Shape superior to any other distilled Acids or Vinegars whatsoever."
Treatise on Selter Water,
p. 307.
Something of this Nature hath been long expected, and hoped for, if we may credit that learned Chymist Dr.
Linden,
"at last (saith he) the long delayed Wishes of the most eminent Men of the Faculty are fulfilled, in the B. of
C—yne
's Discovery."
See
Treatise on Selter Water,
p. 303.
Again (speaking of empyreumatic Oils of Plants) he hath these Words,
"There has always prevailed a Notion among the Chymists, and particularly with
Paracelsus
and his Followers, that in those Oils there lay a great Secret undiscovered. This Notion was occasioned by the strange Effects which a small Quantity thereof hath upon the human Machine. Several have been very diligent to discover this Secret, and to find out a Method to administer these Oils with Safety; yet nothing was performed salutary, until the B. of
C.
discovered to us the Tar-Water, to him alone we are indebted, for rendering the empyreumatic Oils a safe Medicine, in every respect."
Ibid.
p. 302.
That extraordinary Virtues should be contained in Tar-Water, will not seem strange, if we consider that Pitch is nothing else but hardened Tar, or Tar drained of its Moisture; and that an extraordinary Quantity of Light is retained in the Substance of Pitch, as appears from certain Electrical Experiments, which, having been made since, seem not a little to confirm what had before been suggested in
Siris.
AN ESSAY Towards preventing the RUIN of GREAT-BRITAIN.
Avaritia fidem, probitatem, caeterasque artes bonas subvertit: pro his superbiam, crudelitatem, deos negligere, omnia venalia habere, edocuit.
SALLUST.
Ii qui per largitionem magistratus adepti sunt, dederunt operam ut ita potestatem gererent, ut illam lacunam rei familiaris explerent.
CICERO.
Omnes aut de honoribus suis, aut de praemiis pecuniae, aut de persequendis inimicis agebant.
CAESAR.
First Printed in
London,
A. D. MDCCXXI.
AN ESSAY, &c.
WHETHER the Prosperity that preceded, or the Calamities that succeed the South Sea Project have most contributed to our undoing, is not so clear a Point as it is that we are actually undone, and lost to all Sense of our true Interest; nothing less than this could render it pardonable, to have Recourse to those old fashioned trite Maxims concerning Religion, Industry, Frugality, and public Spirit, which are now forgotten, but if revived and put in practice, may not only prevent our final Ruin, but also render us a more happy and flourishing People than ever.
Religion hath in former Days been cherished and reverenced by wise Patriots and Lawgivers, as knowing it to be impossible that a Nation should thrive and flourish without Virtue, or that Virtue should subsist: without Conscience, or Conscience without Religion: insomuch that an Atheist or Infidel was looked on with Abhorrence, and treated as an Enemy to his Country. But in these wiser Times, a cold Indifference for the national Religion, and indeed for all Matters of Faith and divine Worship, is thought good Sense. It is even become fashionable to decry Religion; and that little Talent of Ridicule is applied to such wrong Purposes, that a good Christian can hardly keep himself in Countenance.
Liberty is the greatest human Blessing that a virtuous Man can possess, and is very consistent with the Duties of a good Subject and a good Christian, but the present Age aboundeth with injudicious Patrons of Liberty, who not distinguishing between that and Licentiousness, take the surest Method to discredit what they would seem to propagate; for, in effect, can there be a greater Affront offered to that just Freedom of Thought and Action, which is the Prerogative of a rational Creature, or can any Thing recommend it less to honest Minds than under Colour thereof to obtrude Scurrility and Profaneness on the World? But it hath been always observed of weak Men, that they know not how to avoid one Extreme without running into another.
Too many of this Sort pass upon vulgar Readers for great Authors, and Men of profound Thought, not on account of any Superiority either in Sense or Stile, both which they possess in a very moderate Degree, nor of any Discoveries they have made in Arts and Sciences, which they seem to be little acquainted with: but purely because they flatter the Passions of corrupt Men, who are pleased to have the Clamours of Conscience silenced, and those great Points of the Christian Religion made suspected, which withheld them from many Vices of Pleasure and Interest, or made them uneasy in the Commission of them.
In order to promote that laudable Design of effacing all Sense of Religion from among us, they form themselves into Assemblies, and proceed with united Counsels and Endeavours; with what Success, and with what Merit towards the Public, the Effect too plainly shews; I will not say, these Gentlemen have formed a direct Design to ruin their Country, or that they have the Sense to see half the ill Consequences, which must necessarily flow from the spreading of their Opinions, but the Nation feels them, and it is high time the Legislature put a stop to them.
I am not for placing an invidious Power in the Hands of the Clergy, or complying with the narrowness of any mistaken Zealots, who should incline to persecute Dissenters: but whatever Conduct, common Sense, as well as Christian Charity obligeth us to use, towards those who differ from us in some Points of Religion, yet the public Safety requireth, that the avowed Contemners of all Religion should be severely chastised, and perhaps it may be no easy matter to assign a good Reason why Blasphemy against God should not be inquired into, and punished with the same Rigour as Treason against the King.
For though we may attempt to patch up our Affairs, yet it will be to no Purpose, the Finger of God will unravel all our vain Projects, and make them Snares to draw us into greater Calamities, if we do not reform that scandalous Libertinism which (whatever some shallow Men may think) is our worst Symptom and the surest Prognostic of our Ruin.
Industry is the natural sure Way to Wealth; this is so true, that it is impossible an industrious free People should want the Necessaries and Comforts of Life, or an idle enjoy them under any Form of Government. Money is so far useful to the Public, as it promoteth Industry, and Credit having the same Effect, is of the same Value with Money; but Money or Credit circulating through a Nation from hand to hand without producing Labour and Industry in the Inhabitants, is direct Gaming.
It is not impossible for cunning Men to make such plausible Schemes, as may draw those who are less skilful into their own and the public Ruin. But surely there is no Man of Sense and Honesty, but must see and own, whether he understands the Game or not, that it is an evident Folly for any People, instead of prosecuting the old honest Methods of Industry and Frugality, to sit down to a public Gaming-table, and play off their Money one to another.
The more Methods there are in a State for acquiring Riches without Industry or Merit, the less there will be of either in that State; this is as evident as the Ruin that attends it. Besides, when Money is shifted from hand to hand in such a blind fortuitous Manner, that some Men shall from nothing in an instant acquire vast Estates, without the least Desert; while others are as suddenly stript of plentiful Fortunes, and left on the Parish by their own Avarice and Credulity, what can be hoped for on the one hand, but abandoned Luxury and Wantonness, or on the other, but extreme Madness and Despair.
In short, all Project for growing rich by sudden and extraordinary Methods, as they operate violently on the Passions of Men, and encourage them to despise the slow moderate Gains that are to be made by an honest Industry, must be ruinous to the Public, and even the Winners themselves will at length be involved in the public Ruin.
It is an easy matter to contrive Projects for the Encouragement of Industry; I wish it were as easy to persuade Men to put them in Practice. There is no Country in Europe where there is so much Charity collected for the Poor, and none where it is so ill managed. If the Poor-tax was fixed at a Medium in every Parish, taken from a Calculation of the last ten Years, and raised for seven Years by Act of Parliament, that Sum (if the common Estimate be not very wrong) frugally and prudently laid out in Work-houses, would for ever free the Nation from the Care of providing for the Poor, and at the same time considerably improve our Manufactures. We might by these means rid our Streets of Beggars, even the Children, the maimed and the blind, might be put in a way of doing something for their Livelihood. As for the small Number of those, who by Age or Infirmities are utterly incapable of all Employment, they might be maintained by the Labour of others; and the Public would receive no small Advantage from the Industry of those, who are now so great a Burden and Expence to it.
The same Tax, continued three Years longer, might be very usefully employed in making high Roads, and rendering Rivers navigable, two Things of so much Profit and Ornament to a Nation, that we seem the only People in
Europe
Who have neglected them
This was published before Turnpikes were erected.
. So that in the space of ten Years the Public may be for ever freed from a heavy Tax, Industry encouraged, Commerce facilitated, and the whole Country improved, and all this only by a frugal honest Management, without raising one Peny extraordinary.
The Number of People is both Means and Motives to Industry; it should therefore be of great use to encourage Propagation, by allowing some Reward or Privilege to those who have a certain Number of Children; and on the other hand, enacting that the Public shall inherit half the unintailed Estates of all who die unmarried of either Sex.
Besides the immediate End proposed by the foregoing Methods, they furnish Taxes upon Passengers, and dead Bachelors, which are in no sort grievous to the Subject, and may be applied towards clearing the public Debt, which, all Mankind agree, highly concerneth the Nation in general, both Court and Country.
Caesar
indeed, mentions it as a Piece of Policy, that he borrowed Money from his Officers to bestow it on the Soldiers, which fixed both to his Interest; and though something like this may pass for Skill at certain Junctures in civil Government, yet if carried too far, it will prove a dangerous Experiment.
There is still Room for Invention or Improvement in most Trades and Manufactures, and it is probable, that Praemiums given on that Account to ingenious Artists, would soon be re-paid an hundred-fold to the Public. No Colour is so much wore in
Italy, Spain,
and
Portugal
as Black; but our black Cloth is neither so lasting, nor of so good a Dye as the
Dutch,
which is the Reason of their ingrossing the Profit of that Trade; this is so true, that I have known
English
Merchants abroad wear black Cloth of
Holland
themselves, and sell and recommend it as better than that of their own Country. It is commonly said the Water of
Leyden
hath a peculiar Property for colouring Black, but it hath been also said and passed current, that good Glasses may be made no where but at
Venice,
and there only in the Island of
Murano:
which was attributed to some peculiar Property in the Air; and we may possibly find other Opinions of that sort to be as groundless, should the Legislature think it worth while to propose Praemiums in the foregoing, or in the like Cases of general Benefit to the Public; but I remember to have seen, about seven Years ago, a Man pointed at in a Coffee-House, who (they said) had first introduced the right scarlet Dye among us, by which the Nation in general, as well as many private Persons, have since been great Gainers though he was himself a Beggar, who, if this be true, deserved an honourable Maintenance from the Public.
There are also several Manufactures which we have from abroad, that may be carried on to as great Perfection here as elsewhere. If it be considered that more fine Linen is wore in
Great-Britain
than in any other Country of
Europe,
it will be difficult to assign a Reason why Paper may not be made here as good, and in the same Quantity, as in
Holland,
or
France,
or
Genoa.
This is a Manufacture of great Consumption, and would save much to the Public. The like may be said of Tapestry, Lace, and other Manufactures, which is set on foot in cheap Parts of the Country, would employ many Hands, and save Money to the Nation, as well as bring it from abroad. Projects for improving old Manufactures, or setting up new ones, should not be despised in a trading Country, but the making them Pretences for Stockjobbing hath been a fatal Imposition.
As Industry dependeth upon Trade, and this, as well as the public Security, upon our Navigation, it concerneth the Legislature to provide, that the Number of our Sailors do not decrease, to which it would very much conduce, if a Law were made prohibiting the Payment of Sailors in foreign Parts; for it is usual with those on board Merchant-Men as soon as they set foot on Shore to receive their Pay, which is soon spent in riotous Living; and when they have emptied their Pockets, the Temptation of a Pistole present Money, never faileth to draw them into any foreign Service. To this, (if I may credit the Information I have had from some
English
Factors abroad) it is chiefly owing, that the
Venetians, Spaniards,
and others, have so many
English
on board their Ships; some Merchants indeed and Masters of Vessels may make a Profit in defrauding those poor Wretches when they pay them in strange Coin (which I have been assured often amounts to twelve Pence in the Crown) as well as in ridding themselves of the Charge of keeping them when they sell their Ships, or stay long in Port, but the Public lose both the Money and the Men; who, if their Arrears were to be cleared at home, would be sure to return, and spend them in their own Country: It is a Shame this Abuse should not be remedied.
Frugality of Manners is the Nourishment and Strength of Bodies politic. It is that by which they grow and subsist, until they are corrupted by Luxury; the natural Cause of their Decay and Ruin. Of this we have Examples in the
Persians, Lacedaemonians,
and
Romans:
not to mention many later Governments which have sprung up, continued a while, and then perished by the same natural Causes. But these are, it seems, of no use to us; and, in spite of them, we are in a fair Way of becoming ourselves, another useless Example to future Ages.
Men are apt to measure national Prosperity by Riches, it would be righter to measure it by the Use that is made of them. Where they promote an honest Commerce among Men, and are Motives to Industry and Virtue, they are without doubt of great Advantage; but where they are made (as too often happens) an Instrument to Luxury, they enervate and dispirit the bravest People. So just is that Remark of
Machiavel,
that there is no Truth in the common Saying, Money is the Nerves of War; and though we may subsist tolerably for a Time among corrupt Neighbours, yet if ever we have to do with a hardy, temperate, religious Sort of Men, we shall find to our Cost, that all our Riches are but a poor Exchange for that Simplicity of Manners which we despise in our Ancestors. This sole Advantage hath been the main Support of all the Republics that have made a Figure in the World; and perhaps it might be no ill Policy in a Kingdom to form itself upon the Manners of a Republic.
Simplicity of Manners may be more easily preserved in a Republic than a Monarchy; but if once lost, may be sooner recovered in a Monarchy, the Example of a Court being of great Efficacy, either to reform or to corrupt a People; that alone were sufficient to discountenance the wearing of Gold or Silver, either in Cloaths or Equipage, and it the same were prohibited by Law, the saving so much Bullion would be the smallest Benefit of such an Institution; there being nothing more apt to debase the Virtue and good Sense of our Gentry of both Sexes, than the trifling Vanity of Apparel, which we have learned from
France,
and which hath had such visible ill Consequences on the Genius of that People. Wiser Nations have made it their Care to shut out this Folly by severe Laws and Penalties, and its spreading among us can forbode no good, if there be any Truth in the Observation of one of the Ancients, that the direct Way to ruin a Man is to dress him up in fine Cloaths.
It cannot be denied that Luxury of Dress giveth a light Behaviour to our Women, which may pass for a small Offence, because it is a common one, but is in truth the Source of great Corruptions. For this very Offence the Prophet
Isaiah
denounced a severe Judgment against the Ladies of his Time. I shall give the Passage at length;
'Moreover, the LORD saith, because the Daughters of
Zion
are haughty, and walk with stretched forth Necks and wanton Eyes, walking and mincing as they go, and making a Tinkling with their Feet; therefore the LORD will smite with a Scab the Crown of the Head of the Daughters of
Zion,
and the LORD will discover their secret Parts. In that Day the Lord will take away the Bravery of their tinkling Ornaments about their Feet, and their Cauls, and their round Tires like the Moon, the Chains, and the Bracelets, and the Mufflers, the Bonnets, and the Ornaments of the Legs, and the Head-bands, and the Tablets, and the Earrings, the Rings, and Nose jewels, the changeable Suits of Apparel, and the Mantles, and the Wimples, and the crisping Pins, the Glasses, and the fine Linen, and the Hoods and the Vails. And it shall come to pass that instead of a sweet Smell there shall be a Stink; and instead of a Girdle a Rent; and instead of well-set Hair, Baldness; and instead of a Stomacher, a Girding of Sackcloth; and Burning instead of Beauty:'
The Scab, the Stench, and the Burning are terrible pestilential Symptoms, and our Ladies would do well to consider, they may chance to resemble those of
Zion,
in their Punishment as well as their Offence.
But Dress is not the only Thing to be reformed, sumptuary Laws are useful in many other Points. In former Times the natural Plainness and good Sense of the
English
made them less necessary. But ever since the luxurious Reign of King
Charles
the second, we have been doing violence to our Natures, and are by this time so much altered for the worse, that it is to be feared, the very same Dispositions that make them necessary, will for ever hinder them from being enacted or put in Execution.
A private Family in difficult Circumstances, all Men agree, ought to melt down their Plate, walk on Foot, retrench the Number of their Servants, wear neither Jewels nor rich Cloaths, and deny themselves expensive Diversions; and why not the Public? had any Thing like this been done, our Taxes had been less, or which is the same thing, we should have felt them less. But it is very remarkable, that Luxury was never at so great a Height, nor spread so generally through the Nation, as during the Expence of the late Wars, and the heavy Debt that still lieth upon us.
This Vice draweth after it a Train of Evils which cruelly infest the Public; Faction, Ambition, Envy, Avarice, and that of the worst kind, being much more hurtful in its Consequences, though not so infamous as Penury. It was the great Art of Cardinal
Richelieu,
by encouraging Luxury and Expence to impoverish the
French
Nobility, and render them altogether dependent on the Crown, which hath been since very successfully effected. These and many more Considerations shew the Necessity there is for sumptuary Laws, nor can any thing be said against them in this Island, which might not with equal Force be objected in other Countries, which have nevertheless judged the public Benefit of such Institutions, to be of far greater Importance than the short Sufferings of a few, who subsist by the Luxury of others.
It is evident, that old Taxes may be better born, as well as new ones raised by sumptuary Laws judiciously framed, not to damage our Trade, but retrench our Luxury. It is evident, that for want of these, Luxury (which, like the other Fashions, never faileth to descend) hath infected all Ranks of People, and that this enableth the
Dutch
and
French
to undersell us, to the great Prejudice of our Traffic. We cannot but know that in our present Circumstances, it should be our Care, as it is our Interest to make Poverty tolerable; in short we have the Experience of many Ages to convince us, that a corrupt luxurious People must of themselves fall into Slavery, although no Attempt be made upon them. These and the like obvious Reflections should, one would think, have forced any People in their Senses upon frugal Measures.
But we are doomed to be undone. Neither the plain Reason of the Thing, nor the Experience of past Ages, nor the Examples we have before our Eyes, can restrain us from imitating, not to say surpassing, the most corrupt and ruined People, in those very Points of Luxury that ruined them. Our Gaming, our Operas, our Maskerades, are, in spite of our Debts and Poverty, become the Wonder of our Neighbours. If there be any Man so void of all Thought and common Sense, as not to see where this must end, let him but compare what
Venice
was at the League of
Cambray,
with what it is at present, and he will be convinced, how truly those fashionable Pastimes are calculated to depress and ruin a Nation.
But neither
Venice
nor
Paris,
nor any other Town in any Part of the World, ever knew such an expensive ruinous Folly as our Maskerade. This alone is sufficient to inflame and satisfy the several Appetites for Gaming, Dressing, Intriguing, luxurious Eating and Drinking. It is a most skilful Abridgment, the very Quintessence, the abstract of all those senseless Vanities, that have ever been the Ruin of Fools and Detestation of wise Men. And all this under the Notion of an elegant Entertainment, hath been admitted among us; though it be in truth a Contagion of the worst Kind. The Plague, dreadful as it is, is an Evil of short duration; Cities have often recovered and flourished after it; but when was it known that a People broken and corrupt by Luxury recovered themselves? not to say, that general Corruption of Manners never faileth to draw after it some heavy Judgment of War, Famine, or Pestilence. Of this we have a fresh Instance in one of the most debauched Towns of
Europe
Marseilles.
, and no Body knows how soon it may be our own Case. This elegant Entertainment is indeed suspended for the present, but there remains so strong a Propension towards it, that, if the Wisdom of the Legislature does not interpose, it will soon return with the additional Temptation of having been forbid for a Time. It were stupid and barbarous to declaim against keeping up the Spirit of the People by proper Diversions, but then they should be proper, such as polish and improve their Mind, or increase the Strength and Activity of their Bodies; none of which Ends are answered by the Maskerade, no more than by those
French
and
Italian
Follies, which, to our Shame, are imported and encouraged at a Time, when the Nation ought to be too grave for such Trifles.
It is not to be believed, what Influence public Diversions have on the Spirit and Manners of a People. The
Greeks
wisely saw this, and made a very serious Affair of their public Sports. For the same Reason, it will perhaps seem worthy the Care of our Legislature, to regulate the public Diversions, by an absolute Prohibition of those which have a direct Tendency to corrupt our Morals, as well as by a Reformation of the Drama; which, when rightly managed, is such a noble Entertainment, and gave those fine Lessons of Morality and good Sense to the
Athenians
of old, and to our
British
Gentry above a Century ago; but for these last ninety Years, hath entertained us, for the most part, with such wretched Things as spoil, instead of improving the Taste and Manners of the Audience. Those who are attentive to such Propositions only, as may fill their Pockets, will probably slight these Things as Trifles below the Care of the Legislature. But I am sure, all honest thinking Men must lament to see their Country run headlong into all those luxurious Follies, which, it is evident, have been fatal to other Nations, and will undoubtedly prove fatal to us also, if a timely Stop be not put to them.
Public Spirit, that glorious Principle of all that is great and good, is so far from being cherished or encouraged, that it is become ridiculous in this enlightened Age, which is taught to laugh at every Thing that is serious as well as sacred. The same atheistical narrow Spirit, centring all our Cares upon private Interest, and contracting all our Hopes within the Enjoyment of this present Life, equally produceth a Neglect of what we owe to God and our Country.
Tully
hath long since observed,
"that it is impossible for those, who have no Belief of the Immortality of the Soul or a future State of Rewards and Punishments, to sacrifice their particular Interests and Passions to the public Good, or have a generous Concern for Posterity,"
and our own Experience confirmeth the Truth of this Observation.
In order therefore to recover a Sense of public Spirit, it is to be wished that Men were first affected with a true Sense of Religion;
pro aris & focis,
having ever been the great Motive to Courage and Perseverance in a public Cause.
It would likewise be a very useful Policy, and warranted by the Example of the wisest Governments, to make the natural Love of Fame and Reputation subservient to promoting that noble Principle. Triumphal Arches, Columns, Statues, Inscriptions, and the like Monuments of public Services, have in former Times been found great Incentives to Virtue and Magnanimity, and would probably have the same Effects on
Englishmen
which they have had on
Greeks
and
Romans.
And perhaps a Pillar of Infamy would be found a proper and exemplary Punishment in Cases of signal public Villany, where the Loss of Fortune, Liberty, or Life, are not proportioned to the Crime; or, where the Skill of the Offender, or the Nature of his Offence, may skreen him from the Letter of the Law.
Several of these are to be seen at
Genoa, Milan,
and other Towns of
Italy,
where it is the Custom to demolish the House of a Citizen, who hath conspired the Ruin of his Country, or been guilty of any enormous Crime towards the Public, and in place thereof to erect a Monument of the Crime, and Criminal described, in the blackest manner. We have nothing of this sort, that I know, but that which is commonly called the Monument, which in the last Age was erected for an Affair no way more atrocious than the modern unexampled Attempt
The
South-Sea
Project.
of Men easy in their Fortunes, and unprovoked by Hardships of any sort, in cool Blood, and with open Eyes to ruin their native Country. This Fact will never be forgotten, and it were to be wished that with it the public Detestation thereof may be transmitted to Posterity, which would in some measure vindicate the Honour of the present, and be a useful Lesson to future Ages.
Those noble Arts of Architecture, Sculpture, and Paintings do not only adorn the Public, but have also an Influence on the Minds and Manners of Men, filling them with great Ideas, and spiriting them up to an Emulation of worthy Actions. For this Cause they were cultivated and encouraged by the
Greek
Cities, who vied with each other in building and adorning their Temples, Theatres, Porticos, and the like public Works, at the same Time that they discouraged private Luxury, the very Reverse of our Conduct.
To propose the building a Parliament House, Courts of Justice, Royal Palace, and other public Edifices, suitable to the Dignity of the Nation, and adorning them with Paintings and Statues, which may transmit memorable Things and Persons to Posterity, would probably be laughed at as a vain Affair, of great Expence, and little Use to the Public; and it must be owned, we have reduced ourselves to such Straits, that any Proposition of Expence-suiteth ill with our present Circumstances. But how proper soever this Proposal may be for the Times, yet it comes so properly into a Discourse of public Spirit, that I could not but say something of it. And at another Time it will not seem unreasonable, if we consider that it is no more than the wisest Nations have done before us, that it would spirit up new Arts, employ many Hands, keep the Money circulating at home, and lastly, that it would be a notable Instance of public Spirit, as well as a Motive to it.
The same noble Principle may be also encouraged by erecting an Academy of ingenious Men, whose Employment it would be to compile the History of
Great-Britain,
to make Discourses proper to inspire Men with a Zeal for the Public, and celebrate the Memory of those who have been Ornaments to the Nation, or done it eminent Service. Not to mention that this would improve our Language, and amuse some busy Spirits of the Age; which perhaps would be no ill Policy.
This is not without Example; for to say nothing of the
French
Academy, which is prostituted to meaner Purposes, it hath been the Custom of the
Venetian
Senate to appoint one of their Order to continue the History of the Republic. This was introduced in the flourishing State of that People, and is still in force. We fall short of other Nations in the Number of good Historians, though no Nation in Christendom hath produced greater Events, or more worthy to be recorded. The
Athenian
Senate appointed Orators to commemorate annually, those who died in Defence of their Country, which Solemnity was performed at the Monuments erected in Honour of them by the Public; and the Panegyrics, composed by
Isocrates
and
Pericles,
as well as many Passages in
Tully,
inform us with what Pleasure the ancient Orators used to expatiate in Praise of their Country.
Concord and Union among ourselves is rather to be hoped for, as an Effect, of public Spirit, than proposed as a Means to promote it. Candid, generous Men, who are true Lovers of their Country, can never be Enemies to one half of their Countrymen, or carry their Resentment so far as to ruin the Public for the sake of a Party. Now I have fallen upon the mention of our Parties, I shall beg leave to insert a Remark or two, for the Service both of Whig and Tory, without entering into their respective Merits. First, it is impossible for either Party to ruin the other, without involving themselves and their Posterity in the same Ruin. Secondly, it is very feasible for either Paty to get the better of the other, if they could first get the better of themselves; and instead of indulging the little womanish Passions of Obstinacy, Resentment, and Revenge, steadily promote the true Interest of their Country, in those great clear Points of Piety, Industry, Sobriety of Manners, and an honest Regard for Posterity; which, all Men of Sense agree, are essential to public Happiness. There would be something so great and good in this Conduct, as must necessarily overbear all Calumny and Opposition. But that Men should act reasonably, is rather to be wished than hoped.
I am well aware, that to talk of public Spirit, and the Means of retrieving it, must to narrow sordid Minds be matter of Jest and Ridicule, how conformable soever it be to right Reason, and the Maxims of Antiquity. Though one would think, the most selfish Man might see it was their Interest to encourage a Spirit in others, by which they, to be sure, must be Gainers. Yet such is the Corruption and Folly of the present Age, that a public Spirit is treated like Ignorance of the World, and want of Sense; and all the Respect is paid to cunning Men, who bend and wrest the public Interest to their own private Ends, that in other Times hath been thought due to those who were generous enough to sacrifice their private Interest to that of their Country.
Such Practices and such Maxims as these must necessarily ruin a State. But if the contrary should prevail, we may hope to see Men in Power prefer the public Wealth and Security to their own, and Men of Money make free Gifts, or lend it without Interest to their Country. This, how strange and incredible soever it may seem to us, hath been often done in other States. And the natural
English
Temper considered, together with the Force of Example, no one can tell how far a Proposal for a free Gift may go among the moneyed Men, when set on foot by the Legislature, and encouraged by the Example of two or three Men of Figure, who have the Spirit to do a generous Thing, and the Understanding to see it is every private Man's Interest to support that of the Public.
If they who have their Fortunes in Money should make a voluntary Gift, the Public would be eased, and at the same time maintain its Credit. Nor is a generous Love of their Country the only Motive that should induce them to this. Common Equity requires, that all Subjects should equally share the public Burden. And common Sense shews, that those who are foremost in the Danger, should not be the most backward in contributing to prevent it.
Before I leave this Subject, I cannot but take notice of that most infamous Practice of Bribery, than which nothing can be more opposite to public Spirit, since every one who takes a Bribe plainly owns, that he prefers his private Interest to that of his Country. This Corruption is become a national Crime, having infected the lowest as well as the highest among us, and is so general and notorious, that, as it cannot be matched in former Ages, so it is to be hoped it will not be imitated by Posterity.
This calls to mind another national Guilt, which we possess in a very eminent Degree; there being no Nation under the Sun, where solemn Perjury is so common, or where there are such Temptations to it. The making Men swear so often in their own Cases, and where they have an Interest to conceal the Truth, hath gradually wore off that awful Respect which was once thought due to an Appeal to Almighty God; insomuch, that Men now a Days break their Fast, and a Custom-House Oath with the same Peace of Mind. It is a Policy peculiar to us, the obliging Men to perjure or betray themselves, and hath had no one good Effect, but many very ill ones. Sure I am, that other Nations, without the hundredth Part of our Swearing, contrive to do their Business, at least as well as we do. And perhaps our Legislature will think it proper to follow their Example. For whatever Measures are taken, so long as we lie under such a Load of Guilt, as national Perjury and national Bribery, it is impossible we can prosper.
This poor Nation hath sorely smarted of late, and to ease the present Smart, a sudden Remedy (as is usual in such Cases) hath been thought of. But we must beware not to mistake an Anodyne for a Cure. Where the Vitals are touched, and the whole Mass of Humours vitiated, it is not enough to ease the Part pained, we must look further, and apply general Correctives; otherwise the ill Humour may soon shew itself in some other Part.
The
South-Sea
Affair, how sensible soever, is not the original Evil, or the great Source of our Misfortunes, it is but the natural Effect of those Principles, which for many Years have been propagated with great Industry. And as a sharp Distemper, by reclaiming a Man from Intemperance, may prolong his Life, so it is not impossible but this public Calamity that lies so heavy on the Nation may prevent its Ruin. It would certainly prove the greatest of Blessings, if it should make all honest Men of one Party; if it should put Religion and Virtue in Countenance, restore a Sense of public Spirit, and convince Men it is a dangerous Folly to pursue private Aims in Opposition to the Good of their Country, if it should turn our Thoughts from Cozenage and Stock-jobbing, to Industry and frugal Methods of Life; in fine, if it should revive and inflame that native Spark of
British
Worth and Honour, which hath too long lain smothered and oppressed.
With this View I have, among so many Projects for remedying the ill State of our Affairs in a particular Instance, ventured to publish the foregoing general Hints, which as they have been thrown together from a Zeal for the public Good, so I heartily wish they may be regarded neither more nor less, than as they are fitted to promote that End.
Though it must be owned, that little can be hoped if we consider the corrupt degenerate Age we live in. I know it is an old Folly to make peevish Complaints of the Times, and charge the common Failures of human Nature on a particular Age. One may nevertheless venture to affirm, that the present hath brought forth new and portentous Villanies, not to be paralleled in our own or any other History. We have been long preparing for some great Catastrophe. Vice and Villany have by degrees grown reputable among us; our Infidels have passed for fine Gentlemen, and our venal Traitors for Men of Sense, who knew the World. We have made a Jest of public Spirit, and cancelled all Respect for whatever our Laws and Religion repute sacred. The old
English
Modesty is quite worn off, and instead of blushing for our Crimes, we are ashamed only of Piety and Virtue. In short, other Nations have been wicked, but we are the first who have been wicked upon Principle.
The Truth is, our Symptoms are so bad, that notwithstanding all the Care and Vigilance of the Legislature, it is to be feared the final Period of our State approaches. Strong Constitutions, whether politic or natural, do not feel light Disorders. But, when they are sensibly affected, the Distemper is for the most part violent and of an ill Prognostic. Free Governments like our own were planted by the
Goths
in most Parts of
Europe;
and though we all know what they are come to, yet we seem disposed rather to follow their Example, than to profit by it.
Whether it be in the Order of Things, that civil States should have, like natural Products, their several Periods of Growth, Perfection, and Decay; or whether it be an Effect, as seems more probable, of human Folly, that as Industry produces Wealth, so Wealth should produce Vice, and Vice Ruin.
God grant the Time be not near, when Men shall say,
'This Island was once inhabited by a religious, brave, sincere People, of plain uncorrupt Manners, respecting inbred Worth rather than Titles and Appearances, Assertors of Liberty, Lovers of their Country, jealous of their own Rights, and unwilling to infringe the Rights of others; Improvers of Learning and useful Arts, Enemies to Luxury, tender of other Mens Lives, and prodigal of their own; inferior in nothing to the old
Greeks
or
Romans,
and superior to each of those People in the Perfections of the other. Such were our Ancestors during their Rise and Greatness; but they degenerated, grew servile Flatterers of Men in Power, adopted Epicurean Notions, became venal▪ corrupt, injurious, which drew upon them the Hatred of God and Man, and occasioned their final Ruin.'
A DISCOURSE ADDRESSED TO MAGISTRATES AND MEN in AUTHORITY. OCCASIONED By the enormous Licence, and Irreligion of the Times.
GALLIO
cared for none of those Things.
Acts, Ch. xviii. Ver. 17.
First Printed A. D. MDCCXXXVI.
A DISCOURSE ADDRESSED TO MAGISTRATES, &c.
THE Pretensions and Discourse of Men, throughout these Kingdoms, would, at first View, lead one to think the Inhabitants were all Politicians; and yet, perhaps, political Wisdom hath in no Age, or Country, been more talked of, and less understood. Licence is taken for the End of Government, and popular Humour for its Origin. No Reverence for the Law, no Attachment to the Constitution, little Attention to Matters of Consequence, and great Altercation upon Trifles, such idle Projects about Religion and Government, as if the Public had both to choose, a general Contempt of all Authority, divine and human, an Indifference about the prevailing Opinions, whether they tend to produce Order or Disorder, to promote the Empire of God or the Devil: These are the Symptoms that strongly mark the present Age; and this could never have been the Case, if a Neglect of Religion had not made Way for it.
When the
Jews
accused
Paul
upon religious Matters and Points of their Law before
Gallio,
the
Roman
Magistrate; it is said, that GALLIO
cared for none of those Things.
And, it is to be feared, there are not a few Magistrates in this Christian Country who think with the same Indifference on the subject of Religion. Herein, nevertheless, they judge amiss, and are much wanting to their Duty. For, although it be admitted, that the Magistrate's peculiar Object, is the temporal Welfare of the State; yet, this will by no Means exclude a proper Care about the prevailing Notions and Opinions of Religion, which influence the Lives and Actions of Men, and have therefore a mighty Effect on the Public. Mens, Behaviour is the Consequence on their Principles. Hence it follows, that in order to make a State thrive and flourish, Care must be taken, that good Principles be propagated in the Minds of those who compose it.
It would be vain to depend on the outward Form, the Constitution, and Structure of a State; while the Majority are ever governed by their inward Ways of thinking, which at Times will break out and shew themselves paramount to all Laws and Institutions whatsoever. It must be great Folly therefore to overlook Notion, as Matters of small Moment to the State; while Experience shews there is nothing more important; and that a prevailing Disorder in the Principles and Opinions of its Members, is ever dangerous to Society, and capable of producing the greatest public Evils.
Man is an Animal, formidable both from his Passions and his Reason; his Passions often urging him to great Evils, and his Reason furnishing Means to atchieve them. To tame this Animal, and make him amenable to Order, to inure him to a Sense of Justice and Virtue, to withhold him from ill Courses by Fear, and encourage him in his Duty by Hopes; in short, to fashion and model him for Society, hath been the Aim of civil and religious Institutions, and in all Times, the Endeavour of good and wise Men. The aptest Method for attaining this End, hath been always judged a proper Education.
If Mens Actions are an Effect of their Principles, that is, of their Notions, their Belief, their Persuasions; it must be admitted, that Principles early sown in the Mind, are the Seeds which produce Fruit and Harvest in the ripe State of Manhood. How lightly soever some Men may speak of Notions; yet, so long as the Soul governs the Body, Mens Notions must influence their Actions, more or less, as they are stronger or weaker; and to Good or Evil, as they are better or worse.
Our Notions and Opinions are a constant Check on our Appetites, and Balance to our Passions; and, although they may not in every Instance control and rule, yet they will never fail, strongly to affect both the one and the other. What is it that bridles the impetuous Desires of Men? That restrains them when they are driven by the most violent Passions? In a word, what is it that renders this World habitable, but the prevailing Notions of Order, Virtue, Duty and Providence? Some, perhaps, may imagine, that the Eye of the Magistrate alone is sufficient to keep Mankind in Awe, But, if every Man's Heart was set to do all the Mischief his Appetite should prompt him to, as often as Opportunity and Secrecy presented themselves, there could be no Living in the World.
And although too many of those intrusted with civil Power, in these our Days, may be said with GALLIO, to
care for none of those Things;
and many more who would pass for Men of Judgment and Knowledge, may look on Notions early imbibed, before their Grounds▪ and Reasons are apprehended or understood, to be but mere Prejudices; yet this will detract nothing from their Truth and Usefulness. To place this Matter in a due Light, I propose to shew, that a System of salutary Notions, is absolutely necessary to the Support of every civil Constitution. I shall enforce this Point, by the Testimony of those who are esteemed the wisest Men; and I shall make some Remarks on the modern prevailing Spirit, and the Tendency of the Maxims of our Times.
Order is necessary, not only to the Well-Being, but to the very Being of a State. Now, Order and Regularity in the Actions of Men, is not an Effect of Appetite or Passion, but of Judgment; and the Judgment is governed by Notions or Opinions. There must therefore, of Necessity, in every State, be a certain System of salutary Notions, a prevailing Set of Opinions, acquired either by private Reason and Reflexion, or taught and instilled by the general Reason of the Public, that is, by the Law of the Land. True it is, that where Men either cannot, or will not use their own Reason, think and examine for themselves; in such Case, the Notions taught or instilled into their Minds are embraced rather by the Memory, than the Judgment. Nor will it be any Objection to say, that these are Prejudices; inasmuch as they are therefore, neither the less useful, nor the less true, although their Proofs may not be understood by all Men.
Prejudices are Notions, or Opinions, which the Mind entertains without knowing the Grounds and Reasons of them, and which are assented to without Examination. The first Notions which take possession of the Minds of Men, with regard to Duties social, moral, and civil, may therefore be justly stiled Prejudices. The Mind of a young Creature cannot remain empty; if you do not put into it that which is good, it will be sure to receive that which is bad.
Do what you can, there will still be a Bias from Education; and if so, is it not better this Bias should lie towards Things laudable and useful to Society? This Bias still operates, although it may not always prevail. The Notions first instilled, have the earliest Influence, take the deepest Root, and generally are found to give a Colour and Complexion to the subsequent Lives of Men, inasmuch as they are in Truth, the great Source of human Actions. It is not Gold, or Honour, or Power, that move Men to act, but the Opinions they entertain of those Things. Hence it follows, that if a Magistrate should say, No Matter what Notions Men embrace, I will take heed to their Actions; therein he shews his Weakness; for such as are Mens Notions, such will be their Deeds.
For a Man to do, as he would be done by; to love his Neighbour as himself; to honour his Superiors; to believe that God scans all his Actions, and will reward or punish them; and to think, that he who is guilty of Falshood, or Injustice, hurts himself more than any one else: Are not these such Notions, and Principles, as every wife Governor, or Legislator, would covet above all Things, to have firmly rooted in the Mind of every Individual under his Care? This is allowed, even by the Enemies of Religion, who would fain have it thought the Offspring of State Policy; honouring its Usefulness at the same Time that they disparage its Truth. What, therefore, cannot be acquired by every Man's Reasoning, must be introduced by Precept, and riveted by Custom; that is to say, the Bulk of Mankind must in all civilized Societies, have their Minds by timely Instruction well seasoned and furnished with proper Notions, which, although the Grounds or Proofs thereof be unknown to them, will nevertheless influence their Conduct, and so far render them useful Members of the State, But, if you strip Men of these their Notions, or, if you will, Prejudices, with regard to Modesty, Decency, Justice, Charity, and the like; you will soon find them so many Monsters, utterly unfit for human Society.
I desire it may be considered, that most Men want Leisure, Opportunity, or Faculties, to derive Conclusions from their Principles, and establish Morality on a Foundation of human Science. True it is, (as St.
Paul
observes) that
The invisible Things of God from the Creation of the World, are clearly seen.
ROM. Ch. i. Ver. 20.
And from thence the Duties of natural Religion may be discovered. But these Things are seen and discovered by those alone who open their Eyes, and look narrowly for them. Now, if you look throughout the World, you shall find but few of these narrow Inspectors and Inquirers, very few who make it their Business to analyse Opinions and pursue them to their rational Source, to examine whence Truths spring, and how they are inferred. In short, you shall find all Men full of Opinions, but Knowledge only in a few.
It is impossible from the Nature and Circumstances of human Kind, that the Multitude should be Philosophers, or that they should know Things in their Causes. We see every Day, that the Rules, or Conclusions alone, are sufficient for the Shopkeeper to state his Account, the Sailor to navigate his Ship, or the Carpenter to measure his Timber; none of which understand the Theory; that is to say, the Grounds and Reasons either of Arithmetic or Geometry. Even so in moral, political, and religious Matters, it is manifest, that the Rules and Opinions early imbibed at the first Dawn of Understanding, and without the least Glimpse of Science, may yet produce excellent Effects, and be very useful to the World: And that in Fact they are so, will be very visible to every one who shall observe what passeth round about him.
It may not be amiss to inculcate, that the Difference between Prejudices and other Opinions doth not consist in this; that the former are false, and the latter true; but in this, that the former are taken upon Trust, and the latter acquired by Reasoning. He, who hath been taught to believe the Immortality of the Soul, may be as right in his Notion, as he who hath reasoned himself into that Opinion. It will then by no means follow, that because this or that Notion is a Prejudice, it must be therefore false. The not distinguishing between Prejudices and Errors, is a prevailing Oversight among our modern Free-thinkers.
There may be, indeed, certain mere Prejudices or Opinions, which having no Reasons either assigned or assignable, to support them, are neverthess entertained by the Mind, because they intruded betimes into it. Such may be supposed false, not because they were early learned, or learned without their Reasons; but because there are in truth no Reasons to be given for them.
Certainly, if a Notion may be concluded false, because it was early imbibed, or because it is with most Men an Object of Belief rather than of Knowledge, one may by the same Reasoning conclude several Propositions of
Euclid
to be false. A simple Apprehension of Conclusions as taken in themselves without the Deductions of Science, is what falls to the Share of Mankind in general. Religious Awe, the Precepts of Parents and Masters, the Wisdom of Legislators, and the accumulated Experience of Ages, supply the Place of Proofs and Reasonings with the Vulgar of all Ranks: I would say, that Discipline, national Constitution, and Laws human or divine, are so many plain Land Marks, which guide them into the Paths wherein it is presumed they ought to tread.
From what hath been premised, it plainly appears that in the Bulk of Mankind, there are, and must be Prejudices; that is, Opinions taken upon Trust; or, in other Words, that there are Points of Faith among all Men whatsoever, as well as among Christians.
And, as it is evident, that the unthinking Part of every Age, Sex, and Condition among us, must necessarily receive Notions with the Submission of Faith; so it is very reasonable, that they should submit their Faith to the greatest Authorities human and divine, the Law and the Gospel. But, if once all Reverence for these be destroyed, our Pretenders to moral Knowledge will have no Authority to imbue the Multitude with such Notions as may control their Appetites. From all which it follows, that the modern Schemes of our Free-thinkers, who pretend to separate Morality from Religion, how rational soever they may seem to their Admirers, are, in Truth and Effect, most irrational and pernicious to civil Society.
Let any one, who thinks at all, consider the savage State of undisciplined Men, whose Minds are nurtured to no Doctrine, broke by no Instruction, governed by no Principle. Let him at the same Time reflect on a Society of Persons educated in the Principles of our Church, formed betimes to fear God, to reverence their Superiors, to be grateful to their Benefactors, forgiving to their Enemies, just and charitable to all Men; and he will then be able to judge of the Merits of those who are so active to weed out the Prejudices of Education.
Among the many wild Notions broached in these giddy Times, it must be owned, that some of our Declaimers against Prejudice have wrought themselves into a Sort of Esteem for Savages, as a virtuous and unprejudiced People. In Proof of which, they alledge their being free from many Vices practised in civilized Nations. Now, it is very true, among Savages there are few Instances to be found of Luxury, Avarice, or Ambition; not that the contrary Virtues take place, but because the Opportunities and Faculties for such Vices, are wanting. For the same Reason you do not see them in Brutes.
What they esteem and admire in those Creatures, is not Innocence, but Ignorance; it is not Virtue, but Necessity. Give them but the Means of transgressing, and they know no Bounds. For Example: Supply the Water-drinking Savage with strong Liquor, and he shall be drunk for several Days and Nights together. Again; we admit an uneducated Savage knows not how to supplant a Rival with the refined Treachery of a Courtier; yet, if you put his Foe once in his Power, you shall soon see what a horrible Relish and Delight the Monster hath in Cruelty.
Above all others, religious Notions, or if you will, Prejudices, (since this, as hath been already observed, detracts nothing from their Truth and Usefulness) have the most Influence, they are the strongest Curb from Vice, and the most effectual Spur to worthy Conduct. And indeed, whether we consider the Reason of Things, or the Practice of Men in all Times, we shall be satisfied, that nothing truly great and good can enter into the Heart of one attached to no Principles of Religion, who believes no Providence, who neither fears Hell, nor hopes for Heaven.
Punishments and Rewards have always had, and always will have the greatest Weight with Men; and the most considerable of both Kinds are proposed by Religion, the Duties whereof fall in with the Views of the civil Magistrate; it undeniably follows, that nothing can add more Strength to a good and righteous Government than Religion. Therefore it mainly concerns Governors to keep an attentive Eye on the Religion of their Subjects. And indeed, it is one Lesson to Magistrate and People, Prince and Subject,
Keep my Commandments and live, and my Law as the Apple of thine Eye.
PROV. Ch. vii. Ver. 3.
Although it is no Consequence from what hath been said, that Men should be debarred the free Use of Reason and Inquiry; yet, surely it will follow, that without good Reason, a Man should not reject those Notions which have been instilled by the Laws and Education of his Country. And even they who think they have such Reason, have nevertheless no Right of dictating
Though a Man's private Judgment be a Rule to himself, it will not thence follow, that he hath any Right to set up for a Rule to others.
to others. It is true, divine Authority is superior to all human Prejudices, Institutions and Regards whatsoever. And it is wise, although at the Risk of Liberty, or Life, to obey God rather than Man. But our modern Reformers of Prejudice, have nothing to plead
No Man can say he is obliged in Conscience, Honour, or Prudence, to insult the public Wisdom, or to ridicule the Laws under whose Protection he lives.
of that kind.
There is no Magistrate so ignorant as not to know that Power, physical Power, resides in the People; but Authority is from Opinion, which Authority is necessary to restrain and direct the People's Power, and therefore Religion is the great Stay and Support of a State. Every Religion that inculcates Virtue, and discourageth Vice, is so far of public Benefit. The Christian Religion doth noth only this, but further makes every legal Constitution sacred by commanding our Submission thereto.
Let every Soul be subject to the higher Powers,
saith St. PAUL,
for the Powers that be, are ordained of God
ROM. Ch. xiii. Ver. 1.
. And, in effect, for several Years past, while the Reverence for our Church and Religion hath been decaying and wearing off from the Minds of Men, it may be observed, that Loyalty hath in Proportion lost ground; and now the very Word seems quite forgotten. Submission for Conscience, as well as for Wrath, was once reckoned an useful Lesson; but now, with other good Lessons, is laid aside as an obsolete Prejudice.
That Prince or Magistrate, however great or powerful, who thinks his own Authority sufficient to make him respected and obeyed, lies under a woful Mistake, and never fails to feel it sooner or later. Obedience to all civil Power is rooted in the religious Fear of God; it is propagated, preserved and nourished by Religion. This makes Men obey, not with Eye-Service, but in Sincerity of Heart. Human Regards may restrain Men from open and penal Offences; but the Fear of God is a Restraint from all Degrees of all Crimes, however circumstanced. Take away this Stay and Prop of Duty, this Root of civil Authority; and all that was sustained by it, or grew from it, shall soon languish. The Authority, the very Being of the Magistrate, will prove a poor and precarious Thing.
An inward Sense of the supreme Majesty of the King of Kings, is the only Thing that can beget and preserve a true Respect for subordinate Majesty in all the Degrees of Power, the first Link of Authority being fixed at the Throne of God. But in these our Days, that
Majestas imperii,
that Sacredness of Character, which rooted in a religious Principle, was the great Guard and Security of the State, is through Want thereof become the public Scorn. And indeed, what Hold can the Prince or Magistrate have on the Conscience of those who have no Conscience? How can he build on the Principles of such as have no Principles? Or how can he hope for Respect where God himself is neglected?
It is manifest that no Prince upon Earth can hope to govern well, or even to live easy and secure, much less respected by his People, if he do not contribute by his Example and Authority, to keep up in their Minds an awful Sense of Religion. As for a moral Sense and moral Fitness, or eternal Relations, how insufficient those Things are for establishing general and just Notions of Morality, or for keeping Men within due Bounds, is so evident from Fact and Experience, that I need not now enter into a particular Disquisition about them.
See
ALCIPHRON, Dial. III. and IV.
It must be owned, that the Claws of Rapine and Violence, may in some Degree be pared and blunted by the outward Polity of a State. But should we not rather try, if possible, to pull them quite out? The evil Effects of Wickedness may be often redressed by public Justice. But would it not be better to heal the Source, and by an inward Principle extirpate Wickedness from the Heart, rather than depend altogether on human Laws for preventing or redressing the bad Effects thereof?
'I might (said the
Chinese
Doctor
Confucius
) hear and decide Controversies as well as another: but, what I would have, is, that Men should be brought to abstain from Controversies, out of an inward Love and Regard for each other.'
Scientia SIN. Lib. I. Fol. 12.
Too many in this Age of free Remarks and Projects, are delighted with republican Schemes, and imagine they might remedy whatever was amiss, and render a People great and happy, meerly by a new Plan or Form of Government. This dangerous Way of Thinking and Talking, is grown familiar, through the foolish
Men forget that Liberty consists in a Mean, or that there is any other Extreme beside Tyranny.
Freedom of the Times. But alas! Those Men do not seem to have touched either the true Cause or Cure of public Evils. Be the Plan ever so excellent, or the Architects ever so able, yet no Man in his Wits would undertake to build a Palace with meer Mud or Dirt. There must be fit Materials; and without a religious Principle, Men can never be fit Materials for any Society, much less for a Republic. Religion is the Centre, which unites, and the Cement which connects the several Parts or Members of the political Body. Such it hath been held by all wise Men, from the remotest Times, down to our ingenious Contemporaries; who, if they are in the Right, it must be admitted that all the rest of the World have been in the Wrong.
From the Knowledge of its being absolutely necessary to the Government of a State, that the Hearts and Minds of the People be inwardly imbued with good Principles,
Plato
In PROTAGORA.
tells, that
'
Jupiter,
to preserve the Race of Men from perishing, sent
Mercury
with Orders to introduce Modesty and Justice among them, as the firmest Ties of human Society; and without which, it could not subsist."
And elsewhere, the same Author gives it plainly as his Sense, that
De legibus, Lib. VIII.
'Concerning those great Duties which Mens Appetites and Passions render difficult, it should seem rather the Work of God to provide, than of human Legislators, if it were possible to hope for a System of Laws framed and promulgated by God himself.'
You see how agreeable the
Mosaic
and Christian Institutions are to the Wishes of the wisest Heathen.
Moses,
indeed, doth not insist on a future State, the common Basis of all political Institutions. Nor do other Lawgivers make a particular mention of all Things necessary, but suppose some Things as generally known or believed. The Belief of a future State, (which it is manifest the
Jews
were possessed of, long before the Coming of CHRIST) seems to have obtained among the
Hebrews
from primaeval Tradition; which might render it unnecessary for
Moses
to insist on that Article. But the
Sadducee
and
Epicureans
had, in Progress of Time, gone so far towards rooting out this ancient and origina
Sentiment, that it was in Danger of being lost, had it not been taught and promulgated in a new Light by our blessed SAVIOUR.
But many among us, who would pass for Assertors of Truth and Liberty, are accustomed to rail at this, and all other established Opinions, as Prejudices which People are taught whether they will or no, and before they are able to distinguish whether they are right or wrong. These Lovers of Truth would do well to consider, that in political, moral and religious Matters, the Opinions of the Vulgar, whether they go in Coaches, or walk on Foot, are for the most part Prejudices; and are so like to be whatever Side of the Question they embrace; whether they follow the old Maxims of the Religion of their Country, or the modern Instructions of their new Masters. I have already observed, that a Point's being useful, and inculcated betimes, can be no Argument of its Falshood, even although it should be a Prejudice; far otherwise, Unity and Truth are not to be divided; the general Good of Mankind, being the Rule or Measure of moral Truth.
See
ALCIPHRON, Dial. I. Sect. 16.
I shall now add, that it is to be apprehended, many of those who are the most forward to banish Prejudices, would be the first to feel the Want of them. It is even pitiful to think what would be come of certain moderate Declaimers on that Article, were Prejudice really set aside, and were all Men to be weighed in the exact Scale of Merit, and considered in Proportion only to their intrinsic Worth. Some Prejudices are grounded in Truth, Reason and Nature. Such are the Respects which are paid to Knowledge, Learning, Age, Honesty and Courage, in all civilized Countries. Others are purely the Effect of particular Constitutions; such are the Respects, Rights and Preeminences ascribed to some Men by their Fellow-Subjects, on account of their Birth and Quality; which, in the great Empires of
Turkey
and
China,
pass for nothing; and will pass for nothing elsewhere, as soon as Men have got rid of their Prejudices, and learned to despise the Constitutions of their Country. It may behove those who are concerned, to reflect on this betimes.
GOD, comprehending within himself the Beginning, End and Middle of all Things and Times, exerts his Energy throughout the whole Creation. He never ceaseth to influence by Instinct, by the Light of Nature, by his declared Will. And it is the duty of Magistrates and Lawgivers, to cultivate and encourage those divine Impressions in the Minds of all Men under their Care. We are not to think, it is the Work of God, and therefore not to be seconded by human Care. Far otherwise, for that very reason it claims our utmost Care and Diligence, it being the indispensible Duty of all good Men, throughout the whole Course of their Lives, to co-operate with the Designs of Providence. In Religion, as in Nature, God doth somewhat, and somewhat is to be done on the Part of Man. He causes the Earth to bring forth Materials for Food and Raiment; but human Industry must improve, prepare, and properly apply both the one and the other, or Mankind may perish with Cold and Hunger. And according to this fame Analogy,
It will be sufficient, if such Analogy appears between the Dispensations of Grace and Nature, as may make it probable to suppose them derived from the same Author.
ALCIPHRON Dial. VI. Sect. 31.
the Principles of Piety and Religion, the Things that belong to our Salvation, although originally and primarily the Work of God, yet require the Protection of human Government, as well as the Furtherance and Aid of all wise and good Men.
And if Religion in all Governments be necessary, yet it seems to be so more especially in Monarchies: Forasmuch as the frugal Manners, and more equal Fortunes in Republics, do not so much inflame Mens Appetites, or afford such Power or Temptation to Mischief, as the high Estate and great Wealth of Nobles under a King. Therefore although the Magistrate (as was already observed) hath for his peculiar Object, the temporal Well-being of the State; yet this will by no means exempt him from a due Concern for the Religion of his Country.
What was the Sense of our Ancestors on this Point, appears throughout the whole Constitution of these Kingdoms; and in order to justify this Constitution, and the Wisdom of those who framed it, I shall crave leave to make use of some unsuspected Testimonies, ancient and modern, which will shew, that the public Care of a national Religion, hath been always a most principal Point in the Esteem of wise Men, however run down by the prevailing Licence of our Times.
The first Testimnny I shall produce, is that of
Zaleucus,
the famous Lawgiver of the
Locrians;
who, in his Preamble to his Laws,
STOBAEUS de leg. & consuet. Ser. 145.
begins with Religion, laying it down as the Corner-stone, or Foundation of his whole Superstructure,
'That every Inhabitant Subject of the State, should be persuaded that there is a God and divine Providence: That the only Way of becoming dear to God, is by endeavouring above all Things to be good, both in Deed and in Will: That a worthy Citizen is one that prefers Integrity to Wealth.'
He further admonishes those who are difficult to persuade,
'To bethink themselves of God's Providence, and the Punishments that await Evil-doers; and in all their Actions, to be ever mindful of the last Day, as if it were present, or in case the
.
Devil should tempt a Man to Sin, He exhorts such a one to frequent the Temples and Altars, worshipping and imploring the divine Assistance.'
Aristotle,
De Republ. Lib. V.
discoursing of the Means to preserve a Monarchy, admonishes the supreme Magistrate, above all things to shew himself zealous in religious Matters; and this particularly, for two Reasons.
'1. Because the Subjects will have less to fear from one who fears God. 2. Because they will be less apt to rebel against him, whom they take to be the Favourite of Heaven.'
And elsewhere, this same Philosopher recommends the Worship of the Gods, as the first Care of the State.
Ibid. Lib. VII. Cap. 17. & Lib. VI.
Plato
likewise begins his Laws with the Care of religious Rites. He even maintains Religion, or divine Worship to be the chief Aim and Scope of human Life.
De leg. Lib. IV.
Hippodamus
the
Milesian
ARIST. de Republ. Lib. II. Cap. 8.
in his Scheme of a Republic, allotted a third Part of the Land for maintaining divine Worship
The abolishing of the Christian Religion, upon a frugal Principle, must be bad Policy, if we may judge what will be, by what hath been in the great
Pagan
States of Antiquity, whose Religions, upon a fair Estimate, will be found to have been more expensive.
The
Roman
Historians and Poets do so abound with Passages ascribing the Successes of their Government to Religion, and its Declension to the Want or Neglect thereof, that it may seem impertinent to enter into a Detail of what every School-Boy knows.
To come from ancient to modern Authority,
Machiavel
himself, represents Religion as absolutely necessary to maintain civil Order and Government. He observes, that for many Years, there was a most awful Sense of Religion in the old
Romans;
and that this did much facilitate their great Undertakings. He likewise observes, and shews by divers Instances, that the
Romans
were more afraid to break an Oath, than to transgress the Laws; and that those Things which even the Love of their Country and Constitution could not bring them to, they were brought to through a Sense of Religion. Upon the whole, he concludes, that old
Rome
was more obliged to
Numa,
who established a national Religion, than to
Romulus
himself, the Founder of that State.
DISCORSI, Lib. I. Cap. 12.
And here by the by, I shall take notice, that some may imagine, the various Forms and Institutions of Religion ought to unsettle Mens Minds, with regard to the Truth and Certainty of any. But this Matter rightly considered, will, I think, produce a contrary Effect. It sheweth, indeed, that Men groping out their Way by the dim Twilight of Nature did only approach, some nearer, some farther off, while all were short of the Truth. But then sheweth likewise, upon the whole, and in general, that Religion is so natural to our Minds, so useful to Society, and of so necessary Importance to the World, as might well prove its Truth, and render it worthy of the divine Care to propagate by Prophecies, Miracles, and the Mission of the Son of God.
Philip de Comines,
Hist. B. 5.
a wise Statesman, and honest Writer, who had great Experience in Affairs, declares it to be his Opinion,
'That Want of religious Faith, is the only Foundation of all Mischiefs.'
And that able Minister the famous Monsieur
Colbert,
Test. Pol. C. 8.
makes it his Observation,
'That if once the Ecclesiastical Character, as such, is vilified, the civil Magistrate, even the Crown itself, will in Consequence thereof lose all Authority.
It would be no hard Matter to produce a Cloud of Testimonies in behalf of a national Religion, from the most eminent of our own Writers; but I shall content myself with adding one only, and that from a very unsuspected Writer, Mr.
Harrington,
Author of the
Oceana,
who shews that to be just and fair, which others have shewed to be expedient.
'
P. 27. First Edit.
A Man (saith he) that pleading for Liberty of Conscience, refuseth Liberty to the national Conscience, must be most absurd.
And again:
If the Conviction of a Man's private Conscience, produce his private Religion; the Conviction of the national Conscience, must produce a national Religion.
Ibid.
'
All these Authorities are taken from thinking Men, and able Politicians, none of which can be supposed to say what he did not really think; and it had been very easy to have increased the Number. But, I am sorry, I was obliged to mention any at all, in proof of so plain and fundamental a Point as that of a national Religion. It is indeed, a shameful Necessity we lie under, of proving at this Time of Day the first Elements, I will not say of Christianity, but even of natural Light, from Reasons and from Authorities. The Spirit of the Times hath rendered this unavoidable.
If it should be asked after all, how comes it then to pass, that the fashionable and prevailing Maxims among our Betters, in a neighbouring Nation, should run directly counter to all such Reasons and Authorities? I will answer this Question, by asking when were our Neighbours known to abound to that Degree in Highwaymen, Murderers, House-breakers, Incendiaries? When did such Numbers lay violent Hands on themselves? When was there such a general and indecent Contempt of whatever is esteemed sacred, in the State as well as the Church? When were there known among them such public Frauds, such open Confederacies in Villany, as the present Age hath produced? When were they lower in Esteem of Mankind, more divided at home, or more insulted abroad?
We of this Land have a fatal Tendency to overlook the good Qualities, and imitate whatever is amiss in those whom we respect. This leads me to make some Remarks on the modern Spirit of Reformation, that works so strongly in both these Kingdoms.
Freedom of Thought is the general Plea and Cry of the Age; and we all grant, that thinking is the Way to know; and the more real Knowledge there is in the Land, the more likely it will be to thrive. We are not therefore against Freedom of Thought, but we are against those unthinking, overbearing People,
It is not Reason candidly proposed that offends, but the Reviling, Insulting, Ridiculing of the national Laws and Religion, all this profiteth for Free-thinking, and must needs be offensive to all reasonable Men.
who, in these odd Times, under that Pretence, set up for Reformers, and new Molders of the Constitution. We declare against those, who would seduce ignorant and unexperinced Persons from the Reverence they owe to the Laws and Religion of their Country; and under the Notion of extirpating Prejudices, would erase from their Minds all Impressions of Piety and Virtue, in order to introduce Prejudices of another Kind, destructive of Society.
We esteem it a horrible Thing, to laugh at the Apprehensions of a future State, with the Author of the
Charasterictics
Vol. III. Miscel. III. C. 2.
; or with him who wrote the
Fable of the Bees,
to maintain that
moral Virtues are the political Offspring which Flattery begot upon Pride
Inquiry into the Origin of moral Virtue. Ed. 6. p. 37.
; that
in Morals there is no greater Certainty, than in Fashions of Dress
The Author's Remarks on his Fable of the Bees, p. 379.
;
that,
indeed,
the Doctrine of good Manners teacheth Men to speak well of all Virtues; but requires no more of them in any Age or Country, than the outward Appearance of those in Fashion.
Remarks, Part II. p. 155.
Two Authors of Infidel Systems these, who setting out upon opposite Principles, are calculated to draw all Mankind, by flattering either their Vanity or their Passions, into one or other System. And yet, the People among whom such Books are published, wonder how it comes to pass, that the civil Magistrate daily loseth his Authority, that the Laws are trampled upon, and the Subject in constant Fear of being robbed, or murdered, or having his House burnt over his Head?
It may be presumed, that the Science of finding Fault, which above all others is easiest to learn, suits best with a modern Education. Too many there are of better Fortunes than Understandings, who have made the Inquiry after Truth, a very small Part of their Care: These see somewhat, but not enough. It were to be wished, they knew either less or more. One Thing it is evident they do not know; to wit, that while they rail at Prejudice, they are undoing themselves: They do not comprehend, (what hath been before hinted) that their whole Figure, their political Existence, is owing to certain vulgar Prejudices, in Favour of Birth, Title, or Fortune, which add nothing of real Worth either to Mind or Body; and yet, cause the most worthless Person to be respected.
Feedom of Thought is the Prerogative of human Kind; it is a Quality inherent in the very Nature of a thinking Being. Nothing is more evident, than that every one can think his own Way, in spite of any outward Force or Power whatsoever. It is therefore ridiculous for any Man to declaim in Defence of a Privilege, which cannot be denied or taken from him. But this will not infer a boundless Freedom of Speech,
Is there no Difference between indulging scrupulous Consciences, and tolerating public Deriders of all Conscience and Religion?
an open Contempt of Laws, and a prescribing from private Judgment
A Man who is himself permitted to follow his own private Judgment, cannot well complain, although he may not set it up as a public Rule.
against public Authority, Things never borne in any well-ordered State; and which make the crying Distemper of our Times.
The Constitution of these Kingdoms, hath been one while over-heated by the indiscreet Zeal of one Set of Men: Again, it hath been cold and lifeless, through the Indifference of another.
There is a Medium in Things, which wise Men find out, while the unwise are always blundering in Extremes.
We have alternately felt the furious Effects of Superstition and Fanaticism; and our present impending Danger, is from the setting up of private Judgment, or an inward Light, in Opposition to human and divine Laws. Such an inward conceited Principle always at work, and proceeding gradually and steadily, may be sufficient to dissolve any human Fabric of Polity or civil Government. To pretend to be wiser than the Laws, hath never been suffered in any wise State, saith
Aristotle.
Rhet. Lib. I. Cap. 15.
And indeed, what wise State would encourage or endure a Spirit of Opposition,
Reason modestly pleading from a conscientious Principle, hath nothing cruel to apprehend from our Laws, and I hope it never will. At the same time, it must be allowed, that every Plea against Law, ought to be very meek and modest.
publicly to operate against its own Decrees? who can say to such a Spirit,
Thus far shalt thou come, and no farther?
The Magistrate, perhaps, may not be sufficiently aware, that those pretended Advocates for private Light and free Thought, are in reality seditious Men, who set up themselves against national Laws and Constitutions. And yet, one would think, all Mankind might see, that the Spirit which prevails against the Church and Religion, proceeds from an Opposition rather to the Laws of the Land, than to the Gospel. Men quarrel not so vehemently against Articles of Faith themselves, as against the establishing of such Matters; which is the sole Effect of Law and the supreme Power. It clearly follows, the Freedom pleaded for is not so much Freedom of Thought against the Doctrines of the Gospel, as Freedom of Speech and Action against the Laws of the Land. It is strange, that those who are not blind in other Matters, should yet not see this; or, that seeing it, they should not discern the Consequences thereof.
I am sensible, that whatever looks like a Restraint on Freedom of Inquiry, must be very disagreeable to all reasoning and inquisitive Men. But against this, I have said nothing.
The profane and lawless Scorner is one Thing, and the modest Inquirer after Truth another.
On the contrary, I will freely own, a judicious and impartial Search after Truth, is the most valuable Employment of the Mind. Those who have the Talents, and will be at the Pains, cannot do better than engage in that noble Pursuit. But those who are not qualified by Age or Education; those who have neither Disposition nor Leisure, nor Faculties to dig in the Mine of Truth themselves, must take it as retailed out by others. I see no Remedy. GOD who knows the Opportunities of every Man, requires Impossibilities from no Man. And where there is a sincere Love of Truth and Virtue, the Grace of GOD can easily supply the Defect of human Means.
It hath been before observed, and shewed at large, that the Bulk of Mankind must have their Minds betimes imbued with good and wholsom Notions or Principles, by their Parents, Pastors, and Tutors, or else bad Notions, hurtful to themselves and others, will undoubtedly take possession thereof. Such bad Notions have, for several Years past, been propagated with uncommon Industry in these Kingdoms: They now bring forth Fruit every Day more and more abundant. It is to be feared, that what hath been long ripening, is now near ripe. Many are the Signs and Tokens. He that runs, may read.
But there cannot be a higher, or more flagrant Symptom of the Madness of our Times, than that execrable Fraternity of Blasphemers, lately set up within this City of
Dublin.
Blasphemy against GOD, is a great Crime against the State. But that a Set of Men should, in open Contempt of the Laws, make this very Crime their Profession, distinguish themselves by a peculiar Name
Blasters.
, and form a distinct Society, whereof the proper and avowed Business shall be, to shock all serious Christians by the most impious and horrid Blasphemies, uttered in the most public Manner: This surely must alarm all thinking Men. It is a new Thing under the Sun reserved for our worthy Times and Country.
It is no common Blasphemy I speak of: It is not simple Cursing and Swearing: It is not the Effect either of Habit or Surprise; but a Train of studied deliberate Indignities against the divine Majesty; and those of so black and hellish a Kind, as the Tongues alone which uttered them, can duly characterize and express. This is no speculative Heresy, no remote or doubtful Inference from an Author's Tenets. It is a direct and open Attack on GOD himself. It is such a calm premeditated Insult upon Religion, Law, and the very Light of Nature, that there is no Sect or Nation of Men, whether Christians, Jews, Mahometans, or even civilized Heathens, that would not be struck with Horror and Amazement at the Thought of it, and that would not animadvert
They (if there be any such) who think to serve the Reformation, by joining with Blasters and Devil-worshippers in a Plea for Licence, are in truth a Scandal and Reproach to the Protestant Cause.
on its Authors with the utmost Severity.
Deliberate, atheistical Blasphemy, is of all Crimes most dangerous to the Public, inasmuch as it opens the Door to all other Crimes, and virtually contains them all. A religious Awe and Fear of GOD, being (as we have already observed) the Centre that unites, and the Cement that connects all human Society. He, who makes it his Business, to lessen or root out from the Minds of Men this Principle, doth in effect, endeavour to fill his Country with Highwaymen, Housebreakers, Murderers, fraudulent Dealers, perjured Witnesses, and every other Pest of Society. Therefore, it would be the greatest Cruelty to our Children, Neighbours, and Country, to connive at such a Crime; a Crime! which hath no natural Passion or Temptation to plead for it, but is the pure Effect of an abandoned Impudence in Wickedness; and, perhaps, of a mistaken Hope, that the Laws and Magistrates are asleep.
The Question is not now, whether Religion shall be established by Law: The Thing is already done, (and done with good Reason, as appeareth from the Premises) but whether a Reverence
They who plead a Right to contradict the Laws, can pretend none for doing it with Insolence or Disrespect.
for the Laws shall be preserved. Religion, considered as a System of saving Truths, hath its Sanction from Heaven; its Rewards and Penalties are divine. But Religion, as useful and necessary to Society, hath been wisely established by Law; and so established, and wrought into the very Frame and Principles of our Government, is become a main Part of the civil Constitution. Our Laws, are the Laws of a Christian Country: Our Government hath been constituted and modelled by Christians; and is still administered and maintained by Men professing Belief in CHRIST. Can it then be supposed, that impious Men shall with Impunity invent and
To make the Cause of such Men the Cause of Liberty or Toleration, would be monstrous. A Man is not suffered publicly to blaspheme, therefore he may not think freely: A profane Miscreant is not indulged in the public Worship of the Devil, therefore a conscientious Person may not serve God his own Way: Is not this absurd?
publicly utter the most horrid Blasphemies; and at the same Time, the whole Constitution not be endangered? Or can it be supposed, that Magistrates, or Men invested with Power, should look on, and see the most sacred Part of our Constitution trampled under foot, and yet imagine their own Dignity and Authority to be secure, which rest intirely thereupon? I will venture to say, that whoever is a wise Man, and a Lover of his Country, will not only be solicitous to preserve the Honour of GOD sacred and intire; he will even discourage that prevailing Prejudice against the Dispensers of GOD'S Word, the Teachers of those salutary Doctrines, without which the Public cannot thrive or subsist. He will be no Contemner, not even of those Rites and Ordinances enjoined by Law, as necessary to imprint and retain a Sense of Religion in the Minds of Men. He will extend his Care to the Outworks, as knowing that when these are gone, it may be difficult to preserve the rest.
Notwithstanding the vain Assertion of those Men, who would justify the present, by saying
All Times are alike,
it is most evident, that the Magistrates, the Laws, the very Constitution of these Realms, have lost no small Share of their Authority and Reverence, since this great growth and spreading of impious Principles. Whatever be the Cause, the Effect is apparent. Whether we ascribe it to the natural Course of Things, or to a just Judgment upon those, who, having been careless to preserve a due Sense of the divine Authority, have seen and shall see their own despised.
Darius,
a Heathen Prince, made a Decree, that in every Dominion of his Kingdom, Men should tremble and fear before GOD.
DAN. Ch. VI. Ver. 26.
Nebuchadnezzar
likewise, another Heathen, made a Decree, that every People, Nation and Language which spoke any Thing amiss against GOD, should be cut in Pieces, and their Houses made a Dunghill.
DAN. Ch. III. Ver. 29.
And if these Things were done in
Persia
and
Babylon,
surely it may be expected, that impious Blasphemers against GOD and his Worship, should, at least, be discouraged and put out of Countenance in these Christian Countries. Now, a constant Course of Disfavour from Men in Authority, would prove a most effectual Check to all such Miscreants. When therefore they are public and bold in their Blasphemies, this is no small Reflexion on those who might check them if they would.
It is not so much the Execution of the Laws, as the Countenance of those in Authority, that is wanting to the Maintenance of Religion. If Men of Rank and Power, who have a Share in distributing Justice, and a Voice in the public Councils, shall be observed to neglect divine Worship themselves, it must needs be a great Temptation for others to do the same. But if they, and their Families, should set a good Example, it may be presumed that Men of less Figure would be disposed to follow it. Fashions are always observed to descend, and People are generally fond of being in the Fashion: Whence one would be apt to suspect, the prevailing Contempt of GOD'S Word, and Estrangement from his House, to a Degree that was never known in any Christian Country, must take its Rise from the Irreligion and bad Example of those who are stiled
the better Sort.
Offences must come, but Woe be to him, by whom the Offence cometh. A Man who is intrusted with Power and Influence in his Country, hath much to answer for, if Religion and Virtue suffer through Want of his Authority and Countenance. But in Case he should, by the Vanity of his Discourse, his Favour to wicked Men, or his own apparent Neglect of all religious Duties, countenance what he ought to condemn, and authorize by his own Example what he ought to punish; such a one, whatever he may pretend, is in Fact a bad Patriot, a bad Citizen, and a bad Subject, as well as a bad Christian.
Our Prospect is very terrible, and the Symptoms grow stronger every Day. The Morals of a People are in this, like their Fortunes; when they feel a national Shock, the worst doth not shew itself immediately. Things make a Shift to subsist for a Time, on the Credit of old Notions and dying Opinions. But the Youth born and brought up in wicked Times, without any Bias to Good from early Principle or instilled Opinion, when they grow ripe must be Monsters indeed. And it is to be feared, that Age of Monsters is not far off.
Whence this Impiety-springs, by what means it gains ground among us, and how it may be remedied, are Matters that deserve the Attention of all those who have the Power and the Will to serve their Country. And although many Things look like a Prelude to some general Ruin; although it is much to be apprehended, we shall be worse before we are better; yet who knows what may ensue, if all Persons in Power, from the supreme Executor of the Law, down to a petty Constable, would, in their several Stations, behave themselves like Men, truly conscious and mindful, that the Authority they are clothed with, is but a derivative Ray from the supreme Authority of Heaven? This may not a little contribute to stem that Torrent, which from small Beginnings, and under specious Pretences, hath grown to such a Head, and daily gathers Force more and more to that Degree, as threatens a general Inundation and Destruction of these Realms.
A Word to the Wise: OR, AN EXHORTATION TO THE ROMAN CATHOLIC Clergy OF
IRELAND.
Homo sum, humani nihil à me alienum puto.
First Printed in the YEAR MDCCXLIX.
A Word to the Wise.
BE not startled,
Reverend Sirs,
to find yourselves addressed to by one of a different Communion. We are indeed (to our Shame be it spoken) more inclined to hate for those Articles wherein we differ, than to love one another for those wherein we agree. But if we cannot extinguish, let us at least suspend our Animosities, and forgetting our religious Feuds, consider ourselves in the amiable Light of Countrymen and Neighbours. Let us for once turn our Eyes on those Things, in which we have one common Interest. Why should Disputes about Faith interrupt the Duties of civil Life? or the different Roads we take to Heaven prevent our taking the same Steps on Earth? Do we not inhabit the same Spot of Ground, breathe the same Air, and live under the same Government? why then should we not conspire in one and the same Design, to promote the common Good of our Country?
We are all agreed about the Usefulness of Meat, Drink, and Clothes, and without Doubt, we all sincerely wish our poor Neighbours were better supplied with them. Providence and Nature have done their Part: no Country is better qualified to furnish the Necessaries of Life, and yet no People are worse provided. In vain is the Earth fertile, and the Climate benign, if human Labour be wanting. Nature supplies the Materials, which Art and Industry improve to the Use of Man, and it is the Want of this Industry that occasions all our other Wants.
The Public hath endeavoured to excite and encourage this useful Virtue. Much hath been done; but whether it be from the Heaviness of the Climate, or from the
Spanish,
or
Scythian
Blood that runs in their Veins, or whatever else may be the Cause, there still remains in the Natives of this Island a remarkable Antipathy to Labour. You,
Gentlemen,
can alone conquer their innate hereditary Sloth. Do you then, as you love your Country, exert yourselves.
You are known to have great Influence on the Minds of your People, be so good as to use this Influence for their Benefit. Since other Methods fail, try what
you
can do.
Be instant in Season, out of Season, reprove, rebuke, exhort.
2 Tim. ch. iv. ver. 2.
Make them thoroughly sensible of the Sin and Folly of Sloth. Shew your Charity in clothing the naked and feeding the hungry, which you may do by the mere Breath of your Mouths. Give me leave to tell you, that no Set of Men upon Earth have it in their Power to do Good on easier Terms, with more Advantage to others, and less Pains or Loss to themselves. Your Flocks are of all others, most disposed to follow Directions, and of all others want them most; and indeed what do they not want?
The House of an
Irish Peasant
is the Cave of Poverty; within, you see a Pot and a little Straw; without, a Heap of Children tumbling on the Dunghill. Their Fields and Gardens are a lively Counterpart of
Solomon
's Description in the Proverbs;
I went,
saith that wise King,
by the Field of the slothful, and by the Vineyard of the Man void of Understanding, and lo! it was all grown over with Thorns, and Nettles had covered the Face thereof, and the Stone Wall thereof was broken down
Prov. ch. xxiv. ver. 30, 31.
. In every Road the ragged Ensigns of Poverty are displayed; you often meet Caravans of Poor, whole Families in a Drove, without Clothes to cover, or Bread to feed them, both which might be easily procured by moderate Labour. They are encouraged in this vagabond Life by the miserable Hospitality they meet with in every Cottage, whose Inhabitants expect the same kind Reception in their Turn, when they become Beggars themselves; Beggary being the last Refuge of these improvident Creatures.
If I seem to go out of my Province, or to prescribe to those who must be supposed to know their own Business, or to paint the lower Inhabitants of this Land in no very pleasing Colours, you will candidly forgive a well meant Zeal, which obligeth me to say Things, rather useful than agreeable, and to lay open the Sore in order to heal it.
But whatever is said must be so taken, as not to reflect on Persons of Rank and Education, who are no way inferior to their Neighbours; nor yet to include all even of the lowest Sort, though it may well extend to the Generality, of those especially in the
Western
and
Southern
Parts of the Kingdom, where the
British
Manners have less prevailed. We take our Notions from what we see, mine are a faithful Transcript from Originals about me.
The
Scythians
were noted for Wandering, and the
Spaniards
for Sloth and Pride; our
Irish
are behind neither of these Nations from which they descend, in their respective Characteristics.
Better is he that laboureth and aboundeth in all Things, than he that boasteth himself and wanteth Bread,
saith the Son of
Sirach
Ch. x. Ver. 27
, but so saith not the
Irishman.
In my own Family a Kitchen-wench refused to carry out Cinders, because she was descended from an old
Irish Stock.
Never was there a more monstrous Conjunction than that of Pride with Beggary; and yet this Prodigy is seen every Day in almost every Part of this Kingdom. At the same time these proud People are more destitute than
Savages,
and more abject than
Negroes.
The
Negroes
in our Plantations have a Saying,
If Negro was not Negro, Irishman would be Negro.
And it may be affirmed with truth, that the very
Savages
of
America
are better clad and better lodged than the
Irish Cottagers
throughout the fine fertile Counties of
Limerick
and
Tipperary.
Having long observed and bewailed this wretched State of my Countrymen, and the Insufficiency of several Methods set on foot to reclaim them, I have recourse to
your Reverences,
as the
dernier Resort.
Make them to understand that you have their Interest at heart, that you persuade them to work for their own Sakes, and that GOD hath ordered Matters so as that, they who will not work for themselves, must work for others. The Terrors of Debt, Slavery, and Famine should, one would think, drive the most slothful to Labour. Make them sensible of these Things, and that the Ends of Providence and Order of the World require Industry in human Creatures.
Man goeth forth to his Work, and to his Labour until the Evening,
saith the
Psalmist,
when he is describing the Beauty, Order and Perfection of the Works of GOD.
Psal. civ. ver. 23.
But what saith the slothful Person?
Yet a little Sleep, a little Slumber, a little folding of the Hands to sleep
Prov. ch. vi. ver. 10.
. But, what saith the
Wiseman? so shall thy Poverty come as one that travelleth, and thy Want as an armed Man
Prov. ch. vi. ver. 11.
.
All Nature will furnish you with Arguments and Examples against Sloth,
Go to the Ant thou Sluggard,
cries
Solomon.
The Ant, the Bee, the Beetle, and every Insect but the Drone, reads a Lesson of Industry to Man. But the shortest and most effectual Lesson is that of
Saint Paul, If any Man will not work neither should he eat
2 Thess. ch. iii. ver. 10.
. This Command was injoined the
Thessalonians,
and equally respects all
Christians,
and indeed all
Mankind;
it being evident by the Light of Nature, that the whole Creation works together for Good, and that no Part was designed to be useless.; as therefore the
Idle Man
is of no use, it follows, that he hath no Right to a Subsistence.
Let them work,
saith the
Apostle, and eat their own Bread
2 Thess. ch. iii. ver. 12.
; not Bread got by Begging, not Bread earn'd by the Sweat of other Men; but their own Bread, that which is got by their own Labour.
Then shalt thou eat the Labour of thine Hands,
saith the
Psalmist,
to which he adds,
Happy shalt thou be and it shall be well with thee
Psal. cxxxviii. ver. 2.
; intimating, that to work and enjoy the Fruits thereof is a great Blessing.
A slothful Man's Imagination is apt to dress up Labour in a horrible Mask; but horrible as it is, Idleness is more to be dreaded, and a Life of Poverty (its necessary Consequence) is far more painful. It was the Advice of
Pythagoras, To choose the best kind of Life,
for that Use would render it agreeable, reconciling Men even to the roughest Exercise. By Practice, Pains become at first easy, and in the Progress pleasant; and this is so true, that whoever examines Things will find, there can be no such Thing as a happy Life without Labour, and that whoever doth not labour with his Hands, must in his own Defence labour with his Brains.
Certainly, planting and tilling the Earth is an Exercise not less pleasing than useful; it takes the Peasant from his smoky Cabin, into the fresh Air and the open Field, rendering his Lot far more desirable than that of the Sluggard, who lies in the Straw, or sits whole Days by the Fire.
Convince your People that not only Pleasure invites, but Necessity also drives them to labour. If you have any Compassion for these poor Creatures, put them in mind how many of them perished in a late memorable Distress, through want of that provident Care against a hard Season, observable not only in all other Men, but even in irrational Animals. Set before their Eyes in lively Colours, their own indigent and sordid Lives, compared with those of other People, whose Industry hath procured them hearty Food, warm Clothes, and decent Dwellings. Make them sensible what a Reproach it is, that a Nation which makes so great Pretensions to Antiquity, and is said to have flourished many Ages ago in Arts and Learning, should in these our Days turn out a lazy, destitute, and degenerate Race.
Raise your Voices,
Reverend Sirs,
exert your Influence, shew your Authority over the Multitude, by engaging them to the Practice of an honest Industry, a Duty necessary to all, and required in all, whether
Protestants,
or
Roman Catholics,
whether
Christians, Jews,
or
Pagans.
Be so good among other Points to find room for
This,
than which none is of more Concern to the Souls and Bodies of your Hearers, nor consequently deserves to be more amply, or frequently insisted on.
Many and obvious are the Motives that recommend this Duty. Upon a Subject so copious, you can never be at a loss for something to say. And while by these Means you rescue your Countrymen from Want and Misery, you will have the Satisfaction to behold your Country itself improved. What Pleasure must it give you to see these waste and wild Scenes, these naked Ditches, and miserable Hovels, exchanged for fine Plantations, rich Meadows, well-tilled Fields, and neat Dwellings; to see People well fed, and well clad, instead of famished, ragged Scarecrows; and those very Persons tilling the Fields that used to beg in the Streets.
Neither ought the Difficulty of the Enterprise to frighten you from attempting it. It must be confessed a Habit of Industry is not at once introduced; Neighbour, nevertheless, will emulate Neighbour, and the Contagion of good Example will spread as surely as of bad, though perhaps not so speedily. It may be hoped, there are many that would be allured by a plentiful and decent Manner of Life to take Pains, especially when they observe it to be attained by the Industry of their Neighbours, in no Sort better qualified than themselves.
If the same gentle Spirit of Sloth did not sooth our Squires as well as Peasants, one would imagine there should be no idle Hands among us. Alas! how many Incentives to Industry offer themselves in this Island, crying aloud to the Inhabitants for Work? Roads to be repaired, Rivers made navigable, Fisheries on the Coasts, Mines to be wrought, Plantations to be raised, Manufactures improved, and, above all, Lands to be tilled and sowed with all Sorts of Grain.
When so many Circumstances provoke and animate your People to Labour, when their private Wants, and the Necessities of the Public, when the Laws, the Magistrates, and the very Country calls upon them, you cannot think it becomes you alone to be silent, or hindmost in every Project for promoting the public Good. Why should you, whose Influence is greatest, be least active? why should you, whose Words are most likely to prevail, say least in the common Cause?
Perhaps it will be said the Discouragements attending those of your Communion are a Bar against all Endeavours for exciting them to a laudable Industry. Men are stirred up to labour by the Prospect of bettering their Fortunes, by getting Estates, or Employments; but those who are limited in the Purchase of Estates, and excluded from all civil Employments, are deprived of those Spurs to Industry.
To this it may be answered, that admitting these Considerations do, in some measure, damp Industry and Ambition in Persons of a certain Rank, yet they can be no Let to the Industry of poor People, or supply an Argument against endeavouring to procure Meat, Drink, and Clothes. It is not proposed, that you sould persuade the better Sort to acquire Estates, or qualify themselves for becoming Magistrates; but only that you should set the lowest of the People at Work, to provide themselves with Necessaries, and supply the Wants of Nature.
It will be alledged in Excuse of their Idleness, that the Country People want Encouragement to labour, as not having a Property in the Lands. There is small Encouragement, say you, for them to build, or plant upon another's Land, wherein they have only a temporary Interest. To which I answer, that Life itself is but temporary; that all Tenures are not of the same Kind; that the Case of our
English
and the original
Irish
is equal in this Respect; and that the true
Aborigines,
or natural
Irish
are noted for Want of Industry in improving even on their own Lands, whereof they have both Possession and Property.
How many industrious Persons are there in all civilized Countries, without any Property in Lands, or any Prospect of Estates, or Employments? Industry never fails to reward her Votaries. There is no one but can earn a little, and little added to little makes a Heap. In this fertile and plentiful Island, none can perish for Want but the Idle and Improvident. None who have Industry, Frugality, and Foresight, but may get into tolerable, if not wealthy Circumstances. Are not all Trades and Manufactures open to those of your Communion? have you not the same free Use, and may you not make the same Advantage of Fairs and Markets as other Men? do you pay higher Duties, or are you liable to greater Impositions than your fellow Subjects? and are not the public Praemiums and Encouragements given indifferently to Artists of all Communions? have not, in Fact, those of your Communion a very great Share of the Commerce of this Kingdom in their Hands? and is not more to be got by this than by purchasing Estates, or possessing civil Employments, whose Incomes are often attended with large Expences?
A tight House, warm Apparel, and wholsom Food are sufficient Motives to labour. If all had them, we should be a flourishing Nation. And if those who take pains may have them, those who will not take pains are not to be pitied; they are to be looked on and treated as Drones, the Pest and Disgrace of Society.
It will be said, the Hardness of the Landlord cramps the Industry of the Tenant. But if Rent be high, and the Landlord rigorous, there is more need of Industry in the Tenant. It is well known that in
Holland
Taxes are much higher, and Rent both of Land and Houses far dearer than in
Ireland.
But this is no Objection or Impediment to the Industry of the People, who are rather animated and spurred on to earn a Livelihood by Labour, that is not to be got without it.
You will say, it is an easy Matter to make a plausible Discourle on Industry, and its Advantages; but what can be expected from poor Creatures, who are destitute of all Conveniencies for exerting their Industry, who have nothing to improve upon, nothing to begin the World with? I answer, they have their four Quarters, and five Senses. Is it nothing to possess the bodily Organs found and entire! That wonderful Machine the Hand, was it formed to be idle?
Was there but Will to work, there are not wanting in this Island either Opportunities or Encouragements. Spinning alone might employ all idle Hands (Children as well as Parents) being soon learned, easily performed, and never failing of a Market, requiring neither Wit nor Strength, but suited to all Ages and Capacities. The Public provides Utensils, and Persons for teaching the Use of them; but the Public cannot provide a Heart and Will to be industrious. These, I will not deny, may be found in several Persons in some other Parts of the Kingdom, and where-ever they are found, the comfortable Effects shew themselves. But seldom, very seldom are they found in these
Southern
Peeple, whose Indolence figureth a Lion in the Way, and is Proof against all Encouargement.
But you will insist, how can a poor Man, whose daily Labour goes for the Payment of his Rent, be able to provide present Necessaries for his Family, much less to lay up a Store for the future. It must be owned, a considerable Share of the poor Man's Time and Labour goes towards paying his Rent. But how are his Wife and Children employed, or how doth he employ himself the rest of his Time? The same Work tires, but different Works relieve. Where there is a true Spirit of Industry, there will never be wanting something to do, without Doors, or within, by Candle-light, if not by Day-light.
Labor ipse Voluptas,
saith the Poet, and this is verified in Fact.
In
England,
when the Labour of the Field is over, it is usual for Men to betake themselves to some other Labour of a different kind. In the
Northern
Parts of that industrious Land, the Inhabitants meet, a jolly Crew, at one another's Houses, where they merrily and frugally pass the long and dark Winter Evenings; several Families by the same Light, and the same Fire, working at their different Manufactures of Wooll, Flax, or Hemp, Company mean while mutually cheering and provoking to labour. In certain other
e. g.
Newport-Pagnel
in
Buckinghamshire.
Parts you may see, on a Summer's Evening, the common Labourers sitting along the Street of a Town or Village, each at his own Door, with a Cushion before him making Bone-lace, and earning more in an Evening's Pastime than an
Irish Family
would in a whole Day. Those People instead of closing the Day with a Game on greasy Cards, or lying stretched before the Fire, pass their Time much more chearfully in some useful Employment, which Custom hath rendered light and agreeable.
But admitting, for the various Reasons above alledged, that it is impossible for our Cottagers to be rich, yet it is certain they may be clean. Now bring them to be cleanly, and your Work is half done. A little Washing, scrubbing, and rubbing, bestowed on their Persons and Houses, would introduce a sort of Industry, and Industry in any one kind is apt to beget it in another.
Indolence in Dirt is a terrible Symptom, which shews itself in our lower
lrish
more, perhaps, than in any People on this Side
The Cape of Good Hope.
I will venture to add, that look throughout the Kingdom, and you shall not find a clean House inhabited by clean People, and yet wanting Necessaries; the same Spirit of Industry that keeps Folk clean, being sufficient to keep them also in Food and Raiment.
But alas! our poor
Irish
are wedded to Dirt upon Principle. It is with some them a Maxim, that the Way to make Children thrive is to keep them dirty. And I do verily believe, that the Familiarity with Dirt, contracted and nourished from their Infancy, is one great Cause of that Sloth which attends them in every Stage of Life. Were Children but brought up in an Abhorrence of Dirt, and obliged to keep themselves clean, they would have something to do, whereas now they do nothing.
It is past all doubt, that those who are educated in a supine Neglect of all Things, either profitable or decent, must needs contract a Sleepiness and Indolence, which doth necessarily lead to Poverty, and every other Distress that attends it.
Love not Sleep,
cries
Solomon, lest thou come to Poverty; open thine Eyes and thou shalt be satisfied with Bread
Prov. ch. xx. ver. 13.
. It is therefore greatly to be wished, that you would persuade Parents, to inure their Children betimes to a Habit of Industry, as the surest Way to shun the Miseries that must otherwise befal them.
An early Habit, whether of Sloth, or Diligence, will not fail to shew itself throughout the whole Course of a Man's Life.
Train up a Child,
saith the
Wiseman, in the Way he should go, and when he is old he will not depart from it
Prov. ch. xxii. ver. 6.
. The first Tincture often leaves so deep a Stain as no Afterthought or Endeavour can wash out. Hence Sloth in some Minds is Proof against all Arguments and Examples whatsoever, all Motives of Interest and Duty, all Impressions even of Cold and Hunger. This Habit rooted in the Child, grows up and adheres to the Man, producing a general Listlessness, and Aversion from Labour. This I take to be our great Calamity.
For admitting, that some of our Squires and Landlords are Vultures with Iron Bowels, and that their Hardness and Severity is a great Discouragement to the Tenant, who will naturally prefer Want and Ease before Want and Toil; it must at the same time be admitted, that neither is the Landlord, generally speaking, so hard, nor the Climate so severe, nor the Soil so ungrateful, as not to answer the Husbandman's Labour, where there is a Spirit of Industry; the Want of which is the true Cause of our national Distress. Of this there are many evident Proofs.
I have myself known a Man, from the lowest Condition of Life, without Friends or Education, not knowing so much as to write or read, bred to no Trade or Calling, by pure Dint of Day-labour, Frugality, and Foresight, to have grown wealthy, even in this Island, and under all the abovementioned Disadvantages. And what is done by one, is possible to another.
In
Holland
a Child five Years old is maintained by its own Labour; In
Ireland
many Children of twice that Age do nothing but steal, or incumber the Hearth and Dunghill. This shameful Neglect of Education shews itself through the whole Course of their Lives, in a matchless Sloth bred in the very Bone, and not to be accounted for by any outward Hardship or Discouragement whatever. It is the native Colour, if we may so speak, and Complexion of the People.
Dutch, English, French,
or
Flemish
cannot match them.
Mark an
Irishman
at Work in the Field; if a Coach, or Horseman go by, he is sure to suspend his Labour, and stand staring until they are out of Sight. A Neighbour of mine made it his Remark in a Journey from
London
to
Bristol,
that all the Labourers, of whom he enquired the Road, constantly answered without looking up, or interrupting their Work, except one who stood staring and leaning on his Spade, and him he found to be an
Irishman.
It is a shameful Thing and peculiar to this Nation, to see lusty Vagabonds strolling about the Country, and begging without any Pretence to beg. Ask them why they do not labour to earn their own Livelihood, they will tell you. They want Employment; offer to employ them, and they shall refuse your Offer; or, if you get them to work one Day, you may be sure not to see them the next. I have known them tdecline even the lighrest Labour, that of Hay-making, having at the same time neither Clothes for their Backs, nor Food for their Bellies.
A sore Leg is an Estate to such a Fellow, and this may be easily got and continued with small Trouble. Such is their Laziness, that rather than work they will cherish a Distemper. This I know to be true, having seen more than one Instance, wherein the second Nature so far prevailed over the first, that Sloth was preferred to Health. To these Beggars who make much of their Sores, and prolong their Diseases, you cannot do a more thankless Office than cure them, except it be to shave their Beards, which conciliate a sort of Reverence to that Order of Men.
It is indeed a difficult Task to reclaim such Fellows from their slothful and brutal Manner of Life, to which they seem wedded with an Attachment that no temporal Motives can conquer; nor is there, humanly speaking, any Hopes they will mend, except their Respect for your Lessons, and Fear of something beyond the Grave be able to work a Change in them.
Certainly, if I may advise, you should in Return for the Lenity and Indulgence of the Government, endeavour to make yourselves useful to the Public; and this will best be performed by rousing your poor Countrymen from their beloved Sloth. I shall not now dispute the Truth, or Importance of other Points, but will venture to say, that you may still find Time to inculcate this Doctrine of an
honest Industry,
and that this would by no means be Time thrown away, if promoting your Country's Interest, and rescuing so many unhappy Wretches of your Communion from Beggary, or the Gallows, be thought worth your Pains.
It should seem you cannot in your Sermons do better than inveigh against Idleness, that extensive Parent of many Miseries and many Sins; Idleness the Mother of Hunger and Sister of Theft;
Idleness which,
the
Son
of
Sirach
assures us,
teacheth many Vices.
The same Doctrine is often preached from the Gallows. And indeed the Poverty, Nakedness, and Famine which Idleness entaileth on her Votaries, do make Men so wretched, that they may well think it better to die than to live such Lives. Hence a Courage for all villanous Undertakings, which bringing Men to a shameful Death, do then open their Eyes when they are going to be closed for ever.
If you have any Regard (as it is not to be doubted) either for the Souls, or Bodies of your People, or even for your own Interest and Credit, you cannot fail to inveigh against this crying Sin of your Country. Seeing you are obnoxious to the Laws, should you not in Prudence try to reconcile yourselves to the Favour of the Public; and can you do this more effectually, than by co-operating with the public Spirit of the Legislature, and Men in Power?
Were this but done heartily, would you but
be instant in Season, and out of Season, reprove, rebuke, exhort
2 Tim. ch. iv. ver. 2.
, such is the Ascendent you have gained over the People, that we might soon expect to see the good Effects thereof. We might hope
that our Garners would be soon full, affording all manner of Store, that our Sheep would bring forth thousands, that our Oxen would be strong to labour, that there would be no breaking in, nor going out,
(no Robbery, nor Migration nor Bread)
and that there would be no Complaining in our Streets.
Psal. cxliv. ver. 13, 14.
It stands you upon to act with Vigour in this Cause, and shake off the Shackles of Sloth from your Countrymen, the rather, because there be some who surmise, that yourselves have put them on. Right, or wrong, Men will be apt to judge of your Doctrines by their Fruits. It will reflect small Honour on their Teachers, if instead of Honesty and Industry those of your Communion are peculiarly distinguished by the contrary Qualities, or if the Nation converted by the great and glorious
Saint Patrick,
should, above ail other Nations, be stigmatised and marked out as good for nothing.
I can never suppose you so much your own Enemies, as to be Friends to this odious Sloth. But were this once abolished, and a laudable Industry introduced in its Stead, it may perhaps be asked, who are to be Gainers? I answer,
your Reverences
are like to be great Gainers; for every Peny you now gain, you will gain a Shilling: you would gain also in your Credit: and your Lives would be more comfortable.
You need not be told, how hard it is to take from Rags and Penury a tolerable Subsistence; or how offensive to perform the Duties of your Function, amidst Stench and Nastiness; or how much Things would change for the better, in Proportion to the Industry and Wealth of your Flocks. Duty as well as Interest calls upon you to clothe the Naked, and feed the Hungry, by persuading them to
eat
(in the Apostle's Phrase)
their own Bread,
or, as the
Psalmist
expresseth it,
the Labour of their own Hands.
By inspiring your Flocks with a Love of Industry, you will at once strike at the Root of many Vices, and dispose them to practise many Virtues. This therefore is the readiest Way to improve them.
Consult your Superiors. They shall tell you the Doctrine here delivered is a sound Catholic Doctrine, not limited to
Protestants,
but extending to all, and admitted by all, whether
Protestants
or
Roman Catholics, Christians
or
Mahometans, Jews
or
Gentiles.
And as it is of the greatest Extent, so it is also of the highest Importance.
Saint Paul
expresly saith,
That if any provide not for his own, and especially for those of his own House, he hath denied the Faith, and is worse than an Infidel
1 Tim. ch. v. ver. 8.
.
In vain then do you endeavour to make Men Orthodox in Points of Faith, if at the same time in the Eyes of
Christ
and his Apostles, you suffer them to be worse than Infidels, than those who have no Faith at all. There is something it seems worse than even Infidelity; and to incite and stimulate you to put away that cursed Thing from among you, is the Design and Aim of this
Address.
The Doctrine we recommend is an evident Branch of the Law of Nature; it was taught by Prophets, inculcated by Apostles, encouraged and inforced by Philosophers, Legislators, and all wise States, in all Ages, and in all Parts of the World. Let me therefore intreat you to exert yourselves,
To be Instant in Season, and out of Season, rebuke, reprove, exhort.
Take all Opportunities to drive the Lion out of the Way; raise your Voices, omit no Occasion, public or private, of awakening your wretched Countrymen from their sweet Dream of Sloth.
Many suspect your Religion to be the Cause of that notorious Idleness, which prevails so generally among the Natives of this Island, as if the
Roman Catholic
Faith was inconsistent with an honest Diligence in a Man's Calling. But whoever considers the great Spirit of Industry that reigns in
Flanders
and
France,
and even beyond the
Alps,
must acknowledge this to be a groundless Suspicion. In
Piedmont
and
Genoa,
in the
Milanese
and the
Venetian State,
and indeed throughout all
Lombardy,
how well is the Soil cultivated, and what Manufactures of Silk, Velvet, Paper, and other Commodities flourish? The King of
Sardinia
will suffer no idle Hands in his Territories, no Beggar to live by the Sweat of another's Brow; it has even been made penal at
Turin,
to relieve a strolling Beggar. To which I might add, that the Person whose Authority will be of the greatest Weight with you, even the
Pope
himself, is at this Day endeavouring to put new Life into the Trade and Manufactures of his Country.
Though I am in no Secret of the Court of
Rome,
yet I will venture to affirm, that neither
Pope,
nor
Cardinals,
will be pleased to hear, that those of their Communion are distinguished above all others, by Sloth, Dirt, and Beggary; or be displeased at your endeavouring to rescue them from the Reproach of such an infamous Distinction.
The Case is as clear as the Sun; what we urge is inforced by every Motive that can work on a reasonable Mind. The Good of your Country, your own private Interest, the Duty of your Function, the Cries and Distresses of the Poor do with one Voice call for your Assistance. And if it is on all hands allowed to be right and just, if agreeable both to Reason and Religion, if coincident with the Views both of your temporal and spiritual Superiors, it is to be hoped,
this Address
may find a favourable Reception, and that a Zeal for disputed Points will not hinder your concurring to propagate so plain and useful a Doctrine, wherein we are all agreed.
When a Leak is to be stopped, or a Fire extinguished, do not all Hands co-operate without Distinction of Sect or Party? Or if I am fallen into a Ditch, shall I not suffer a Man to help me out, until I have first examined his Creed? Or when I am sick, shall I refuse the Physic, because my Physician doth, or doth not believe the
Pope
's Supremacy?
Fas est et ab Hoste doceri.
But in truth, I am no Enemy to your Persons, whatever I may think of your Tenets. On the contrary, I am your sincere Well-wisher. I consider you as my Countrymen, as Fellow-Subjects, as professing Belief in the same
Christ.
And I do most sincerely wish, there was no other Contest between us but
Who shall most compleatly practise the Precepts of Him by whose Name we are called, and whose Disciples we all profess to be.
Soon after the preceding ADDRESS was published, the Printer hereof received the following LETTER from the Roman Catholic Clergy of the Diocese of Dublin, desiring it to be inserted in the Dublin Journal of November 18, 1749.
YOU will very much oblige many of your constant Readers, if you acquaint the Public, that the ADDRESS you lately published, intitled,
A Word to the Wise; or An Exhortation to the Roman Catholic Clergy of Ireland,
was received by the
Roman
Catholic Clergy of
Dublin,
with the highest Sense of Gratitude; and they take the Liberty, in this public Manner, to return their sincere and hearty Thanks to the worthy Author, assuring him, that they are determined to comply with every Particular recommended in it, to the utmost of their Power. In every Page it contains a Proof of the Author's extensive Charity: His Views are only towards the public Good: The Means he prescribeth are easily complied with, and his Manner of treating Persons in their Circumstances so very singular, that they plainly shew the Good Man, the polite Gentleman, and the true Patriot. All this hath so great an Effect, upon them, that they have already directed circular Letters to the Parish Priests of this Diocese, recommending, in the most earnest Manner, the Perusal, and zealous Execution of what is contained in the said Address; and it is hoped, that by publishing this in your Journal, the
Roman
Catholic Clergy of the other Parts of this Kingdom will be induced to follow their Example, which must promote the laudable Views of that great and good Man. At the same Time he may be assured, that the
Roman
Catholic Clergy of this City, have frequently taken considerable Pains to recommend, to their respective Flocks, Industry, and a due Application to their different Trades and Callings, as an indispensible Duty, and the Means of avoiding the many Vices and bad Consequences which generally attend criminal Poverty and Want. But the more effectually to prevent these Evils, and remove all Excuses for Sloth and Idleness, they have, several Months ago, pursuant to the Example of many Bishopricks in
Lombardy, Spain, Naples,
&c. taken the Steps most proper and expedient, in their Opinion, to lessen considerably the Number of Holidays in this Kingdom; and they make no Doubt but their Expectations will, in a short time, be fully answered, to the great Advantage of the Public.
We are,
&c.
A LETTER TO THE ROMAN CATHOLICS of the Diocese of Cloyne.
Published in the late Rebellion, A. D. MDCIXLV.
My Countrymen and Fellow Subjects,
NOtwithstanding the Differences of our religious Opinions, I should be sorry to be wanting in any Instance of Humanity, or good Neighbourhood to any of you. For which Reason I find myself strongly inclined, at this critical Juncture, to put you in mind, that you have been treated with a truly Christian Lenity under the present Government, that your Persons have been protected, and your Properties secured by equal Laws, and that it would be highly imprudent as well as ungrateful to forfeit these Advantages, by making yourselves Tools to the Ambition of foreign Princes, who fancy it expedient to raise Disturbances among us at present, but as soon as their own Ends are served, will not fail to abandon you, as they have always done.
Is it not evident that your true Interest consists in lying still, and waiting the Event, since
Ireland
must necessarily follow the Fate of
England;
and that therefore Prudence and Policy prescribe Quiet to the Roman Catholics of this Kingdom, who, in case a Change of Hands should not succeed, after your attempting to bring it about, must then expect to be on a worse Foot than ever?
But we will suppose it succeeds to your Wish. What then? Would not this undermine even your own Interests and Fortune, which are often interwoven with those of your Neighbours? Would not all those, who have Debts or Money, or other Effects in the Hands of Protestants, be fellow Sufferers with them? Would not all those who hold under the Acts of Settlement, be as liable as Protestants themselves to be dispossessed by the old Proprietors? Or, can even those who are stiled Proprietors, flatter themselves with Hopes of possessing the Estates which they claim, which, in all likelihood, would be given to Favourites, (perhaps to Foreigners) who are near the Person, or who fought the Battles, of their Master.
Under Protestant Governments, those of your Communion, have formerly enjoyed a greater Share of the Lands of this Kingdom, and more ample Privileges. You bore your Part in the Magistracy and the Legislature, and could complain of no Hardships on the Score of your Religion. If these Advantages have been since impaired or lost, was it not by the wrong Measures yourselves took to enlarge them, in several successive Attempts, each of which left you weaker and in a worse Condition than you were before. And this, notwithstanding the vaunted Succours of
France
and
Spain,
whose vain Efforts in Conjunction with yours constantly recoiled on your own Heads, even when your Numbers and Circumstances were far more considerable than they now are.
You all know these Things to be true. I appeal to your own Breasts. Dear bought Experience hath taught you, and past Times instruct the present. But perhaps you follow Conscience rather than Interest. Will any Men amongst you pretend to plead Conscience against being quiet, or against paying Allegiance and peaceable Submission to a Protestant Prince, which the first Christians paid even to Heathen, and which those of your Communion, at this Day, pay to Mahometan and to Idolatrous Princes in
Turky
and
China,
and which you yourselves have so often professed to pay to our present gracious Sovereign? Conscience is quite out of the Case. And what Man in his Senses would engage in a dangerous Course, to which neither Interest doth invite, nor Conscience oblige him?
I heartily wish, that this Advice may be as well taken, as it is meant, and that you may maturely consider your true Interest, rather than rashly repeat the same Errors which you have so often repented of. So recommending you to the merciful Guidance of Almighty God, I subscribe myself,
Your real Well-wisher, GEORGE CLOYNE.
MAXIMS CONCERNING PATRIOTISM.
First Published, A. D. MDCCL.
1. EVERY Man, by consulting his own Heart, may easily know whether he is or is not a Patriot. But it is not so easy for the Bystanders.
2. Being loud and vehement either against a Court, or for a Court, is no Proof of Patriotism.
3. A Man whose Passion for Money runs high, bids fair for being no Patriot. And he likewise whose Appetite is keen for Power.
4. A Native than a Foreigner, a married Man than a Bachelor, a Believer than an Infidel, have a better Chance for being Patriots.
5. It is impossible an Epicure should be a Patriot.
6. It is impossible a Man who cheats at Cards, or cogs the Dice, should be a Patriot.
7. It is impossible a Man who is false to his Friends and Neighbours should be true to the Public.
8. Every Knave is a thorough Knave. And a thorough Knave is a Knave throughout.
9. A Man who hath no Sense of God or Conscience: would you make such a one Guardian to your Child? if not, why Guardian to the State?
10. A Sot, a Beast, benummed and stupified by Excess, is good for nothing, much less to make a Patriot of.
11. A Fop or Man of Pleasure makes but a scurvy Patriot.
12. A sullen, churlish Man, who loves no Body, will hardly love his Country.
13. The Love of Praise and Esteem may do something: but to make a true Patriot there must be an inward Sense of Duty and Conscience.
14. Honesty (like other Things) grows from its proper Seed, good Principles early laid in the Mind.
15. To be a real Patriot, a Man must consider his Countrymen as God's Creatures, and himself as accountable for his acting towards them.
16. If
pro Aris et Focis
be the Life of Patriotism, he who hath no Religion or no Home makes a suspected Patriot.
17. No Man perjures himself for the sake of Conscience.
18. There is an easy Way of reconciling Male-contents.—
Sunt verba & voces quibus hunc lenire dolorem,
&c.
19. A good Groom will rather stroke than strike.
20. He who saith there is no such Thing as an honest Man, you may be sure is himself a Knave.
21. I have no Opinion of your bumper Patriots. Some eat, some drink, some quarrel for their Country. MODERN PATRIOTISM!
22.
Ibycus
is a carking, griping, close-fisted Fellow. It is odds that
Ibycus
is not a Patriot.
23. We are not to think every clamorous Haranguer, or every splenetic Repiner against a Court, is therefore a Patriot.
24. A Patriot is one who heartily wisheth the public Prosperity, and doth not only wish, but also study and endeavour to promote it.
25. Gamesters, Fops, Rakes, Bullies, Stock-jobbers: alas! what Patriots?
26. Some Writers have thought it impossible that Men should be brought to laugh at public Spirit. Yet this hath been done in the present Age.
27. The Patriot aims at his private Good in the Public. The Knave makes the Public subservient to his private Interest. The former considers himself as Part of a Whole, the latter considers himself as the Whole.
28. There is and ever will be a natural Strife between Court and Country. The one will get as much, and the other give as little as it can. How must the Patriot behave himself?
29. He gives the necessary. If he gives more, it is with a View of gaining more to his Country.
30. A Patriot will never barter the public Money for his private Gain.
31. Moral Evil is never to be committed, physical Evil may be incurred, either to avoid a greater Evil, or to procure a good.
32. Where the Heart is right, there is true Patriotism.
33. In your Man of Business, it is easier to meet with a good Head than a good Heart.
34. A Patriot will admit there may be honest Men, and that honest Men may differ.
35. He that always blames or always praises is no Patriot.
36. Were all sweet and sneaking Courtiers, or were all four Malecontents; in either Case the Public would thrive but ill.
37. A Patriot would hardly wish there was no Contrast in the State.
38. Ferments of the worst Kind succeed to perfect Inaction.
39. A Man rages, rails and raves; I suspect his Patriotism.
40. The fawning Courtier and the surly 'Squire often mean the same Thing, each his own Interest.
41. A Patriot will esteem no Man for being of his Party.
42. The factious Man is apt to mistake himself for a Patriot.
THE QUERIST. CONTAINING Several
QUERIES,
Proposed to the CONSIDERATION OF THE PUBLIC.
I the Lord have brought down the high Tree, have exalted the low Tree, have dried up the green Tree, and have made the dry Tree to flourish.
Ezek. xvii. 24.
First Printed A. D. MDCCXXXV.
Advertisement by the AUTHOR.
THE QUERIST was first printed in the Year One Thousand Seven Hundred and Thirty-five; since which Time, the Face of Things is somewhat changed. In this Edition, some Alterations have been made. The three Parts are published in one; some Few Queries are added, and many omitted, particularly, of those relating to the Sketch or Plan of a national Bank; which it may be time enough to take again in hand, when the Public shall seem disposed to make use of such an Expedient. I had determined with myself never to prefix my Name to the Querist, but in the last Edition was over-ruled by a Friend, who was remarkable for pursuing the publics Interest with as much Diligence, as others do their own. I apprehend the same Censure on this, that I incurred upon another Occasion, for meddling out of my profession. Though to feed the Hungry and clothe the Naked, by promoting an honest Industry, will, perhaps, be deemed no improper Employment for a Clergyman, who still thinks himself a Member of the Commonwealth. As the Sum of human Happiness is supposed to consist in the Goods of Mind, Body and Fortune, I would fain make my Studies of some Use to Mankind, with regard to each of these three Particulars, and hope it will not be thought faulty or indecent in any Man, of what Profession soever, to offer his Mite towards, improving the Manners, Health and Prosperity of his Fellow-creatures.
THE QUERIST.
Qu.
1. WHETHER there ever was, is, or will be, an industrious Nation poor, or an idle rich?
2. Whether a People can be called poor, where the common Sort are well fed, clothed and lodged?
3. Whether the Drift and Aim of every wise State should not be, to encourage Industry in its Members? And, whether those, who employ neither Heads nor Hands for the common Benefit, deserve not to be expelled like Drones out of a well governed State?
4. Whether the four Elements, and Man's Labour therein, be not the true Source of Wealth?
5. Whether Money be not only so far useful, as it stirreth up Industry, enabling Men mutually to participate the Fruits of each others Labour?
6. Whether any other Means, equally conducing to excite and circulate the Industry of Mankind, may not be as useful as Money?
7. Whether the real End and Aim of Men be not Power? And whether he who could have every Thing else at his Wish or Will, would value Money?
8. Whether the public Aim in every well governed State be not, that each Member, according to his just Pretensions and Industry, should have Power?
9. Whether Power be not referred to Action; and whether Action doth not follow Appetite or Will?
10. Whether Fashion doth not create Appetites; and whether the prevailing Will of a Nation is not the Fashion?
11. Whether the Current of Industry and Commerce be not determined by this prevailing Will?
12. Whether it be not owing to Custom, that the Fashions are agreeable?
13. Whether it may not concern the Wisdom of the Legislature to interpose in the making of Fashions; and not leave an Affair of so great Influence, to the Management of Women and Fops, Taylors and Vintners?
14. Whether reasonable Fashions are a greater Restraint on Freedom than those which are unreasonable?
15. Whether a general good Taste in a People would not greatly conduce to their thriving? And whether an uneducated Gentry be not the greatest of national Evils?
16. Whether Customs and Fashions do not supply the Place of Reason, in the Vulgar of all Ranks? Whether, therefore, it doth not very much import that they should be wisely framed?
17. Whether the imitating those Neighbours in our Fashions, to whom we bear no Likeness in our Circumstances, be not one Cause of Distress to this Nation?
18. Whether frugal Fashions in the upper Rank, and comfortable Living in the lower, be not the Means to multiply Inhabitants?
19. Whether the Bulk of our
Irish
Natives are not kept from thriving, by that Cynical Content in Dirt and Beggary, which they possess to a Degree beyond any other People in Christendom?
20. Whether the creating of Wants be not the likeliest Way to produce Industry in a People? And whether, if our Peasants were accustomed to eat Beef and wear Shoes, they would not be more industrious?
21. Whether other Things being given, as Climate, Soil,
&c.
the Wealth be not proportioned to the Industry, and this to the Circulation of Credit, be the Credit circulated or transferred by what Marks or Tokens soever?
22. Whether, therefore, less Money, swiftly circulating, be not, in effect, equivalent to more Money slowly circulating? Or, whether, if the Circulation be reciprocally as the Quantity of Coin, the Nation can be a Loser?
23. Whether Money is to be considered as having an intrinsic Value, or as being a Commodity, a Standard, a Measure, or a Pledge, as is variously suggested by Writers? And whether the true Idea of Money, as such, be not altogether that of a Ticket or Counter?
24. Whether the Value or Price of Things, be not a compounded Proportion, directly as the Demand, and reciprocally as the Plenty?
25. Whether the Terms Crown, Livre, Pound Sterling,
&c.
are not to be considered as Exponents or Denominations of such Proportion? And whether Gold, Silver and Paper, are not Tickets or Counters for Reckoning, Recording, and Transferring thereof?
26. Whether the Denominations being retained, although the Bullion were gone, Things might not nevertheless be rated, bought and sold, Industry promoted, and a Circulation of Commerce maintained?
27. Whether an equal raising of all Sorts of Gold, Silver, and Copper Coin, can have any Effect in bringing Money into the Kingdom? And whether altering the Proportions between the several Sorts, can have any other Effect, but multiplying one Kind and lessening another, without any Increase of the Sum total?
28. Whether arbitrary changing the Denomination of Coin, be not a public Cheat?
29. What makes a wealthy People? Whether Mines of Gold and Silver are capable of doing this? And whether the Negroes amidst the Gold Sands of
Afric,
are not poor and destitute?
30. Whether there be any Virtue in Gold or Silver, other than as they set People at Work, or create Industry?
31. Whether it be not the Opinion or Will of the People, exciting them to Industry, that truly enricheth a Nation? And whether this doth not principally depend on the Means for counting, transferring, and preserving Power, that is, Property of all Kinds?
32. Whether if there was no Silver or Gold in the Kingdom, our Trade might not nevertheless supply Bills of Exchange, sufficient to answer the Demands of Absentees in
England.
or elsewhere?
33. Whether current Bank-Notes may not be deemed Money? And whether they are not actually the greater Part of the Money of this Kingdom?
34. Provided the Wheels move, whether it is not the same Thing, as to the Effect of the Machine, be this done by the Force of Wind, or Water, or Animals?
35. Whether Power to command the Industry of others be not real Wealth? And whether Money be not in truth, Tickets or Tokens for conveying and recording such Power, and whether it be of great Consequence what Materials the Tickets are made of?
36. Whether Trade, either foreign or domestic, be in truth any more than this Commerce of Industry?
37. Whether to promote, transfer, and secure this Commerce, and this Property in human Labour, or, in other words, this Power, be not the sole Means of enriching a People, and how far this may be done independently of Gold and Silver?
38. Whether it were not wrong to suppose Land itself to be Wealth? And whether the Industry of the People is not first to be considered, as that which constitutes Wealth, which makes even Land and Silver to be Wealth, neither of which would have any Value, but as Means and Motives to Industry?
39. Whether in the Wastes of
America,
a Man might not possess twenty Miles square of Land, and yet want his Dinner, or a Coat to his Back?
40. Whether a fertile Land, and the Industry of its Inhabitants, would not prove inexhaustible Funds of real Wealth, be the Counters for conveying and recording thereof what you will, Paper, Gold, or Silver?
41. Whether a single Hint be sufficient to overcome a Prejudice? And whether even obvious Truths will not sometimes bear repeating?
42. Whether if human Labour be the true Source of Wealth, it doth not follow that Idleness should of all Things be discouraged in a wise State?
43. Whether even Gold, or Silver, if they should lessen the Industry of its Inhabitants, would not be ruinous to a Country? And whether
Spain
be not an Instance of this?
44. Whether the Opinion of Men, and their Industry consequent thereupon, be not the true Wealth of
Holland,
and not the Silver supposed to be deposited in the Bank at
Amsterdam?
45. Whether there is in truth any such Treasure lying dead? And whether it be of great Consequence to the Public, that it should be real, rather than notional?
46. Whether in order to understand the true Nature of Wealth and Commerce, it would not be right to consider a Ship's Crew cast upon a desert Island, and by degrees forming themselves to Business and civil Life, while Industry begot Credit, and Credit moved to Industry?
47. Whether such Men would not all set themselves to Work? Whether they would not subsist by the mutual Participation of each other's Industry? Whether when one Man had in his Way procured more than he could consume, he would not exchange his Superfluities to supply his Wants? Whether this must not produce Credit? Whether to facilitate these Conveyances, to record and circulate this Credit, they would not soon agree on certain Tallies, Tokens, Tickets, or Counters?
48. Whether Reflexion in the better Sort might not soon remedy our Evils? And whether our real Defect be not in a wrong Way of Thinking?
49. Whether it would not be an unhappy Turn in our Gentlemen, if they should take more Thought to create an Interest to themselves in this or that County, or Borough, than to promote the real Interest of their Country?
50. Whether if a Man builds a House he doth not in the first Place provide a Plan which governs his Work? And shall the Public act without an End, a View, a Plan?
51. Whether by how much the less particular Folk think for themselves, the Public be not so much the more obliged to think for them?
52. Whether small Gains be not the Way to great Profit? And if our Tradesmen are Beggars, whether they may not thank themselves for it?
53. Whether some Way might not be found for making Criminals useful in public Works, instead of sending them either to
America,
or to the other World?
54. Whether we may not, as well as other Nations, contrive Employment for them? And whether Servitude, Chains, and hard Labour, for a Term of Years, would not be a more discouraging, as well as a more adequate Punishment for Felons, than even Death itself?
55. Whether there are not such Things in
Holland
as bettering Houses, for bringing young Gentlemen to Order? And whether such an Institution would be useless among us?
56. Whether it be true, that the Poor in
Holland
have no Resource but their own Labour, and yet there are no Beggars in their Streets?
57. Whether he whose Luxury consumeth foreign Products, and whose Industry produceth nothing domestic to exchange for them, is not so far forth injurious to his Country?
58. Whether Necessity is not to be hearkened to before Convenience, and Convenience before Luxury?
59. Whether to provide plentifully for the Poor, be not feeding the Root, the Substance whereof will shoot upwards into the Branches, and cause the Top to flourish?
60. Whether there be any Instance of a State wherein the People, living neatly and plentifully, did not aspire to Wealth?
61. Whether Nastiness and Beggary do not, on the contrary, extinguish all such Ambition, making Men listless, hopeless, and slothful?
62. Whether a Country inhabited by People well fed, clothed and lodged, would not become every Day more populous? And whether a numerous Stock of People in such Circumstances would not constitute a flourishing Nation; and how far the Product of our own Country may suffice for the compassing of this End?
63. Whether a People, who had provided themselves with the Necessaries of Life in good Plenty, would not soon extend their Industry to new Arts and new Branches of Commerce?
64. Whether those same Manufactures which
England
imports from other Countries, may not be admitted from
Ireland?
And, if so, whether Lace, Carpets and Tapestry, three considerable Articles, of
English
Importation, might not find Encouragement in
Ireland?
And whether an Academy for Design might not greatly conduce to the perfecting those Manufactures among us?
65. Whether
France
and
Flanders
could have drawn so much Money from
England,
for figured Silks, Lice, and Tapestry, if they had not had Academies for Designing?
66. Whether when a Room was once prepared, and Models in Plaister of
Paris,
the Annual Expence of such an Academy need stand the Public in above two hundred Pounds a Year?
67. Whether our Linen-Manufacture would not find the Benefit of this Institution? and whether there be any Thing that makes us fall short of the
Dutch,
in Damasks, Diapers, and printed Linen but our Ignorance in Design?
68. Whether those, who may slight this Affair as notional, have sufficiently considered the extensive Use of the Art of Design, and its Influence in most Trades and Manufactures, wherein the Forms of Things are often more regarded than the Materials
Since the first Publication of this Query, the Art of Design seems to be more considered and countenanced among us.
.
69. Whether there be any Art sooner learned than that of making Carpets? And whether our Women, with little Time and Pains, may not make more beautiful Carpets than those imported from
Turkey?
And whether this Branch of the Woollen-Manufacture be not open to us?
70. Whether human Industry can produce, from such cheap Materials, a Manufacture of so great Value, by any other Art, as by those of Sculpture and Painting?
71. Whether Pictures and Statues are not in Fact so much Treasure? And whether
Rome
and
Florence
would not be poor Towns without them?
72. Whether they do not bring ready Money, as well as Jewels? Whether in
Italy
Debts are not paid, and Children portioned with them, as with Gold and Silver?
73. Whether it would not be more prudent, to strike out, and exert ourselves in permitted Branches of Trade, than to fold our Hands and repine, that we are not allowed the Woollen?
74. Whether it be true, that two Millions are yearly expended by
England
by foreign Lace and Linen?
75. Whether immense Sums are not drawn yearly into the
Northern
Countries, for supplying the
British
Navy with Hempen Manufactures?
76. Whether there be any Thing more profitable than Hemp? And whether there should not be great Praemiums for encouraging our Hempen Trade? What Advantages may not
Great-Britain
make of a Country where Land and Labour are so cheap?
77. Whether
Ireland
alone might not raise Hemp sufficient for the
British
Navy? And whether it would not be vain to expect this from the
British
Colonies in
America,
where Hands are so scarce, and Labour so excessively dear?
78. Whether if our our own People want Will or Capacity for such an Attempt, it might not be worth while for some undertaking Spirits in
England
to make Settlements, and raise Hemp in the Counties of
Clare
and
Limerick,
than which, perhaps, there is not fitter Land in the World for that Purpose? And whether both Nations would not find their Advantage therein?
79. Whether if all the idle Hands in this Kingdom were employed on Hemp and Flax, we might not find sufficient Vent for these Manufactures?
80. How far it may be in our own Power to better our Affairs, without interfering with our Neighbours?
81. Whether the Prohibition of our Woollen-Trade, ought not naturally to put us on other Methods, which give no Jealousy?
82. Whether Paper be not a valuable Article of Commerce? And whether it be not true, that one single Bookseller in
London
yearly expended above four thousand Pounds in that foreign Commodity?
83. How it comes to pass, that the
Venetians
and
Genoese,
who wear so much less Linen, and so much worse than we do, should yet make very good Paper, and in great Quantity, while we make very little?
84. How long it will be before my Countrymen find out, that it is worth while to spend a Peny, in order to get a Groat?
85. If all the Land were tilled that is fit for Tillage, and all that sowed with Hemp and Flax that is fit for raising them, whether we should have much Sheep-walk beyond what was sufficient to supply the Necessities of the Kingdom?
86. Whether other Countries have not flourished without the Woollen-Trade?
87. Whether it be not a sure Sign, or Effect of a Country's thriving, to see it well cultivated and full of Inhabitants? And if so, whether a great Quantity of Sheep-walk, be not ruinous to a Country, rendering it waste and thinly inhabited?
88. Whether the employing so much of our Land under Sheep, be not in fact an
Irish
Blunder?
89. Whether our hankering after our Woollen-Trade, be not the true and only Reason, which hath created a Jealousy in
England
towards
Ireland?
And whether any Thing can hurt us more than such Jealousy?
90. Whether it be not the true Interest of both Nations, to become one People? And whether either be sufficiently apprized of this?
91. Whether the upper Part of this People are not truly
English,
by Blood, Language, Religion, Manners, Inclination and Interest?
92. Whether we are not as much
Englishmen,
as the Children of old
Romans
born in
Britain,
were still
Romans?
93. Whether it be not our true Interest, not to interfere with them; and, in every other Case, whether it be not their true interest to befriend us?
94. Whether a Mint in
Ireland
might not be of great Convenience to the Kingdom; and whether it could be attended with any possible Inconvenience to
Great-Britain?
And whether there were not Mints in
Naples
and in
Sicily,
when those Kingdoms were Provinces to
Spain,
or the House of
Austria?
95. Whether any Thing can be more ridiculous, than for the
North
of
Ireland
to be jealous of a Linen-Manufacture in the
South?
96. Whether the County of
Tipperary
be not much better Land than the County of
Armagh;
and yet, whether the latter is not much better improved and inhabited than the former?
97. Whether every Landlord in the Kingdom doth not know the Cause of this? And yet how few are the better for such their Knowledge?
98. Whether large Farms under few Hands, or small ones under many, are likely to be made most of? And whether Flax and Tillage do not naturally multiply Hands, and divide Land into small Holdings, and well-improved?
99. Whether, as our Exports are lessened, we ought not to lessen our Imports? And whether these will not be lessened as our Demands, and these as our Wants, and these as our Customs or Fashions? Of how great Consequence therefore are Fashions to the Public?
100. Whether it would not be more reasonable to mend our State than to complain of it; and how far this may be in our own Power?
101. What the Nation gains by those who live in
Ireland
upon the Produce of foreign Countries?
102. How far the Vanity of our Ladies in dressing, and of our Gentlemen in drinking, contributes to the general Misery of the People?
103. Whether Nations as wife and opulent as ours, have not made sumptuary Laws; and what hinders us from doing the same?
104. Whether those who drink foreign Liquors, and deck themselves and their Families with foreign Ornaments, are not so far forth to be reckoned Absentees?
105. Whether as our Trade is limited, we ought not to limit our Expences; and whether this be not the natural and obvious Remedy?
106. Whether the Dirt, and Famine, and Nakedness of the Bulk of our People, might not be remedied, even although we had no foreign Trade? And whether this should not be our first Care; and whether, if this were once provided for, the Conveniencies of the Rich would not soon follow?
107. Whether comfortable Living doth not produce Wants, and Wants Industry, and Industry Wealth?
108. Whether there is not a great Difference between
Holland
and
Ireland?
And whether foreign Commerce, without which the one could not subsist, be so necessary for the other?
109. Might we not put a Hand to the Plough, or the Spade, although we had no foreign Commerce?
110. Whether the Exigencies of Nature are not to be answered by Industry on our own Soil? And how far the Conveniences and Comforts of Life may be procured, by a domestic Commerce between the several Parts of this Kingdom?
111. Whether the Women may not few, spin, weave, embroider, sufficiently for the Embellishment of their Persons, and even enough to raise Envy in each other, without being beholden to foreign Countries?
112. Suppose the Bulk of our Inhabitants had Shoes to their Feet, Clothes to their Backs, and Beef in their Bellies? Might not such a State be eligible for the Public, even though the 'Squires were condemned to drink Ale and Cider?
113. Whether if Drunkenness be a necessary Evil, Men may not as well drink the Growth of their own Country?
114. Whether a Nation within itself might not have real Wealth, sufficient to give its Inhabitants Power and Distinction, without the Help of Gold and Silver?
115. Whether, if the Arts of Sculpture and Painting were encouraged among us, we might not furnish our Houses in a much nobler Manner with our own Manufactures?
116. Whether we have not, or may not have, all the necessary Materials for Building at home?
117. Whether Tiles and Plaister may not supply the Place of
Norway
Fir, for Flooring and Wainscot?
118. Whether Plaister be not warmer, as well as more secure, than Deal? And whether a modern fashionable House, lined with Fir, daubed over with Oil and Paint, be not like a Fire-ship, ready to be lighted up by all Accidents?
119. Whether larger Houses, better built and furnished, a greater Train of Servants, the Difference with regard to Equipage and Table, between finer and coarser, more and less elegant, may not be sufficient to feed a reasonable Share of Vanity, or support all proper Distinctions? And whether all these may not be procured, by domestic Industry out of the four Elements, without ransacking the four Quarters of the Globe?
120. Whether any Thing is a nobler Ornament, in the Eye of the World, than an
Italian
Palace, that is, Stone and Morter skilfully put together, and adorned with Sculpture and Painting; and whether this may not be compassed without foreign Trade?
121. Whether an Expence in Gardens and Plantations would not be an elegant Distinction for the Rich, a domestic Magnificence, employing many Hands within, and drawing nothing from abroad?
122. Whether the Apology which is made for foreign Luxury in
England,
to wit, that they could not carry on their Trade without Imports as well as Exports, will hold in
Ireland?
123. Whether one may not be allowed to conceive and suppose a Society, or Nation of human Creatures, clad in Woollen Cloths and Stuffs, eating good Bread, Beef, and Mutton, Poultry and Fish in great Plenty, drinking Ale, Mead, and Cider, inhabiting decent Houses built of brick and Marble, taking their Pleasure in fair Parks and Gardens, depending on no foreign Imports either for Food or Raiment? And whether such People ought much to be pitied?
124. Whether
Ireland
be not as well qualified for such a State, as any Nation under the Sun?
125. Whether in such a State the Inhabitants may not contrive to pass the twenty-four Hours, with tolerable Ease and Chearfulness? And whether any People upon Earth can do more?
126. Whether they may not eat, drink, play, dress, visit, sleep in good Beds, fit by good Fires, build, plant, raise a Name, make Estates, and spend them?
127. Whether upon the whole, a domestic Trade may not suffice in such a Country as
Ireland,
to nourish and clothe its Inhabitants, and provide them with the reasonable Conveniencies, and even Comforts of Life?
128. Whether a general Habit of living well, would not produce Numbers and Industry; and, whether, considering the Tendency of human Kind, the Consequence thereof would not be foreign Trade and Riches, how unnecessary soever?
129. Whether, nevertheless, it be a Crime to enquire how far we may do without foreign Trade, and what would follow on such a Supposition?
130. Whether the Number and Welfare of the Subjects be not the true Strength of the Crown?
131. Whether in all public Institutions, there should not be an End proposed, which is to be the Rule and Limit of the Means? Whether this End should not be the Well-being of the Whole? And whether, in order to this, the first Step should not be to clothe and feed our People?
132. Whether there be upon Earth any Christian, or civilized People, so beggarly, wretched, and destitute, as the common
Irish?
133. Whether, nevertheless, there is any other People whose Wants may be more easily supplied from home?
134. Whether, if there was a Wall of Brass a thousand Cubits high, round this Kingdom, our Natives might not nevertheless live cleanly and comfortably, till the Land, and reap the Fruits of it?
135. What should hinder us from exerting ourselves, using our Hands and Brains, doing something or other, Man, Woman and Child, like the other Inhabitants of God's Earth?
136. Be the restraining our Trade well or ill advised in our Neighbours, with respect to their own Interest, yet whether it be not plainly ours to accommodate ourselves to it?
137. Whether it be not vain to think of persuading other People to see their Interest, while we continue blind to our own?
138. Whether there be any other Nation possessed of so much good Land, and so many able Hands to work it, which yet is beholden for Bread to foreign Countries?
139. Whether it be true, that we import Corn to the Value of two hundred thousand Pounds in some Years?
Things are now better in respect of this Particular, and some others, than they were when the
Querist
was first published.
140. Whether we are not undone by Fashions made for other People? And whether it be not Madness in a poor Nation to imitate a rich one?
141. Whether a Woman of Fashion ought not to be declared a public Enemy?
142. Whether it be not certain, that from the single Town of
Cork
were exported, in one Year, no less than one hundred and seven thousand one hundred sixty-one Barrels of Beef; seven thousand three hundred and seventy-nine Barrels of Pork; thirteen thousand four hundred and sixty-one Casks, and eighty-five thousand seven hundred and twenty-seven Firkins of Butter? And what Hands were employed in this Manufacture?
143. Whether a Foreigner could imagine, that one half of the People were starving, in a Country which sent out such Plenty of Provisions?
144. Whether an
Irish
Lady, set out with
French
Silks, and
Flanders
Lace, may not be said to consume more Beef and Butter than a hundred of our labouring Peasants?
145. Whether nine Tenths of our foreign Trade be not carried on singly to support the Article of Vanity?
146. Whether it can be hoped, that private Persons will not indulge this Folly, unless restrained by the Public?
147. How Vanity is maintained in other Countries? Whether in
Hungary
for Instance, a proud Nobility are not subsisted with small Imports from abroad?
148. Whether there be a prouder People upon Earth than the noble
Venetians,
although they all wear plain black Clothes?
149. Whether a People are to be pitied, that will not sacrifice their little particular Vanities to the public Good? And yet, whether each Part would not except their own Foible from this public Sacrifice, the 'Squire his Bottle, the Lady her Lace?
150. Whether Claret be not often drank rather for Vanity than for Health, or Pleasure?
151. Whether it be true, that Men of nice Palates have been imposed on, by Elder Wine for
French
Claret, and by Mead for Palm Sack?
152. Do not
Englishmen
abroad purchase Beer and Cider at ten Times the Price of Wine?
153. How many Gentlemen are there in
England
of a thousand Pounds
per Annum,
who never drink Wine in their own Houses? Whether the same may be said of any in
Ireland
who have even one hundred Pounds
per Annum?
154. What Reason have our Neighbours in
England
for discouraging
French
Wines, which may not hold with respect to us also?
155. How much of the necessary Sustenance of our People is yearly exported for Brandy?
156. Whether, if People must poison themselves, they had not better do it with their own Growth?
157. If we imported neither Claret from
France,
nor Fir from
Norway,
what the Nation would save by it?
158. When the Root yieldeth insufficient Nourishment, whether Men do not top the Tree to make the lower Branches thrive?
159. Whether, if our Ladies drank Sage or Baum Tea out of
Irish
Ware, it would be an insupportable national Calamity?
160. Whether it be really true that such Wine is best as most encourages drinking,
i. e.
that must be given in the largest Dose to produce its Effect? And whether this holds with regard to any other Medicine?
161. Whether that Trade should not be accounted most pernicious, wherein the Balance is most against us? And whether this be not the Trade with
France?
162. Whether it be not even Madness, to encourage Trade with a Nation that takes nothing of our Manufacture?
163. Whether
Ireland
can hope to thrive, if the major Part of her Patriots should be found in the
French
Interest?
164. Whether great Plenty and Variety of excellent Wines are not to be had on the Coasts of
Italy
and
Sicily?
And whether those Countries would not take our Commodities of Linen, Leather, Butter,
&c.
in exchange for them?
165. Particularly, whether the
Vinum Mamertinum,
which grows on the Mountains about
Messina,
a red, generous Wine, highly esteemed (if we may credit
Pliny
) by the ancient
Romans,
would not come cheap, and please the Palates of our Islanders?
166. Why, if a Bribe by the Palate or the Purse be in effect the same Thing, they should not be alike infamous?
167. Whether the Vanity and Luxury of a few ought to stand in Competition with the Interest of a Nation?
168. Whether national Wants ought not to be the Rule of Trade? And whether the most pressing Wants of the Majority ought not to be first considered?
169. Whether it is possible the Country should be well improved, while our Beef is exported, and our Labourers live upon Potatoes?
170. If it be resolved that we cannot do without foreign Trade, whether, at least, it may not be worth while to consider what Branches thereof deserve to be entertained, and how far we may be able to carry it on under our present Limitations?
171. What foreign Imports may be necessary, for clothing and feeding the Families of Persons not worth above one hundred Pounds a Year? And how many wealthier there are in the Kingdom, and what Proportion they bear to the other Inhabitants?
172. Whether Trade be not then on a right Foot, when foreign Commodities are imported in Exchange only for domestic Superfluities?
173. Whether the Quantities of Beef, Butter, Wooll and Leather, exported from this Island, can be reckoned the Superfluities of a Country, where there are so many Natives naked and famished?
174. Whether it would not be wise so to order our Trade, as to export Manufactures rather than Provisions, and of those such as employ most Hands?
175. Whether she would not be a very vile Matron, and justly thought either mad or foolish, that should give away the Necessaries of Life, from her naked and famished Children, in Exchange for Pearls to stick in her Hair, and sweet Meats to please her own Palate?
176. Whether a Nation might not be considered as a Family?
177. Whether the Remark made by a
Venetian
Ambassador to Cardinal
Richlieu
—
That
France
needed nothing to be rich and easy, but to know how to spend what she dissipates
—may not be of use also to other People?
178. Whether hungry Cattle will not leap over Bounds? And, whether most Men are not hungry in a Country where expensive Fashions obtain?
179. Whether there should not be published yearly, Schedules of our Trade, containing an Account of the Imports and Exports of the foregoing Year?
180. Whether other Methods may not be found for supplying the Funds, besides the Custom on Things imported?
181. Whether any Art or Manufacture be so difficult as the making of good Laws?
182. Whether our Peers and Gentlemen are born Legislators? Or, whether that Faculty be acquired by Study and Reflexion?
183. Whether to comprehend the real Interest of a People, and the Means to procure it, doth not imply some Fund of Knowledge, historical, moral and political, with a Faculty of Reason improved by Learning?
184. Whether every Enemy to Learning be not a
Goth?
And whether every such
Goth
among us be not an Enemy to the Country?
185. Whether, therefore, it would not be an Omen of ill Presage, a dreadful Phaenomenon in the Land, if our great Men should take it in their Heads to deride Learning and Education?
186. Whether on the contrary, it should not seem worth while to erect a Mart of Literature in this Kingdom, under wiser Regulations and better Discipline than in any other Part of
Europe?
And whether this would not be an infallible Means of drawing Men and Money into the Kingdom?
187. Whether the governed be not too numerous for the governing Part of our College? And whether it might not be expedient to convert thirty Natives-Places into twenty Fellowships?
188. Whether if we had two Colleges, there might not spring an useful Emulation between them? And whether it might not be contrived, so to divide the Fellows, Scholars and Revenues between both, as that no Member should be a Loser thereby?
189. Whether ten thousand Pounds well laid out, might not build a decent College, fit to contain two hundred Persons; and whether the Purchase-Money of the Chambers, would not go a good Way towards defraying the Expence?
190. Where this College should be situated?
191. Whether in Imitation of the Jesuits at
Paris,
who admit Protestants to study in their Colleges, it may not be right for us also to admit Roman-Catholics into our College, without obliging them to attend Chapel-Duties, or Catechisms, or Divinity-Lectures? And whether this might not keep Money in the Kingdom, and prevent the Prejudices of a foreign Education?
192. Whether it is possible a State should not thrive, whereof the lower part were industrious, and the upper wise?
193. Whether the collected Wisdom of Ages and Nations be not found in Books?
194. Whether
Themistocles
his Art of making a little City, or a little People, become a great one, be learned any where so well as in the Writings of the Ancients?
195. Whether a wise State hath any Interest nearer Heart than the Education of Youth?
196. Whether the Mind, like Soil, doth not by Disuse grow stiff; and whether Reasoning and Study be not like stirring and dividing the Glebe?
197. Whether an early Habit of Reflexion, although obtained by speculative Sciences, may not have its Use in practical Affairs?
198. Whether even those Parts of Academical Learning which are quite forgotten, may not have improved and enriched the Soil, like those Vegetables which are raised, not for themselves, but plowed in for a Dressing of Land?
199. Whether it was not an
Irish
Professor who first opened the public Schools at
Oxford?
Whether this Island hath not been anciently famous for Learning? And whether at this Day it hath any better Chance for being considerable?
200. Whether we may not with better Grace sit down and complain, when we have done all that lies in our Power to help ourselves?
201. Whether the Gentleman of Estate hath a right to be idle; and whether he ought not to be the great Promoter and Director of Industry, among his Tenants and Neighbours?
202. Whether in the Cantons of
Switzerland
all under thirty Years of Age are not excluded from their great Councils?
203. Whether
Homer
's Compendium of Education,
Iliad ix.
,
would not be a good Rule for modern Educators of Youth? And whether half the Learning and Study of these Kingdoms is not useless, for want of a proper Delivery and Pronunciation being taught in our Schools and Colleges?
204. Whether in any Order a good Building can be made of bad Materials? Or whether any Form of Government can make a happy State out of bad Individuals?
205. What was it that
Solomon
compared to a Jewel of Gold in a Swine's Snout?
206. Whether the Public is more concerned in any Thing than in the Procreation of able Citizens?
207. Whether to the Multiplying of Human-Kind, it would not much conduce, if Marriages were made with good-liking?
208. Whether, if Women had no Portions, we should then see so many unhappy and unfruitful Marriages?
209. Whether the Laws be not, according to
Aristotle,
a Mind without Appetite or Passion? And consequently without Respect of Persons?
210. Suppose a rich Man's Son marries a poor Man's Daughter, suppose also that a poor Man's Daughter is deluded and debauched by the Son of a rich Man; which is most to be pitied?
211. Whether the Punishment should be placed on the Seduced, or the Seducer?
212. Whether a Promise made before God and Man in the most solemn Manner ought to be violated?
213. Whether it was
Plato
's Opinion that
for the Good of the Community, rich should marry with rich? de Leg.
l. 4.
214. Whether as Seed equally scattered produceth a goodly Harvest, even so an equal Distribution of Wealth doth not cause a Nation to flourish?
215. Whence is it that
Barbs
and
Arabs
are so good Horses? And whether in those Countries they are not exactly nice in admitting none but Males of a good Kind to their Mares?
216. What Effects would the same Care produce in Families?
217. Whether the real Foundation for Wealth must not be laid in the Numbers, the Frugality and the Industry of the People? And whether all Attempts to enrich a Nation by other Means, as raising the Coin, Stock-Jobbing and such Arts, are not vain?
218. Whether a Door ought not to be shut against all other Methods of growing rich, save only by Industry and Merit? And whether Wealth got otherwise would not be ruinous to the Public?
219. Whether the Abuse of Banks and Paper-Money is a just Objection against the use thereof? And whether such Abuse might not easily be prevented?
220. Whether national Banks are not found useful in
Venice, Holland
and
Hamburgh?
And whether it is not possible to contrive one that may be useful also in
Ireland?
221. Whether the Banks of
Venice
and
Amsterdam,
are not in the Hands of the Public?
222. Whether it may not be worth while to inform ourselves in the Nature of those Banks? And what Reason can be assigned, why
Ireland
should not reap the Benefit of such public Banks, as well as other Countries?
223. Whether a Bank of national Credit, supported by public Funds and secured by Parliament, be a Chimera or impossible Thing? and if not, what would follow from the Supposal of such a Bank?
224. Whether the Currency of a Credit so well secured would not be of great Advantage to our Trade and Manufactures?
225. Whether the Notes of such public Bank would not have a more general Circulation than those of private Banks, as being less subject to Frauds and Hazards?
226. Whether it be not agreed that Paper hath in many Respects, the Advantage above Coin, as being of more Dispatch in Payments, more easily transferred, preserved and recovered when lost?
227. Whether, besides these Advantages, there be not an evident Necessity for circulating Credit by Paper, from the Defect of Coin in this Kingdom?
228. Whether it be rightly remarked by some, that, as Banking brings no Treasure into the Kingdom like Trade, private Wealth must sink as the Bank riseth? And whether whatever causeth Industry to flourish and circulate, may not be said to increase our Treasure?
229 Whether the ruinous Effects of
Mississippi, South-Sea,
and such Schemes, were not owing to an abuse of Paper-Money or Credit, in making it a Means for Idleness and Gaming, instead of a Motive and Help to Industry?
230. Whether the Rise of the Bank of
Amsterdam
was not purely casual, for the Security and Dispatch of Payments? And whether the good Effects thereof, in supplying the Place of Coin, and promoting a ready Circulation of Industry and Commerce, may not be a Lesson to us, to do that by Design, which others fell upon by Chance?
231. Whether plenty of small Cash be not absolutely necessary for keeping up a Circulation among the People; that is, whether Copper be not more necessary than Gold?
232. Whether that, which increaseth the Stock of a Nation, be not a Means of increasing its Trade? And whether that, which increaseth the current Credit of a Nation, may not be said to increase its Stock?
233. Whether the Credit of the public Funds be not a Mine of Gold to
England?
And whether any Step that should lessen this Credit ought not to be dreaded?
234. Whether such Credit be not the principal Advantage that
England
hath over
France?
I may add, over every other Country in
Europe.
235. Whether by this the Public is not become possessed of the Wealth of Foreigners as well as Natives? And whether
England
be not in some sort the Treasury of
Christendom?
236. Whether as our current domestic Credit grew, Industry would not grow likewise? and if Industry, our Manufactures; and if these, our foreign Credit?
237. Whether foreign Demands may not be answered by our Exports without drawing Cash out of the Kingdom?
238. Whether as Industry increased, our Manufactures would not flourish? and as these flourished, whether better Returns would not be made from Estates to their Landlords, both within and without the Kingdom?
239. Whether the sure Way to supply People with Tools and Materials, and to set them at Work, be not a free Circulation of Money, whether Silver of Paper?
240. Whether in
New England,
all Trade and Business is not as much at a Stand, upon a Scarcity of Paper-Money, as with us from the Want of Specie?
241. Whether it be certain, that the Quantity of Silver in the Bank of
Amsterdam
be greater now than at first? but whether it be not certain that there is a greater Circulation of Industry and Extent of Trade, more People, Ships, Houses and Commodities of all Sorts, more Power by Sea and Land?
242. Whether Money, lying dead in the Bank of
Amsterdam,
would not be as useless as in the Mine?
243. Whether our visible Security in Land could be doubted? And whether there be any Thing like this in the Bank of
Amsterdam?
244. Whether it be just to apprehend Danger from trusting a national Bank with Power to extend its Credit, to circulate Notes which it shall be Felony to counterfeit, to receive Goods on Loans, to purchase Lands, to sell also or alienate them, and to deal in Bills of Exchange; when these Powers are no other than have been trusted for many Years with the Bank of
England,
although in Truth but a private Bank?
245. Whether the Objection from Monopolies and an Over-Growth of Power, which are made against private Banks, can possibly hold against a national one?
246. Whether the evil Effects, which of late Years have attended Paper-Money and Credit in
Europe,
did not spring from Subscriptions, Shares, Dividends and Stock-Jobbing?
247. Whether the great Evils attending Paper-Money in the
British
Plantations of
America
have not sprung from the over-rating their Lands, and issuing Paper without Discretion, and from the Legislators breaking their own Rules in Favour of themselves, thus sacrificing the Public to their private Benefit? And whether a little Sense and Honesty might not easily prevent all such Inconveniencies?
248. Whether the Subject of Free-thinking in Religion be not exhausted? And whether it be not high Time for our Free-Thinkers to turn their Thoughts to the Improvement of their Country?
249. Whether it must not be ruinous for a Nation to sit down to game, be it with Silver or with Paper?
250. Whether, therefore, the circulating Paper, in the late ruinous Schemes of
France
and
England,
was the true Evil, and not rather the circulating thereof without Industry? And whether the Bank of
Amsterdam,
where Industry had been for so many Years subsisted and circulated by Transfers on Paper, doth not clearly decide this Point?
251. Whether there are not to be seen in
America
fair Towns, wherein the People are well lodged, fed and clothed, without a Beggar in their Streets, although there be not one Grain of Gold or Silver current among them?
252. Whether these People do not exercise all Arts and Trades, build Ships and navigate them to all Parts of the World, purchase Lands, till and reap the Fruits of them, buy and sell, educate and provide for their Children? Whether they do not even indulge themselves in foreign Vanities?
253. Whether, whatever Inconveniencies those People may have incurred, from not observing either Rules or Bounds in their Paper-Money, yet it be not certain that they are in a more flourishing Condition, have larger and better built Towns, more Plenty, more Industry, more Arts and Civility, and a more extensive Commerce, than when they had Gold and Silver current among them?
254. Whether a View of the ruinous Effects of absurd Schemes and Credit mismanaged, so as to produce Gaming and Madness instead of Industry, can be any just Objection against a national Bank calculated purely to promote Industry?
255. Whether a Scheme for the Welfare of this Nation should not take in the whole Inhabitants? And whether it be not a vain Attempt, to project the flourishing of our Protestant Gentry, exclusive of the Bulk of the Natives?
256. Whether an Oath, testifying Allegiance to the King and disclaiming the Pope's Authority in Temporals, may not be justly required of the Roman-Catholics? And whether, in common Prudence or Policy, any Priest should be tolerated who refuseth to take it?
257. Whether there is any such Thing as a Body of Inhabitants, in any Roman-Catholic Country under the Sun, that profess an absolute Submission to the Pope's Orders in Matters of an indifferent Nature, or that in such Points do not think it their Duty, to obey the civil Government?
258. Whether since the Peace of
Utrecht,
Mass was not celebrated, and the Sacraments administred in divers Dioceses of
Sicily,
notwithstanding the
Pope
's Interdict?
259. Whether a Sum, which would go but a little Way towards erecting Hospitals for maintaining and educating the Children of the native
Irish,
might not go far in binding them out Apprentices to Protestant Masters, for Husbandry, useful Trades, and the Service of Families?
260. Whether there be any Instance, of a People's being converted in a Christian Sense otherwise than by preaching to them and instructing them in their own Language?
261. Whether Catechists in the
Irish
Tongue may not easily be procured and subsisted? And whether this would not be the most practicable Means for converting the Natives?
262. Whether it be not of great Advantage to the Church of
Rome,
that she hath Clergy suited to all Ranks of Men, in gradual Subordination from Cardinals down to Mendicants?
263. Whether her numerous poor Clergy are not very useful in Missions, and of much Influence with the People?
264. Whether in Defect of able Missionaries, Persons conversant in low Life, and speaking the
Irish
Tongue, if well instructed in the first Principles of Religion and in the popish Controversy, though for the rest on a Level with the Parish Clerks, or the School-masters of Charity-Schools, may not be fit to mix with and bring over our poor illiterate Natives to the established Church? Whether it is not to be wished that some Parts of our Liturgy and Homilies were publicly read in the
Irish
Language? And whether, in these Views, it may not be right to breed up some of the better Sort of Children in the Charity-Schools and qualify them for Missionaries, Catechists and Readers?
265. Whether a 'Squire possessed of Land to the Value of a thousand Pounds
per Annum,
or a Merchant worth twenty thousand Pounds in Cash would have most Power to do good or evil upon any Emergency? And whether the suffering Roman Catholics to purchase forfeited Lands, would not be good Policy as tending to unite their Interest with that of the Government?
266. Whether the Sea-ports of
Galway, Limerick, Cork,
and
Waterford,
are not to be looked on as Keys of this Kingdom? And whether the Merchants are not possessed of these Keys; and who are the most numerous Merchants in those Cities?
267. Whether a Merchant cannot more speedily raise a Sum, more easily conceal or transfer his Effects, and engage in any desperate Design with more safety than a landed Man, whose Estate is a Pledge for his Behaviour?
268. Whether a wealthy Merchant bears not great Sway among the Populace of a trading City? And whether Power be not ultimately lodged in the People?
269. Whether, as others have supposed an
Atlantis,
or
Eutopia,
we also may not suppose an
Hyperborean
Island inhabited by reasonable Creatures?
270. Whether an indifferent Person, who looks into all Hands, may not be a better Judge of the Game than a Party who sees only his own?
271. Whether there be any Country in Christendom more capable of Improvement than
Ireland?
272. Whether we are not as far before other Nations with respect to natural Advantages, as we are behind them with respect to Arts and Industry?
273. Whether we do not live in a most fertile Soil and temperate Climate, and yet whether our People in general do not feel great Want and Misery?
274. Whether my Countrymen are not readier at finding Excuses than Remedies?
275. Whether the Wealth and Prosperity of our Country do not hang by a Hair, the Probity of one Banker, the Caution of another, and the Lives of all?
276. Whether we have not been sufficiently admonished of this by some late Events?
277. Whether a national Bank would not at once secure our Properties, put an End to Usury, facilitate Commerce, supply the Want of Coin, and produce ready Payments in all Parts of the Kingdom?
278. Whether the Use or Nature of Money, which all Men so eagerly pursue, be yet sufficiently understood or considered by all?
279. What doth
Aristotle
mean by saying—
.
de Repub. l.
ix. 9.
280. Whether Mankind are not governed by Imitation rather than by Reason?
281. Whether there be not a Measure or Limit within which Gold and Silver are useful, and beyond which they may be hurtful?
282. Whether that Measure be not the circulating of Industry?
283. Whether a Discovery of the richest Gold Mine, that ever was, in the Heart of this Kingdom, would be a real Advantage to us?
284. Whether it would not tempt Foreigners to prey upon us?
285. Whether it would not render us a lazy, proud, and dastardly People?
286. Whether every Man who had Money enough, would not be a Gentleman? And whether a Nation of Gentlemen would not be a wretched Nation?
287. Whether all Things would not bear a high Price? And whether Men would not increase their Fortunes without being the better for it?
288. Whether the same Evils would be apprehended from Paper-Money under an honest and thrifty Regulation?
289. Whether, therefore, a national Bank would not be more beneficial than even a Mine of Gold?
290. Whether without private Banks what little Business and Industry there is would not stagnate? But whether it be not a mighty Privilege for a private Person, to be able to create an hundred Pounds with a Dash of his Pen?
291. Whether the wise State of
Venice
was not the first that conceived the Advantage of a national Bank?
292. Whether the great Exactness and Integrity, with which this Bank is managed, be not the chief Support of that Republic?
293. Whether the Bank of
Amsterdam
was not begun about one hundred and thirty Years ago, and whether at this Day, its Stock be not conceived to amount to three thousand Tons of Gold, or thirty Millions Sterling?
294. Whether all Payments of Contracts for Goods in gross and Letters of Exchange, must not be made by Transfers in the Bank Books, provided the Sum exceed three hundred Florins?
295. Whether it be not owing to this Bank, that the City of
Amsterdam,
without the least Confusion, Hazard or Trouble, maintains and every Day promotes so general and quick a Circulation of Industry?
296. Whether it be not the greatest Help and Spur to Commerce, that Property can be so readily conveyed and so well secured by a
Compte en Banc,
that is, by only writing one Man's Name for another's in the Bank-Book?
297. Whether at the beginning of the last Century, those who had lent Money to the Public during the War with
Spain,
were not satisfied by the sole Expedient of placing their Names in a
Compte en Banc,
with Liberty to transfer their Claims?
298. Whether the Example of those easy Transfers in the
Compte en Banc,
thus casually erected, did not tempt other Men to become Creditors to the Public, in order to profit by the same secure and expeditious Method of keeping and transferring their Wealth?
299. Whether this
Compte en Banc
hath not proved better than a Mine of Gold to
Amsterdam?
300. Whether that City may not be said to owe her Greatness to the unpromising Accident of her having been in Debt more than she was able to pay?
301. Whether it be known that any State from such small Beginnings, in so short a time, ever grew to so great Wealth and Power, as the Province of
Holland
hath done; and whether the Bank of
Amsterdam
hath not been the real Cause of such extraordinary Growth?
302. Whether the Success of those public Banks, in
Venice, Amsterdam,
and
Hamburgh,
would not naturally produce in other States an Inclination to the same Methods?
303. Whether it be possible for a national Bank to subsist and maintain its Credit, under a
French
Government?
304. Whether our natural Appetites, as well as Powers, are not limited to their respective Ends and Uses? But whether artificial Appetites may not be infinite?
305. Whether the simple getting of Money, or passing it from Hand to Hand without Industry, be an Object worthy of a wise Government?
306. Whether, if Money be considered as an End, the Appetite thereof be not infinite? But whether the Ends of Money itself be not bounded?
307. Whether the total Sum of all other Powers, be it of Enjoyment or Action, which belong to Man, or to all Mankind together, is not in truth a very narrow and limited Quantity? But whether Fancy is not boundless?
308. Whether this capricious Tyrant, which usurps the Place of Reason, doth not most cruelly torment and delude those poor Men, the Usurers, Stock-Jobbers and Projectors, of Content to themselves from heaping up Riches, that is, from gathering Counters, from multiplying Figures, from enlarging Denominations, without knowing what they would be at, and without having a proper Regard to the Use, or End, or Nature of Things?
309. Whether the
Ignis-fatuus
of Fancy doth not kindle immoderate Desires, and lead Men into endless Pursuits and wild Labyrinths?
310. Whether Counters be not referred to other Things, which so long as they keep Pace and Proportion with the Counters, it must be owned the Counters are useful, but whether beyond that to value or covet Counters, be not direct Folly?
311. Whether the public Aim ought not to be that Mens Industry should supply their present Wants, and the Overplus be converted into a Stock of Power?
312. Whether the better this Power is secured, and the more easily it is transferred, Industry be not so much the more encouraged?
313. Whether Money, more than is expedient for those Purposes, be not upon the whole hurtful, rather than beneficial to a State?
314. Whether the promoting of Industry should not be always in View, as the true and sole End, the Rule and Measure of a national Bank? And whether all Deviations from that Object should not be carefully avoided?
315. Whether it may not be useful, for supplying Manufactures and Trade with Stock, for regulating Exchange, for quickening Commerce, for putting Spirit into the People?
316. Whether we are sufficiently sensible, of the peculiar Security there is in having a Bank, that consists of Land and Paper, one of which cannot be exported, and the other is in no Danger of being exported?
317. Whether it be not delightful to complain? And whether there be not many who had rather utter their Complaints than redress their Evils?
318. Whether, if
the Crown of the Wise be their Riches
Prov. xiv. 24.
, we are not the foolishest People in
Christendom?
319. Whether we have not all the while great civil as well as natural Advantages?
320. Whether there be any People, who have more Leisure to cultivate the Arts of Peace, and study the public Weal?
321. Whether other Nations who enjoy any Share of Freedom, and have great Objects in View, be not unavoidably embarassed and distracted by Factions? But whether we do not divide upon Trifles, and whether our Parties are not a Burlesk upon Politics?
322. Whether it be not an Advantage that we are not embroiled in foreign Affairs, that we hold not the Balance of
Europe,
that we are protected by other Fleets and Armies, that it is the true Interest of a powerful People, from whom we are descended, to guard us on all Sides?
323. Whether
England
doth not really love us and wish well to us, as
Bone
of her
Bone,
and
Flesh
of her
Flesh?
And whether it be not our Part, to cultivate this Love and Affection all manner of Ways?
324. What Sea-Ports or foreign Trade have the
Swisses;
and yet how warm are those People and how well provided?
325. Whether there may not be found a People who so contrive as to be impoverished by their Trade? And whether we are not that People?
326. Whether it would not be better for this Island, if all our fine Folk of both Sexes were shipped off, to remain in foreign Countries, rather than that they should spend their Estates at home in foreign Luxury, and spread the Contagion thereof through their native Land?
327. Whether our Gentry understand or have a Notion of Magnificence, and whether for Want thereof, they do not affect very wretched Distinctions?
328. Whether there be not an Art or Skill in governing human Pride, so as to render it subservient to the public Aim?
329. Whether the great and general Aim of the Public should not be to employ the People?
330. What right an eldest Son hath to the worst Education?
331. Whether Mens Counsels are not the Result of their Knowledge and their Principles?
332. Whether there be not Labour of the Brains as well as of the Hands, and whether the former is beneath a Gentleman?
333. Whether the Public be more interested, to protect the Property acquired by mere Birth, than that which is the immediate Fruit of Learning and Virtue?
334. Whether it would not be a poor and ill-judged Project to attempt to promote the Good of the Community, by invading the Rights of one Part thereof, or of one particular Order of Men?
335. Whether there be a more wretched, and at the same time a more unpitied Case, than for Men to make Precedents for their own Undoing?
336. Whether to determine about the Rights and Properties of Men by other Rules than the Law, be not dangerous?
337. Whether those Men, who move the Corner-Stones of a Constitution, may not pull an old House on their own Heads?
338. Whether there be not two general Methods whereby Men become Sharers in the national Stock of Wealth or Power, Industry and Inheritance? And whether it would be wise in a civil Society to lessen that Share which is allotted to Merit and Industry?
339. Whether all Ways of spending a Fortune be of equal Benefit to the Public, and what Sort of Men are aptest to run into an improper Expence?
340. If the Revenues allotted for the Encouragement of Religion and Learning were made hereditary in the Hands of a dozen Lay-Lords and as many overgrown Commoners, whether the Public would be much the better for it?
341. Whether the Church's Patrimony belongs to one Tribe alone; and whether every Man's Son, Brother, or himself may not, if he please, be qualified to share therein?
342. What is there in the Clergy to create a Jealousy in the Public? Or what would the Public lose by it, if every 'Squire in the Land wore a black Coat, said his Prayers, and was obliged to reside?
343. Whether there be any Thing perfect under the Sun? And whether it be not with the World as with a particular State, and with a State or Body-Politic as with the human Body, which lives and moves under various Indispositions, perfect Health being seldom or never to be found?
344. Whether, nevertheless, Men should not in all Things aim at Perfection? And, therefore, whether any wise and good Man would be against applying Remedies? But whether it is not natural to wish for a benevolent Physician?
345. Whether the public Happiness be not proposed by the Legislature, and whether such Happiness doth not contain that of the Individuals?
346. Whether, therefore, a Legislator should be content with a vulgar Share of Knowledge? Whether he should not be a Person of Reflexion and Thought, who hath made it his Study to understand the true Nature and Interest of Mankind, how to guide Mens Humours and Passions, how to incite their active Powers, how to make their several Talents co-operate to the mutual Benefit of each other, and the general Good of the whole?
347. Whether it doth not follow, that above all Things a Gentleman's Care should be to keep his own Faculties sound and entire?
348. Whether the natural Phlegm of this Island needs any additional Stupifier?
349. Whether all spirituous Liquors are not, in Truth, Opiates?
350. Whether our Men of Business are not generally very grave by fifty?
351. Whether all Men have not Faculties of Mind or Body, which may be employed for the public Benefit?
352. Whether the main Point be not to multiply and employ our People?
353. Whether hearty Food and warm Clothing would not enable and encourage the lower Sort to labour?
354. Whether in such a Soil as ours, if there was Industry, there could be Want?
355. Whether the Way to make Men industrious, be not to let them taste the Fruits of their Industry? And whether the labouring Ox should be muzzled?
356. Whether our Landlords are to be told, that Industry and Numbers would raise the Value of their Lands, or that one Acre about the
Tholsel
is worth ten thousand Acres in
Conaught?
357. Whether our old native
Irish
are not the most indolent and supine People in
Christendom?
358. Whether they are yet civilized, and whether their Habitations and Furniture are not more sordid than those of the Savage
Americans?
359. Whether it be not a sad Circumstance to live among lazy Beggars? And whether, on the other hand, it would not be delightful to live in a Country swarming like
China,
with busy People?
360. Whether we should not cast about, by all Manner of Means, to excite Industry, and to remove whatever hinders it? And whether every one should not lend an helping Hand?
361. Whether Vanity itself should not be engaged in this good Work? And whether it is not to be wished, that the finding of Employment for themselves and others, were a fashionable Distinction among the Ladies?
362. Whether Idleness be the Mother or the Daughter of Spleen?
363. Whether it may not be worth while to publish the Conversation of
Ischomachus
and his Wife in
Xenophon,
for the Use of our Ladies?
364. Whether it is true, that there have been, upon a Time, one hundred Millions of People employed in
China,
without the Woollen-Trade, or any foreign Commerce?
365. Whether the natural Inducements to Sloth are not greater in the Mogul's Country than in
Ireland,
and yet, whether in that suffocating and dispiriting Climate, the
Banyans
are not all, Men, Women and Children, constantly employed?
366. Whether it be not true, that the great Mogul's Subjects might undersell us even in our own Markets, and clothe our People with their Stuffs and Calicoes, if they were imported Duty-free?
367. Whether there can be a greater Reproach on the leading Men and the Patriots of a Country, than that the People should want Employment? And whether Methods may not be found to employ even the Lame and the Blind, the Dumb, the Deaf, and the Maimed, in some or other Branch of our Manufactures?
368. Whether much may not be expected from a biennial Consultation of so many wise Men about the public Good?
369. Whether a Tax upon Dirt would not be one Way of encouraging Industry?
370. Whether it would be a great Hardship if every Parish were obliged to find Work for their Poor?
371. Whether Children, especially, should not be inured to labour betimes?
372. Whether there should not be erected, in each Province, an Hospital for Orphans and Foundlings at the Expence of old Bachelors?
373. Whether it be true, that in the
Dutch
Work-Houses, Things are so managed, that a Child four Years old, may earn its own Livelihood?
374. What a Folly is it to build fine Houses, or establish lucrative Posts and large Incomes, under the Notion of providing for the Poor?
375. Whether the poor grown up and in Health need any other Provision, but their own Industry under public Inspection?
376. Whether the Poor-Tax in
England
hath lessened, or increased the Number of the Poor?
377. Whether Work-Houses should not be made at the least Expence, with Clay-Floors and Walls of rough Stone, without plaistering, cieling, or glazing?
378. Whether it be an impossible Attempt to set our People at work, or whether Industry be a Habit which like other Habits, may by Time and Skill be introduced among any People?
379. Whether all manner of Means should not be employed to possess the Nation in general, with an Aversion and Contempt for Idleness and all idle Folk?
380. Whether it would be a Hardship on People destitute of all Things, if the Public furnished them with Necessaries which they should be obliged to earn by their Labour?
381. Whether other Nations have not found great Benefit from the Use of Slaves in repairing High-Roads, making Rivers navigable, draining Bogs, erecting public Buildings, Bridges, and Manufactures?
382. Whether temporary Servitude would not be the best Cure for Idleness and Beggary?
383. Whether the Public hath not a Right to employ those who cannot, or who will not find Employment for themselves?
384. Whether all sturdy Beggars should not be seized and made Slaves to the Public, for a certain Term of Years?
385. Whether he who is chained in a Jail or Dungeon hath not, for the Time, lost his Liberty? And if so, whether temporary Slavery be not already admitted among us?
386. Whether a State of Servitude, wherein he should be well worked, fed and clothed, would not be a Preferment to such a Fellow?
387. Whether Criminals in the freest Country may not forfeit their Liberty, and repair the Damage they have done the Public, by hard Labour?
388. What the Word Servant signifies in the New-Testament?
389. Whether the View of Criminals chained in Pairs and kept at hard Labour, would not be very edifying to the Multitude?
390. Whether the Want of such an Institution be not plainly seen in
England,
where the Disbelief of a future State hardeneth Rogues against the Fear of Death, and where, through the great Growth of Robbers and House-breakers it becomes every Day more necessary?
391. Whether it be not easier to prevent than to remedy, and whether we should not profit by the Example of others?
392. Whether Felons are not often spared, and therefore encouraged, by the Compassion of those who should prosecute them?
393. Whether many that would not take away the Life of a Thief, may not nevertheless be willing to bring him to a more adequate Punishment?
394. Whether the most indolent would be fond of Idleness, if they regarded it as the sure Road to hard Labour?
395. Whether the Industry of the lower Part of our People doth not much depend on the Expence of the upper?
396. What would be the Consequence, if our Gentry affected to distinguish themselves by fine Houses rather than fine Clothes?
397. Whether any People in
Europe
are so meanly provided with Houses and Furniture in proportion to their Incomes, as the Men of Estates in
Ireland?
398. Whether Building would not peculiarly encourage all other Arts in this Kingdom?
399. Whether Smiths, Masons, Bricklayers, Plaisterers, Carpenters, Joiners, Tylers, Plummers, and Glaziers, would not all find Employment if the Humour of Building prevailed?
400. Whether the Ornaments and Furniture of a good House do not employ a Number of all Sorts of Artificers, in Iron, Wood, Marble, Brass, Pewter, Copper, Wool, Flax, and divers other Materials?
401. Whether in Buildings and Gardens, a great Number of Day-Labourers do not find Employment?
402. Whether by these Means much of that Sustenance and Wealth of this Nation which now goes to Foreigners would not be kept at home, and nourish and circulate among our own People?
403. Whether as Industry produceth good Living, the Number of Hands and Mouths would not be increased; and in proportion thereunto, whether there would not be every Day more occasion for Agriculture? And whether this Article alone would not employ a World of People?
404. Whether such Management would not equally provide for the Magnificence of the Rich, and the Necessities of the Poor?
405. Whether an Expence in Building and Improvements doth not remain at Home, pass to the Heir, and adorn the Public? And whether any of those Things can be said of Claret?
406. Whether Fools do not make Fashions, and wise Men follow them?
407. Whether, for one who hurts his Fortune by Improvements, twenty do not ruin themselves by foreign Luxury?
408. Whether in proportion as
Ireland
was improved and beautified by fine Seats, the Number of Absentees would not decrease?
409. Whether he who employs Men in Buildings and Manufactures doth not put Life in the Country, and whether the Neighbourhood round him be not observed to thrive?
410. Whether Money circulated on the Landlords own Lands, and among his own Tenants, doth not return into his own Pocket?
411. Whether every 'Squire that made his Domain swarm with busy Hands, like a Bee-Hive or Ant-Hill, would not serve his own Interest, as well as that of his Country?
412. Whether a Gentleman, who hath seen a little of the World and observed how Men live elsewhere, can contentedly sit down in a cold, damp, sordid Habitation, in the midst of a bleak Country, inhabited by Thieves and Beggars?
413. Whether on the other hand, a handsom Seat amidst well-improved Lands, fair Villages, and a thriving Neighbourhood, may not invite a Man to dwell on his own Estate, and quit the Life of an insignificant Santerer about Town, for that of an useful Country-Gentleman?
414. Whether it would not be of Use and Ornament, if the Towns throughout this Kingdom were provided with decent Churches, Town-Houses, Work-Houses, Market-Places, and paved Streets, with some Order taken for Cleanliness?
415. Whether if each of these Towns were addicted to some peculiar Manufacture, we should not find, that the employing many Hands together on the same Work was the Way to perfect our Workmen? And whether all these Things might not soon be provided by a domestic Industry, if Money were not wanting?
416. Whether Money could ever be wanting to the Demands of Industry, if we had a national Bank?
417. Whether the Fable of
Hercules
and the Carter, ever suited any Nation like this Nation of
Ireland?
418. Whether it be not a new Spectacle under the Sun, to behold in such a Climate and such a Soil, and under such a gentle Government, so many Roads untroden, Fields untilled, Houses desolate, and Hands unemployed?
419. Whether there is any Country in
Christendom,
either Kingdom or Republic, depending or independent, free or inslaved, which may not afford us an useful Lesson?
420. Whether the frugal
Swisses
have any other Commodities, but their Butter and Cheese and a few Cattle, for Exportation; whether, nevertheless, the single Canton of
Bern
hath not in her public Treasury two Millions Sterling?
421. Whether that small Town of
Bern,
with its scanty, barren Territory, in a mountainous Corner, without Sea-Ports, without Manufactures, without Mines, be not rich by mere Dint of Frugality?
422. Whether the
Swisses
in general have not sumptuary Laws, prohibiting the use of Gold, Jewels, Silver, Silk and Lace in their Apparel, and indulging the Women only to wear Silk on Festivals, Weddings, and public Solemnities?
423. Whether there be not two Ways of growing Rich, sparing and getting? But whether the lazy Spendthrift must not be doubly poor?
424. Whether Money circulating be not the Life of Industry; and whether the Want thereof doth not render a State gouty and inactive?
425. But, whether if we had a national Bank, and our present Cash (small as it is) were put into the most convenient Shape, Men should hear any public Complaints for want of Money?
426. Whether all Circulation be not alike a Circulation of Credit, whatsoever Medium (Metal or Paper) is employed, and whether Gold be any more than Credit for so much Power?
427. Whether the Wealth of the richest Nations in
Christendom
doth not consist in Paper, vastly more than in Gold and Silver?
428. Whether Lord
Clarendon
doth not aver of his own Knowledge, that the Prince of
Orange,
with the best Credit, and the Assistance of the richest Men in
Amsterdam,
was above ten Days endeavouring to raise twenty thousand Pounds in Specie, without being able to raise half the Sum in all that Time?
See
Clarendon'
s History,
B. 12.
429. Supposing there had been hitherto no such Thing as a Bank, and the Question were now first proposed, whether it would be safer to circulate unlimited Bills in a private Credit, or Bills to a limited Value on the public Credit of the Community, what would Men think?
430. Whether the Maxim,
What is every Body's Business is no Body's,
prevails in any Country under the Sun more than in
Ireland?
431. Whether the united Stock of a Nation be not the best Security? And whether any Thing but the Ruin of the State can produce a national Bankruptcy?
432. Whether the total Sum of the public Treasure, Power and Wisdom, all co-operating, be not most likely to establish a Bank of Credit, sufficient to answer the Ends, relieve the Wants, and satisfy the Scruples of all People?
433. Whether
London
is not to be considered as the Metropolis of
Ireland?
And whether our Wealth (such as it is) doth not circulate through
London,
and throughout all
England,
as freely as that of any Part of his Majesty's Dominions?
434. Whether therefore it be not evidently the Interest of the People of
England,
to encourage rather than to oppose a national Bank in this Kingdom, as well as every other Means for advancing our Wealth, which shall not impair their own?
435. Whether it is not our Interest to be useful to them rather than rival them; and whether in that Case we may not be sure of their good Offices?
436. Whether we can propose to thrive, so long as we entertain a wrongheaded Distrust of
England?
437. Whether, as a national Bank would increase our Industry, and that our Wealth,
England
may not be a proportionable Gainer; and whether we should not consider the Gains of our Mother-Country as some Accession to our own?
438. Whether there be any Difficulty in comprehending, that the whole Wealth of the Nation is in truth the Stock of a national Bank? And whether any more than the right Comprehension of this, be necessary to make all Men easy with regard to its Credit?
439. Whether the Prejudices about Gold and Silver are not strong, but whether they are not still Prejudices?
440. Whether Paper doth not by its Stamp and Signature acquire a local Value, and become as precious and as scarce as Gold? And whether it be not much fitter to circulate large Sums, and therefore preferable to Gold?
441. Whether it doth not much import to have a right Conception of Money? And whether its true and just Idea be not that of a Ticket, intitling to Power, and fitted to record and transfer such Power?
442. Though the Bank of
Amsterdam
doth very rarely, if at all, pay out Money, yet whether every Man possessed of Specie be not ready to convert it into Paper, and act as Cashier to the Bank? And whether, from the same Motive, every monied Man throughout this Kingdom, would not be Cashier to our national Bank?
443. Whether we may not obtain that as Friends, which it is in vain to hope for as Rivals?
444. Whether in every Instance by which we prejudice
England,
we do not in a greater Degree prejudice ourselves?
445. Whether in the rude Original of Society, the first Step was not the exchanging of Commodities, the next a substituting of Metals by Weight as the common Medium of Circulation, after this the making use of Coin, lastly a further Refinement by the use of Paper with proper Marks and Signatures? And whether this, as it is the last, so it be not the greatest Improvement?
446. Whether we are not in Fact the only People, who may be said to starve in the midst of Plenty?
447. Whether there can be a worse Sign than that People should quit their Country for a Livelihood? Though Men often leave their Country for Health, or Pleasure, or Riches, yet to leave it merely for a Livelihood? Whether this be not exceeding bad, and sheweth some peculiar Mismanagement?
448. Whether in Order to redress our Evils, artificial Helps are not most wanted, in a Land where Indusiry is most against the natural Grain of the People?
449. Whether, although the Prepossessions about Gold and Silver have taken deep Root, yet the Example of our Colonies in
America
doth not make it as plain as Day-Light, that they are not so necessary to the Wealth of a Natiion, as the Vulgar of all Ranks imagine?
450. Whether it be not evident that we may maintain a much greater inward and outward Commerce, and be five Times richer than we are, nay, and our Bills abroad be of far greater Credit, though we had not one Ounce of Gold or Silver in the whole Island?
451. Whether wrongheaded Maxims, Customs, and Fashions, are not sufficient to destroy any People which hath so few Resources as the Inhabitants of
Ireland?
452. Whether it would not be an horrible Thing, to see our Matrons make Dress and Play their chief Concern?
453. Whether our Ladies might not as well endow Monastries as wear
Flanders
Lace? And whether it be not true that Popish Nuns are maintained by Protestant Contributions?
454. Whether
England,
which hath a free Trade, whatever she remits for foreign Luxury with one hand, doth not with the other receive much more from abroad? Whether, nevertheless, this Nation would not be a Gainer, if our Women would content themselves, with the same Moderation in point of Expence, as the
English
Ladies?
455. But whether it be not a notorious Truth, that our
Irish
Ladies are on a Foot, as to dr
s, with those of five times their Fortune in
England?
456. Whether it be not even certain, that the Matrons of this forlorn Country send out a greater Proportion of its Wealth, for fine Apparel, than any other Females on the whole Surface of this terraqueous Globe?
457. Whether the Expence, great as it is, be the greatest Evil; but whether this Folly may not produce many other Follies, an entire derangement of domestic Life, absurd Manners, neglect of Duties, bad Mothers, a general Corruption in both Sexes?
458. Whether the first beginning of Expedients do not always meet with Prejudices? And whether even the Prejudices of a People ought not to be respected?
459. Whether a national Bank be not the true Philosopher's Stone in a State?
460. Whether all Regulations of Coin should not be made with a View to encourage Industry, and a Circulation of Commerce, throughout the Kingdom?
461. Whether to oil the Wheels of Commerce, be not a common Benefit? And whether this be not done by avoiding Fractions and multiplying small Silver?
462. Whether, all Things considered, a general raising the Value of Gold and Silver be not so far from bringing greater Quantities thereof into the Kingdom, that it would produce a direct contrary Effect, inasmuch as less, in that Case, would serve, and therefore less be wanted? And whether Men do not import a Commodity, in Proportion to the Demand or Want of it?
463. Whether the lowering of our Gold would not create a Fever in the State? And whether a Fever be not sometimes a Cure, but whether it be not the last Cure a Man would choose?
464. Whether raising the Value of a particular Species will not tend to multiply such Species, and to lessen others in Proportion thereunto? And whether a much lest Quantity of Cash in Silver would not, in reality, enrich the Nation more than a much greater in Gold?
465. Whether,
caeteris paribus,
it be not true that the Prices of Things increase, as the Quantity of Money increaseth, and are diminished as that is diminished? And whether, by the Quantity of Money, is not to be understood the Amount of the Denominations, all Contracts being nominal for Pounds, Shillings and Pence, and not for Weights of Gold or Silver?
466. Whether our Exports do not consist of such Necessaries as other Countries cannot well be without?
467. Whether upon the Circulation of a national Bank more Land would not be tilled, more Hands employed, and consequently more Commodities exported?
468. Whether Silver and small Money be not that which circulates the quickest, and passeth through all Hands, on the Road, in the Market, at the Shop?
469. Whether, all Things considered, it would not be better for a Kingdom that its Cash consisted of half a Million in small Silver, than of five Times that Sum in Gold?
470. Whether there be not every Day five hundred lesser Payments made for one that requires Gold?
471. Whether
Spain,
where Gold bears the highest Value, be not the laziest; and
China,
where it bears the lowest, be not the most industrious Country in the known World?
472. Whether it be not evidently the Interest of every State, that its Money should rather circulate than stagnate?
473. Whether the principal Use of Cash be not its ready passing from hand to hand, to answer common Occasions of the common People, and whether common Occasions of all Sorts of People are not small ones?
474. Whether Business at Fairs and Markets is not often at a Stand and often hindred, even though the Seller hath his Commodities at hand, and the Purchaser his Gold, yet for Want of Change?
475. As Wealth is really Power, and Coin a Ticket conveying Power, whether those Tickets which are the fittest for that Use, ought not to be preferred?
476. Whether those Tickets which singly transfer small Shares of Power, and being multiplied, large Shares, are not fitter for common Use than those which singly transfer large Shares?
477. Whether the Public is not more benefited by a Shilling that circulates, than a Pound that lies dead?
478. Whether Six-pence twice paid, be not as good as a Shilling once paid?
479. Whether the same Shilling circulating in a Village may not supply one Man with Bread, another with Stockings, a third with a Knife, a fourth with Paper, a fifth with Nails, and so answer many Wants which must otherwise have remained unsatisfied?
480. Whether facilitating and quickening the Circulation of Power to supply Wants, be not the promoting of Wealth and Industry among the lower People? And whether upon this the Wealth of the Great doth not depend?
481. Whether, without the proper Means of Circulation, it be not vain to hope for thriving Manufacturers and a busy People?
482. Whether four Pounds in small Cash may not circulate and enliven an
Irish
Market, which many Four-pound Pieces would permit to stagnate?
In the Year 1735, this Country abounded with the large Gold Coins of
Portugal,
which being over-rated, flowed in from all Parts. But that Evil is since remedied.
483. Whether a Man that could move nothing less than an hundred Pound Weight would not be much at a loss to supply his Wants; and whether it would not be better for him to be less strong and more active?
484. Whether the natural Body can be in a State of Health and Vigour, without a due Circulation of the Extremities, even in the Fingers and Toes? And whether the political Body, any more than the natural, can thrive without a proportionable Circulation through the minutest and most inconsiderable Parts thereof?
485. If we had a Mint for coining only Shillings, Six-pences, and Copper Money, whether the Nation would not soon feel the good Effects thereof?
486 Whether the greater Waste by wearing of small Coins would not be abundantly overbalanced by their Usefulness?
487. Whether it be not the Industry of common People that feeds the State, and whether it be possible to keep this Industry alive without small Money?
488. Whether the Want of this be not a great Bar to our employing the People in these Manufactures which are open to us, and do not interfere with
Great Britain?
489. Whether therefore such Want doth not drive Men into the lazy Way of employing Land under Sheep-Walk?
490. Whether the running of Wooll from
Ireland
can so effectually be prevented, as by encouraging other Business and Manufactures among our People?
491. Whatever Commodities
Great Britain
importeth, which we might supply, whether it be not her real Interest to import them from us rather than from any other People?
492. Whether the Apprehension of many among us (who for that very Reason stick to their Wooll) that
England
may hereaster prohibit, limit, or discourage our Linen-Trade, when it hath been once, with great Pains and Expence thoroughly introduced and settled in this Land, be not altogether groundless and unjust?
493. Whether it is possible for this Country, which hath neither Mines of Gold, nor a free Trade, to support, for any time, the sending out of Specie?
494. Whether in Fact our Payments are not made by Bills? And whether our foreign Credit doth not depend on our domestic Industry, and our Bills on that Credit?
495. Whether, in order to mend it, we ought not first to know the peculiar Wretchedness of our State? And whether there be any knowing of this but by Comparison?
496. Whether there are not single Market-Towns, in
England,
that turn more Money in buying and selling, than whole Counties (perhaps Provinces) with us?
497. Whether the small Town of
Birmingham
alone doth not, upon an Average, circulate every Week one Way or other, to the Value of fifty thousand Pounds? But whether the same Crown may not be often paid?
498. Whether any Kingdom in
Europe
be so good a Customer at
Bourdeaux
as
Ireland?
499. Whether the Police and OEconomy of
France
be not governed by wise Councils? And whether any one from this Country, who sees their Towns, and Manufactures, and Commerce, will not wonder what our Senators have been doing?
500. What Variety and Number of excellent Manufactures are to be met with throughout the whole Kingdom of
France?
501. Whether there are not every where some or other Mills for many Uses, Forges and Furnaces for Iron Work, Looms for Tapestry, Glass-Houses
and so forth?
502. What Quantities of Paper, Stockings, Hats, what Manufactures of Wooll, Silk, Linen, Hemp, Leather, Wax, Earthen-Ware, Brass, Lead, Tin,
&c.
503. Whether the Manufactures and Commerce of the single Town of
Lions
do not amount to a greater Value, than all the Manufactures and all the Trade of this Kingdom taken together?
504. Whether in the Anniversary Fair at the small Town of
Beaucair
upon the
Rhone,
there be not as much Money laid out as the current Cash of this Kingdom amounts to?
505. Whether the very Shreds shorn from Woollen-Cloth, which are thrown away in
Ireland,
do not make a beautiful Tapestry in
France?
506. Whether there be not
French
Towns subsisted merely by making Pins?
507. Whether the coarse Fingers of those very Women, those same Peasants, who one Part of the Year till the Ground and dress the Vineyards, are not another employed in making the finest
French
Point?
508. Whether there is not a great Number of idle Fingers among the Wives and Daughters of our Peasants?
509. Whether the
French
do not raise a Trade from Saffron, dying Drugs and the like Products, which may do with us as well as with them?
510. Whether we may not have Materials of our own Growth to supply all Manufactures, as well as
France,
except Silk, and whether the Bulk of what Silk, even France manufactures, be not imported?
511. Whether it be possible for this Country to grow rich, so long as what is made by domestic Industry is spent in foreign Luxury?
512. Whether our natural
Irish
are not partly
Spaniards,
and partly
Tartars?
and whether they do not bear Signatures of their Descent from both these Nations, which is also confirmed by all their Histories?
513. Whether the
Tartar
Progeny is not numerous in this Land? And whether there is an idler Occupation under the Sun than to attend Flocks and Herds of Cattle?
514. Whether the Wisdom of the State should not wrestle with this hereditary Disposition of our
Tartars,
and with a high hand introduce Agriculture?
515. Whether once upon a Time
France
did not, by her Linen alone, draw yearly from
Spain
about eight Millions of Livres?
516. Whether the
French
have not suffered in their Linen-Trade with
Spain,
by not making their Cloth of due Breadth? and whether any other People have suffered, and are still likely to suffer through the same Prevarication?
Things, we hear, are in a Way of being mended with us in this Respect.
517. Whether the
Spaniards
are not rich and lazy, and whether they have not a particular Inclination and Favour for the Inhabitants of this Island? But whether a punctual People do not love punctual Dealers?
518. Whether about fourteen Years ago we had not come into a considerable Share of the Linen-Trade with
Spain,
and what put a Stop to this?
519. Whether if the Linen-Manufacture were carried on in the other Provinces, as well as in the
North,
the Merchants of
Cork, Limerick
and
Galway
would not soon find the Way to
Spain?
520. Whether the Woollen-Manufacture of
England
is not divided into several Parts or Branches, appropriated to particular Places, where they are only, or principally manufactured; fine Cloths in
Somersetshire,
coarse in
Yorkshire,
long Ells at
Exeter,
Saies at
Sudbury,
Crapes at
Norwich,
Linseys at
Kendal,
Blankets at
Whitney,
and so forth?
521. Whether the united Skill, Industry and Emulation of many together on the same Work, be not the Way to advance it? And whether it had been otherwise possible for
England,
to have carried on her Woollen-Manufacture to so great Perfection?
522. Whether it would not on many Accounts be right, if we observed the same Course with respect to our Linen-Manufacture; and that Diapers were made in one Town or District, Damasks in another, Sheeting in a third, fine wearing Linen in a fourth, coarse in a fifth, in another Cambricks, in another Thread and Stockings, in others stamped Linen, or striped Linen, or Tickings, or dyed Linen, of which last Kinds, there is so great a Consumption among the Sea-faring Men of all Nations?
523. Whether it may not be worth while, to inform ourselves of the different sorts of Linen, which are in Request among different People?
524. Whether we do not yearly consume of
French
Wines about a thousand Tuns more than either
Sweden
or
Denmark,
and yet, whether those Nations pay ready Money as we do?
525. Whether it be not a Custom for some thousands of
Frenchmen
to go about the Beginning of
March
into
Spain,
and having tilled the Lands and gathered the Harvest of
Spain,
to return home with Money in their Pockets, about the End of
November?
526. Whether of late Years our
Irish
Labourers do not carry on the same Business in
England,
to the great Discontent of many there? But whether we have not much more Reason than the People of
England
to be displeased at this Commerce?
527. Whether, notwithstanding the Cash supposed to be brought into it, any Nation is, in truth, a Gainer by such Traffic?
528. Whether the Industry of our People employed in foreign Lands, while our own are left uncultivated, be not a great Loss to the Country?
529. Whether it would not be much better for us, if, instead of sending our Men abroad, we could draw Men from the neighbouring Countries to cultivate our own?
530. Whether, nevertheless, we are not apt to think the Money imported by our Labourers to be so much clear Gains to this Country; but whether a little Reflexion and a little political Arithmetic, may not shew us our Mistake?
531. Whether our Prejudices about Gold and Silver are not very apt to infect or misguide our Judgments and Reasonings about the public Weal?
532. Whether it be not a good Rule whereby to judge of the Trade of any City, and its Usefulness, to observe whether there is a Circulation through the Extremities, and whether the People round about are busy and warm?
533. Whether we had not, some Years since, a Manufacture of Hats at
Athlone,
and of Earthen-Ware at
Arklow,
and what became of those Manufacures?
534. Why do we not make Tiles of our own, for Flooring and Roofing, rather than bring them from
Holland?
535. What Manufactures are there in
France
and
Venice
of gilt Leather, how cheap and how splendid a Furniture?
536. Whether we may not for the same Use, manufacture divers Things at home, of more Beauty and Variety than Wainscot, which is imported at such Expence from
Norway?
537. Whether the Use and the Fashion will not soon make a Manufacture?
538. Whether if our Gentry used to drink Mead and Cider, we should not soon have those Liquors in the utmost Perfection and Plenty?
539. Whether it be not wonderful, that with such Pastures, and so many black Cattle, we do not find ourselves in Cheese?
540. Whether great Profits may not be made by Fisheries? but whether those of our
Irish
who live by that Business, do not contrive to be drunk and unemployed, one half of the Year?
541. Whether it be not Folly to think, an inward Commerce cannot enrich a State, because it doth not increase its Quantity of Gold and Silver? And whether it is possible a Country should not thrive, while Wants are supplied, and Business goes on?
542. Whether Plenty of all the Necessaries and Comforts of Life be not real Wealth?
543. Whether
Lions
by the Advantage of her midland Situation and the Rivers
Rhone
and
Sone,
be not a great Magazine, or Mart for inward Commerce? And whether she doth not maintain a constant Trade with most Parts of
France;
with
Provence
for Oils and dried Fruits, for Wines and Cloth I with
Languedoc,
for Stuffs with
Champaign,
for Linen with
Picardy, Normandy
and
Bretagny,
for Corn with
Burgundy?
544. Whether she doth not receive and utter all those Commodities, and raise a Profit from the Distribution thereof, as well as of her own Manufactures, throughout the Kingdom of
France?
545. Whether the Charge of making good Roads and navigable Rivers across the Country, would not be really repaid by an inward Commerce?
546. Whether as our Trade and Manufactures increased, Magazines should not be established in proper Places, fitted by their Situation, near great Roads and navigable Rivers, Lakes or Canals, for the ready Reception and Distribution of all Sorts of Commodities, from and to the several Parts of the Kingdom; and whether the Town of
Athlone,
for Instance, may not be fitly situated for such a Magazine, or Centre of domestic Commerce?
547. Whether an inward Trade would not cause Industry to flourish, and multiply the Circulation of our Coin, and whether this may not do as well as multiplying the Coin itself?
548. Whether the Benefits of a domestic Commerce are sufficiently understood and attended to, and whether the Cause thereof be not the prejudiced and narrow Way of thinking about Gold and Silver?
549. Whether there be any other more easy and unenvied Method of increasing the Wealth of a People?
550. Whether we of this Island are not from our peculiar Circumstances determined to this very Commerce above any other, from the Number of Necessaries and good Things that we possess within ourselves, from the Extent and Variety of our Soil, from the navigable Rivers and good Roads which we have or may have, at a less Expence than any People in
Europe,
from our great Plenty of Materials for Manufactures, and particularly from the Restraints we lie under with regard to our foreign Trade?
551. Whether annual Inventories should not be published of the Fairs throughout the Kingdom, in order to judge of the Growth of its Commerce?
552. Whether there be not every Year more Cash circulated at the Card-Tables of
Dublin,
than at all the Fairs of
Ireland?
553. Whether the Wealth of a Country will not bear Proportion to the Skill and Industry of its Inhabitants?
554. Whether foreign Imports that tend to promote Industry should not be encouraged, and such as have a Tendency to promote Luxury should not be discouraged?
555. Whether the annual Balance of Trade between
Italy
and
Lions
be not about four Millions in Favour of the former, and yet, whether
Lions
be not a Gainer by this Trade?
556. Whether the general Rule, of determining the Profit of a Commerce by its Balance, doth not, like other general Rules, admit of Exceptions?
557. Whether it would not be a monstrous Folly to import nothing but Gold and Silver, supposing we might do it, from every foreign Part to which we trade? And yet, whether some Men may not think this foolish Circumstance a very happy one?
558. But whether we do not all see the Ridicule of the
Mogul
's Subjects, who take from us nothing but our Silver, and bury it under Ground, in order to make sure thereof against the Resurrection?
559. Whether he must not be a wrong-headed Patriot or Politician, whose ultimate View was drawing Money into a Country, and keeping it there?
560. Whether it be not evident, that not Gold but Industry causeth a Country to flourish?
561. Whether it would not be a silly Project in any Nation, to hope to grow rich by prohibiting the Exportation of Gold and Silver?
562. Whether there can be a greater Mistake in Politics, than to measure the Wealth of the Nation by its Gold and Silver?
563. Whether Gold and Silver be not a Drug, where they do not promote Industry? Whether they be not even the Bane and undoing of an idle People?
564. Whether Gold will not cause either Industry or Vice to flourish? And whether a Country, where it flowed in without Labour, must not be wretched and dissolute like an Island inhabited by Buccaneers?
565. Whether Arts and Virtue are not likely to thrive, where Money is made a Means to Industry? But whether Money without this would be a Blessing to any People?
566. Whether keeping Cash at home, or sending it abroad, just as it most serves to promote Industry, be not the real Interest of every Nation?
567. Whether Commodities of all Kinds do not naturally flow where there is the greatest Demand? Whether the greatest Demand for a Thing be not where it is of most Use? Whether Money, like other Things, hath not its proper Use? Whether this Use be not to circulate? Whether therefore there must not of course be Money where there is a Circulation of Industry?
568. Whether it is not a great Point to know what we would be at? And whether whole States, as well as private Persons, do not often fluctuate for want of this Knowledge?
569. Whether Gold may not be compared to
Sejanus
's Horse, if we consider its Passage through the World, and the Fate of those Nations which have been successively possessed thereof?
570. Whether Means are not so far useful as they answer the End? And whether, in different Circumstances, the same Ends are not obtained by different Means?
571. If we are a poor Nation, abounding with very poor People, will it not follow, that a far greater Proportion of our Stock should be in the smallest and lowest Species, than would suit with
England?
572. Whether, therefore, it would not be highly expedient, if our Money were coined of peculiar Values, best fitted to the Circumstances and Uses of our own Country; and whether any other People could take Umbrage at our consulting our own Convenience, in an Affair entirely domestic, and that lies within ourselves?
573. Whether every Man doth not know, and hath not long known, that the Want of a Mint causech many other Wants in this Kingdom?
574. What Harm did
England
sustain about three Centuries ago, when Silver was coined in this Kingdom?
575. What Harm was it to
Spain
that her Provinces of
Naples
and
Sicily
had all along Mints of their own?
576. Whether it may not be presumed, that our not, haying a Privilege, which every other Kingdom in the World enjoys, be not owing to our own want of Diligence and Unanimity in soliciting for it?
577. Whether it be not the Interest of
England,
that we should cultivate a domestic Commerce among ourselves? And whether it could give them any possible Jealousy, if our small Sum of Cash was contrived to go a little further, if there was a little more Life in our Markets, a little more buying and selling in our Shops, a little better Provision for the Backs and Bellies of so many forlorn Wretches throughput the Towns and Villages of this Island?
578. Whether
Great Britain
ought not to promote the Prosperity of her Colonies, by all Methods consistent with her own? And whether the Colonies themselves ought to wish or aim at it by others?
579. Whether the remotest Parts from the Metropolis, and the lowest of the People, are not to be regarded as the Extremities and Capillaries of the political Body?
580. Whether, although the capillary Vessels are small, yet Obstructions in them do not produce great chronical Diseases?
581. Whether Faculties are not enlarged and improved by Exercise?
582. Whether the Sum of the Faculties put into Act, or in other Words, the united Action of a whole People doth not constitute the
Momentum
of a State?
583. Whether such
Momentum
be not the real Stock or Wealth of a State; and whether its Credit be not proportionable thereunto?
584. Whether in every wise State the Faculties of the Mind are not most considered?
585. Whether the
Momentum
of a State doth not imply the whole Exertion of its Faculties, intellectual and corporeal; and whether the latter without the former, could act in concert?
586. Whether the divided Force of Men, acting singly, would not be a Rope of Sand?
587. Whether the particular Motions of the Members of a State, in opposite Directions, will not destroy each other, and lessen the
Momentum
of the whole; but whether they must not conspire to produce a great Effect?
588. Whether the ready Means to put Spirit into this State, to fortify and increase its
Momentum,
would not be a national Bank, and Plenty of small Cash?
589. Whether that which employs and exerts the Force of a Community, deserves, not to be well considered and well understood?
590. Whether the immediate Mover, the Blood and Spirits, be not Money, Paper or Metal, and whether the Soul or Will of the Community, which is the prime Mover that governs and directs the Whole, be not the Legislature?
591. Supposing the Inhabitants of a Country quite sunk in Sloth, or even fast asleep, whether upon the gradual Awakening and Exertion, first, of the sensitive and locomotive Faculties, next of Reason and Reflexion, then of Justice and Piety, the
Momentum
of such Country or State, would not, in Proportion thereunto, become still more and more considerable?
592. Whether that which in the Growth is last attained, and is the finishing Perfection of a People, be not the first Thing lost in their Declension?
593. Whether Force be not of Consequence, as it is exerted; and whether great Force without great Wisdom may not be a Nusance?
594. Whether the Force of a Child applied with Art, may not produce greater Effects than that of a Giant? And whether a small Stock in the Hands of a wise State, may not go further, and produce more considerable Effects, than immense Sums in the Hands of a foolish one?
595. Whose Fault is it if poor
Ireland
still continues poor?
VERSES by the AUTHOR, ON THE Prospect of planting ARTS and LEARNING in America.
THE Muse, disgusted at an Age and Clime,
Barren of every glorious Theme,
In distant Lands now waits a better Time,
Producing Subjects worthy Fame:
In happy Climes, where from the genial Sun
And virgin Earth such Scenes ensue,
The Force of Art by Nature seems outdone,
And fancied Beauties by the true:
In happy Climes the Seat of Innocence,
Where Nature guides and Virtue rules,
Where Men shall not impose for Truth and Sense
The Pedantry of Courts and Schools:
There shall be sung another golden Age,
The rise of Empire and of Arts,
The Good and Great inspiring epic Rage,
The wisest Heads and noblest Hearts.
Not such as
Europe
breeds in her decay;
Such as she bred when fresh and young,
When heav'nly Flame did animate her Clay,
By future Poets shall be sung.
Westward the Course of Empire takes its Way;
The four first Acts already past,
A fifth shall close the Drama with the Day;
Time's noblest Offspring is the last.
A PROPOSAL For the better Supplying of CHURCHES IN OUR Foreign Plantations, AND FOR Converting the Savage AMERICANS to CHRISTIANITY, By a COLLEGE to be erected in the
Summer Islands,
otherwise called
The Isles of Bermuda.
The Harvest truly is great, but the Labourers are few.
Luke x. 2.
First Printed in LONDON A. D. MDCCXXV.
A PROPOSAL FOR The better Supplying of Churches in our foreign Plantations, &c.
ALTHOUGH there are several excellent Persons of the Church of
England,
whose good Intentions and Endeavours have not been wanting to propagate the Gospel in foreign Parts, who have even combined into Societies for that very Purpose, and given great Encouragement, not only for
English
Missionaries in the
West-Indies,
but also, for the Reformed of other Nations, led by their Example, to propagate Christianity in the
East:
It is nevertheless acknowledged, that there is at this Day, but little Sense of Religion, and a most notorious Corruption of Manners, in the
English
Colonies settled on the Continent of
America,
and the Islands. It is also acknowledged, that the Gospel hath hitherto made but a very inconsiderable Progress among the neighbouring
Americans,
who still continue in much the same Ignorance and Barbarism, in which we found them above a hundred Years ago.
I shall therefore venture to submit my Thoughts upon a Point, that I have long considered, to better Judgments, in Hopes that any Expedient will be favourably hearkened to, which is proposed for the Remedy of these Evils. Now, in order to effect this, it should seem the natural proper Method, to provide, in the first Place, a constant Supply of worthy Clergymen for the
English
Churches in those Parts; and in the second Place, a like constant Supply of zealous Missionaries, well fitted for propagating Christianity among the Savages.
For though the surest Means to reform the Morals, and soften the Behaviour of Men, be, to preach to them the pure uncorrupt Doctrine of the Gospel, yet it cannot be denied, that the Success of preaching dependeth in good measure on the Character and Skill of the Preacher: Forasmuch as Mankind are more apt to copy Characters than to practise Precepts, and forasmuch as Argument, to attain its full Strength, doth not less require the Life of Zeal, than the Weight of Reason; and the same Doctrine, which maketh great Impression, when delivered with Decency and Address, loseth very much of its Force by passing through aukward or unskilful Hands.
Now the Clergy sent over to
America
have proved, too many of them, very meanly qualified both in Learning and Morals for the Discharge of their Office. And indeed little can be expected from the Example or Instruction of those, who quit their native Country on no other Motive, than that they are not able to procure a Livelihood in it, which is known to be often the Case.
To this may be imputed the small Care that hath been taken to convert the Negroes of our Plantations, who, to the Infamy of
England,
and Scandal of the World, continue Heathen under Christian Masters, and in Christian Countries. Which could never be, if our Planters were rightly instructed and made sensible, that they disappointed their own Baptism by denying it to those who belong to them: That it would be of Advantage to their Affairs, to have Slaves who should
obey in all Things their Masters according to the Flesh, not with Eye-service as Men-pleasers, but in Singleness of Heart as fearing God:
That Gospel Liberty consists with temporal Servitude; and that their Slaves would only become better Slaves by being Christians.
And though it be allowed that some of the Clergy in our Colonies have approved themselves Men of Merit, it will at the same time be allowed, that the most zealous and able Missionary from
England
must find himself but ill qualified for converting the
American
Heathen, if we consider the Difference of Language, their wild Way of Living, and above all, the great Jealousy and Prejudice which savage Nations have towards Foreigners, or Innovations introduced by them.
These Considerations make it evident, that a College or Seminary in those Parts is very much wanted; and therefore the providing such a Seminary, is earnestly proposed and recommended to all those, who have it in their Power to contribute to so good a Work. By this, two Ends would be obtained.
First, the Youth of our
English
Plantations might be themselves fitted for the Ministry; and Men of Merit would be then glad to fill the Churches of their native Country, which are now a Drain for the very Dregs and Refuse of ours.
At present, there are, I am told, many Churches vacant in our Plantations, and many very ill supplied; nor can all the Vigilance and Wisdom of that great Prelate, whose peculiar Care it is, prevent this, so long as the aforesaid Churches are supplied from
England.
And supplied they must be, with such as can be picked up in
England
or
Ireland,
until a Nursery of Learning for the Education of the Natives is founded. This indeed might provide a constant Succession of learned and exemplary Pastors; and what Effect this must be supposed to have on their Flocks, I need not say.
Secondly, the Children of savage
Americans,
brought up in such a Seminary, and well instructed in Religion and Learning, might make the ablest and properest Missionaries for spreading the Gospel among their Countrymen; who would be less apt to suspect, and readier to embrace a Doctrine recommended by Neighbours or Relations, Men of their own Blood and Language, than if it were proposed by Foreigners, who would not improbably be thought to have Designs on the Liberty or Property of their Converts.
The young
Americans
necessary for this Purpose, may in the Beginning be procured, either by peaceable Methods from those savage Nations, which border on our Colonies, and are in Friendship with us, or by taking captive the Children of our Enemies.
It is proposed to admit into the aforesaid College only such Savages as are under ten Years of Age, before evil Habits have taken a deep root; and yet not so early as to prevent retaining their Mother Tongue, which should be preserved by Intercourse among themselves.
It is further proposed, to ground these young
Americans
thoroughly in Religion and Morality, and to give them a good Tincture of other Learning; particularly of Eloquence, History, and practical Mathematicks; to which it may not be improper to add some Skill in Physic.
If there were a yearly Supply of ten or a dozen such Missionaries sent abroad into their respective Countries, after they had received the Degree of Master of Arts in the aforesaid College, and Holy Orders in
England,
(till such Time as Episcopacy be established in those Parts) it is hardly to be doubted, but, in a little time, the World would see good and great Effects thereof.
For, to any considering Man, the employing
American
Missionaries for the Conversion of
America,
will, of all others, appear the most likely Method to succeed; especially if care be taken, that, during the whole Course of their Education, an Eye should be had to their Mission; that they should be taught betimes to consider themselves as trained up in that sole View, without any other Prospect of Provision, or Employment; that a Zeal for Religion, and Love of their Country, should be early and constantly instilled into their Minds, by repeated Lectures and Admonitions; that they should not only be incited by the common Topics of Religion and Nature, but farther animated and inflamed by the great Examples in past Ages, of public Spirit and Virtue, to rescue their Countrymen from their savage Manners, to a Life of Civility and Religion.
If his Majesty would graciously please to grant a Charter for a College to be erected in a proper Place for these Uses, it is to be hoped a Fund may be soon raised, by the Contribution of well disposed Persons, sufficient for building and endowing the same. For as the necessary Expence would be small, so there are Men of Religion and Humanity in
England,
who would be pleased to see any Design set forward for the Glory of God and the Good of Mankind.
A small Expence would suffice to subsist and educate the
American
Missionaries in a plain simple Manner, such as might make it easy for them to return to the coarse and poor Methods of Life in use among their Countrymen; and nothing can contribute more to lessen this Expence, than a judicious Choice of the Situation, where the Seminary is to stand.
Many Things ought to be considered in the Choice of a Situation. It should be in a good Air; in a Place where Provisions are cheap and plenty; where an Intercourse might easily be kept up with all Parts of
America
and the Islands; in a Place of Security, not exposed to the Insults of Pirates, Savages, or other Enemies; where there is no great Trade, which might tempt the Readers or Fellows of the College to become Merchants, to the Neglect of their proper Business; where there are neither Riches nor Luxury to divert, or lessen their Application, or to make them uneasy and dissatisfied with a homely frugal Subsistence; lastly, where the Inhabitants, if such a Place may be found, are noted for Innocence and Simplicity of Manners. I need not say of how great Importance this Point would be toward forming the Morals of young Students, and what mighty Influence it must have on the Mission.
It is evident the College long since projected in
Barbadoes,
would be defective in many of these Particulars; for though it may have its Use among the Inhabitants, yet a Place of so high Trade, so much Wealth and Luxury, and such dissolute Morals, (not to mention the great Price and Scarcity of Provisions;) must at first Sight seem a very improper Situation for a general Seminary intended for the forming Missionaries, and educating Youth in Religion and Sobriety of Manners. The same Objections lie against the neighbouring Islands.
And if we consider the Accounts given of their Avarice and Licentiousness, their Coldness in the Practice of Religion, and their Aversion from propagating it, (which appears in the withholding their Slaves from Baptism) it is to be feared, that the Inhabitants in the populous Parts of our Plantations on the Continent are not much fitter, than those in the Islands abovementioned, to influence or assist such a Design. And as to the more remote and less frequented Parts, the Difficulty of being supplied with Necessaries, the Danger of being exposed to the Inroads of Savages, and above all, the Want of Intercourse with other Places, render them improper Situations for a Seminary of Religion and Learning.
It will not be amiss to insert here an Observation I remember to have seen in an Abstract of the Proceedings,
&c.
annexed to the Dean of
Canterbury
's Sermon, before the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in foreign Parts; that the savage
Indians,
who live on the Continent, will not suffer their Children to learn
English
or
Dutch,
lest they should be debauched by conversing with their
European
Neighbours; which is a melancholy but strong Confirmation of the Truth of what hath been now advanced.
A general Intercourse and Correspondence with all the
English
Colonies, both on the Islands and the Continent, and with other Parts of
America,
hath been before laid down, as a necessary Circumstance, the Reason whereof is very evident. But this Circumstance is hardly to be found. For on the Continent, where there are neither Inns, nor Carriages, nor Bridges over the Rivers, there is no travelling by Land between distant Places. And the
English
Settlements are reputed to extend along the Sea-coast for the Space of fifteen hundred Miles. It is therefore plain, there can be no convenient Communication between them, otherwise than by Sea; no Advantage therefore, in this Point, can be gained by settling on the Continent.
There is another Consideration which equally regards the Continent and Islands, that the general Course of Trade and Correspondence lies from all those Colonies to
Great-Britain
alone: Whereas, for our present Purpose, it would be necessary to pitch upon a Place, if such could be found, which maintains a constant Intercourse with all the other Colonies, and whose Commerce lies chiefly or altogether (not in
Europe,
but) in
America.
There is but one Spot that I can find, to which this Circumstance agrees; and that is the Isles of
Bermuda,
otherwise called
The Summer Islands.
These having no rich Commodity or Manufacture, such as Sugar, Tobacco, or the like, wherewithal to trade to
England,
are obliged to become Carriers for
America,
as the
Dutch
are for
Europe.
The
Bermudans
are excellent Shipwrights and Sailors, and have a great Number of very good Sloops, which are always passing and repassing from all Parts of
America.
They drive a constant Trade to the Islands of
Jamaica, Barbadoes, Antego,
&c. with Butter, Onions, Cabbages, and other Roots and Vegetables, which they have in great Plenty and Perfection. They have also some small Manufactures of Joiners Work and Matting, which they export to the Plantations on the Continent. Hence
Bermudan
Sloops are oftner seen in the Ports of
America,
than any other. And indeed, by the best Information I could get, it appears they are the only People of all the
British
Plantations, who hold a general Correspondence with the rest.
And, as the Commerce of
Bermuda
renders it a very fit Place, wherein to erect a Seminary, so likewise doth its Situation, it being placed between our Plantations on the Continent, and those in the Isles, so as equally to respect both. To which may be added, that it lies in the Way of Vessels passing from
America
to
Great-Britain;
all which makes it plain, that the Youth, to be educated in a Seminary placed in the
Summer Islands,
would have frequent Opportunities of going thither and corresponding with their Friends. It must indeed be owned, that some will be obliged to go a long Way to any one Place, which we suppose resorted to, from all Parts of our Plantations; but if we were to look out a Spot the nearest approaching to an equal Distance from all the rest, I believe it would be found to be
Bermuda.
It remains, that we see whether it enjoys the other Qualities or Conditions laid down as well as this.
The Summer Islands
are situated near the Latitude of thirty three Degrees; no Part of the World enjoys a purer Air, or a more temperate Climate, the great Ocean which environs them, at once moderating the Heat of the South Winds, and the Severity of the North-West. Such a Latitude on the Continent might be thought too hot; but the Air in
Bermuda
is perpetually fanned and kept cool by Sea-breezes, which render the Weather the most healthy and delightful that could be wished, being, (as is affirmed by Persons who have long lived there) of one equal Tenour almost throughout the whole Year, like the latter End of a fine
May;
insomuch that it is resorted to as the
Montpellier
of
America.
Nor are these Isles (if we may believe the Accounts given of them) less remarkable for Plenty than for Health; there being, besides Beef, Mutton and Fowl, great Abundance of Fruits, and Garden-stuff of all Kinds in Perfection: To this, if we add the great Plenty and Variety of Fish, which is every Day taken on their Coasts, it would seem, that a Seminary could no where be supplied with better Provisions, or cheaper than here.
About forty Years ago, upon cutting down many tall Cedars that sheltered their Orange-trees from the North-West Wind, (which sometimes blows even there, so as to affect that delicate Plant) great Part of their Orange Plantations suffered; but other Cedars are since grown up, and no doubt, a little Industry would again produce as great Plenty of Oranges as ever was there heretofore. I mention this, because some have inferred from the present Scarcity of that Fruit, for which
Bermuda
was once so famous, that there hath been a change in the Soil and Climate for the worse. But this, as hath been observed, proceeded from another Cause, which is now in great measure taken away.
Bermuda
is a Cluster of small Islands, which lie in a very narrow Compass, containing in all, not quite twenty thousand Acres. This Groupe of Isles is (to use Mr.
Waller
's Expression) walled round with Rocks, which render them inaccessible to Pirates or Enemies; there being but two narrow Entrances, both well guarded by Forts. It would therefore be impossible to find any where, a more secure Retreat for Students.
The Trade of
Bermuda
consists only in Gardenstuff, and some poor Manufactures, principally of Cedar and the Palmetto-leaf.
Bermuda
Hats are worn by our Ladies: They are made of a Sort of Mat, or (as they call it) Platting made of the Palmetto-leaf, which is the only Commodity that I can find exported from
Bermuda
to
Great-Britain;
and as there is no Prospect; of making a Fortune by this small Trade, so it cannot be supposed to tempt the Fellows of the College to engage in it, to the Neglect of their peculiar Business, which might possibly be the Case elsewhere.
Such as their Trade is, such is their Wealth; the Inhabitants being much poorer than the other Colonies, who do not fail to despise them upon that Account. But if they have less Wealth, they have withal less Vice and expensive Folly than their Neighbours. They are represented as a contented, plain, innocent Sort of People, free from Avarice and Luxury, as well as the other Corruptions that attend those Vices.
I am also informed, that they are more constant Attendants on divine Service, more kind and respectful to their Pastor (when they have one) and shew much more Humanity to their Slaves, and Charity to one another, than is observed among the
English
in the other Plantations: One Reason of this may be, that condemned Criminals, being employed in the Manufactures of Sugar and Tobacco, were never transported thither. But, whatever be the Cause, the Facts are attested by a Clergyman of good Credit, who lived long among them.
Among a People of this Character, and in a Situation thus circumstantiated, it would seem that a Seminary of Religion and Learning might very fitly be placed. The Correspondence with other Parts of
America,
the Goodness of the Air, the Plenty and Security of the Place, the Frugality and Innocence of the Inhabitants, all conspiring to favour such a Design. Thus much at least is evident, that young Students would be there less liable to be corrupted in their Morals; and the governing Part would be easier, and better contented with a small Stipend, and a retired academical Life, in a Corner from whence Avarice and Luxury are excluded, than they can be supposed to be in the midst of a full Trade and great Riches, attended with all that high Living and Parade which our Planters affect, and which, as well as all fashionable Vices, should be far removed from the Eyes of the young
American
Missionaries, who are to lead a Life of Poverty and Self-denial among their Countrymen.
After all, it must be acknowledged, that though every Thing else should concur with our Wishes, yet if a Set of good Governors and Teachers be wanting, who are acquainted with the Methods of Education, and have the Zeal and Ability requisite for carrying on a Design of this Nature, it would certainly come to nothing.
An Institution of this Kind should be set on Foot by Men of Prudence, Spirit and Zeal, as well as competent Learning, who should be led to it by other Motives than the Necessity of picking up a Maintenance. For upon this View, what Man of Merit can be supposed to quit his native Country, and take up with a poor College Subsistence in another Part of the World, where there are so many considerable Parishes actually void, and so many others ill supplied for want of fitting Incumbents? Is it likely, that Fellowships of fifty or sixty Pounds a Year should tempt abler or worthier Men, than Benefices of many Times their Value?
And except able and worthy Men do first engage in this Affair, with a Resolution to exert themselves in forming the Manners of the Youth, and giving them a proper Education, it is evident the Mission and the College will be but in a very bad Way. This Inconvenience seems the most difficult to provide against, and, if not provided against, it will be the most likely to obstruct any Design of this Nature. So true it is, that where Ignorance or ill Manners once take place in a Seminary, they are sure to be handed down in a Succession of illiterate or worthless Men.
But this Apprehension, which seems so well grounded, that a College in any Part of
America,
would either lie unprovided, or be worse provided than their Churches are, hath no Place in
Bermuda;
there being at this Time several Gentlemen, in all Respects very well qualified, and in Possession of good Preferments, and fair Prospects at home, who having seriously considered the great Benefit that may arise to the Church and to Mankind from such an Undertaking, are ready to engage in it, and to dedicate the Remainder of their Lives to the instructing the Youth of
America,
and prosecuting their own Studies upon a very moderate Subsistence in a Retirement, so sweet and so secure, and every way so well fitted for a Place of Education and Study, as
Bermuda.
Thus much the Writer hereof thought himself obliged to say of his Associates: For himself, he can only say, that as he values no Preferment upon Earth, so much as that of being employed in the Execution of this Design; so he hopes to make up for other Defects, by the Sincerity of his Endeavours.
In
Europe,
the Protestant Religion hath of late Years considerably lost ground, and
America
seems the likeliest Place, wherein to make up for what hath been lost in
Europe,
provided the proper Methods are taken: Otherwise the
Spanish
Missionaries in the South, and the
French
in the North, are making such a Progress, as may one Day spread the Religion of
Rome,
and with it the usual
Hatred to Protestants, throughout all the savage Nations in
America;
which would probably end in the utter Extirpation of our Colonies, on the Safety whereof depends so much of the Nation's Wealth, and so considerable a Branch of his Majesty's Revenue.
But if this Scheme were pursued, it would in all probability have much greater Influence on the
Americans,
than the utmost Endeavours of Popish Emissaries can possibly have; who from the Difference of Country, Language and Interest, must lie under far greater Difficulties and Discouragements than those, whom we suppose yearly sent out from
Bermuda
to preach among their Countrymen.
It cannot indeed be denied, that the great Number of poor Regulars, inured to hard Living, and brought up in an implicit Obedience to their Superiors, hath hitherto given the Church of
Rome,
in regard to her Missions, great Advantage over the Reformed Churches. But from what hath been said, it is, I think, evident, that this Advantage may be over-balanced by our employing
American
Missionaries.
Nor is the Honour of the Crown, Nation, and Church of
England
unconcerned in this Scheme; which, it is to be hoped, will remove the Reproach, we have so long lain under, that we fall as far short of our Neighbours of the
Romish
Communion in Zeal for propagating Religion, as we surpass them in the Soundness and Purity of it. And at the same time, that the doing what may be so easily done, takes away our Reproach; it will cast no small Lustre on his Majesty's Reign, and derive a Blessing from Heaven on his Administration and those who live under the Influence thereof.
Men of narrow Minds have a peculiar Talent at Objection, being never at a loss for something to say against whatsoever is not of their own proposing. And perhaps, it will be said in Opposition to this Proposal, that if we thought ourselves capable of gaining Converts to the Church, we ought to begin with Infidels, Papists, and Dissenters of all Denominations at home, and to make Proselytes of these before we think of Foreigners; and that therefore our Scheme is against Duty. And further, that considering the great Opposition, which is found on the Part of those who differ from us at home, no Success can be expected among Savages abroad, and that therefore it is against Reason and Experience.
In answer to this I say, that Religion like Light is imparted without being diminished. That whatever is done abroad, can be no Hindrance or Lett to the Conversion of Infidels or others at home. That those who engage in this Affair, imagine they will not be missed, where there is no want of Schools or Clergy; but that they may be of singular Service in Countries but thinly supplied with either, or altogether deprived of both: That our Colonies being of the same Blood, Language and Religion, with ourselves, are in effect our Countrymen. But that Christian Charity, not being limited by those Regards, doth extend to all Mankind. And this may serve for an Answer to the first Point, that our Design is against Duty.
To the second Point I answer: That Ignorance is not so incurable as Error; that you must pull down as well as build, erase as well as imprint, in order to make Proselytes at home: Whereas, the savage
Americans,
if they are in a State purely natural, and unimproved by Education, they are also unincumbred with all that Rubbish of Superstition and Prejudice, which is the Effect of a wrong one. As they are less instructed, they are withal less conceited and more teachable. And not being violently attached to any false System of their own, are so much the fitter to receive that which is true. Hence it is evident, that Success abroad ought not to be measured by that which we observe at home, and that the Inference, which was made from the Difficulty of the one to the Impossibility of the other, is altogether groundless.
It hath more the Appearance of Reason to object (what will possibly be objected by some) that this Scheme hath been already tried to no Purpose, several
Indians
having returned to their savage Manners after they had been taught to write and read, and instructed in the Christian Religion; a clear Proof that their natural Stupidity is not to be overcome by Education.
In answer to this, I say that the Scheme now proposed hath never been tried, forasmuch as a thorough Education in Religion and Morality, in divine and human Learning, doth not appear to have been ever given to any savage
American:
That much is to be hoped from a Man ripe in Years, and well grounded in Religion and useful Knowledge, while little or nothing can be expected from a Youth but slightly instructed in the Elements of either: That from the Miscarriage or gross Stupidity of some, a general Incapacity of all
Americans
cannot be fairly inferred: That they shew as much natural Sense as other uncultivated Nations: That the Empires of
Mexico
and
Peru
were evident Proofs of their Capacity, in which there appeared a Reach of Politics, and a Degree of Art and Politeness, which no
European
People were ever known to have arrived at without the Use of Letters or of Iron, and which some perhaps have fallen short of with both those Advantages.
To what hath been said, it may not be improper to add, that young
Americans,
educated in an Island at some Distance from their own Country, will more easily be kept under Discipline till they have attained a compleat Education, than on the Continent; where they might find Opportunities of running away to their Countrymen, and returning to their brutal Customs, before they were thoroughly imbued with good Principles and Habits.
It must nevertheless be acknowledged a difficult Attempt, to plant Religion among the
Americans,
so long as they continue their wild and roving Life. He who is obliged to hunt for his daily Food, will have little Curiosity or Leisure to receive Instruction. It would seem therefore the right Way, to introduce Religion and civil Life at the same Time into that Part of the World: either Attempt will assist and promote the other. Those therefore of the young Savages, who upon Trial are found less likely to improve by academical Studies, may be taught Agriculture, or the most necessary Trades. And when Husbandmen, Weavers, Carpenters, and the like, have planted those useful Arts among their savage Countrymen, and taught them to live in settled Habitations, to canton out their Land and till it, to provide vegetable Food of all Kinds, to preserve Flocks and Herds of Cattle, to make convenient Houses, and to clothe themselves decently: This will assist the spreading the Gospel among them; this will dispose them to social Virtues, and enable them to see and to feel the Advantages of a religious and civil Education.
And that this View of propagating the Gospel and civil Life among the savage Nations of
America,
was a principal Motive which induced the Crown to send the first
English
Colonies thither, doth appear from the Charter granted by King
James
I. to the Adventurers in
Virginia. See
Purchas'
s Pilgrims, Vol. 4. b.
I.
c.
9. And it is now but just (what might then seem charitable) that these poor Creatures should receive some Advantage with respect to their spiritual Interests, from those who have so much improved their temporal, by settling among them.
It is most true, notwithstanding our present Corruptions, that there are to be found in no Country under the Sun Men of better Inclinations, or greater Abilities for doing Good, than in
England.
But it is as true, that Success, in many Cases, depends not upon Zeal, Industry, Wealth, Learning, or the like Faculties, so much as on the Method, wherein these are applied. We often see a small Proportion of Labour and Expence in one Way, bring that about, which in others, a much greater Share of both could never effect. It hath been my Endeavour to discover this Way or Method in the present Case. What hath been done, I submit to the Judgment of all good and reasonable Men; who, I am persuaded, will never reject or discourage a Proposal of this Nature, on the Score of slight Objections, Surmises, or Difficulties, and thereby render themselves chargeable with the having prevented those good Effects, which might otherwise have been produced by it.
For it is, after all, possible, that unforeseen Difficulties may arise in the Prosecution of this Design, many Things may retard, and many Things may threaten to obstruct it; but there is hardly any Enterprise or Scheme whatsoever, for the public Good, in which Difficulties are not often shewing themselves, and as often overcome by the Blessing of God, upon the Prudence and Resolution of the Undertakers; though, for ought that appears, the present Scheme is as likely to succeed, and attended with as few Difficulties, as any of this Kind can possibly be.
For to any Man, who considers the divine Power of Religion, the innate Force of Reason and Virtue, and the mighty Effects often wrought by the constant regular Operation even of a weak and small Cause; it will seem natural and reasonable to suppose, that Rivulets perpetually issuing forth from a Fountain, or Reservoir, of Learning and Religion, and streaming through all Parts of
America,
must in due time have a great Effect, in purging away the ill Manners and Irreligion of our Colonies, as well as the Blindness and Barbarity of the Nations round them: Especially, if the Reservoir be in a clean and private Place, where its Waters, out of the Way of any Thing that may corrupt them, remain clear and pure; otherwise they are more likely to pollute than purify the Places through which they flow.
The Greatness of a Benefaction is rather in Proportion to the Number and Want of the Receivers, than to the Liberality of the Giver. A wise and good Man would therefore be frugal in the Management of his Charity; that is, contrive it so as that it might extend to the greatest Wants of the greatest Number of his Fellow-creatures. Now the greatest Wants are spiritual Wants, and by all Accounts these are no where greater than in our western Plantations, in many Parts whereof divine Service is never performed for want of Clergymen; in others, after such a Manner and by such Hands, as scandalize even the worst of their own Parishioners; where many
English,
instead of gaining Converts, are themselves degenerated into Heathens, being Members of no Church, without Morals, without Faith, without Baptism. There can be therefore, in no Part of the Christian World, a greater Want of spiritual Things than in our Plantations.
And, on the other hand, no Part of the Gentile World are so inhuman and barbarous as the savage
Americans,
whose chief Employment and Delight consisting in Cruelty and Revenge, their Lives must of all others, be most opposite, as well to the Light of Nature, as to the Spirit of the Gospel. Now to reclaim these poor Wretches, to prevent the many Torments and cruel Deaths which they daily inflict on each other, to contribute in any sort to put a Stop to the numberless horrid Crimes which they commit without Remorse, and instead thereof to introduce the Practice of Virtue and Piety, must surely be a Work in the highest Degree becoming every sincere and charitable Christian.
Those, who wish well to Religion and Mankind, will need no other Motive to forward an Undertaking calculated for the Service of both: I shall, nevertheless, beg leave to observe, that whoever would be glad to cover a Multitude of Sins by an extensive and well-judged Charity, or whoever, from an excellent and God-like Temper of Mind, seeks Opportunities of doing Good in his Generation, will be pleased to meet with a Scheme that so peculiarly puts it in his Power, with small Trouble or Expence, to procure a great and lasting Benefit to the World.
Ten Pounds a Year, would (if I mistake not) be sufficient to defray the Expence of a young
American
in the College of
Bermuda,
as to Diet, Lodging, Clothes, Books and Education: And if so, the Interest of two hundred Pounds may be a perpetual Fund for maintaining one Missionary at the College, for ever; and in this Succession, many, it is to be hoped, may become powerful Instruments for converting to Christianity and civil Life whole Nations, who now sit in Darkness and the Shadow of Death, and whose cruel brutal Manners are a Disgrace to human Nature.
A Benefaction of this Kind seems to enlarge the very Being of a Man, extending it to distant Places and to future Times; inasmuch as unseen Countries and after Ages, may feel the Effects of his Bounty, while he himself reaps the Reward in the blessed Society of all those, who,
having turned many to Righteousness, shine as the Stars for ever end ever.
P. S.
SINCE the foregoing Proposal was first made public, His MAJESTY hath been graciously pleased to grant a Charter for erecting a College by the Name of St. PAUL'S College in
Bermuda,
for the Uses abovementioned. Which College is to contain a President and nine Fellows. The first President appointed by Charter is GEORGE BERKELEY, D. D. and Dean of
Derry.
The three Fellows named in the Charter, are WILLIAM THOMPSON, JONATHAN ROGERS and JAMES KING, Masters of Arts and Fellows of
Trinity
College near
Dublin.
The Nomination of a President is reserved to the Crown. The Election of Fellows is vested in the President and the Majority of the Fellows; as is likewise the Government of the Society. The Lord Bishop of
London
for the Time Being, is appointed Visitor; and such of His MAJESTY'S Principal Secretaries of State for the Time Being as hath
America
in his Province, is appointed Chancellor of the said College. The President and Fellows have the Power of making Statutes to be approved by the Visitor: They have also the Power of conferring Degrees in all Faculties. They are obliged to maintain and educate
Indian
Scholars at the rate of ten Pound
per Annum
for each. They are obliged to transmit annual Accounts of the State of the College, Number of Students, their Progress,
&c.
to the Chancellor and Visitor. The aforesaid President and Fellows are licensed to hold their Preferments in these Kingdoms till one Year and a half be expired after their Arrival in
Bermuda.
This Society is incorporated with the usual Clauses, hath Power to receive Benefactions, purchase Lands, keep a common Seal,
&c.
Lastly, all in Office under His MAJESTY, are required to be aiding and assisting to the Protection and Preservation thereof.
A SERMON Preached before the Incorporated SOCIETY FOR THE
Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts;
AT THEIR ANNIVERSARY MEETING IN THE Parish-Church of St.
Mary-le-Bow,
On FRIDAY,
February
18, 1731.
First Printed in
London,
A. D. MDCCXXXII.
February 18, 1731-32.
At the Anniversary Meeting of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.
AGREED, That the Thanks of the SOCIETY be given to the Reverend Mr. Dean
Berkeley,
for his Sermon preached this Day before the SOCIETY, and that He be desired to print the same.
David Humphreys;
Secretary.
JOHN xvii. 3.
This is Life Eternal, that they may know thee the only true God, and Jesus Christ whom thou hast sent.
THAT human Kind were not designed meerly to sojourn a few Days upon this Earth: that a Being of such Excellence as the Soul of Man, so capable of a nobler Life, and having such a high Sense of Things moral and intellectual, was not created in the sole View of being imprisoned in an earthly Tabernacle, and partaking a few Pains and Pleasures which checker this mortal Life, without aspiring to any Thing either above or beyond it, is a fundamental Doctrine as well of natural Religion as of the Christian. It comes at once recommended by the Authority of Philosophers and Evangelists. And that there actually is in the Mind of Man a strong Instinct and Desire, an Appetite and Tendency towards another and a better State, incomparably superior to the present, both in point of Happiness and Duration, is no more than every one's Experience and inward Feeling may inform him. The Satiety and Disrelish attending sensual Enjoyments, the Relish for Things of a more pure and spiritual Kind, the restless Motion of the Mind, from one terrene Object or Pursuit to another, and often a Flight or Endeavour above them all towards something unknown, and perfective of its Nature, are so many Signs and Tokens of this better State, which in the Stile of the Gospel is termed Life Eternal.
And as this is the greatest Good that can befal us, the very End of our Being, and that alone which can crown and satisfy our Wishes, and without which we shall be ever restless and uneasy; so every Man, who knows and acts up to his true Interest, must make it his principal Care and Study to obtain it: And in order to this, he must endeavour to live suitably to his Calling, and of consequence endeavour to make others obtain it too. For how can a Christian shew himself worthy of his Calling, otherwise than by performing the Duties of it? And what Christian Duty is more essentially so, than that of Charity? And what Object can be found upon Earth more deserving our Charity, than the Souls of Men? Or, how is it possible for the most beneficent Spirit to do them better Service, than by promoting their best and most lasting Interest, that is, by putting them in the Way that leads to eternal Life.
What this eternal Life was, or how to come at it, were Points unknown to the Heathen World. It must be owned, the wise Men of old, who followed the Light of Nature, saw even by that Light, that the Soul of Man was debased, and borne downwards, contrary to its natural Bent, by carnal and terrene Objects; and that, on the other hand, it was exalted, purged, and in some sort assimulated to the Deity, by the Contemplation of Truth and Practice of Virtue. Thus much in general they saw or surmised. But then about the Way and Means to know the one, or perform the other, they were much at a loss. They were not agreed concerning the true End of Mankind; which, as they saw, was mistaken in the vulgar Pursuits of Men; so they found it much more eafy to consute the Errors of others, than to ascertain the Truth themselves. Hence so many Divisions and Disputes about a Point which it most imported them to know, insomuch as it was to give the Bias to human Life, and govern the whole Tenor of their Actions and Conduct.
But when Life and Immortality were brought to Light by the Gospel, there could remain no Dispute about the chief End and Felicity of Man, no more than there could about the Means of obtaining it, after the express Declaration of our blessed Lord in the Words of my Text;
This is Life eternal, that they may know thee the only true God, and Jesus Christ whom thou hast sent.
For the right Understanding of which Words we must observe, that by the Knowledge of God, is not meant a barren Speculation, either of Philosophers or Scholastic Divines, nor any notional Tenets fitted to produce Disputes and Dissensions among Men; but, on the contrary, an holy practical Knowledge, which is the Source, the Root, or Principle of Peace and Union, of Faith, Hope, Charity, and universal Obedience. A Man may frame the most accurate Notions, and in one Sense attain the exactest Knowledge of God and Christ that human Faculties can reach, and yet, notwithstanding all this, be far from knowing them in that saving Sense. For St.
John
tells us, that
1 John. iii. 6.
whosoever sinneth, hath not seen Christ, nor known him.
And again,
1 John iv. 8.
He that loveth not, knoweth not God.
To know God as we ought, we must love him; and love him so as withal to love our Brethren, his Creatures and his Children. I say, that Knowledge of God and Christ, which is Life eternal, implies universal Charity, with all the Duties ingrafted thereon, or ensuing from thence, that is to say, the Love of God and Man. And our Lord expresly saith,
John xiv. 21.
He that hath my Commandments, and keepeth them, he it is that loveth me.
From all which it is evident, that this saving Knowledge of God is inseparable from the Knowledge and Practice of his Will; the explicit Declaration whereof, and of the Means to perform it, are contained in the Gospel, that divine Instrument of Grace and Mercy to the Sons of Men. The Metaphysical Knowledge of God, considered in his absolute Nature or Essence, is one Thing, and to know him as he stands related to us as Creator, Redeemer, and Sanctifier, is another. The former Kind of Knowledge (whatever it amounts to) hath been, and may be, in Gentiles as well as Christians, but not the latter, which is Life eternal.
From what has been said, it is a plain Consequence, that whoever is a sincere Christian cannot be indifferent about bringing over other Men to the Knowledge of God and Christ; but that every one of us, who hath any Claim to that Title, is indispensably obliged in Duty to God, and in Charity to his Neighbour, to desire and promote, so far as there is Opportunity, the Conversion of Heathens and Infidels, that so they may become Partakers of Life and Immortality. For,
this is Life eternal, to know thee the only true God, and Jesus Christ whom thou hast sent.
In my present Discourse upon which Words; I shall,
First, consider in general the Obligation that Christians lie under, of bringing other Men to the Knowledge of the only true God, and of Jesus Christ. And,
Secondly, I shall consider it in reference to this laudable Society, instituted for the Propagation of the Gospel. And under each Head; I propose to obviate such Difficulties as may seem to retard, and intermix such Remarks as shall appear proper to forward so good a Work.
Now although it be very evident, that we can really have neither a just Zeal for the Glory of God, nor a beneficent Love of Man, without wishing and endeavouring, as occasion serves, to spread the glad Tidings of Salvation, and bring those who are benighted in the Shadow of Death, to Life eternal, by the Knowledge of the only true God, and of Jesus Christ whom he hath sent. Yet this Duty, plain and undoubted as it seems, happens to be too often overlooked, even by those whose Attention to other Points would make one think their Neglect of this, not an Effect of lukewarm Indifference, so much as of certain mistaken Notions and Suppositions. Two principal Considerations occur, which, in this particular, seem to have slackened the Industry of some, otherwise zealous and serious Christians.
One I apprehend to be this, that it is surmised, the Christian Religion is in a declining State, which by many Symptoms seems likely to end either in Popery, or a general Infidelity. And that of course a prudent Person has nothing to do, but to make sure of his own Salvation, and to acquiesce in the general Tendency of Things, without being at any fruitless Pains to oppose what cannot be prevented, to steer against the Stream, or resist a Torrent, which as it flows, gathers Strength and Rapidity, and in the End will be sure to overflow, and carry before it. When a Man of a desponding and foreboding Spirit hath been led, by his Observation of the Ways of the World, and the prevailing Humour of our Times, to think after this Manner; he will be inclined to strengthen this his preconceived Opinion, as is usual in other the like Cases, by Mis-application of holy Scripture: For Instance, by those Words of our blessed Saviour,
Luke xviii. 8.
When the Son of Man cometh, shall he find Faith on the Earth?
which have been applied to this very Purpose, as importing that before the final Judgment, Christian Faith should be extinguished upon Earth; although these Words do, from the Context, seem plainly to refer to the Destruction of
Jerusalem,
and the obstinate Blindness of the
Jews,
who even then when they felt the Hand of God, should not acknowledge it, or believe the
Roman
Army to be the Instrument of divine Vengeance, in the Day of their Visitation, by him whom they had injuriously treated, rejected, and put to Death.
But, granting the former Sense might be supported by no absurd Hypothesis, or no improbable Guess; yet shall the Endeavours of Christian Men for propagating the Gospel of Christ be forestalled by any Suppositions or Conjectures whatsoever? Admitting, I say, those Words regard the future Advent of Jesus Christ, yet can any one tell how near or how far off that Advent may be? Are not the Times and Seasons foreknown only to God? And shall we neglect a certain Duty to Day, upon an uncertain Surmise of what is to come hereafter? This Way of thinking might furnish as strong Reasons against Preaching at home, as abroad, within, as without the Pale of the Church. It would be as specious an Argument against the one as the other, but in reality can conclude against neither. For, as we know not when that supposed Time of general Infidelity is to be, or whether it will be at all; so, if it were ever so sure, and ever so near, it would nevertheless become us to take care, that it may not be an Effect of our own particular Indifference and Neglect.
But if we take our Notions, not from the uncertain Interpretation of a particular Text, but from the whole Tenor of the divine Oracles, from the express Promise and reiterated Predictions of our blessed Lord and his Apostles, we shall believe, that
Phil. ii. 9, 10, 11.
Jesus Christ is highly exalted of God, to the End; that at his Name every Knee shall bow, and every Tongue confess that he is the Lord, to the Glory of God the Father.
That
1 Cor. xv. 25.
he must reign till he hath put all Enemies under his Feet.
That
Mat. xxviii. 20.
he is with us alway, even unto the End of the World.
And that, the Church of the living God, the Pillar and Ground of Truth, is so far from being destroyed by human Means,
Mat. xvi. 28.
that the Gates of Hell
(all the infernal Powers)
shall not prevail against it.
Let us therefore banish all such Conceits as may seem to justify our Indolence, as may reason us out of all Courage and Vigour in the Race that is set before us; let us not, I say, slacken our own Hands, nor enfeeble our own Knees, by preconceived Fancies and Suppositions, considering that as the Success of all Enterprises in great measure depends on the Spirit of the Undertakers, so nothing is more apt to raise a Spirit than Hope; nor to depress it, than Despondency. We ought therefore to shake off every vain Fear in our spiritual Warfare. The Number, the Presumption, and the Abilities of those, who take Counsel together against the Lord and against his Anointed, should not dishearten, but rather excite and encourage us to stand in the Gap.
Another Consideration, that may possibly withhold divers sincere Believers from contributing their Endeavours for bringing Men to the Knowledge of God and Christ, and thereby to eternal Life, is the want of Miracles in the present Age. Men naturally cast about for Reasons to countenance the Part they take. And as the Gift of Miracles was of mighty Influence and Help to those, who were commissioned to spread abroad the Light of the Gospel in its first Promulgation, so no Pretence offers itself more naturally to excuse a Man from executing any Purpose, than the Want of Authority, which, in the Opinion of Men, cannot be without a just Commission, nor this unless distinguished by those proper Means and Powers that have been known to attend it. Now, with regard to this Defect of Miracles, I shall beg leave to make two Observations.
First,
It is to be observed, that if we have not Miracles, we have other Advantages which make them less necessary now, than in the first spreading of the Gospel: Whole Nations have found the Benefit of Christ's Religion, it is protected by Princes, established and encouraged by Laws, supported by Learning and Arts, recommended by the Experience of many Ages, as well as by the Authority and Example of the wisest it and most knowing Men. Certainly, if the greatest Part of Mankind are Gentiles or Mahometans, it cannot be denied, that the most knowing, most learned, and most improved Nations, profess Christianity; and that even the Mahometans themselves bear Testimony to the divine Mission of Jesus Christ. Whereas therefore, in the Beginning, a few illiterate Wanderers, of the meanest of the People, had the Prejudices, the Learning, and the Power of their own, as well as other Nations, in one World, the whole World, to oppose and overcome: Those who at this Day engage in the Propagation of the Gospel, do it upon Terms in many Respects far more easy and advantageous. It is Power against Weakness, Civility against Barbarism, Knowledge against Ignorance, some or other, if not all these Advantages, in the present Times, attending the Progress of the Christian Religion, in whatever Part of the World Men shall attempt to plant it.
In the second Place we may reflect, that if we have not the Gift of Miracles, this is a good Reason why we should exert more strongly those human Means which God hath put in our Power; and make our ordinary Faculties, whether of the Head, or the Hand, or the Tongue, our Interest, our Credit, or our Fortune, subservient to the great Giver of them; and chearfully contribute our humble Mite towards hastening that Time, wherein
Psal. lxxxvi. 9.
all Nations whom thou hast made, shall come and worship before thee, O Lord, and shall glorify thy Name.
It is at least a plain Case, that the Want of Apostolical Gifts should not be pleaded as a Bar to our doing that, which in no Respect, either of Difficulty or Danger, equals, or approaches the Apostolical Office. What Pretence can this supply for Mens being quite unconcerned about the Spreading of the Gospel, or the Salvation of Souls? for Mens forgetting that they are Christians, and related to human Kind? How can this justify their overlooking Opportunities which lie in their Way, their not contributing a small Part of their Fortune towards forwarding a Design, wherein they share neither Pains nor Peril; the not bestowing on it, even the cheap Assistance of their Speech, Attention, Counsel, or Countenance, as Occasion offers? How unlike is this worldly, selfish Indifference, to that Account which St.
Paul
gives of himself, that
1 Cor. x. 33.
he sought not his own Profit, but the Profit of many, that they may be saved.
And yet herein he expected the
Corinthians
(and the same Reason will hold for us) should be like him; for he subjoins,
Be ye Followers of me as I also am of Christ.
Having considered the Duty in general, I come now to treat of it with reference to
America,
the peculiar Province of this venerable Society; which I suppose well informed of the State and Progress of Religion in that Part of the World, by their Correspondencies with the Clergy upon their Mission. It may nevertheless be expected that one who had been engaged in a Design upon this very View, who hath been upon the Place, and resided a considerable Time in one of our Colonies, sould have observed somewhat worth reporting. It is to be hoped, therefore, that one Part of my Audience will pardon, what the other may perhaps expect, while I detain them with the Narrative of a few Things I have observed, and such Reflexions as thereupon suggested themselves; some Part of which may possibly be found to extend to ether Colonies.
Rhode-Island,
with a Portion of the adjacent Continent, under the same Government, is inhabited by an
English
Colony, consisting chiefly of Sectaries of many different Denominations, who seem to have worn off part of that Prejudice, which they inherited from their Ancestors, against the national Church of this Land; though it must be acknowledged at the same Time, that too many of them have worn off a serious Sense of all Religion. Several indeed of the better Sort are accustomed to assemble themselves regularly on the Lord's Day for the Performance of divine Worship. But most of those, who are dispersed throughout this Colony, seem to rival some well-bred People of other Countries, in a thorough Indifference for all that is sacred, being equally careless of outward Worship, and of inward Principles, whether of Faith or Practice. Of the Bulk of them it may certainly be said, that they live without the Sacraments, not being so much as baptized: And as for their Morals, I apprehend there is nothing to be found in them that should tempt others to make an Experiment of their Principles, either in Religion or Government. But it must be owned; the general Behaviour of the Inhabitants in those Towns where Churches and Meetings have been long settled, and regularly attended, seems so much better, as sufficiently to shew the Difference, which a solemn regular Worship of God makes between Persons of the same Blood, Temper, and natural Faculties.
The native
Indians,
who are said to have been formerly many Thousands, within the Compass of this Colony, do not at present amount to one Thousand, including every Age and Sex. And these are either all Servants or Labourers for the
English,
who have contributed more to destroy their Bodies by the Use of strong Liquors, than by any means to improve their Minds, or save their Souls. This slow Poison, jointly operating with the Small-Pox, and their Wars (but much more destructive than both) hath consumed the
Indians,
not only in our Colonies, but also far and wide upon our Consines. And having made Havock of them, is now doing the same thing by those who taught them that odious Vice.
The Negroes in the Government of
Rhode-Island
are about half as many more than the
Indians;
and both together scarce amount to a seventh Part of the whole Colony. The Religion of these People, as is natural to suppose, takes after that of their Masters. Some few are baptized; several frequent the different Assemblies; and far the greater Part none at all. An ancient Antipathy to the
Indians,
whom it seems, our first Planters (therein as in certain other Particulars affecting to imitate
Jews
rather than
Christians
) imagined they had a Right to treat on the Foot of
Canaanites
or
Amalekites,
together with an irrational Contempt of the Blacks, as Creatures of another Species, who had no Right to be instruced or admitted to the Sacraments, have proved a main Obstacle to the Conversion of these poor People.
To this may be added, an erroneous Notion, that the being baptized, is inconsistent with a State of Slavery. To undeceive them in this Particular, which had too much Weight, it seemed a proper Step, if the Opinion of his Majesty's Attorney and Solicitor-General could be procured. This Opinion they charitably sent over, signed with their own Hands; which was accordingly printed in
Rhode-Island,
and dispersed throughout the Plantations. I heartily wish it may produce the intended Effect. It must be owned, our reformed Planters, with respect to the Natives and the Slaves, might learn from those of the Church of
Rome,
how it is their Interest and Duty to behave. Both
French
and
Spaniards
have intermarried with
Indians,
to the great Strength, Security and Increase of their Colonies. They take care to instruct both them and their Negroes, in the
Popish
Religion, to the Reproach of those who profess a better. They have also Bishops and Seminaries for Clergy; and it is not found that their Colonies are worse Subjects, or depend less on their Mother Country, on that Account.
It should seem, that the likeliest Step towards converting the Heathen would be to begin with the
English
Planters; whose Influence will for ever be an Obstacle to propagating the Gospel, till they have a right Sense of it themselves, which would shew them how much it is their Duty to impart it to others. The Missionaries employed by this venerable Society have done, and continue to do, good Service, in bringing those Planters to a serious Sense of Religion, which, it is hoped, will in Time extend to others. I speak it knowingly, that the Ministers of the Gospel, in those Provinces which go by the Name of
New-England,
sent and supported at the Expence of this Society, have, by their Sobriety of Manners, discreet Behaviour, and a competent Degree of useful Knowledge, shewn themselves worthy the Choice of those who sent them; and particularly in living on a more friendly Foot with their Brethren of the Separation; who, on their Part, were also very much come off from that Narrowness of Spirit, which formerly kept them at such an unamicable Distance from us. And as there is Reason to apprehend, that Part of
America
could not have been thus distinguished, and provided with such a Number of proper Persons, if one half of them had not been supplied out of the dissenting Seminaries of the Country, who, in Proportion as they attain to more liberal Improvements of Learning, are observed to quit their Prejudice towards an episcopal Church; so I verily think it might increase the Number of such useful Men, if Provision were made to defray their Charges in coming hither to receive Holy Orders; passing and repassing the Ocean, and tarrying the necessary Time in
London,
requiring an Expence that many are not able to bear. It would also be an Encouragement to the Missionaries in general, and probably produce good Effects, if the Allowance of certain Missionaries were augmented, in proportion to the Services they had done, and the Time they had spent in their Million. These Hints I venture to suggest, as not unuseful in an Age, wherein all human Encouragements are found more necessary, than at the first Propagation of the Gospel. But they are, with all due Deference and Respect, submitted to the Judgment of this venerable Audience.
After all, it is hardly to be expected, that so long as Infidelity prevails at home, the Christian Religion should thrive and flourish in our Colonies abroad. Mankind, it must be owned, left to themselves, are so much bewildered and benighted, with respect to the Origin of that Evil which they feel, and from which they are at a loss about the Means of being freed; that the Doctrines of the lapsed State of Man, his Reconciliation by Christ, and Regeneration by the Spirit, may reasonably be hoped to find an easy Admission, as bringing with them Light and Comfort, into a Mind not hardened by Impenitency, nor fore-closed by Pride, nor biased by Prejudice. But such is the Vanity of Man, that no Prejudice operates more powerfully than that in Favour of Fashion; and no Fashions are so much followed by our Colonies, as those of the Mother Country, which they often adopt in their Modes of living, to their great Inconvenience, without allowing for the Disparity of Circumstance or Climate. This same Humour hath made Infidelity (as I find it too credibly reported) spread in some of our wealthy Plantations; uneducated Men being more apt to tread in the Steps of Libertines and Men of Fashion, than to model themselves by the Laws and Institutions of their Mother Country, or the Lives and Professions of the virtuous and religious Part of it.
But this is not all: While those abroad are less disposed to receive, some at home are, perhaps, less disposed to propagate the Gospel, from the same Cause. It is to be feared, I say, that the prevailing Torrent of Infidelity, which staggers the Faith of some, may cool the Zeal and damp the Spirit of others, who, judging from the Event and Success of those who impugn the Church of Christ, may possibly entertain some Scruple or Surmise, whether it may not be, for the present at least, abandoned by Providence, and that human Care must ineffectually interpose, till it shall please God,
yet once more to shake not the Earth only, but also the Heavens.
This Point hath been touched before, but deserves farther Consideration: to the End, that the peculiar Impiety of a profane Age, may not be a Bar to those very Endeavours, which itself renders more necessary, and calls for more loudly now than ever.
Whatever Men may think, the Arm of the Lord is not shortened. In all this Prevalency of Atheism and Irreligion, there is no Advantage gained by the Powers of Darkness, either against God, or godly Men, but only against their own wretched Partisans. The Christian Dispensation is a Dispensation of Grace and Favour. The Christian Church a Society of Men intitled to this Grace, on performing certain Conditions. If this Society is diminished, as those who remain true Members of it suffer no Loss to themselves, so God loseth no Right, suffereth no Detriment, forgoeth no Good; his Grace resisted or unfruitful, being no more lost to him, than the Light of the Sun shining on desert Places, or among People who shut their Eyes.
Besides, this Excess, this unstemmed Torrent of Profaneness, may possibly, in the Conclusion, defeat itself, confirm what it meant to extirpate, and instead of destroying, prove a Means of preserving our Religion; the evil Fruits and Effects thereof being so notorious and flagrant, and so sensibly felt, as in all likelihood to be able to open the Eyes, and rouse the Attention of those, who may be blind and deaf to every other Argument and Consideration. Or, who knows but the Christian Church corrupted by Prosperity, is to be restored and purified by Adversity? which may prove for ought we can tell, as salutary in future, as it hath been in past Ages. Many insolent and presumptuous Foes have set themselves against the Church of God; whole Hook nevertheless may be in their Nostrils, and his Bridle in their Lips, managing and governing, even their Rage and Folly, to the fulfilling of his own wise Purposes; and who may not fail in the End, to deal by them as he did by the King of
Assyria,
when he had
Isa. x. 12.
performed his Work upon
Sion
and upon
Jerusalem,
punishing their stout Heart and high Looks.
This presumptuous Conqueror was, without knowing it, a Tool or Instrument in the Hands of that God whom he blasphemed.
Isa. x. 5, 6, 7.
O
Assyrian,
the Rod of mine Anger! I will send him against an hypocritical Nation, and against the People of my Wrath will I give him a Charge to take the Spoil, and to take the Prey, and to tread them down like the Mire of the Streets. Howbeit he meaneth not so, neither doth his Heart think so, but it is in his Heart to destroy and cut off Nations not a few.
Thus much at least is evident: It is no new Thing, that great Enormities should produce great Humiliations, and these again noble Virtues, which have often recovered both single Men, and whole States, even in a natural and civil Sense. And if the Captivities, Distresses, and Desolations of the Jewish Church, have occasioned their Return to God, and reinstated them in his Favour; nay, if it was actually foretold, whenever they lay under the Curse of God, at the Mercy of their Enemies, peeled and scattered in a foreign Land, that nevertheless upon their calling his Covenant to Mind, and returning to him,
Deut. xxx. 3.
The Lord their God would turn their Captivity, and have Compassion upon them.
I say, if Things were so, why may we not in Reason hope for something analogous thereto, in behalf of the Christian Church, It cannot be denied, that there was a great Analogy between the Jewish Institutions, and the Doctrines of the Gospel; for Instance, between the Paschal Lamb, and the Lamb of God slain from the Foundation of the World; between the
Egyptian
Bondage, and that of Sin; the earthly
Canaan,
and the heavenly; the fleshly Circumcision, and the spiritual. In these and many other Particulars, the Analogy seems so plain, that it can hardly be disputed. To be convinced that the Law of
Moses
and the Jewish Oeconomy were Figures and Shadows of the Evangelical, we need only look into the Epistle to the
Hebrews.
May we not therefore, in pursuance of this same Analogy, suppose a similar Treatment of the
Jewish
and
Christian
Church?
Let us then see, on what Terms the former flood with God, in order to discover what the latter may reasonably expect. The solemn Denunciation to the
Jews
was,
Deut, xxviii. 1.
If thou shall hearken diligently unto the Voice of the Lord thy God, to observe and to do all his Commandments, which I command thee this Day, that the Lord thy God will set thee on high above all the Nations of the Earth.
But in case of Disobedience, it is added among many other Threats and Maledictions:
Ver. 22, 23.
The Lord shall smite thee with Blasting and with Mildew: and thy Heaven that is over thy Head shall be Brass, and the Earth that is under thee shall be Iron.
And again,
Ver. 28.
The Lord shall smite thee with Madness, and Blindness, and Astonishment of Heart.
Have not the People of this Land drawn down upon it, by more Ways than one, the just Judgments of Heaven? Surely we have felt in a Metaphor the first of the forementioned Judgments; and the last hath been literally fulfilled upon us. Is it not visible that we are less knowing, less virtuous, less reasonable, in Proportion as we are less religious? Are we not grown drunk and giddy with Vice and Vanity and Presumption, and Free-thinking, and Extravagance of every Kind? to a Degree that we may truly be said to be
smitten with Madness, and Blindness, and Astonishment of Heart.
As anciently most unchristian Schisms and Disputes, joined with great Corruption of Manners, made way for the
Mahometan
in the East, and the Papal Dominion in the West; even so here at home in the last Century, a weak Reliance upon human Politics and Power on the one hand, and enthusiastic Rage on the other, together with Carnalmindedness on both, gave occasion to introduce Atheism and Infidelity. If the temporal State, and outward Form of the
Jewish
Church was, upon their Defection, overturned by Invaders; in like manner, when Christians are no longer governed by the Light of Evangelical Truth, when we resist the Spirit of God, are we not to expect, that
the Heaven above will be as Brass,
that the divine Grace will no longer shower down on our obdurate Hearts, that our Church and Profession will be blasted by licentious Scorners, those Madmen, who in Sport
scatter Firebrands, Arrows, and Death?
As all this is no more than we may reasonably suppose will ensue upon our Backsliding, so we may, with equal Reason, hope it will be remedied upon our Return to God.
From what hath been said it follows, that in order to propagate the Gospel abroad, it is necessary we do it at home, and extend our Charity to domestic Infidels, if we would convert or prevent foreign ones. So that a View of the declining State of Religion here at home, of those Things that produced this Declension, and of the proper Methods to repair it, is naturally connected with the Subject of this Discourse. I shall therefore beg your Patience, while I just mention a few Remarks or Hints, too obvious, perhaps, in themselves to be new or unknown to any present, but too little visible in their Effects, to make one think they are, by all, much attended to.
Some, preferring Points notional or ritual to the Love of God and Man, consider the national Church only as it stands opposed to other Christian Societies. These generally have a Zeal without Knowledge, and the Effects are suitable to the Cause; they really hurt what they seem to espouse. Others more solicitous about the Discovery of Truth, than the Practice of Holiness, employ themselves, rather to spy out Errors in the Church, than enforce its Precepts. These, it is to be feared, postpone the great Interests of Religion to Points of less Concern, in any Eyes but their own. But surely they would do well to consider, that an humble, though confused or indistinct, Faith in the Bond of Charity, and productive of good Works, is much more Evangelical than any accurate disputing and conceited Knowledge.
A Church which contains the Fundamentals, and nothing subversive of those Fundamentals, is not to be set at naught by any particular Member; because it may not, in every Point, perhaps, correspond with his Ideas, no not, though he is sure of being in the right. Probably there never was, or will be, an established Church in this World, without visible Marks of Humanity upon it. Saint
Paul
supposeth, that
1 Cor. iii. 12.
on the Foundation of Jesus Christ, there will be human Superstructures of Hay and Stubble,
Things light and trivial, wrong or superstitious, which indeed is a natural Consequence of the Weakness and Ignorance of Man. But where that living Foundation is rightly laid in the Mind, there will not fail to grow and spring from thence those Virtues and Graces, which are the genuine Effects and Tokens of true Faith, and which are by no means inconsistent with every Error in Theory, or every needless Rite in Worship.
The Christian Religion was calculated for the Bulk of Mankind, and therefore cannot reasonably be supposed to consist in subtle and nice Notions. From the Time that Divinity was considered as a Science, and human Reason inthroned in the Sanctuary of God, the Hearts of its Professors seem to have been less under the Influence of Grace. From that Time have grown many unchristian Dissensions and Controversies, of Men
1 Tim. vi. 4, 5.
knowing nothing, but doting about Questions and Strifes of Words, whereof cometh Envy, Strife, Railings, evil Surmises, perverse Disputings of Men of corrupt Minds and destitute of Truth.
Doubtless, the making Religion a notional Thing, hath been of infinite Disservice. And whereas its holy Mysteries are rather to be received with Humility of Faith, than defined and measured by the Accuracy of human Reason; all Attempts of this Kind, however well intended, have visibly failed in the Event; and instead of reconciling Infidels, have, by creating Disputes and Heats among the Professors of Christianity, given no small Advantage to its Enemies.
To conclude, if we proportioned our Zeal to the Importance of Things: If we could love Men whose Opinions we do not approve: If we knew the World more, and liked it less: If we had a due Sense of the divine Perfection and our own Defects: If our chief Study was the Wisdom from above, described by St.
Paul:
And if, in order to all this, that were done in Places of Education, which cannot so well be done out of them: I say, if these Steps were taken at home, while proper Measures are carrying on abroad, the one would very much forward or facilitate the other. As it is not meant, so it must not be understood, that foreign Attempts should wait for domestic Success, but only that it is to be wished they may co-operate. Certainly if a just and rational, a genuine and sincere, a warm and vigorous Piety, animated the Mother-Country, the Influence thereof would soon reach our foreign Plantations, and extend throughout their Borders. We should soon see Religion shine forth with new Lustre and Force, to the Conversion of Infidels, both at home and abroad, and to
2 Cor. x. 5.
the casting down Imaginations, and every high Thing that exalteth itself against the Knowledge of God, and bringing into Captivity every Thought to the Obedience of Christ.
To whom with the FATHER, and the HOLY GHOST, be ascribed all Praise, Might, Majesty, and Dominion, now and for ever.
DE MOTU; SIVE DE Motus Principio & Natura, ET DE Causa Communicationis Motuum.
Diatriba primùm Typis mandata,
LONDINI.
A. D. MDCCXXI.
DE MOTU; SIVE De motus principio & natura, & de causa communicationis motuum.
1. AD veritatem inveniendam praecipuum est cavisse ne voces malè intellectae nobis officiant: quod omnes fere monent philosophi, pauci observant. Quanquam id quidem haud adeo difficile videtur, in rebus praesertim Physicis tractandis, ubi locum habent sensus, experientia, & ratiocinium geometricum. Seposito igitur, quantum licet, omni praejudicio, tam à loquendi consuetudine, quam à philosophorum auctoritate nato, ipsa rerum natura diligenter inspicienda. Neque enim cujusquam auctoritatem usque adeo valere oportet, ut verba ejus & voces in pretio sint, dummodo nihil clari & certi iis subesse comperiatur.
2. Motus contemplatio mirè torsit veterum philosophorum mentes, unde natae sunt variae opiniones supra modum difficiles, ne dicam absurdae, quae quum jam fere in desuetudinem abierint, haud merentur ut iis discutiendis nimio studio immoremur. Apud recentiores autem & saniores hujus aevi Philosophos, ubi de motu agitur, vocabula haud pauca abstractae nimium & obscurae significationis occurrunt, cujusmodi sunt
solicitatio gravitatis, conatus, vires mortuae,
&c. quae scriptis alioqui doctissimis tenebras offundunt, sententiisque, non minus à vero quam à sensu hominum communi abhorrentibus ortum prae
ent. Haec vero necesse est ut, veritatis gratia, non alios refellendi studio, accuratè discutiantur.
3. Solicitatio & nisus sive conatus rebus solummodo animatis revera competunt. Cum aliis rebus tribuuntur, sensu metaphorico accipiantur necesse est. A metaphoris autem abstinendum philosopho. Porro seclusâ omni tam animae affectione quam corporis motione, nihil clari ac distincti iis vocibus significari cuilibet constabit, qui modò rem seriò perpenderit.
4. Quamdiu corpora gravia à nobis sustinentur, sentimus in nobismet ipsis nisum, fatigationem, & molestiam. Percipimus etiam in gravibus cadentibus motum acceleratum versus centrum telluris: ope sensuum praeterea nihil. Ratione tamen colligitur causam esse aliquam vel principium horum phaenomenôn, illud autem
gravitas
vulgò nuncupatur. Quoniam verò causa descensus gravium caeca sit & incognita: gravitas ea acceptione propriè dici nequit qualitas sensibilis: est igitur qualitas occulta. Sed vix, & ne vix quidem, concipere licet quid sit qualitas occulta, aut qua ratione qualitas ulla agere aut operari quidquam possit. Melius itaque foret, si, missa qualitate occulta, homines attenderent solummodo ad effectus sensibiles, vocibusque abstractis, (quantumvis illae ad disserendum utiles sint) in meditatione omissis, mens in particularibus & concretis, hoc est in ipsis rebus, defigeretur.
5.
Vis
similiter corporibus tribuitur; usurpatur autem vocabulum illud, tanquam significaret qualitatem cognitam, distinctamque tam à motu, figura, omnique alia re sensibili, quam ab omni animalis affectione, id vero nihil aliud esse quàm qualitatem occultam rem acriùs rimanti constabit. Nisus animalis & motus corporeus vulgo spectantur tanquam symptomata & mensurae hujus qualitatis occultae.
6. Pater igitur gravitatem aut vim frustra poni pro principio motus: nunquid enim principium illud clarius cognosci potest ex eo quod dicatur qualitas occulta? Quod ipsum occultum est nihil explicat. Ut omittamus causam agentem incognitam rectius dici posse substantiam quam qualitatem. Porro,
vis, gravitas,
& istiusmodi voces saepius, nec ineptè, in concreto usurpantur, ita ut connotent corpus motum, difficultatem resistendi,
&c.
Ubi vero à Philosophis adhibentur ad significandas naturas quasdam ab hisce omnibus praecisas & abstractas, quae nec sensibus subjiciuntur nec ulla mentis vi intelligi nec imaginatione effingi possunt, tum demùm errores & confusionem pariunt.
7. Multos autem in errorem ducit, quod voces generales & abstractas in disserendo utiles esse videant, nec tamen earum vim satis capiant. Partim vero à consuetudine vulgari inventae sunt illae ad sermonem abbreviandum, partim, à Philosophis ad docendum excogitatae: non, quod ad naturas rerum accommodatae sint, quae quidem singulares, & concretae existunt, sed quod idoneae ad tradendas disciplinas, propterea quod faciant notiones vel saltem propositiones universales.
8. Vim corpoream esse aliquid conceptu facile plerumque existimamus: ii tamen qui rem accuratiùs inspexerunt in diversa sunt opinione, uti apparet ex mira verborum obscuritate qua laborant, ubi illam explicare conantur. Toricellius ait vim & impetum esse res quasdam abstractas subtilesque, & quintessentias quae includuntur in substantia corporea, tanquam in vase magico Circes
La materia altro non e che un vaso di Circe incantato, il quale serve per ricettacolo della forza & de momenti dell' impeto la forza & l'imperi sono astratti tanto sottili, sono quintessenze tanto spiritose, che in altre ampolle non si possono racchiudere, fuor che nell' intima corpulenza de solidi naturali. Vid. Lezioni Academiche.
. Leibnitius item in natura vis explicanda haec habet.
Vis activa, primitiva, quae est
, animae vel formae substantiali respondet. vid. Acta erudit. Lips.
Usque adeo necesse est ut vel summi viri quamdiu abstractionibus indulgent, voces nulla certa significatione praeditas & meras scholasticorum umbras sectentur. Alia ex neotericorum scriptis, nec pauca quidem ea, producere liceret, quibus abunde constaret, metaphysicas abstractiones non usquequaque cessisse mechanicae & experimentis, sed nogotium inane philosophis etiamnum facessere.
9. Ex illo fonte derivantur varia absurda cujus generis est illud,
vim percussionis utcunque exiguae esse infinitè magnam.
Quod sane supponit, gravitatem esse qualitatem quandam realem ab aliis omnibus diversam: & gravitationem esse quasi actum hujus qualitatis à motu realiter distinctum; minima autem percussio producit effectum majorem quam maxima gravitatio sine motu. Illa scilicet motum aliquem edit, haec nullum. Unde sequitur, vim percussionis ratione infinita excedere vim gravitationis, hoc est esse infinitè magnam. Videantur experimenta Galilaei & quae de definita vi percussionis scripserunt Torricellius, Borellus & alii.
10. Veruntamen fatendum est vim nullam per se immediate sentiri, neque aliter quam per effectum cognosci & mensurari; sed vis mortuae seu gravitationis simplicis, in corpore quiescente subjecto nulla facta mutatione, effectus nullus est. Percussionis autem, effectus aliquis. Quoniam ergo vires sunt effectibus proportionales: concludere licet vim mortuam esse nullam: neque tamen propterea vim percussionis esse infinitam: non enim oportet quantitatem ullam positivam habere pro infinita, propterea quod ratione infinita superet quantitatem nullam sive nihil.
11. Vis gravitationis à momento secerni nequit, momentum autem sine celeritate nullum est, quum sit moles in celeritatem ducta, porro celeritas sine motu intelligi non potest, ergo nec vis gravitationis. Deinde, vis nulla nisi per actionem innotescit & per eandem mensuratur, actionem autem corporis à motu praescindere non possumus, ergo, quamdiu corpus grave plumbi subjecti vel chordae figuram mutat, tamdiu movetur: ubi vero quiescit, nihil agit, vel, quod idem est, agere prohibetur. Breviter, voces istae
vis mortua
&
gravitatio,
etsi per abstractionem metaphysicam aliquid significare supponuntur diversum à movente, moto, motu & quiete, revera tamen id totum nihil est.
12. Siquis diceret pondus appensum vel impositum agere in chordam, quoniam impedit quominus se restituat vi elastica: dico, pari ratione corpus quodvis inferum agere in superius incumbens, quoniam illud descendere prohibet: dici vero non potest actio corporis, quod prohibeat aliud corpus existere in eo loco quem occupat.
13. Pressionem corporis gravitantis quandoque sentimus. Verum sensio ista molesta oritur ex motu corporis istius gravis fibris nervisque nostri corporis communicato, & eorundem situm immutante, adeoque percussioni accepta referri debet. In hisce rebus multis & gravibus praejudiciis laboramus, sed illa acri atque iteratâ meditatione subigenda sunt, vel potius penitùs averruncanda.
14. Quo probetur, quantitatem ullam esse infinitam, ostendi oportet partem aliquam finitam homogeneam in eâ infinities contineri. Sed vis mortua se habet ad vim percussionis non ut pars ad totum, sed ur punctum ad lineam, juxta ipsos vis infinitae percussionis auctores. Multa in hanc rem adjicere liceret sed vereor ne prolixus sim.
15. Ex principiis praemissis lites insignes solvi possunt, quae viros doctos multum exercuerunt. Hujus rei exempium sit controversia illa de proportione virium. Una pars dum concedit, momenta, motus, impetus, data mole, esse simpliciter ut volocitates, affirmat vires esse ut quadrata volocitatum. Hanc autem sententiam supponere, vim corporis distingui à momento, motu, & impetu, eaque suppositione sublata corruere, nemo non videt.
16. Quo clarius adhuc appareat, confusionem quandam miram per abstractiones metaphysicas in doctrinam de motu introductam esse, videamus quantum intersit inter notiones virorum celebrium de vi & impetu. Leibnitius impetum cum motu confundit. Juxta Newtonum impetus revera idem est cum vi inertiae. Borellus asserit impetum non aliud esse quam gradum velocitatis. Alii impetum & conatum inter se differre, alii non differre volunt. Plerique vim motricem motui proportionalem intelligunt, nonnulli aliam aliquam vim praeter motricem, & diversimodè mensurandam, utpote per quadrata velocitatum in moles, intelligere prae se ferunt. Sed infinitum esset haec prosequi.
17.
Vis, gravitas, attractio,
& hujusmodi voces utiles sunt ad ratiocinia, & computationes de motu & corporibus motis: sed non ad intelligendam simplicem ipsius motus naturam, vel ad qualitates totidem distinctas designandas. Attractionem certe quod attinet, patet illam ab Newtono adhiberi, non tanquam qualitatem veram & physicam, sed solummodo ut hypothesin mathematicam. Quin & Leibnitius, nisum elementarem seu solicitationem ab impetu distinguens, fatetur illa entia non re ipsa inveniri in rerum natura, sed abstractione facienda esse.
18. Similis ratio est compositionis & resolutiones virium quarumcunque directarum in quascunque obliquas, per diagonalem & latera parallelogrammi. Haec mechanicae & computationi inserviunt: sed aliud est computationi & demonstrationibus mathematicis inservire, aliud, rerum naturam exhibere.
19. Ex recentioribus multi sunt in eâ opinione, ut putent motum neque destrui nec de novo gigni, sed eandem semper motus quantitatem permanere. Aristoteles etiam dubium illud olim proposuit, utrum motus factus sit & corruptus, an vero ab aeterno? phys. l. 8. Quod vero motus sensibilis pereat, patet sensibus, illi autem eundem impetum, nisum, aut summam virium eandem manere velle videntur. Unde affirmat Borellus, vim in percussione, non imminui sed expandi, impetus etiam contrarios suscipi & retineri in eodem corpore. Item Leibnitius nisum ubique & semper esse in materia, &, ubi non patet sensibus, ratione intelligi contendit. Haec autem nimis abstracta esse & obscura, ejusdemque ferè generis cum formis substantialibus & Entelechiis, fatendum.
20. Quotquot ad explicandam motus causam atque originem vel principio Hylarchico, vel naturae indigentiâ, vel appetitu, aut denique instinctu naturali utuntur, dixisse aliquid potius quam cogitâsse censendi sunt. Neque ab hisce multùm absunt qui supposuerint
Borellus.
partes terrae esse se moventes, aut etiam spiritus iis implantatos ad instar formae,
ut assignent causam accelerationis gravium cadentium. Aut qui dixerit
Leibnitius.
in corpore praeter solidam extensionem debere etiam poni aliquid unde virium consideratio oriatur.
Siquidem hi omnes vel nihil particulare & determinatum enuntiant: vel, si quid sit, tam difficile erit illud explicare, quam id ipsum cujus explicandi causâ adducitur.
21. Frustra ad naturam illustrandam adhibentur ea quae nec sensibus patent, nec ratione intelligi possunt. Videndum ergo quid sensus, quid experientia, quid demùm ratio iis innixa suadeat. Duo sunt summa rerum genera, corpus & anima. Rem extensam, solidam, mobilem, figuratam, aliisque qualitatibus quae sensibus occurrunt praeditam, ope sensuum, rem vero sentientem, percipientem, intelligentem, conscientiâ quâdam internâ cognovimus. Porro, res istas planè inter se diversas esse, longèque heterogeneas, cernimus. Loquor autem de rebus cognitis, de incognitis enim differere nil juvat.
22. Totum id quod novimus, cui nomen
corpus
indidimus, nihil in se continet quod motus principium seu causa efficiens esse possit; etenim impenetrabilitas, extensio, figura nullam includunt vel connotant potentiam producendi motum: quimimò è contrario non modo illas verum etiam alias, quotquot sint, corporis qualitates sigillatim percurrentes, videbimus omnes esse revera passivas, nihilque iis activum inesse, quod ullo modo intelligi possit tanquam fons & principium motus. Gravitatem quod attinet, voce illa nihil cognitum & ab ipso effectu sensibili, cujus causa quaeritur, diversum significari jam ante ostendimus. Et sanè quando corpus grave dicimus nihil aliud intelligimus, nisi quod feratur deorsum, de causâ hujus effectus sensibilis nihil omnino cogitantes.
23. De corpore itaque audacter pronunciare licet, utpote de re comperta, quod non sit principium motûs. Quod si quisquam, praeter solidam extensionem ejusque modificationes, vocem
corpus
qualitatem etiam occultam, virtutem, formam, essentiam complecti sua significatione contendat; licet quidem illi inutili negotio sine ideis disputare, & nominibus nihil distinctè exprimentibus abuti. Caeterùm sanior philosophandi ratio videtur ab notionibus abstractis & generalibus (si modo notiones dici debent quae intelligi nequeunt) quantum fieri potest abstinuisse.
24. Quicquid continetur in idea corporis novimus: quod vero novimus in corpore id non esse principium motûs constat. Qui praeterea aliquid incognitum in corpore, cujus ideam nullam habent, comminiscuntur, quod motûs principium dicant: ii revera nihil aliud quam principium motus esse incognitum dicunt. Sed hujusmodi subtilitatibus diutiùs immorari piget.
25. Praeter res corporeas alterum est genus rerum cogitantium, in iis autem potentiam inesse corpora movendi, propria experientia didicimus, quandoquidem anima nostra pro lubitu possit ciere & sistere membrorum motus, quacunque tandem ratione id fiat. Hoc certè constat, corpora moveri ad nutum animae, eamque proinde haud ineptè dici posse principium motus; particulare quidem & subordinatum, quodque ipsum dependeat à primo & universali principio.
26. Corpora gravia feruntur deorsum, etsi nullo impulsu apparente agitata, non tamen existimandum propterea in iis contineri principium motus: cujus rei hanc rationem assignat Aristoteles,
gravia & levia,
inquit,
non moventur à seipsis, id enim vitale esset, & se sistere possent.
Gravia omnia unâ eâdemque certâ & constanti lege centrum telluris petunt, neque in ipsis animadvertitur principium vel facultas ulla motum istum sistendi, minuendi vel, nisi pro rata proportione, augendi, aut denique ullo modo immutandi: habent adeò se passivè. Porro idem, strictè & accuratè loquendo, dicendum de corporibus percussivis. Corpora ista quamdiu moventur, ut & in ipso percussionis momento, se gerunt passivè, perinde scilicet atque cum quiescunt. Corpus iners tam agit quam corpus motum, si res ad verum exigatur: id quod agnoscit Newtonus, ubi ait, vim inertiae esse eandem cum impetu. Corpus autem iners & quietum nihil agit, ergo nec motum.
27. Revera corpus aequè perseverat in utrovis statu, vel motûs vel quietis. Ista vero perseverantia non magis dicenda est actio corporis, quam existentia ejusdem actio diceretur. Perseverantia nihil aliud est quam continuatio in eodem modo existendi, quae propriè dici actio non potest. Caeterùm resistentiam, quam experimur in sistendo corpore moto, ejus actionem esse fingimus vana specie delusi. Revera enim ista resistentia quam sentimus, passio est in nobis, neque arguit corpus agere, sed nos pati: constat utique nos idem passuros fuisse, sive corpus illud à se moveatur, sive ab alio principio impellatur.
28. Actio & reactio dicuntur esse in corporibus: nee incommodè ad demonstrationes mechanicas. Sed cavendum, ne propterea supponamus virtutem aliquam realem quae motûs causa, sive principium sit, esse in iis. Etenim voces illae eodem modo intelligendae sunt ac vox
attractio,
& quemadmodum haec est hypothesis solummodo mathematica non autem qualitas physica; idem etiam de illis intelligi debet, & ob eandem rationem. Nam sicut veritas & usus theorematum de mutua corporum attractione in philosophia mechanica stabiles manent, utpote unicè fundati in motu corporum, sive motus iste causari supponatur per actionem corporum se mutuo attrahentium, sive per actionem agentis alicujus à corporibus diversi impellentis & moderantis corpora; pari ratione, quaecunque tradita sunt de regulis & legibus motuum, simul ac theoremata inde deducta, manent inconcussa, dummodo concedantur effectus sensibiles, & ratiocinia iis innixa; sive supponamus actionem ipsam, aut vim horum effectuum causatricem, esse in corpore, sive in agente incorporeo.
29. Auferantur ex idea corporis extensio, soliditas, figura, remanebit nihil. Sed qualitates istae sunt ad motum indifferentes, nec in se quidquam habent, quod motus principium dici possit. Hoc ex ipsis ideis nostris perspicuum est. Si igitur voce
corpus
significatur, id quod concipimus: planè constat inde non peti posse principium motus: pars scilicet nulla aut attributum illius causa efficiens vera est, quae motum producat. Vocem autem proferre, & nihil concipere, id demùm indignum esset philosopho.
30. Datur res cogitans activa quam principium motûs esse in nobis experimur. Hanc
animam, mentem, spiritum
dicimus; datur etiam res extensa, iners, impenetrabilis, mobilis, quae à priori toto coelo differt, novumque genus constituit. Quantum intersit inter res cogitantes & extensas, primus omnium deprehendens Anaxagoras vir longè sapientissimus, asserebat mentem nihil habere cum corporibus commune, id quod constat ex primo libro Aristotelis de anima. Ex neotericis idem optimè animadvertit Cartesius. Ab eo alii rem satis claram vocibus obscuris impeditam ac difficilem reddiderunt.
31. Ex dictis manifestum est eos qui vim activam, actionem, motus principium, in corporibus revera inesse affirmant, sententiam nulla experientia fundatam amplecti, eamque terminis obscuris & generalibus adstruere, nec quid sibi velint satis intelligere. E contrario, qui mentem esse principium motus volunt, sententiam propria experientia munitam proferent, hominumque omni aevo doctissimorum suffragiis comprobatam.
32. Primus Anaxagoras
introduxit, qui motum inerti materiae imprimeret, quam quidem sententiam probat etiam Aristoteles pluribusque confirmat, apertè pronuncians primum movens esse immobile, indivisibile, & nullam habens magnitudinem. Dicere autem, omne motivum esse mobile, rectè animadvertit idem esse ac siquis diceret, omne aedificativum esse aedificabile, physic. l. 8. Plato insuper in Timaeo tradit machinam hanc corpoream, seu mundum visibilem agitari & animari à mente, quae sensum omnem fugiat. Quinetiam hodie philosophi Cartesiani principium motuum naturalium Deum agnoscunt. Et Newtonus passim nec obscurè innuit, non solummodo motum ab initio à numine profectum esse, verum adhuc systema mundanum ab eodem actu moveri. Hoc sacris literis consonum est: hoc scholasticorum calculo comprobatur. Nam etsi peripatetici naturam tradant esse principium motûs & quietis, interpretantur tamen naturam naturantem esse Deum. Intelligunt nimirum corpora omnia systematis hujusce mundani à mente praepotenti, juxta certam & constantem rationem moveri.
33. Caeterùm qui principium vitale corporibus tribuunt, obscurum aliquid & rebus parùm conveniens fingunt. Quid enim aliud est vitali principio praeditum esse quam vivere? aut vivere quam se movere, sistere, & statum suum mutare? Philosophi autem hujus saeculi doctissimi, pro principio indubitato ponunt, omne corpus perseverare in statu suo, vel quietis vel motûs uniformis in directum, nisi quatenus aliunde cogitur statum illum mutare; è contrario, in anima sentimus esse facultatem tam statum suum quam aliarum rerum mutandi; id quod propriè dicitur vitale, animamque à corporibus longe discriminat.
34. Motum & quietem in corporibus recertiores considerant velut duos status existendi, in quorum utrovis corpus omne sua natura iners permaneret, nulla vi externa urgente. Unde colligere licet, eandem esse causam motûs & quietis, quae est existentiae corporum. Neque enim quaerenda videtur alia causa existentiae corporis successivae in diversis partibus spatii, quam illa unde derivatur existentia ejusdem corporis successiva in diversis partibus temporis. De Deo autem optimo maximo rerum omnium conditore & conservatore tractare: & qua ratione res cunctae à summo & vero ente pendeant demonstrare, quamvis pars sit scientiae humanae praecellentissima, spectat tamen potius ad philosophiam primam seu metaphysicam & theologiam, quam ad philosophiam naturalem, quae hodie fere omnis continetur in experimentis & mechanicâ. Itaque cognitionem de Deo vel supponit philosophia naturalis, vel mutuatur ab aliqua scientia superiori. Quanquam verissimum sit, naturae investigationem scientiis altioribus argumenta egregia ad sapientiam, bonitatem & potentiam Dei illustrandam & probandam undequaque subministrare.
35. Quod haec minus intelligantur, in causa est, cur nonnulli immerito repudient physicae principia mathematica, eo scilicet nomine quod illa causas rerum efficientes non assignant. Quum tamen revera ad physicam aut mechanicam spectet regulas solummodo, non causas efficientes, impulsionum attractionumve &, ut verbo dicam, motuum leges tradere: ex iis vero positis phaenomenôn particularium solutionem, non autem, causam efficientem assignare.
36. Multum intererit considerasse quid propriè sit principium, & quo sensu intelligenda sit vox illa apud philosophos. Causa quidem vera efficiens, & conservatrix rerum omnium jure optimo appellatur fons & principium earundem. Principia vero philosophiae experimentalis propriè dicenda sunt fundamenta, quibus illa innititur, seu fontes unde derivatur, (non dico existentia, sed) cognitio rerum corporearum, sensus utique & experientia. Similiter, in philosophia mechanica, principia dicenda sunt, in quibus fundatur & continetur universa disciplina, leges illae motuum primariae, quae experimentis comprobatae, ratiocinio etiam excultae sunt & redditae universales. Hae motuum leges commodè dicuntur principia, quoniam ab iis tam theoremata mechanica generalia quam particulares
explicationes derivantur.
37. Tum nimirum dici potest quidpiam explicari mechanicè, cum reducitur ad ista principia simplicissima & universalissima, & per accuratum ratiocinium, cum iis consentaneum & connexum esse ostenditur. Nam, inventis semel naturae legibus, deinceps monstrandum est philosopho, ex constanti harum legum observatione, hoc est, ex iis principiis phaenomena quodvis necessario consequi: id quod est phaenomena explicate & solvere, causamque, id est rationem cur fiant, assignare.
38. Mens humana gaudet scientiam suam extendere & dilatare. Ad hoc autem notiones & propositiones generales efformandae sunt, in quibus quodam modo continentur propositiones & cognitiones particulares, quae tum demùm intelligi
reduntur. Hoc geometris notissimum est. In mechanica etiam praemittuntur notiones, hoc est definitiones, et enunciationes de motu primae & generales, ex quibus postmodùm methodo mathematica conclusiones magis remotae, & minus generales colliguntur. Et sicut per applicationem theorematum geometricorum, corporum particularium magnitudines mensurantur; ita etiam per applicationem theorematum mechanices universalium, systematis mundani partium quarumvis motus, & phaenomena inde pendentia innotescunt & determinantur: ad quem scopum unicè collineandum physico.
39. Et quemadmodum geometrae disciplinae causa, multa comminiscuntur, quae nec ipsi describere possunt, nec in rerum natura invenire: simili prorsus ratione mechanicus voces quasdam abstractas & generales adhibet, fingitque in corporibus vim, actionem, attractionem, solicitationem, &c. quae ad theorias & enunciationes, ut & computationes de motu apprime utiles sunt, etiamsi in ipsâ rerum veritate & corporibus actu existentibus frustra quaererentur, non minus quàm quae à geometris per abstractionem mathematicam finguntur.
40. Revera, ope sensuum nihil nisi effectus seu qualitates sensibiles, & res corporeas omnino passivas, sive in motu sint sive in quiete, percipimus: ratioque & experientia activum nihil praeter mentem aut animam esse suadet. Quid quid ultra fingitur, id ejusdem generis esse cum aliis hypothesibus & abstractionibus mathematicis existimandum; quod penitus animo infigere oporter. Hoc ni fiat, facilè in obscuram scholasticorum subtilitatem, quae per tot saecula, tanquam dira quaedam pestis, philosophiam corrupit, relabi possumus.
41. Principia mechanica legesque motuum aut naturae universales, saeculo ultimo feliciter inventae, & subsidio geometriae tractatae & applicatae, miram lucem in philosophiam intulerunt. Principia vero metaphysica causaeque reales efficientes motus & existentiae corporum attributorumve corporeorum nullo modo ad mechanicam aut experimenta pertinent, neque eis lucem dare possunt, nisi quatenus, velut praecognita inserviant ad limites physicae praefiniendos, eaque ratione ad tollendas difficultates quaestionesque peregrinas.
42. Qui à spiritibus motus principium petunt, ii vel rem corpoream vel incorpoream voce
spirilus
intelligunt: si rem corpoream, quantumvis tenuem, tamen redit difficultas: si incorpoream, quantumvis id verum sit, attamen ad physicam non propriè pertinet. Quod si quis philosophiam naturalem ultra limites experimentorum & mechanicae extenderit, ita ut rerum etiam incorporearum, & inextensarum cognitionem complectatur: latior quidem illa vocis acceptio tractationem de anima, mente, seu principio vitali admittit. Caeterùm commodius erit, juxta usum jam ferè receptum, ita distinguere inter scientias, ut singulae propriis circumscribantur cancellis, & philosophus naturalis totus sit in experimentis, legibusque motuum, & principiis mechanicis, indeque depromptis ratiociniis; quidquid autem de aliis rebus protulerit id superiori alicui scientiae acceptum referat. Etenim ex cognitis naturae legibus pulcherrimae theoriae, praxes etiam mechanicae ad vitam utiles consequuntur. Ex cognitione autem ipsius naturae auctoris considerationes, longe praestantissimae quidem illae, sed, metaphysicae, theologiae, morales oriuntur.
43. De principiis hactenus: nunc dicendum de natura motus, atque is quidem, cum sensibus clare percipiatur non tam natura sua, quam doctis philosophorum commentis obscuratus est. Motus nunquam in sensus nostros incurrit sine mole corporea, spatio, & tempore. Sunt tamen qui motum, tanquam ideam quandam simplicem & abstractam, atque ab omnibus aliis rebus sejunctam, contemplari student. Verùm idea illa tenuissima & subtilissima intellectûs aciem eludit: id quod quilibet secum meditando experiri potest. Hinc nascuntur magnae difficultates de natura motus, & definitiones, ipsa re quam illustrare debent, longe obscuriores. Hujusmodi sunt definitiones illae Aristotelis & Scholasticorum, qui motum dicunt esse actum
mobilis, quatenus est mobile, vel actum entis in potentia quatenus in potentia.
Hujusmodi etiam est illud, viri inter recentiores celebris, qui asserit
nihil in motu esse reale praeter momentaneum illud quod in vi ad mutationem nitente constitui debet.
Porro, constat, horum & similium definitionum auctores in animo habuisse abstractam motus naturam, seclusa omni temporis & spatii consideratione, explicare, sed qua ratione abstracta illa motus quintessentia (ut ita dicam) intelligi possit non video.
44. Neque hoc contenti, ulterius pergunt partesque ipsius motus à se invicem dividunt & secernunt, quarum ideas distinctas, tanquam entium revera distinctorum, efformare conantur. Etenim sunt qui motionem à motu distinguant, illam velut instantaneum motus elementum spectantes. Velocitatem insuper, conatum, vim, impetum totidem res essentia diversas esse volunt, quarum quaeque per propriam atque ab aliis omnibus segregatam & abstractam ideam intellectui objiciatur. Sed in hisce rebus discutiendis, stantibus iis quae supra disseruimus, non est cur diutius immoremur.
45. Multi etiam per
transitum
motu desiniunt, obliti scilicet transitum ipsum sine motu intelligi non posse, & per motum definiri oportere. Verissimum adeo est definitiones, sicut nonnullis rebus lucem, ita vicissim aliis tenebras afferre. Et profecto, quascumque res sensu percipimus, eas clariores aut notiores definiendo efficere vix quisquam potuerit. Cujus rei vana spe allecti res faciles difficillimas reddiderunt philosophi, mentesque suas difficultatibus, quas ut plurmum ipsi peperissent, implicavere. Ex hocce definiendi, simulac abstrahendi studio, maltae, tam de motu, quam de aliis rebus natae subtilissimae quaestiones, eaedemque nullius utilitatis, hominum ingenia frustra torserunt, adeo ut Aristoteles ultro & saepius fateatur motum esse
actum quendam cognitu difficilem,
& nonnulli ex veteribus usque eo nugis exercitati deveniebant, ut motum omnino esse negarent.
46. Sed hujusmodi minutiis distineri piget. Satis sit fontes solutionum indicasse: ad quos etiam illud adjungere libet: quod ea quae de infinita divisione temporis & spatii in mathesi traduntur, ob congenitam rerum naturam paradoxa & theorias spinosas (quales sunt illae omnes in quibus agitur de infinito) in speculationes de motu intulerunt. Quidquid autem hujus generis sit, id omne motus commune habet cum spatio & tempore, vel potius ad ea refert acceptum.
47. Et quemadmodum, ex una parte nimia abstractio seu divisio rerum verè inseparabilium, ita, ab altera parte, compositio seu potius confusio rerum diversissimarum motus naturam perplexam reddidit. Usitatum enim est motum cum causa motus efficiente confundere. Unde accidit ut motus sit quasi biformis, unam faciem sensibus obviam, alteram caliginosa nocte obvolutam habens. Inde obscuritas & confusio, & varia de motu paradoxa originem trahunt, dum effectui perperam tribuitur id quod revera causae solummodo competit.
48. Hinc oritur opinio illa, eandem semper motus quantitatem conservari; quod, nisi intelligatur de vi & potentia causae, sive causa illa dicatur natura, sive
, vel quodcunque tandem agens sit, falsum esse cuivis facile constabit. Aristoteles quidem l 8. physicorum, ubi quaerit
utrum motus factus sit & corruptus, an vero ab aeterno tanquam vita immortalis insit rebus omnibus,
vitale principium po
ius, quam effectum externum, sive mutationem loci intellexisse videtur.
49. Hinc etiam est, quod multi suspicantur motum non esse meram passionem in corporibus, Quod si intelligamus id quod, in motu corporis, sensibus objicitur, quin omnino passivum sit nemo dubitare potest. Ecquid enim in se habet successiva corporis existentia in diversis locis, quod actionem referat, aut aliud sit quam nudus & iners effectus?
50. Peripatetici, qui dicunt motum esse actum unum utriusque, moventis & moti, non satis discriminant causam ab effectu. Similiter, qui nisum aut conatum in motu fingunt, aut idem corpus simul in contrarias partes ferri putant, eâdem idearum confusione, eâdem vocum ambiguitate ludificari videntur.
51. Juvat multum, sicut in aliis omnibus, ita in scientia de motu accuratam diligentiam adhibere, tam ad aliorum conceptus intelligendos quam ad suos enunciandos: in qua re nisi peccatum esset, vix credo in disputationem trahi potuisse, utrùm corpus indifferens sit ad motum & ad quietem necne. Quoniam enim experientia constat, esse legem naturae primariam, ut corpus perinde perseveret in
statu motus ac quietis, quamdiu aliunde nihil accidat ad statum istum mutandum.
Et propterea vim inertiae sub diverso respectu esse vel resistentiam, vel impetum, colligitur. Hoc sensu, profecto corpus dici potest sua natura indifferens ad motum vel quietem. Nimirum, tam difficile est quietem in corpus motum, quam motum in quiescens inducere; cum vero corpus pariter conservet statum utrumvis, quid ni dicatur ad utrumvis se habere indifferenter?
52. Peripatetici pro varietate mutationum, quas res aliqua tubire potest, varia motus genera distinguebant. Hodie de motu agentes intelligunt solummodo motum localem. Motus autem localis intelligi nequit nisi simul intelligatur quid sit
locus;
is vero à neotericis definitur
pars spatii quam corpus occupat,
unde dividitur in relativum & absolutum pro ratione spatii. Distinguunt enim inter spatium absolutum sive verum, ac relativum sive apparens. Volunt scilicet dari spatium undequaque immensum, immobile, insensibile, corpora universa permeans & continens, quod vocant spatium absolutum. Spatium, autem, à corporibus comprehensum, vel definitum, sensibusque adeo subjectum, dicitur spatium relativum, apparens, vulgare.
53. Fingamus itaque corpora cuncta destrui & in nihilum redigi. Quod reliquum est vocant spatium absolutum, omni relatione quae à situ & distantiis corporum oriebatur, simul cum ipsis corporibus, sublatâ. Porro spatium illud est infinitum, immobile, indivisible, insensibile, sine relatione & sine distinctione. Hoc est, omnia ejus attributa sunt privativa vel negativa: videtur igitur esse merum nihil. Parit solummodo difficultatem aliquam quod extensum sit. Extensio autem est qualitas positiva. Verùm qualis tandem extensio est illa, quae nec dividi potest, nec mensurari, cujus nullam partem, nec sensu percipere, nec imaginatione depingere possumus? Etenim nihil in imaginationem cadit, quod, ex natura rei, non possibile est ut sensu percipiatur, siquidem imaginatio nihil aliud est quam facultas representatrix rerum sensibilium, vel actu existentium, vel saltem possibilium. Fugit insuper intellectum purum, quum facultas illa versetur tantum circa res spirituales & inextensas, cujusmodi sunt mentes nostrae, earumque habitus, passiones, virtutes & similia. Ex spatio igitur absoluto, auferamus modò vocabula, & nihil remanebit in sensu, imaginatione aut intellectu; nihil aliud ergo iis designatur, quam pura privatio aut negatio, hoc est, merum nihil.
54. Confitendum omnino est nos circa hanc rem gravissimis praejudiciis teneri, à quibus ut liberemur, omnis animi vis exerenda. Etenim multi, tantum abest quod spatium absolutum pro nihilo ducant ut rem esse ex omnibus (Deo excepto) unicam existiment, quae annihilari non possit: statuantque illud suapte natura necessariò existere, aeternumque esse & increatum, atque adeo attributorum divinorum particeps. Verum enimvero quum certissimum sit, res omnes, quas nominibus designamus, per qualitates aut relationes, vel aliqua saltem ex parte, cognosci, (ineptum enim foret vocabulis uti quibus cogniti nihil, nihil notionis, ideae vel conceptus subjiceretur.) Inquiramus diligenter, utrum formare liceat ideam ullam spatii illius puri, realis, absoluti, post omnium corporum annihilationem perseverantis existere. Ideam porro talem paulo acrius intuens, reperio ideam esse nihili purissimam, si modo idea appellanda sit. Hoc ipse summa adhibita diligentia expertus sum: hoc alios pari adhibita diligentia experturos reor.
55. Decipere nos nonnunquam solet, quod aliis omnibus corporibus imaginatione sublatis, nostrum tamen manere supponimus. Quo supposito, motum membrorum ab omni parte liberrimum imaginamur. Motus autem sine spatio concipi non potest. Nihilominus si rem attento animo recolamus, constabit primo concipi spatium relativum partibus nostri corporis definitum: 2o . movendi membra potestatem liberrimam nullo obstaculo retusam: & praeter haec duo nihil. Falso tamen credimus tertium aliquod, spatium, videlicet, immensum realiter existere, quod liberam potestatem nobis faciat movendi corpus nostrum: ad hoc enim requiritur absentia solummodo aliorum corporum. Quam absentiam, sive privationem corporum, nihil esse positivum fateamur necesse est.
Vide quae contra spatium absolutum disseruntur in libro de principiis cognitionis humanae, idiomate anglicano, decem a
hinc annis edito.
56. Caeterum hasce res nisi quis libero & acri examine perspexerit, verba & voces parum valent. Meditanti vero, & rationes secum reputanti, ni fallor, manifestum erit, quaecunque de spatio puro & absoluto praedicantur, ea omnia de nihilo praedicari posse. Qua ratione mens humana facillimè liberatur à magnis difficultatibus, simulque ab ea absurditate tribuendi existentiam necessariam ulli rei praeterquam soli Deo optimo maximo.
57. In proclivi esset sententiam nostram argumentis à posteriori (ut loquuntur) ductis confirmare, quaestiones de spatio absoluto proponendo, exempli gratia, utrum sit substantia vel accidens? Utrum creatum vel increatum? & absurditates ex utravis parte consequentes demonstrando. Sed brevitati consulendum. Illud tamen omitti non debet, quod sententiam hancce Democritus olim calculo suo comprobavit, uti auctor est Aristoteles l. 1. phys. ubi haec habet;
Democritus solidum & inane ponit principia, quarum aliud quidem ut quod est, aliud ut quod non est esse dicit.
Scrupulum si forte injiciat, quod distinctio illa inter spatium absolutum & relativum à magni nominis philosophis usurpetur, eique quasi fundamento inaedificentur multa praeclara theoremata, scrupulum istum vanum esse, ex iis, quae secutura sunt, apparebit.
58 Ex praemissis patet, non convenire, ut definiamus locum verum corporis, esse partem spatii absoluti quam occupat corpus, motumque verum seu absolutum esse mutationem loci veri & absoluti. Siquidem omnis locus est relativus, ut et omnis motus. Veruntamen ut hoc clarius appareat, animadvertendum est, motum nullum intelligi posse sine determinatione aliqua seu directione, quae quidem intelligi nequit, nisi praeter corpus motum, nostrum etiam corpus, aut aliud aliquod, simul intelligatur existere. Nam sursum, deorsum, sinistrorsum, dextrorsum omnesque plagae & regiones in relatione aliqua fundantur, &, necessario, corpus à moto diversum connotant & supponunt. Adeo ut, si reliquis corporibus in nihilum redactis, globus, exempli gratia, unicus existere supponatur; in illo motus nullus concipi possit; usque adeo necesse est, ut detur aliud corpus, cujus situ motus determinari intelligatur. Hujus sententiae veritas clarissime elucebit, modo corporum omnium tam nostri quam aliorum praeter, globum istum unicum, annihilationem recte supposuerimus.
59. Concipiantur porro
globi, & praeterea nil corporeum, existere. Concipiantur deinde vires quomodocunque applicari, quicquid tandem per applicationem virium intelligamus, motus circularis duorum globorum circa commune centrum nequit per imaginationem concipi. Supponamus deinde coelum fixarum creari: subito ex concepto appullu globorum ad diversas coeli istius partes motus concipietur. Scilicet cum motus natura sua sit relativus, concipi non potuit priusquam darentur corpora correlata. Quemadmodum nec ulla alia relatio sine correlatis concipi potest.
60. Ad motum circularem quod attinet, putant multi, crescente motu vero circulari, corpus necessario magis semper magisque ab axe niti. Hoc antem ex eo provenit, quod, cum motus circularis spectari possit tanquam in omni momento à duabus directionibus ortum trahens, una secundum radium, altera secundum tangentem; si in hac ultima tantùm directione impetus augeatur, tum à centro recedet corpus motum, orbita vero desinet esse circularis. Quod si aequaliter augeantur vires in utraque directione, manebit motus circularis, sed acceleratus conatu, qui non magis arguet vires recedendi ab axe, quam accedendi ad eundem, auctas esse. Dicendum igitur, aquam in situla circumactam ascendere ad latera vasis, propterea quod, applicatis novis viribus in directione tangentis ad quamvis particulam aquae, eodem instanti non applicentur novae vires aequales centripetae. Ex quo experimento nullo modo sequitur, motum absolutum circularem per vires recedendi ab axe motus necessariò dignosci. Porrò, qua ratione intelligendae sunt voces istae,
vires corporum & conatus,
ex praemissis satis superque innotescit.
61. Quo modo curva considerari potest tanquam constans ex rectis infinitis, etiamsi revera ex illis non constet, sed quòd ea hypothesis ad geometriam utilis sit, eodem motus circularis spectari potest, tanquam à directionibus rectilineis infinitis ortum ducens, quae suppositio utilis est in philosophia mechanica. Non tamen ideo affirmandum, impossibile esie, ut centrum gravitatis corporis cujusvis successive existat in singulis punctis peripheriae circularis, nulla ratione habita directionis ullius rectilineae, sive in tangente, sive in radio.
62. Haud omittendum est, motum lapidis in fundâ, aut aquae in situlâ circumactâ dici non posse motum vere circularem, juxta mentem eorum qui per partes spatii absoluti definiunt loca vera corporum; cum sit mirè compositus ex motibus non solum situlae vel fundae, sed etiam telluris diurno circa proprium axem, menstruo circa commune centrum gravitatis terrae & lunae, & annuo circa solem. Et propterea, particula quaevis lapidis vel aquae describat lineam à circulari longe abhorrentem. Neque revera est, qui creditur, conatus axifugus, quoniam non respicit unum aliquem axem ratione spatii absoluti, supposito quod detur tale spatium: proinde non video quomodo appellari possit conatus unicus, cui motus vere circularis tanquam proprio & adaequato effectui respondet.
63. Motus nullus dignosci potest, aut mensurari, nisi per res sensibiles. Cum ergo spatium absolutum nullo modo in sensus incurrat, necesse est ut inutile prorlus sit ad distinctionem motuum. Praeterea, determinatio sive directio motui essentialis est, ilia vero in relatione consistit. Ergo impossibile est ut motus absolutus concipiatur.
64. Poriò, quoniam pro diversitate loci relativi, varius sit motus ejusdem corporis, quinimò, uno respectu moveri, altero quiescere dici quidpiam possit: ad determinandum motum verum & quietem veram, quo scilicet tollatur ambiguitas, & consulatur mechanicae philosophorum, qui systema rerum latius contemplantur, satis fuerit spatium relativum fixarum coelo, tanquam quiescente spectato, conclusum adhibere, loco spatii absoluti. Motus autem & quies tali spatio relativo definiti, commodè adhiberi possunt loco absolutorum, qui ab illis nullo symptomate discerni possunt. Etenim imprimantur utcunque vires: sint quicunque conatus: concedamus motum distingui per actiones in corpora exercitas; nunquam tamen inde sequetur, dari spatium illud, & locum absolutum, ejusque mutationem esse locum verum.
65. Leges motuum, effectusque, & theoremata eorundem proportiones & calculos continentia, pro diversis viarum figuris, accelerationibus itidem & directionibus diversis, mediisque plus minusve resistentibus, haec omnia constant sine calculatione motus absoluti. Uti vel ex eo patet quod, quum secundum illorum principia qui motum absolutum inducunt, nullo symptomate scire liceat, utrum integra rerum compages quiescat, an moveatur uniformiter in directum, perspicuum sit motum absolutum nullius corporis cognosci psse.
66. Ex dictis patet ad veram motus naturam perspiciendam summopere juvaturum: 1o . Distinguere inter hypotheses mathematicas & naturas rerum. 2o . Cavere ab abstractionibus. 3o . Confiderare motum tanquam aliquid sensible, vel saltem imaginabile: mensurisque relativis esse contentos. Quae si fecerimus, simul clarissima quaeque philosophiae mechanicae theoremata, quibus referantur naturae recessus, mundique systema calculis humanis subjicitur, manebunt intemerata: et motus contemplatio à mille minutiis, subtilitatibus, ideisque abstractis libera evadet. Atque haec de natura motûs dicta sufficiant.
67. Restat, ut disseramus de causa communicationis motuum. Esse autem vim impressam in corpus mobile, causam motus in eo plerique existimant. Veruntamen, illos non assignare causam motus cognitam, & à corpore motuque distinctam, ex praemissis constat. Patet insuper vim non esse rem certam & determinatam, ex eo quod viri summi de illa multùm diversa, immo contraria, proferant, salva tamen in consequentiis veritate. Siquidem Newtonus ait vim impressam consistere in actione sola, esseque actionem exercitam in corpus ad statum ejus mutandum, nec post actionem manere. Torricellius cumulum quendam sive aggregatum virium impressarum per percussionem in corpus mobile recipi, ibidemque manere atque impetum constituere contendit. Idem fere Borellus aliique praedicant. At vero, tametsi inter se pugnare videantur Newtonus & Torricellius, nihilominus, quum dum singuli sibi consentanea proferunt, res satis commodè ab utrisque explicatur. Quippe vires omnes corporibus attributae, tam sunt hypotheses mathematicae quam vires atrtactivae in planetis & sole. Caeterùm entia mathematica in rerum natura stabilem essentiam non habent: pendent autem à notione definientis: unde eadem res diversimodè explicari potest.
68. Statuamus motum novum in corpore percusso conservari, sive per vim insitam, qua corpus quodlibet perseverat in statu suo, vel motus, vel quietis uniformis in directum: sive per vim impressam, durante percussione in corpus percussum receptam ibidemque permanentem, idem erit quoad rem, differentia existente in nominibus tantùm. Similiter, ubi mobile percutiens perdit, & percussum acquirit motum, parum refert disputate, utrum motus acquisitus sit idem numero cum motu perdito, ducit enim in minutias metaphysicas, & prorsus nominales de identitate. Itaque sive dicamus motum transire à percutiente in percussum, sive in percusso motum de novo generari, destrui autem in percutiente, res eodem recidit. Utrobique intelligitur unum corpus motum perdere, alterum acquirere, & praeterea nihil.
69. Mentem, quae agitat & continet universam hancce molem corpoream, estque causa vera efficiens motus, eandem esse, propriè & strictè loquendo, causam communicationis ejusdem haud negaverim. In philosophiâ tamen physicâ, causas & solutiones phaenomenôn à principiis mechanicis petere oportet. Physicè igitur res explicatur non assignando ejus causam verè agentem & incorpoream, sed demonstrando ejus connexionem cum principiis mechanicis: cujusmodi est illud,
actionem & reactionem esse semper contrarias & aequales,
à quo, tanquam fonte & principio primario, eruuntur regulae de motuum communicatione, quae à neotericis, magno scientiarum bono, jam ante repertae sunt & demonstratae.
70. Nobis satis fuerit, si innuamus principium illud alio modo declarari potuisse. Nam si vera rerum natura, potius quam abstracta mathesis spectetur, videbitur rectius dici, in attractione vel percussione passionem corporum, quam actionem, esse utrobique aequalem. Exempli gratia, lapis fune equo alligatus tantum trahitur versus equum, quantum equus versus lapidem: corpus etiam motum in aliud quiescens impactum, patitur eandem mutationem cum corpore quiescente. Et quoad effectum realem, percutiens est item percussum, percussumque percutiens. Mutatio autem illa est utrobique, tam in corpore equi quam in lapide, tam in moto quam in quiescente, passio mera. Esse autem vim, virtutem, aut actionem corpoream talium effectuum verè & propriè causatricem non constat. Corpus motum in quiescens impingitur, loquimur tamen activè, dicentes illud hoc impellere: nec absurdè in mechanicis, ubi ideae mathematicae potius quam verae rerum naturae spectantur.
71. In physica, sensus & experientia, quae ad effectus apparentes solummodo pertingunt, locum habent; in mechanica, notiones abstractae mathematicorum admittuntur. In philosophia prima seu metaphysica agitur de rebus incorporeis, de causis, veritate, & existentia rerum. Physicus series sive successiones rerum sensibilium contemplatur, quibus legibus connectuntur, & quo ordine, quid praecedit tanquam causa, quid sequitur tanquam effectus animadvertens. Atque hac ratione dicimus corpus motum esse causam motûs in altero, vel ei motum imprimere, trahere etiam, aut impellere. Quo sensu causae secundae corporeae intelligi debent, nullâ ratione habità verae sedis virium, vel potentiarum actricum, aut causae realis cui insunt. Porro, dici possunt causae vel principia mechanica, ultra corpus, figuram, motum, etiam axiomata scientiae mechanicae primaria, tanquam causae consequentium spectata.
72. Causae verè activae meditatione tantum, & ratiocinio è tenebris erui quibus involvuntur possunt, & aliquatenus cognosci. Spectat autem ad philosophiam primam, seu metaphysicam, de iis agere. Quod si cuique scientiae provincia sua tribuatur, limites assignentur, principia & objecta accuratè distinguantur, quae ad singulas pertinent, tractare licuerit majore, cum facilitate, tum perspicuitate.
THE CONTENTS.
FARTHER Thoughts on Tar-Water. Page 9
An Essay towards preventing the Ruin of
Great-Britain.
29
A Discourse addressed to Magistrates and Men in Authority. Occasioned by the enormous Licence, and Irreligion of the Times. 53
A Word to the Wise. Or, an Exhortation to the Roman Catholic Clergy of
Ireland.
87
A Letter to the Roman Catholics of the Diocese of
Cloyne.
110
Maxims concerning Patriotism. 113
The Querist. Containing several Queries, proposed to the Consideration of the Public. 117
Verses on the Prospect of Planting Arts and Learning in
America.
186
A Proposal for the better supplying of Churches in our Foreign Plantations, and for converting the Savage
Americans
to Christianity, by a College to be erected in the
Summer Islands,
otherwise called,
The Isles of Bermuda.
189
A Sermon preached before the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts; at their Anniversary Meeting in the Parish-Church of St.
Mary-le-Bow,
in 1731. 213
De
MOTU;
sive de motus principio & natura, & de causa communicationis motuum. 239
FINIS.