AN ACCOUNT OF THE TRAVELS OF Mr. George Pſalmanaazaar, a Native of the Iſle Formo⯑ſa, thro' ſeveral parts of Eu⯑rope; with the Reaſons of his Converſion to the Chri⯑ſtian Religion.

[1]

WHen Xaverius the great Apoſtle of the Indies firſt arrived, with the Jeſuits his Companions, at Cango⯑xima in Japan, in the Year 1549; they were civilly entertain'd by the Inhabitants of [] [...] [1] [...] [2] that Place, and after this the Jeſuits and other Miſſionaries, being encourag'd by the kind Reception they met with, flock'd in great Numbers to Japan, and there boldly profeſs'd and propagated the Chriſtian Faith, with good ſucceſs, for many years: But ſince the Emperour of Japan, about the year 1616, (for certain reaſons hereafter mention'd) has forbidden any Chriſtian to come into his Dominions under pain of Death, and hath appointed Searchers in e⯑very City to examine all Forreigners, whe⯑ther they be Chriſtians or no, by this teſt, of Trampling upon the Crucifix; the Jeſuits and other Miſſionaries of the Romiſh-Church, are ſo far from venturing to appear there bare-fac'd, or making publick Profeſſion of the Chriſtian Religion, and endeavour⯑ing to make Proſelites, to it, that they in⯑duſtriouſly mask themſelves under ſeveral diſguiſes, leſt they ſhould be known to be Chriſtians or Forreigners. And to this end they firſt Travel to Goa, where there are Aca⯑demies in which all the Oriental Languages are Taught; and after they have Perfectly Learn'd the Japaneſe Language, and can ſpeak it as eaſily and readily as any Native, Then they Cloth themſelves in a Japan Ha⯑bit, and ſo they venture to Travel into ſome Iſland within the Dominions of the Empire [3] of Japan. When they are come there, they pretend to be Natives of ſome other Iſland in the ſame Empire▪ which is eaſily be⯑liev'd to be true by the Inhabitants, who have no ſuſpicion of them, becauſe they ſpeak their Language exactly, and wear their Cloths after the mode of the Country. And thus having ſecur'd their admiſſion in⯑to a City with ſafety, their next buſineſs is to prevent any umbrage of ſuſpicion which may ariſe from their idle way of living, and to this purpoſe they ſeem as much con⯑cern'd for ſome Trade, or Employment, as if they really wanted means of Subſiſtance. Thus ſome ſet up for Merchants, Artificers, or Toy-ſellers, others for School-maſters or Pedagogues, to teach the Natives Children ſome Language they want to learn: And ſo every one acts his part, and Cloaks him⯑ſelf with ſome diſguiſe, leſt he ſhould be diſ⯑cover'd to be a Forreigner, and conſequent⯑ly be oblig'd to trample upon the Crucifix. By this means they continue ſecurely and free from danger, in any City of Japan, for the ſpace of four years, which is the time allotted by their Superiors for their ſtay in thoſe parts; after which time they are oblig'd to return to their own Country, and give place to other Miſſionaries who are then ſent to ſucceed them.

[4]Among the reſt, there was a certain Jeſu⯑it of Avignon, whoſe true Name was Fa⯑ther de Rode, deſcended of an Honourable Family, who after he had learned the Japa⯑neſe Language at the Univerſity of Goa, came into the Iſland of Formoſa, about the Year 1694, which was then and had been for ſome years Subject to the Empire of Japan; and, be⯑ing better qualified to be a Tutor to young Men than for any other Employment, he gave out, that he was a Native of Japan, de⯑ſcended of a rich Father, and that all his eſtate was divided among four Wives, and 13 Sons, he had left behind him, beſides Daughters; that he being the youngeſt, the Portion which fell to his ſhare was ſo ſmall, that he was forc'd, at Twenty Years of Age, to leave his Fathers Houſe, and Travel abroad, to get a Lively-hood by teaching the Latin Tongue. Which he had been taught; and that for this end he was come to Formoſa after he had been in ſeveral other parts of Japan; by chance this Story happen'd to come to my Father's Ears, who ſent for him, and after he had ſeen and diſcourſed him, he took him for a Learned and well-diſpoſed Perſon; and therefore reſolv'd to take him into his Houſe to teach me the Latin Tongue. My Fa⯑ther acquainted me with the deſign, and told me that I ſhould give over the Learning of [5] the Greek Tongue, which I was then, Studying becauſe I might Learn it at any time in our own Academies, and that I muſt make uſe of the preſent opportunity of Learning the La⯑tin Tongue by this Man, becauſe he did not know when he ſhould meet with the like opportunity. I readily ſubmitted to my Fa⯑ther's Commands, as in Duty bound, and Father de Rode ſeem'd to be as glad of the opportunity as we were. My Father of⯑fer'd to allow him yearly 17 Copans for inſtructing me in the Latin Tongue, beſides Diet and Cloths, which he accept⯑ed of; and ſo a Bargain was ſtruck be⯑tween them: Now a Copan is one pound weight in Gold, which in Engliſh Money, according to our way of value, is about ſix Crowns.

After this he came and liv'd at my Fa⯑thers Houſe in Xternetſa the Capital City of Formoſa, for the ſpace of four Years, and be⯑hav'd himſelf ſo well in all reſpects towards my Father and my ſelf, that we were both very well ſatisfi'd with him. He accompanied me to all places whither I went, except when I entred into our Temples, for then he always left me at the Gate, becauſe, as he pretended, he being a Japanner was of a different Religion, from that which was eſtabliſh'd in the Iſle of Formoſa, and there⯑fore, [6] he ſaid, he would return home and worſhip his God after his own way. In the mean time he took care to inſtruct me in all the Articles of our Religion, as exactly as if he had believ'd it himſelf, and never ſpoke ſo much to me as one word of Chriſtianity; and indeed he employed his whole time and pains in Teaching me the Latin Tongue, and inſtructing me in the Principles of our Faith, and of Moral Honeſty: In fine, he appear'd to me, in all his diſcourſe and acti⯑ons, to be a Perſon of ſo great probity, hon⯑eſty and candor, that I lov'd him almoſt as well as my Father. But at length, after four Years were expir'd, when I had acquir'd a competent knowledge in the Latin Tongue, he received Letters whereby he was oblig'd to return into his own Country; and there⯑fore he begg'd the Favour of me, that I would acquaint my Father with his deſign of going away, and pray him, on his behalf, that he would diſmiſs him, and pay him the Salary that was due to him, according to the Agreement made between them; I lov'd him ſo well, that I was mightily troubled to hear of his departure, and therefore, being ignorant of the ſecret Miſtery of his Miſ⯑ſion, I did all that I could to divert him from leaving the place; but he declard [7] that he was fully reſolv'd to be gone, and Travel over the World, and ſee all other other Countries, and eſpecially thoſe that were Chriſtian, which he extoll'd above all o⯑thers, commending them highly upon ſeveral accounts, which I afterwards found to be falſe; In anſwer to this I told him, ſmiling, what are you mad to go among the Chriſtians, where you will be kill'd for your Religion, as we kill them here upon the account of theirs: But he very ſeriouſly affirmed the contrary, and aſſured me that the Chriſtians were very good Men, and that they were ſo far from any Cruelty, that they were al⯑ways kind and generous to Strangers, and entertain'd them very Civilly and Nobly. Beſides, he told me, that he did not believe thoſe Men who were formerly in Japan, to be true Chriſtians, as they pretended them⯑ſelves to be, for, ſaid he, I have diſcours'd with many Japanners who have been in Chri⯑ſtian Countries, and they mightily com⯑mended both the Country and the Inhabi⯑tants; for the Country ſaid they was the moſt Pleaſant place in the World, and the Chriſtian Natives gave them a very honourable reception, they ſhowed them all the Curioſities of Art and Nature that were in thoſe Parts, and when they came away, the Chriſtians ſo loaded them with Gifts and [8] Preſents, that they returned home to their own Country with great Riches; upon which accounts the ſame Japanners continue ſtill to Praiſe the Chriſtians, and their Coun⯑tries. My Tutor added farther, that in theſe Countries there is great plenty of thoſe things which are here very ſcarce and pre⯑cious, and beſides there are many curious and valuable things in the Chriſtian Coun⯑tries, which were never ſeen nor known in Japan or Formoſa. Laſtly, he told me, that he would not ſtay any long time in Chriſt⯑endom, but only for the ſpace of two or three Years at moſt, that he intended to ſpend three Years in his Travels, for aſſoon as he departed hence he would go to China, and from thence to the Eaſt-Indies, and after he had continued ſome time in theſe parts, he reſolved to ſail for Africa, and from thence into Europe, and there, continued he, I ſhall ſee Spain, France, Germany, Italy, Holland &c. The worſt of which is more Beautiful and pleaſant than this Iſland of Formoſa. And at length after I have Travelled over all the parts of the known World, which are moſt Celebrated, either for the Curioſities of Nature, or the im⯑provements of Arts and Sciences, I ſhall re⯑turn home to my own Native Country, full Freighted with the Riches and experience I [9] have gained, and then I ſhall have nothing elſe to do, but to ſpend the remaining part of my Life in Mirth and good Company, for all Perſons of Ingenuity will be glad to ſee me, and delight to hear me diſcourſe of the ſtrange Rarities I have obſerved in o⯑ther Countries, of their different and ſur⯑priſing Manners and Cuſtoms; of their Laws and Politicks in time of Peace and War, of the wonderful improvments of Arts be⯑yond what is known in our Native Coun⯑try, of their Methods of Trade and Com⯑merce; And laſtly, of the ſeveral Notable Accidents which happened to me in my Travels: And by theſe ſo Pleaſant and uſeful Relations, I ſhall Purchaſe to myſelf great Honour and Eſteem. Theſe things he repreſented to me with ſuch enticing Circumſtances, that I could not but think with my ſelf he had a mind to perſwade me to go along with him, and I being then a young Man, about 19 Years of Age, was the more eaſily prevailed upon: For by the allurements he mentioned, he did ſo ſtrike my Fancy, and excite my Curioſity of ſee⯑ing the Chriſtian Countries he ſo much commended, that I could not forbear to tell him, That if there was no Danger, but we might ſafely return again after five or ſix Years into our Native Country; [10] I had a great mind to be his Compani⯑on, and Travel with him thro' all theſe Countries; But he, diſſembling his deſign upon me, ſeem'd to be very averſe to my Propoſal, and told me in a feigned Paſſion, God forbid, that ever I ſhould entice you a⯑way from your Father's Houſe, If he ſhould know that I had any ſuch Deſign, what could I expect, but that he would preſently put me to Death, and therefore I pray you, continued he, talk no more to me of any ſuch things: But after he had inflamed my deſire of ſeeing of the foreſaid Countries, by the charming proſpect he gave of them, this ſeeming refuſal did rather irritate than extinguiſh my Curioſity, and therefore I was ſtill the more importunate that I might ac⯑company him in his Travels; and to remove his jealouſies and fears, I promiſed him very ſeriouſly, that I would never ſpeak one word of our deſign to any Soul alive, but carry it on with the greateſt Secrecy that his own Heart could wiſh. But notwithſtanding my pro⯑miſes he ſtill ſeemed to continue backwards and unwilling to conſent to my deſire, up⯑on account of the danger that attended him, which provoked me to repeat with greater earneſtneſs my Solemn aſſeverations and vows of Secrecy and Fidelity; until at laſt af⯑ter a long Conference, and reiterated ſupplica⯑tions [11] and aſſurances, he condeſcended to tell me plainly, that he had always a great opi⯑nion of my Candor and Sincerity, and he be⯑lieved I had ſome reſpect for him, (as in⯑deed I had a great Love and honour for him) that now he was reſolved to ſhow the great confidence he had in me, by put⯑ting his Life in my Hands, which he looked upon as the ſtrongeſt obligation to Fidelity, and therefore continued he, ſince you are ſo urgent to be my Fellow-traveller, I am willing to take you along with me; but then you muſt be ſure to be very cautious, and manage all things ſo ſecretly, that no⯑thing may happen which will give the leaſt Suſpicion of our deſign. After the main matter was thus agreed between us, he uſed great Freedom with me, in concerting the manner of our Eſcape, and ſecuring ſome part of a Fund for Subſiſting us in our Tra⯑vels. To this purpoſe, he told me one day, in our private Converſation, your Father is a rich Man and has great plenty of Gold both in Money and Goods, and ſince we are to undertake ſo long and expenſive a Voyage, it will be very convenient that we ſhould take a good quantity of this Gold along with us, which will help to defray our Ex⯑pences; but then to prevent all Danger of Diſcovery, nothing of this nature muſt be at⯑tempted, [12] till ſuch time as we intend to make our eſcape; and then about midnight we ſhall ſeize upon all the Gold and Money we can ſafely come at, and pack up our Bagage, and march off to the next Port, were we may have a Ship.

Having thus fix'd our matters, when the time appointed came, I made ready to be gone, and carried off with me, (beſides o⯑ther Neceſſaries for our Journey) 25 pound weight in Gold, partly in Money and partly in Ʋtenſils; viz. one piece of coin'd Gold, call'd Rockmo weighing; 8 pounds 3 Copans, whereof each being a piece of coin'd Gold weighs 1 pound; and 14 pound weight of Gold in Utenſils, as Pots, Plates, &c. beſides what I took in Silver and Steel Money, to the value of 600 Crowns or thereabout. With this Stock of Gold and Money, my Tutor and I ſet forth, having left all my Father's Family faſt aſleep, and we arrived about midnight at a Port of the Sea, called by the Formoſans Khadzey, which is diſtant from my Father's Houſe, in Xter⯑netſa, about Nine Engliſh Miles: And there I met with one of my Fathers Baleons or Gallies, and commanded the Steers-Man to carry me to Luconia, pretending I had earneſt buſineſs to diſpatch there for my Father. Luconia is the chief of the Philippine Iſles, diſtant from [13] Khadzey about 100 Leagues, where we ſtay'd about Eight Days, during which time, I kept the Steers Man and all the Marriners there, leſt they ſhould return back and ac⯑quaint my Father where I was: And after Eight Days we found a Ship going to Goa, in which we embark'd, and arriv'd at Goa, diſtant from Luconia about a 1000 Leagues. There we continued about ſix Weeks, du⯑ring which time we were very Civily and Nobly treated in the Monaſtery of the Je⯑ſuits, which my Tutor told me, was a Houſe built by the Chriſtians for entertain⯑ing Forreigners, and indeed by the kind reception we met with there, he did in ſome meaſure convince me of the truth of what he had formerly told me in Formoſa, about the Probity and Generoſity of the Chriſtians. After ſix weeks were expir'd, we went a board on Ship that was going from Goa to Spain, and arriv'd at Gibralter, in the ſpace of Nine or Ten Months, where I was forced to ſtay for the ſpace of five Weeks, being very much indiſpoſed by the change of Climates, Air and Diet. At length after my Recovery we ſailed from Gibralter towards Toulon, which is a Sea-Port-Town in France, where I ſaw a great many ſeveral ſorts of Monks in different Habits, which ſeem'd ſtrange to me, where⯑upon [14] I ask'd my Tutor who theſe Men were, who told me they were Men come from different parts of the World for Trade and Commerce; and that every one of them wore the Habit of his own Country. And as we paſſed through Thoulon, Marſeils and Aix, in Provence, I obſerved a great many Croſſes on the Road, which moved me to tell my Tutor; ſurely there muſt be a great many Thieves in this Country where there are ſo many Gallows; but he an⯑ſwer'd, that theſe Gallows were only in⯑tended to fright Thieves and Robbers, by the Terror of ſuch a violent Death. And we arrived at laſt at Avignon, before I knew my Tutor to be a Chriſtian: But af⯑ter we went into the Monaſtery of the Je⯑ſuits there; when I perceived the Porter call him by his Name, ſhow him great reſpect, and talk to him in their Langage, I began to doubt of my Tutor whether he were not a Chriſtian; and when I ſaw all the Fathers of the Convent come to him, ſalute him, and congratulate his ſafe Return; and after that, all his Kindred, and laſtly all the No⯑ble Men and Gentlemen of the City, came to viſit him, and expreſs their great joy for his ſafe Arrival; I could no longer keep ſilence, but ask'd him, Whether he had not been here before? How it came to paſs [15] that ſo many People in this City received him very gladly, and pray'd him to tell the me truth how the matter ſtood. Where⯑upon he confeſs'd to me ingeniouſly, that he was a Native of that Country; and that h [...] d [...]d profeſs the Chriſtian Religion; and t [...]n he aſſured me, that I ſhould find all things true, both as to the Country and the Inhabitants, which he had told me in the Iſle of Formoſa. I have indeed added he, brought you from your Father's Houſe; but you know you were very willing and deſirous to come along with me: And now I will make you a very fair offer, If you be willing to Learn, we will Inſtruct you in all the Principles of our Religion; and if you can be perſwaded to embrace it, we will take care to provide ſo well for you, that you ſhall live as well here as you did at home: But if you have a mind to return into your own Country, we will aſſiſt you and furniſh you with Neceſſaries for your Journey. This laſt part of his Propoſal was only a Copy of his Countenance, which he never intended to make good, as ap⯑peared by the ſequel: For he knew, there was no advantage to be reap'd by my re⯑turn into my own Country, which he might expect if I continu'd there, by making a Convert of me to their Religi⯑on. [16] However, this Diſcourſe made me very thoughtful and anxious, and when I reflected ſeriouſly upon my condition, and the great danger to which I was reduc'd, I was ſo aſtoniſh'd, that I knew not what to ſay or do: Yet I concluded with my ſelf, it would be my ſafeſt and beſt way, to give my Tutor and the reſt of the Fathers good Words, and carry my ſelf fairly towards them, leſt they ſhould treat me after the ſame way as we do the Chriſtians in our Country; of which I was ſometimes very apprehenſive. At length to ſhow my ſelf tractable, and gain their good Opinion, I made them this frank offer, That if they could ſhow me greater Evidence for the truth of their Religion, than I could ſhow for the truth of mine, I was ready to re⯑nounce my own Religion and embrace theirs. Father de Rode preſently accepted of this Propoſal, hoping I would yield to his Arguments upon the firſt onſet: But to procure himſelf the greater Glory, he gave out that I was the Son of a King, (how truly God knows), and that I had accompanied him into Europe, out of a deſire I had to embrace the Chriſtian Religion.

There were only three ways by which they could hope to make a Convert of me, by Arguments and Demonſtrative Proofs, [17] by flattering Inſinuations and fair Promiſes, or by Threats and Violence. By Argu⯑ments they could not convince me, for I was able to ſhow greater abſurdities in their Religion than they could prove in mine; and particularly, in their Doctrine of Tran⯑ſubſtantiation; Againſt which I argu'd ſe⯑veral ways: As, Firſt from the Teſtimony of our Senſes, viz. of ſeeing, feeling, taſt⯑ing, all which do aſſure us, that it is Bread, which we receive in the Sacrament and not Fleſh: If therefore we believe our Sen⯑ſes, we cannot believe that the Subſtance of the Bread is chang'd into the natural Fleſh of Chriſt, which is corporally preſent in this Sacrament: And then I prov'd that we muſt believe the Teſtimony of our Sen⯑ſes; becauſe upon them depends the cer⯑tainty of the Relations we have concern⯑ing the Miracles wrought by Jeſus Chriſt, for the confirmation of his Doctrine: For if thoſe who were Eye-witneſſes, could not be certain by their Senſes, that ſuch Mi⯑racles were wrought, as are related in the Life of Chriſt, than we have no certainty of the truth of theſe Relations which de⯑pends upon the Teſtimony of thoſe Eye-witneſſes, who affirm that they ſaw ſuch Miracles wrought by Chriſt, and conſe⯑quently all the Evidence for the truth of [18] Chriſtianity, from the Miracles pretended to be wrought in confirmation of it, is ſub⯑verted and deſtroyed. Thus the belief of Tranſubſtantiation is inconſiſtent with the Belief of theſe Miracles; for if we believe them we muſt allow the Teſtimony of Senſe to be a ſufficient proof of them; But if we believe Tranſubſtantiation we muſt renounce our Senſes, and deny them to be a certain proof of any thing we ſee or feel.

Secondly, I argu'd, That their Doctrine of Tranſubſtanatition muſt be falſe; becauſe the ſame Body cannot, at the ſame time, be in two diſtant places: But according to their Doctrine, the ſame Body of Chriſt was cor⯑porally preſent in a 1000 diſtant places at the ſame time, viz. in all thoſe places where this Sacrament is Celebrated, over the face of the whole Earth, however diſtant and remote from one another. Their diſtincti⯑on which they applied to this Argument, That the ſame Body could not be in more places than one Circumſcriptive, but only Definitive, appear'd to me frivolous and im⯑pertinent; for ſtill it appeared to me impoſ⯑ſible, that the ſame Body ſhould be Cor⯑porally preſent (tho' it were only Definitive as they called it) in ſeveral diſtant places at the ſame time; for then the ſame Body [19] might be kill'd and dead in one place, while it was alive in another.

Thirdly, I argu'd, That when Chriſt ſaid at the Inſtitution of this Sacrament, Do this in remembrance of me, he ſuppoſed that he would be abſent from them when they ſhould Celebrate this Sacrament; for it is neither neceſſary nor uſual to remem⯑ber a Friend preſent, but only one that is abſent; And therefore, theſe words of Chriſt, Do this in remembrance of me, do plainly imply, that he is not Bodily preſent (in this Sacrament.) I argu'd that their Doctrine of Tranſubſtantiation could not be true, becauſe it ſuppoſed, that the ac⯑cidents of Bread (as they call them) re⯑mained without the Subſtance, and the Subſtance of Chriſt's Fleſh was corporally preſent without the accidents that are pe⯑culiar to Fleſh, both which appeared to me impoſſible: For I cannot conceive how the whiteneſs of Bread can ſubſiſt, when there is nothing that is white, and how there can be the Subſtance of Fleſh, which can neither be ſeen, felt nor taſted.

Theſe were ſome of the Arguments I urg'd againſt their Doctrine of Tranſub⯑ſtantiation, to which I could never receive a Satisfactory Anſwer, and tho' they al⯑ledg'd ſeveral Arguments to turn me from [20] Heatheniſm; yet becauſe I thought there were greater abſurdities in their Religion than they could ſhew in mine, I ſtill ad⯑hered to my own Religion. And there⯑fore finding that by Arguments they could not prevail, they attempted to bribe my Affections, and ſo win me over to their Party, by many fair Promiſes, and wheed⯑ling Inſinuations; But I knew ſo well their Inſincerity and cheating Tricks, by their coun⯑terfeiting themſelves to be Heathens in Formoſa, and by breaking their Promiſe of allowing me Liberty of Conſcience, that I could put no Confidence in any Promiſes they made me. And beſides, I very well knew, that I could have more Riches and Honour, if I ſhould return into my own Native Country, than I could expect from them. In fine, the earneſt deſire and probable hope I had of returning to my Father, being join'd with the fear of continuing in this remote Country, far di⯑ſtant from my Relations, among Strangers and Hypocrites, made me flight all the offers they made me: Which induced them at laſt to uſe Threats and Violence; and theſe I endur'd with great meekneſs, and endea⯑vour'd to mittigate their Anger with ſoft words, while in the mean time, I was con⯑triving and preparing, by the moſt probable [21] means I could think of to make my eſ⯑cape out of their Hands.

I continued at Avignon for the ſpace of 15 Months, ſix in the Monaſtery of the Jeſuits, and nine in other places: See the Appendix. While I continued in the Monaſtery, I found they were continually teaſing and perſecuting me with Enticements, and Arguments to embrace their Religion, and therefore to get rid of them, I pretended a great deſire to hear their publick Prelections, for which end I went ſometimes to their Schools of Philoſophy, and ſometimes of Theology. But being ſtill liable to their troubleſome Solicitations, at laſt I left the Monaſtery, and took a private Lodging in the City, where I lived at my own proper Charges: And becauſe they had a great part of my Money in their Hands, which they thought I would not leave behind me, they gave me leave to ſatisfie my Curioſity, and ram⯑ble over the Countries round about, which I did, travelling from City to City, for the ſpace of ſix Months: After I returned to Avignon again, I continued there only for the ſpace of three Months, from the time I firſt took a private Lodging in that City. And they welcom'd me, and ſeem'd at firſt to receive me very kindly, but when they found that I put off from Day to Day, to [22] declare my ſelf a Convert, then they begun to attack me more cloſely, and told me plainly, We have waited a long time to receive you into the Boſom of the Catholick Church, and uſed many arguments to con⯑vince you of the truth of our Religion, but ſince you ſtill continue obſtinate, we muſt deſire you to take notice, that we can no longer bear with your delays; for hitherto we have entreated the Fathers Inquiſitors that they would not give you any trouble, which they have forbore to do upon our requeſt: But now ſince you have rejected all the fair means that we have uſed for ſo long a time for your Converſion, they are re⯑ſolved not to wait any longer. And to ſhow they were in good earneſt, about eight Days after there came Letters from the Grand Inquiſitor, expreſly requiring that I ſhould be put into the Inquiſition, unleſs I would embrace the Chriſtian Religion. Whether theſe Letters were real or ſuppo⯑ſititious I know not, but this is certain, that the Inquiſitors ſhow'd me ſuch Letters, and withal told me, That if I did not change my Religion within Ten Days, they were ob⯑liged to impriſon me. The Jeſuits were pre⯑ſent, when theſe things were done, who having conſulted with the Inquiſitors, they both agreed to allow me Fifteen Days [23] wherein to make a publick profeſſion of their Religion. The reaſon of granting me this further time, was this, becauſe the Day on which they ſpoke to me was the firſt of Auguſt, and the 15th of that Month being, according to them, the Day of the Aſſumption of the Bleſſed Virgin, they had a great mind that I ſhould publickly declare my Converſion, and be baptized on that Solemn Feſtival. All theſe Propoſals I was forc'd to ſubmit unto, and durſt not refuſe them in my preſent Circumſtances: Where⯑upon they, conceiving good hopes of me, began anew to explain to me the Myſteries of their Religion, which they did by ſimili⯑tudes; Thus, for Example, they illuſtrated to me the Myſtery of the Trinity, by the ſimilitude of a piece of Cloth which is thrice folded, which, notwithſtanding the three folds, is one and the ſame Cloth. They would never allow me to read the Bible, but they furniſh'd me with abundance of Books about the Miracles pretended to be wrought by ſome of their Saints, in con⯑firmation of their peculiar Opinions. For the firſt four or five Days, of the Fifteen which were allotted me, I heard, with great appearance of ſubmiſſion, all the demon⯑ſtrations they pretended to give for their Doctrines, and when they anſwered my [24] Arguments with Philoſophical diſtinctions, and uſed a multitude of hard words, which were to me unintelligible, I granted all that they ſaid, and confeſſed they had almoſt made me a Convert. For when I ſaid that I could not underſtand thoſe Anſwers, or Philoſophical Arguments; This Father De Rode began to ſay to me, My dear, ſince you cannot underſtand what this Reverend Father ſays, I will explain it to you in your own Japanois Language; and ſo inſtead of explaining it to me, he ſaid, My dear Son, You ſee that the Fa⯑thers Inquiſitors, have a great mind to put you into the Inquiſition, becauſe you won't confeſs your ſelf a Convert; therefore it would be better for you to ſay that you underſtand what they ſay, than to be any longer obſtinate; their Arguments are very well grounded and reaſonable, but you cannot conceive the ſtrength of them; therefore let me deſire you to ſay publickly, that you are now perſwaded of the goodneſs of their Arguments, and that you don't require any more. So I was obliged to ſpeak in Latin, and ſay, Now I under⯑ſtand very well, Let us come to another Ar⯑ticle.

But ſtill I truſted, under God, to my heels, hoping by ſome means or other to get out of their Hands, and to run away in ſuch [25] a Road that they ſhould not be able to find me out again. After Ten Days of the Fifteen were expired, I had ſold all that I had, and then I attempted to get out of the City, but I found that the Centinel, who watched at the Gate to which I came, was expreſly forbidden to ſuffer me to go out; ſuch care was taken by the Inquiſitors to prevent my Eſcape. However I did not deſpair, but being returned to my Lodging, I put off my Japan Clothes, which I had hitherto wore, and clad my ſelf after the Mode of the Country; and then I at⯑tempted to paſs out by another Gate: But I was ſo much taken notice of by all the People that were in the City, that the Soldier who ſtood Centinel at that Gate, knew me under the diſguiſe of my Clothes, and ſtopp'd me. This ſecond diſappoint⯑ment frighted me not a little, but having recollected my Spirits, I conſidered that Money rules the World, and prevails over the generallity of Men, and therefore I offered the Soldier a Piſtol if he would ſuffer me to go out, which he accepted of, and ſo let me go, hoping it could never be diſcovered that he was the Man that did it. Thus God delivered me out of the Hands of the Jeſuits and Inquiſitors, from whom I could expect no Mercy, if I had not in [26] Hypocriſie profeſſed their Religion, which I could never heartily believe.

Having thus made my eſcape out of Avignon, I travelled along the River Rhone with all the ſpeed I could, as far as Lyons, from Lyons I went to Salines, from Salines to Briſac, and at laſt from Briſac I tra⯑velled by the ſide of the Rhone, as far as An⯑dernach, where the Soldiers of the Elector of Colen ſeized me by force, according to the Orders they had received from the E⯑lector, to Preſs all Paſſengers that came that way, to fill up the New Regiments he was Raiſing. There were then three Com⯑panies in Andernach, three in Lintz, and ſix in Bonn, whether all the other Companies reſorted, being the place appointed for their Rendezvous; And when they were all come together, my Captain, thinking to gratifie the Colonel's Curioſity, acquainted him with what I had told him, that I was a Native of the Iſle Formoſa, belonging to Emperor of Japan, and by Religion a Pa⯑gan; that I had travelled from this far diſtant Country to ſatisfie my Curioſity of ſeeing Europe, having heard ſtrange things about it: But the Colonel who was a Savoy⯑ard, and call'd le Chevalier St. Maurice, be⯑ing a Bigot of the Romiſh Church, thought it a damnable thing to retain a Pagan in the [27] Service of the Elector; who being inform⯑ed about me, commanded me to be car⯑ried to ſome Jeſuits, that they might en⯑deavour to Convert me. Whereupon I was obliged to go with the Colonel and ſome other Officers to the Jeſuits, with whom I was to diſpute about Religion; tho' I knew very well by my former ex⯑perience, that they are not able by ſtrength of Argument to convince any Man, and much leſs, a Jew, a Turk, or a Heathen. And now, being well acquainted with their Opinions before hand, and the ſeveral Eva⯑ſions and Diſtinctions they made uſe of to defend them, I was the better prepared to enter the Liſts with the Jeſuits, againſt whom I endeavoured to demonſtrate; that there were greater Abſurdities in their Religion, than they could ſhow in mine; which I did with ſo much readineſs and briskneſs, and ſuch a fair appearance of Reaſon, that the Colonel cried out, like one aſtoniſhed, It was not I that ſpoke, but ſome Devil that ſpoke within me. At laſt one of the Jeſuits took me aſide to a private place, and told me, that I was in a moſt miſerable condition, if I ſhould continue in the Pagan Religion, but if I would declare my ſelf a Convert to the Romiſh Faith, he was able to obtain great [28] things for me from the Prince Elector; But I told him he ſhould firſt convince me of the Truth of his Religion, before he made me any ſuch Promiſes; which he not being able to do I ſlighted his offer, and con⯑tinued ſtill in my own Religion. Where⯑upon the Colonel was ſo exaſperated againſt me, that he threatned to throw me into Priſon, and feed me with Bread and Wa⯑ter, until ſuch time as I ſhould declare my ſelf a Convert. But my Captain, who was much the honeſter Man of the two, ha⯑ving ſeized me by force, would not ſuffer any hurt to be done me; and therefore prayed the Colonel to permit me to go off, and to grant me a Paſs, for traveling whe⯑therſoever I would; which was preſently done. After I got out of Bonn, I con⯑tinued my Journey till I came to Colen, and there the Centinel who kept the Gate ſeized me again, and carried me before the Captain of the main Guard, to whom I ſhowed my diſmiſſion out of Bonn, upon the account of my Religion; but he told me, If others be Fools, I am not, though you are a Pagan, you may ſerve in the Army as well as the beſt Chriſtian, and ſo I was ob⯑liged to Liſt my ſelf a Soldier in that Re⯑giment. The Colonel whoſe Name was Buchwald, and the Major who was my [29] Captain, and whoſe Name was Warmſ⯑dorff, were both Lutherans: The Lieuten⯑ant Colonel, whoſe Name was Vanduil, was a Roman Catholick, and many of the Officers in the Regiment were Calviniſts, and all of them belonged to the Prince of Mechlenburg, but the Regiment was hir'd by the Dutch for ſome Years.

The Colonel and my Captain ſent for ſome Lutheran Miniſters, whereof one was at Colen, another at a Village about an Hour diſtant, and two more who ſerved in the Brandenburg Regiments. All theſe four came and diſputed with me about Religi⯑on for a whole Day; but their Conſub⯑ſtantiation offended me as much as the Roman Tranſubſtantiation.

For it is liable to many of the ſame ab⯑ſurdities with the Romiſh Doctrine, about the Euchariſt; Firſt, becauſe it denies the certainty of our Senſes in the proper ob⯑jects, and conſequently deſtroys their great Evidence of the Chriſtian Religion, from the Miracles wrought in confirmation of it, which depends upon the Teſtimony of their Senſes, who were Eye-witneſſes of them. Secondly, The Lutheran Doctrine, as well as the Romiſh, ſuppoſes, that the Body of Chriſt which is now Glorious and Immor⯑tal in Heaven, is Corporally preſent in the [30] Euchariſt, and at the ſame time in all thoſe places where this Sacrament is celebrated, which appeared to me impoſſible.

But beſides theſe Abſurdities, which are common to them both, the Lutheran Do⯑ctrine is encumbred with ſeveral that are peculiar to it: For firſt they ſay, that theſe Words, This is my Body, are to be underſtood literally, and that the Subſtance of the Bread is really preſent; ſo that ac⯑cording to their Interpretation the meaning of the Words is, This Subſtance of the Bread is really the Fleſh of Chriſt, which is a contradiction in terminis; for it is plain⯑ly impoſſible, that the ſame Subſtance ſhould, at the ſame time, be both Bread and Fleſh. Secondly, They affirm that the Bread in the Euchariſt is the Sacrament and Sign of Chriſt's Body, and at the ſame time that it is the real Body; whereas it is im⯑poſſible that the ſame thing ſhould be both the Sign and the Thing ſignified, or that any thing ſhould be a ſign of it ſelf. Thirdly, They maintain that the Body of Chriſt is alive in the Euchariſt (for they deny the Popiſh Sacrifice of the Maſs, wherein the Body is ſlain and offered up) which being united to the Divinity, is certainly the object of Adoration, and yet they deny that it is to be worſhipped.

[31]Theſe and ſeveral other Arguments I urged againſt the Lutherans, whereby they perceived that they were not likely to con⯑vince me of the Truth of their Doctrine about the Euchariſt: Whereupon the Mi⯑niſter who lived at the Village near Colen, took me home with him, and kept me there for Fifteen Days, and thither the Cap⯑tain came alſo, and both of them joined together in making me many large Pro⯑miſes to entice me to declare for their Re⯑ligion; but I continued inflexible, and could not be prevailed upon by any ſuch Motives. After this the Lieutenant Colonel, who was a Roman Catholick, carried me to the Ca⯑puchins, and from them to the Jeſuits; but all the means they could uſe with me proved ineffectual. At laſt the Officers that were Calviniſts carried me to a Mi⯑niſter of their Church, who dealt ſo ef⯑fectually with me, that he almoſt convinc'd me of the truth of the Chriſtian Religion, becauſe he removed thoſe ſtumbling blocks which were laid in the way by the Papiſts and Lutherans: But when he propoſed to me the Doctrine of Abſolute Pre⯑deſtination, and endeavoured to prove it from Scripture, I was ſo ſhock'd by the apparent abſurdity of it, that I be⯑gun to doubt of all thoſe things he had [32] convinced me of before: Whereupon I told him, if abſolute Predeſtination was neceſſary to be believed, then it was a ſign of my Reprobation, that I could not be per⯑ſwaded to believe it. Beſides I added fur⯑ther, That, ſuppoſing abſolute Predeſtina⯑tion I ſhould never be condemned for my Infidelity, but becauſe I was reprobated by an Abſolute and Eternal Decree of God. And Laſtly, I inſiſted upon this Argument, That I could not be perſwaded to believe in Chriſt, unleſs I were certain that Chriſt died for me; but, ſuppoſing abſolute Pre⯑deſtination, I could never be certain of this, becauſe Chriſt died only for thoſe who were to be ſaved by an abſolute Decree, and it was impoſſible for me to know whether I was one of that number or no. Theſe, and ſuch-like arguments, I propoſed to him, but he, to excuſe himſelf for not anſwering them, pretended that I was obſtinate and would not be convinced by Reaſon: And thus, after all the attempts that had been made to convert me to Chriſtianity, I con⯑tinued ſtill firm in my old Religion. In the mean time our Regiment marched from Colen to Boiſleduc in Holland, where ſome Calviniſt Miniſters came to ſee me, rather out of curioſity, than any deſign of con⯑verting me, whom I oppoſed with the ar⯑gument [33] againſt Predeſtination which I laſt mentioned, but could never meet with any ſatisfactory Anſwer to it. From the Boſch we marched to Sluſe in Flanders, where we ſtay'd for the ſpace of Three Months and a half, during which time, the moſt generous and candid Brigadier Lauder, who was then Governor of Sluſe, invited to his Houſe a Miniſter of the French Church, called D' Amalvy. This French Miniſter who had a good Opinion of him⯑ſelf, for a very learned Man, challenged me to Diſpute with him about Religion, and time and place were agreed upon. When the Day came, there appeared a great mul⯑titude of learned Men, who came to hear us: And in the preſence of them all D' Amalvy made me this offer; That if I could ſhow greater Evidence for my Religion than he could ſhow for his, he was ready to re⯑nounce his own Religion and embrace mine; and in return for this frank offer, I promiſed him to do the ſame thing, if he could give me clearer demonſtrations for the truth of his Religion, than I could for mine. Ha⯑ving thus ſettled the Preliminaries, I was firſt to give an account of the God we adored, and our manner of worſhipping him, which I did as well as I could Ex⯑tempore; But when I told him, that we [34] are commanded by our God to offer up Infants in Sacrifice to him, he ſtopp'd me, and ask'd, Does not this ſavour of Cruelty in your God, that he will have Men Sa⯑crific'd to him; To which I anſwer'd, that it was indeed moſt cruel to require ſuch Human Sacrifices; but from hence I took occaſion to retort the argument upon him, by ſhewing that his God was yet more cruel, according to his Opinion of him, For if it be cruel to deprive Men of this Temporal Life, tho' by this means they are admitted to Eternal Life; certainly it is infinitely more cruel to create Men on purpoſe to make them Eternally miſerable, and to condemn them to this Miſery before they are Born, without any reſpect to the Good or Evil they ſhall do, and ſo to Sacrifice them to the Devil. To this Retortion he could not anſwer, and ſo I proceeded fur⯑ther to inform him, that our God did ap⯑pear to us in the ſhape of an Elephant, an Oxe, &c. and that under theſe ſhapes we worſhipp'd him: Againſt this Apparition of God under ſuch Figures, he objected, That it was impoſſible that God who was Omnipotent, Infinite, Immenſe, Incompre⯑henſible and Eternal, could be included in the Body of ſuch a Beaſt. To which I anſwer'd, That if it is impoſſible for God [35] to be included in the Body of ſuch a Beaſt, he was bound to maintain the like abſur⯑dity by the Principles of his own Religion; For, ſaid I, you believe that the Holy Ghoſt, who is God Infinite, Immenſe, &c. did appear under the ſhape of a Dove, which is much leſs than either an Elephant or an Oxe. To this he made no reply, and tho' there were many preſent who would have anſwer'd this and other Arguments, yet he commanded them all to be ſilent, and would ſuffer no body to ſpeak but him⯑ſelf. In fine he exhorted me very much to the practice of Chriſtian Humility and Meekneſs, as if he intended to reſerve to himſelf alone the Priviledge of Pride and Arrogance, which I could plainly diſcern, by his Words and Actions, to be very predo⯑minant in his Temper. Thus this Con⯑ference ended, without producing any good effect upon me, and if by God's Provi⯑dence I had not met with a better Guide to direct me in the Courſe I ſhould Steer to arrive at a ſafe Harbour in this dangerous Sea of Controverſies, I muſt have ſplit up⯑on the Rocks and Shelves of the abſurd O⯑pinions I met with among ſome ſort of Chriſtians, and adhear'd more obſtinately than ever to the Idoltry in which I was educated. For I could never bring my [36] Mind to believe ſuch a Scheme of the Chriſtian Religion, as was propoſed, but not demonſtrated by him; Such a Syſtem of Religion could never find en⯑tertainment with me, which places Cer⯑berus in the very Threſhold, I mean, which impoſes as a neceſſary Article of Faith, the horrible decree of abſolute Reprobation, for this Doctrine gives a very odious and fright⯑ful Idea of a moſt Good and Gracious God, by repreſenting him as Cruel and Tyrani⯑cal to his poor Creatures, as one that de⯑ſigns and delights in their Eternal Ruine; it perfectly overturns all Religion, by de⯑ſtroying the uſe of all Laws, and their Re⯑wards and Puniſhments, to thoſe that are f etter'd with the Adamantine Chains of this fatal Decree; who according to the Calviniſts are the greateſt part of Man⯑kind. But while I was in this uncertain and dangerous Condition, it pleaſed God, who is infinitely Wiſe and Good, and will not ſuffer that Religion which he has planted and maintain'd by his own Al⯑mighty Power, to be check'd in its progreſs by the Ignorance or Miſtake of his Mini⯑ſters: I ſay, it pleaſed this good God to provide for me ſuch a Judicious and Ho⯑neſt Guide, as was very ſucceſsful in all things relating to my Converſion, who [37] propoſed to me the Chriſtian Religion in its Purity, without thoſe Monſtrous Do⯑ctrines of Tranſubſtantiation, Conſub⯑ſtantiation and abſolute Predeſtination: A Religion that was not embaraſs'd with any of thoſe abſurdities which are main⯑tain'd by the many various Sects in Chriſten⯑dom: Whereof he gave me a Scheme in a Mathematical method by way of Difini⯑tions, Axioms, Poſtulata and Propoſitions; which he divided into 2 Parts, whereof the firſt contains the grounds of the Chriſtian Religion in general, the ſecond contains the particular grounds of the Church of Eng⯑land, as it is a Society diſtinct from all Schiſ⯑matical Aſſemblies. And firſt, the grounds of the Chriſtian Religion he propos'd in the following Order, whereby I was, thro' God's Mercy, deliver'd from the Errors and Su⯑perſtitions of my Pagan Religion.

The Grounds of the Author's Con⯑verſion.

DEFINITIONS.

Defin. 1. By God, I underſtand a Being in⯑finite, uncreated, eternal, &c. Containing in himſelf all Perfections that either astually exiſt, or are poſſible.
[38] 2. A thing is ſaid to be Created for the Glory of God, which manifeſts one, or more of his Attributes, according to its natural State and Power.
3. By Miracles, I underſtand certain Effects that are clear and evident, which exceed all the Powers of natural Cauſes, and are deſign'd for the Confirmation of a good Religion.
4. By Revelation, I underſtand the extraor⯑dinary Manifeſtation of the Divine Will, which Men by their natural faculties could not at⯑tain to.
5. By Religion, I underſtand that Worſhip, or way of Worſhipping, which God requires of us, and we owe unto him.
6. By Creatures of the ſame kind, I under⯑ſtand either ſuch as are Vegetative, Senſitive, or Rational, &c.
7. That is ſaid to exiſt by abſolute neceſſity, without which nothing elſe can exiſt.

AXIOMS.

1. All Creatures are not endow'd with equal Perfections.
2. Two or more Propoſitions, contradicting two or more Propoſitions, cannot be both true.
3. If there be two or more things, conſiſting of two or more Propoſitions which are repugnant to one another, theſe things cannot be both true.
4. There are different Religions in the World.
[39] 5. All different Religions whatſoever, con⯑ſiſt of a certain Number of Propoſitions, which are either all falſe, or all true, or partly falſe, partly true.
6. Ʋnleſs we had a thinking faculty, the Glory of God would not appear to us.
7. The ſtronger the faculty is in any Man, the more clearly are the properties of a thing conceiv'd by him, viz. Of that thing which is the object of the faculty.
8. Nothing can be made by nothing.

POSTULATA.

1. That the Glory of God, the Publick Good, and the Advantage of every Private Man, be the great ends which are deſign'd by all true Re⯑ligion.
2. That Men muſt either believe ſomething or nothing.
3. That nothing be believ'd without ſufficient Evidence.
4. That thoſe things which have the ſame or equal degrees of Evidence, ſhould obtain wtih us, the ſame or an equal degree of Aſſent.

PROPOSITIONS.

1. There is a God.
2. All things were Created for his Glory.
[40] 3. The more we know of an object, the more, naturally ſpeaking, ſhould the Contemplation of that object excite in us the love or hatred of it.
4. All the different Religions in the World, proceed either from the love or hatred of the ob⯑ject of our Adoration, or the different degrees of theſe Affections.
5. No Worſhip is to be given to God, which is not grateful to him.
6. All the Religions in the World, taken col⯑lectively, are not acceptable to God.
7. There is one Religion, conſider'd diſtinctly by it ſelf, which alone is grateful to God.
8. Men in their Natural State, cannot diſ⯑cover this one Religion.
9. There are certain means, whereby the true Religion may be diſcern'd from thoſe that are falſe.
10. Revelation is abſolutely neceſſary.
11. 'Tis moſt agreeable to the Wiſdom of God, that the Creatures of the ſame kind, ſhould expreſs the Glory of God in one and the ſame Harmonious manner; Nay, this is a thing inſeparable from the nature of theſe Crea⯑tures.
12. God may reveal himſelf more or leſs to Mankind, according to his own good pleaſure.
13. The more univerſal the Evidence is for any Revelation, the more perfect and univerſal the Religion it ſelf is.
[41] 14. That Religion was never deſign'd by God, to be embrac'd by all Mankind, which had not the Degrees of Evidence proportionable to that Ʋniverſality.
15. That Revelation is of all others moſt perfect, whoſe Evidence is moſt univerſal.
16. That Revelation, and conſequently Re⯑ligion, is juſtly to be eſteem'd moſt univerſal, whoſe Evidence is ſo clear, that none can call it in queſtion if he believes any thing, and which contains ſuch arguments exciting Men to the Practice of it, as are ſuited to the meaneſt ca⯑pacity.

Upon theſe ſure Foundations laid down by my faithful Guide, which he more parti⯑cularly explain'd and prov'd to me by word of Mouth, the Divine Grace aſſiſting me, I did heartily embrace the Chriſtian Religi⯑on.

And I will be bold to affirm, that if a⯑ny one ſhall carefully examine all the Reli⯑gions in the World, by the Rules aforemen⯑tion'd, it will plainly appear, that neither the Jewiſh, nor Pagan, nor Mahometan Re⯑ligion, but only the Chriſtian, has a juſt Title to be the Univerſal Religion of Man⯑kind.

But then finding there were ſeveral So⯑cieties of Chriſtians, I was for ſome time [42] doubtful to which Communion I ſhould joyn my ſelf, for the Miniſters of the Dutch Church, endeavour'd to perſwade me to their Communion; Alledging that a Church Govern'd by Biſhops, was not agreeable to Scripture, and the Primitive Church: And on the contrary, Mr. Innes affirm'd, and en⯑deavour'd to prove, that Epiſcopal Govern⯑ment was the moſt Ancient and the Primi⯑tive form of Government, that was us'd in the Chriſtian Church: But while I was thus doubtful, at length certain Principles were agreed upon between them both, which be⯑ing propos'd in a Mathematical method, and clearly demonſtrated, remov'd all doubts out of my mind, and fix'd me to be a moſt faithful Member of the Church of Eng⯑land.

Theſe Principles were propos'd to me in the following Order.

DEFINITIONS.

1. By a certain order of Men, I underſtand ſome ſelect perſons in a Society, enjoying a power or priviledge which is not communicable to every particular member of that Society.
[43] 2. By Ordination I underſtand a power re⯑ceived of another or others, for adminiſtring the Holy Sacraments and other Sacred Ordinances, according to our bleſſed Saviours Inſtitu⯑tion.
3. By a Church I underſtand a Society of Men believing and profeſſing the Chriſtian Doctrine, and having a power of adminiſtring the Holy Sacraments and other ſacred Ordinances ac⯑cording to our bleſſed Savour's Inſtitutions.

POSTULATA.

1. A Society may be ſaid to have a Power, when one or more of the Society are Ʋeſted with it, tho' every particular member cannot pretend to it.
2. What abſolute neceſſity Obliges a Society to do in time of Confuſion, ought not to be made a ſtandard for the ſame, or another So⯑ciety, when they come to enjoy their Power or Priviledges without any diſturbance; nay in this caſe Neceſſity makes not the thing Lawful but pardonable only, and loſes its name when any Eſcape occaſion'd by it can be redreſs'd.
3. In matters of Fact, a ſuppoſition of the contrary being poſſible, is not ſufficient to e⯑nervate the Truth of what is paſs'd, i. e. none can ſay ſuch a thing has not been ſo, becauſe, [44] Perhaps it could have been otherwiſe.

AXIOMS.

1. Nothing is to be believ'd in the Chriſtian Religion but what is built upon certain Evi⯑dence.
2. Nothing is to be practis'd by Chriſtians (I mean in that Capacity) which is not believ⯑ed.
3. One Man, or number of Men, cannot give that to another Man, or another Number of Men, which they themſelves have not and is not in their power.

PROPOSITIONS.

1. There hath been a Church of Chriſtians upon Earth ſince the days of our bleſſed Savi⯑our and his Apoſtles.
2. The Church hath no power, but what ſhe hath deriv'd from our bleſſed Saviour and his Apoſtles.
3. The Apoſtles were Cloath'd with a power which was not communicable to all Chriſtians in General.
4. All Chriſtians in general, in the days of the Apoſtles or the Primitive Church, had not a power of adminiſtring the holy Sacraments and Preaching the Goſpel.
5. Thoſe who had not this power themſelves [45] could not be in a Capacity of Communicating it to others.
6. This Power then has been continually lodg'd in a certain Order of Men to whom our bleſſed Saviour or his Apoſtles did communicate it.
7. This power has been tranſmitted down to us by this Order of men inviolably and un⯑interruptedly from the firſt Ages of the Chri⯑ſtian Church.
8. Thoſe are not a Church, who ſeparate them⯑ſelves from that, or thoſe Societies of Chriſtians, in whom the power of Adminiſtring the holy Sacraments, and other ſacred Ordinances is only lodg'd.
9. No Perſon ought to joyn himſelf in Communion with that Society which has no Power of Adminiſtring the Holy Sacraments, and other Sacred Ordinances.
10. No man ought to aſſume to himſelf that Power, unleſs he receives it from thoſe who are in a Capacity of giving it.
11. Every one that receives it this way, ought to be fully aſſured, and have ſufficient evi⯑dence, that thoſe from whom he receives it, have a real Power of granting it, and a bare Pro⯑bability can never vindicate him from Ʋſurp⯑ing that Power.
12. No man can be aſſured of this unleſs at the ſame, time he hath ſufficient evidence, that thoſe who give it him be in the Number of that Order of Men, to whom the Apoſtles did Com⯑municate [46] this Power, to be tranſmitted down inviolably and uninterruptedly from the firſt Ages of the Chriſtian Church.
13. There is no other way for People to be aſſured of this, but by going backward from their own times to thoſe of the Apoſtles or the Primi⯑tive Church.
14. Thoſe who cannot produce this Evidence, cannot be that Order of Men to whom the A⯑poſtles did communicate this Power to be invio⯑lably and uninteruptedly preſerv'd and tranſ⯑mitted down to us from the firſt Ages of the Chriſtian Church.
15. The Church of England is able to pro⯑duce this Evidence, and conſequently is in the number of that Order of Men, to whom the Apoſtles did communicate this Power, to be tranſ⯑mitted down to us inviolably and uninterrup⯑tedly from the firſt Ages of the Chriſtian Church.

Theſe were the Propoſitions concerning Church-Communion that were given to me by my Learned and Judicious Guide Mr. Jnnes, which I ſhall not now pretend to de⯑monſtrate, but ſhall only add, That by their native Force and Evidence, all my doubts and Scruples, about the various Societies of Chriſtians, were diſſolv'd and vaniſhed a⯑way, and I did heartily joyn my ſelf to the Church of England, as a true Apoſtolical [47] Church, and free from all ſorts of Error ei⯑ther as to its Government or Doctrine. I know very well, that no Truths are ſo clear but they may be liable to ſome Ob⯑jections from Men of contrary Principles; but this I told to the Miniſters of Sluce, Reverend Sirs, if ye can give me as clear a Scheme of the Principles upon which your Communion is founded, as this which is given me by Mr. Jnnes, I ſhall readily compare them together, and determine my ſelf according to the beſt of my Judgment; but until you do this, you muſt Pardon me that I do not joyn my ſelf to your Com⯑munion: And ſince theſe good Men never attempted to give me any ſuch Scheme, I did Frankly and Publickly profeſs my ſelf a Member of the Church of England.

Leaving therefore any further diſpute a⯑bout Church-Communion, I ſhall purſue the grounds and principles given me by my Guide for demonſtrating the Truth and Cer⯑tainty of the Chriſtian Religion. And in doing this I ſhall obſerve this order in the following diſcourſe, viz.

1. I ſhall prove the Exiſtence of a God by whom all things are Created, and diſ⯑tinctly explain the Attributes of God. 2. I ſhall conſider the final cauſes for which God made the Heaven, and the Earth, and all things that are in them; and from thence [48] conclude, that they were made by a moſt Intelligent and Wiſe being. 3. I ſhall aſ⯑ſert the neceſſity of a particular Revelation from God, to diſcover the manner in which he will be worſhip'd by Mankind; which worſhip is properly call'd by the Name of Religion. 4. I ſhall produce ſuch Charac⯑teriſticks and evidences whereby every one from the light of Nature, may diſtinguiſh between a true and falſe Religion. 5. I ſhall demonſtrate the Chriſtian Religion to be the only true Religion, revealed by God to Mankind, and that all the other Religi⯑ons in the World are falſe. And laſtly, I ſhall anſwer the principal Objections which I made while a Heathen, againſt the truth and certainty of the Chriſtian Religion.

SECT. I. Of the Exiſtence of God.

'TIs certain that the being of God is the Foundation of all Religion, for all enquiries about the right way of Worſhip⯑ing him, would be ſuperfluous and imper⯑tinent, unleſs we be firſt certain that there [49] is a God. The far greateſt part of Man⯑kind, as well Pagans as others, are agreed in the Exiſtence of a God; yet becauſe ſome do call it in queſtion, I ſhall endea⯑vour to prove it by a few Arguments, that I may ſecure this fundamental Doctrine of all reveal'd Religion, from all the attacks of unreaſonable Men.

But before I proceed to theſe Arguments, it may be neceſſary to obſerve the various Opinions of learned Men concerning the means of attaining the Knowledge of God: Some think that the notion of God is im⯑printed on the Hearts of all Men by na⯑ture; others deny that there is any ſuch Idea of a God in the Minds of Men by nature: Some think that the Knowledge of God is convey'd to us by Revelation, or deriv'd by Tradition from the firſt Man, who was immediately created by God. But without entring upon a nice Exami⯑nation of theſe ſeveral Opinions, I hope this will be granted on all Hands, That by the right uſe of our rational Faculties, with the help of thoſe Principles that are known by the Light of Nature, we may may arrive at the certain Knowledge of God, whoſe Exiſtence therefore I ſhall en⯑deavour to demonſtrate by the following Arguments.

ARGƲMENT I.

[50]

Every thing that is, muſt either be from it ſelf, or from another. If it be from it ſelf, then it is uncreated, independent and eternal, and conſequently God: If from another, ſeeing all ſecond Cauſes are produced by ſome other which give them being, (as we derive our original from our Fathers, and they from their Fathers, and ſo upwards) then either theſe ſecond Cauſes muſt produce one another in infi⯑nitum, without any beginning; or the effect muſt ſometimes produce a prior Cauſe, and ſo they muſt produce one ano⯑ther in a Circle, or we muſt acknowledge ſome firſt Cauſe, by which all other things are produced, which is God.

Now there cannot be an infinite ſucceſ⯑ſion of Cauſes producing one another from all Eternity: For every Cauſe that pro⯑duces a new thing out of nothing, muſt have ſome beginning of its operation, which muſt be perfected in a limited time, and therefore there can be no ſuch pro⯑duction of any thing from all Eternity, but every thing muſt be produced in a cer⯑tain determinate time, which is plainly in⯑conſiſtent with the nature of Eternity.

[51]And neither can there be any ſuch cir⯑cular production of Cauſes, whereby the laſt effect is the efficient of the firſt Cauſe, for then the ſame thing would be the Cauſe of its Cauſe, it would be Prior and Poſterior to its Cauſe, and to it ſelf, which is plainly impoſſible, and therefore we muſt conclude, that there is a firſt Cauſe which is uncreated, and the Creator of all things elſe.

ARG. II.

I am ſure that there is ſomething now in the World, for I am conſcious to my ſelf, that I think, I perceive, I doubt; which Actions cannot proceed from nothing, and therefore I am certain, that there is a thinking Being. And from hence theſe two things will undeniably follow, 1ſt. That there was ſomething from all Eternity, for either there was always ſomething, and ſo there was an eternal Being, or there was a time when there was nothing, and then nothing could ever have been; for there is no Principle more certain than this, that nothing can produce nothing; but every thing that has a Being, muſt be produc'd by ſomething; and therefore if there was a time when there was nothing, nothing could ever have been produced. [52] 2dly, Since 'tis certain that there is now in the World a thinking Being, which knows and underſtands; from hence it will no leſs evidently follow, that there was a Knowing, Underſtanding Being from all Eternity; for it is no leſs impoſ⯑ſible for a Being devoid of Knowledge to produce a knowing Being, than for no⯑thing to produce ſomething; and if there was a time when there was no ſuch know⯑ing Being, it could never have begun to be, becauſe there was no cauſe to produce it; and therefore ſuch a knowing Being muſt be from Eternity. After the ſame manner we may deduce all the perfecti⯑ons of God, for we find there is Power, Wiſdom and Goodneſs in the World; all which muſt be deriv'd from the ſame eter⯑nal Source: For if there had been a time when theſe things were not, they could never have begun to be, there being then no cauſe to produce them; and there⯑fore this eternal Being muſt be alſo moſt Knowing, Powerful, Wiſe and Good, and be the firſt cauſe and original of all theſe Perfections we find in the World; for no⯑thing can ever give to another any Per⯑fection that it hath not in it ſelf, and there⯑fore the firſt eternal Cauſe of all things muſt contain in it all the Perfections that can ever after exiſt.

[53]Having thus eſtabliſh'd the Exiſtence of a God, I ſhall next proceed to prove, that he is the Ruler of the World, who di⯑rects and governs all things by his wiſe Pro⯑vidence: Which will appear by conſider⯑ing, 1. That all things in nature do act for certain ends, which they attain by uſing proper means fitted to thoſe ends that are deſign'd; but to deſign and purſue an end, and make choice of fit means for compaſſing that end, are ſuch actions as re⯑quire Reaſon, Wiſdom, and Foreſight, which no inanimate Creature is capable of; and therefore all inanimate Creatures muſt be directed and guided by ſome wiſe Superintendent, in purſuing their ſeveral ends by proper means, which themſelves know nothing of. 2. We ſee that all things in nature are ſubordinate to one another, and made ſubſervient to ſeveral excellent uſes and purpoſes, which muſt be the contrivance of a wiſe Governour that ruleth over all.

Thus the Plants and Herbs ſerve for food to Animals, and both Plants and Animals are uſeful for many purpoſes to Man, as for Food and Phyſick, and ſeve⯑ral other neceſſary ends in humane Life: Man himſelf is wonderfully made, all the parts of his Body being wiſely adapted to perform their ſeveral Functions, and mu⯑tually [54] ſubſervient to one another, and to the good of the whole, as might be largely prov'd by particular inſtances, if it were neceſſary. We cannot open our Eyes but we meet with many Arguments of a wiſe over-ruling Providence; for the Air ſerves us to breath in, and is ſo neceſſary to our Life, that it cannot ſubſiſt many Minutes without it. The Earth ſupplies us with Corn for food, and Wood for firing; it ſupports or houſes, and furniſhes the ma⯑terials for buildings of them: The Sea ſerves to tranſport our Ships and Commo⯑dities to the moſt diſtant parts of the Earth, and to bring home into our Harbours the Products of all other Countries. The Sun does not ſhine for himſelf, but appears to be made on purpoſe to give Light to them that live upon the Earth, and it is placed at ſuch a convenient di⯑ſtance, and moves in ſuch a conſtant uni⯑form courſe, as is neceſſary to refreſh all things on Earth with its heat, and to ri⯑pen all the Fruits of the Ground. By which, and many thouſand other Inſtances wherein the Creatures are admirably fitted for uſeful and excellent purpoſes, it plainly appears, that the Works of Nature cannot poſſibly be the Effects of blind Chance and Neceſſity, but muſt be the contrivance of an All-wiſe Creator and Governour. 3. To [55] theſe Arguments we might add for a far⯑ther confirmation of this Truth, 1ſt. The Univerſal conſent of all Nations, which generally agree, that there is one ſupreme God, who made and governs the World. 2dly, The Natural Power of Conſcience, which reproves and torments a Man for the heinous Crimes he has committed, tho' the Perſon be above the fear of human Puniſh⯑ment, or the Crime be committed ſo ſecret⯑ly, as to eſcape all natural means of diſco⯑very; in which Caſes Conſcience by its Sentence does, as it were, bind a Man over to the Judgment of a ſuperiour inviſible Judge. But I ſhall conclude all with this Reflexion: That from what has been ſaid it appears, that tho' Mankind had not any innate Notion of a God, yet they are en⯑dow'd with ſuch a rational Faculty, by which they can deduce the exiſtence of a God, from ſuch Principles as are univer⯑ſally known and acknowledg'd by the Light of Nature: And this they can do without the help of Revelation, which muſt al⯑ways preſuppoſe the being of a God who makes that Revelation.

SECT. II. Of the Attributes of GOD in general.

[56]

ALtho' we conceive the Divine Eſſence in it ſelf to be one and the ſame, which conſiſts in all poſſible perfection; yet the Attributes of God may be diſtin⯑guiſh'd and call'd by peculiar Names, with reſpect to the different Objects upon which they are exercis'd, and the different Ope⯑rations that are exerted upon them; not that there is any real diverſity in God him⯑ſelf, but only in our Conceptions of him; for ſuch is the weakneſs of our Under⯑ſtanding, that we cannot in one Thought comprehend all the Divine Perfections, but are forc'd to repreſent them to our Minds ſeverally, as exerting themſelves up⯑on different Objects; and ſo there is no difference in the Attributes themſelves, but only in our manner of conceiving, with reſpect to their different Operations.

But before we proceed to a particular enumeration of the Divine Attributes, we muſt premiſe, that theſe Attributes are not to be confounded with the peculiar Ef⯑fects proceeding from them, but theſe two are to be diſtinctly conſider'd and explain'd. [57] Thus Juſtice is to be diſtinguiſh'd from Puniſhment, and Goodneſs from Benefi⯑cence, as Cauſes are commonly diſtin⯑guiſh'd from their proper Effects.

This being premis'd, we may divide the Divine Attributes into two ſorts: For ther God is conſider'd ſimply as a Being, and ſo Spirituality and Eternity are attri⯑buted to him; or as a living Being, and ſo Underſtanding and Will are aſcrib'd to him. The Attributes of God that are in the Will, may be conſider'd two ways, ei⯑ther after the manner of Affections, ſuch as we feel in our ſelves, and ſo Love, Ha⯑tred, Anger, Deſire, Joy, and Sorrow, &c. are attributed to God; or after the man⯑ner of Moral Vertues, as Juſtice, Good⯑neſs, Long-ſuffering, Severity, &c. to which we may add, as that which reſults from all his other Attributes, his Glory and Happineſs.

SECT. III. Of the Divine Attributes in particular.

[58]

OF the Attributes which belong to to God as he is ſimply a Being, we ſhall reckon in the firſt place Unity; for God is properly and numerically one, as being undivided in himſelf, and divided from all other things; and becauſe the Divine Nature cannot be multiplied into different Gods, as the Human Nature is into ſeveral Men, therefore there is one only true God, and there is no other God beſides him.

The ſecond Attribute which belongs to God as he is ſimply a Being, is Spirituali⯑ty; for God is a Spirit, i. e. a moſt pure and immaterial Being, devoid of all bulk, whoſe moſt eſſential Act is Cogitation; and he is not only incorporeal, but the moſt pure and ſimple of all Spirits.

The third Attribute of this ſort belong⯑ing to God, is Eternity, which is nothing elſe but a Duration that has neither be⯑ginning nor end. But when we ſay that God is eternal, both a parte ante, and a parte poſt, we include under this Notion his Immutability, and affirm, that God [59] is free from all variation and change.

The fourth Attribute of God is his Im⯑menſity, whereby he filleth all places: And therefore when we ſay that God is immenſe, we affirm that no place can con⯑tain him, and that he is every-where pre⯑ſent in all imaginable ſpaces. And ſo much may ſuffice for the Explication of the firſt ſort of Attributes.

The ſecond ſort of Attributes are ſuch as belong to him as he is a living Being: And in ſpeaking to them, we are firſt to conſi⯑der his Life, as being the Foundation of all this kind of Attributes and their Ope⯑rations, without which he could neither exiſt, nor act as an intelligent Being, nor be capable of Happineſs, which is contrary to the Idea we have already fram'd of God.

The ſecond Attribute of this ſort is Un⯑derſtanding, which may be diſtinguiſh'd into Knowledge and Wiſdom. The Ob⯑ject of the Divine Knowledge is every thing that is knowable, all things that are, have been, or ſhall be, all things that are poſſi⯑ble and impoſſible. When therefore we ſay that God is Omniſcient, we affirm that God does, 1. Know himſelf, and all his own infinite Perfections. 2. That he knows all things that are in himſelf, or from him⯑ſelf, or without himſelf; within himſelf, [60] as his Decrees; from himſelf, as his ex⯑ternal Actions of Creation, Preſervation, &c. without himſelf, as the Sins of Men, &c.

The Wiſdom of God is that Perfection in God, whereby he foreknows and di⯑rects the means which he thinks fit for at⯑taining a certain End, which is either ſub⯑ordinate, as the Redemption of Mankind, which he accompliſh'd by the Incarnation of his only Son, or ultimate, which is the demonſtration of his own Glory, to which all other things are made ſubſervient.

The third Attribute is the Divine Will, which may be either conſider'd as the Fa⯑culty, or the Act of willing ſuch and ſuch things to be done, for wiſe, juſt, and good Ends: Such are all the Decrees of God whereby he reſolves within himſelf to ac⯑compliſh certain Ends, by ſuch means as conduce moſt to his own Glory. And theſe Decrees are either abſolute, as thoſe of the Creation, and ſending his own Son into the World; or conditional, as the Decrees of ſaving Mankind, upon the Con⯑ditions of Faith and Repentance.

In the Divine Will we may conſider two kinds of Attributes, whereof the firſt is conceiv'd after the manner of the Affe⯑ctions we feel in our ſelves; the ſecond is conceiv'd after the manner of the Moral [61] Vertues, which in us do govern the Affe⯑ctions.

Love in God is an Affection whereby he delights in that which is good, and in communicating himſelf unto it, whence ariſes Goodneſs. This Love includes in it ſelf, Grace, Mercy, &c.

Hatred is that Affection which is oppo⯑ſite to Love, whereby God abhors every thing that is evil.

Anger hath great affinity with Hatred, and in us it is an Affection whereby we keep off any thing that is evil from our ſelves, but in God it ſignifies his purpoſe of puniſhing Evil-doers.

The Juſtice of God does perfectly agree with his Holineſs, and is that Perfection whereby he always wills and does that which is good, holy, juſt, and right, and this is call'd Univerſal Juſtice; but his particular Juſtice is that which diſtributes to every one what is due, or that whereby he rewards the Good, and puniſhes the E⯑vil, and ſo it reſpects Man as ſubject to the Law of Nature.

This Juſtice is temper'd with Mildneſs and Long-ſuffering, which are thoſe Per⯑fections in God that reſtrain his Anger againſt Sinners without a great cauſe.

The Omnipotence of God is that Per⯑fection whereby he can do all things that [62] do not imply a contradiction, and is ſuch a Power as nothing can reſiſt. The Glory of God is the Excellency of the Divine Nature, whereby he infinitely exceeds all the Creatures. The Happineſs of God is the reſult of all the Divine Perfections, in which he cannot but take great compla⯑cency, and ſo they make him infinitely happy by the contemplation of them.

From what has been ſaid, we may infer, That ſince God is a moſt ſimple Being, and his Attributes are not really diſtinguiſh'd from one another, his Actions do not pro⯑ceed from one Attribute alone, but from an harmonious concurrence of all his Attri⯑butes together.

SECT. IV. Of God's End in Creating the World.

[63]

HAving thus eſtabliſh'd the Exiſtence of a God, and prov'd him to be the Creator and Governor of all things, ſo far as was neceſſary in a matter ſo clear and evident in it ſelf, I proceed now to conſider the End which God might pro⯑poſe to himſelf in creating the World, which muſt be ſuch as is ſutable to his own infinite Perfections: And ſeeing the Glory of God is the reſult of his moſt excellent Nature, we cannot imagine, that he did propoſe to himſelf any other End in all his Works, beſides his own Glory. And this ſeems to me as clear as the Sun at Noon-day. But if all the Creatures were made for the Glory of God, then 'tis cer⯑tain that every one of them is bound to glorifie God in that Station wherein it was created; and ſo we ſay, that the Heavens declare the Glory of God, becauſe by them we come to the knowledge of God: But Man being the moſt perfect of all the viſi⯑ble Creatures, and endow'd with the moſt excellent Faculties, ought ſo much the more to ſhew forth the Glory of God [64] above all the other Creatures, by how much he is more capable and adapted by Nature to that end. And indeed the in⯑animate Creatures can only ſilently com⯑mend their Maker, but it is the Duty of Man to make their Praiſes vocal, and to declare the infinite Power, Wiſdom, and Goodneſs of God, which plainly appear in the Works of the Creation. And this is the Great End for which his Faculties were given him by God; for therefore has he Eyes to ſee, and an Underſtanding to perceive and apprehend the wonderful Works; therefore has he a Tongue given him to publiſh the Praiſe that's due to his moſt excellent and bountiful Creator. Whether therefore we conſider the End for which Man was created, or the many and great Benefits he has receiv'd from God, as the creating him of ſuch an excellent Na⯑ture, his Preſervation, &c. he cannot but be ſenſible that he is ſtrictly oblig'd to worſhip and ſerve him in ſome way or other: For all Men will own, that we ought not only to remember our Benefa⯑ctors, but to return them hearty Thanks ſuitable to the greatneſs of the Benefits we have receiv'd.

SECT. V. Of the Neceſſity of a Divine Revelation.

[65]

AND, 1. Since the Divine Favours are ſo great and ſo valuable, 'tis cer⯑tain that no Man can render him any Wor⯑ſhip and Service that is equivalent to them. 2. Since God is a moſt perfect and ſimple Being, he will be worſhipp'd in a perfect and ſimple manner; but 'tis impoſſible that Mankind ſhould now in its preſent State of Corruption, unanimouſly agree in the true Way of worſhipping God, if it were left to their Invention; for beſides that the Reaſon of Men is infinitely va⯑rious, according to their different Tempers, Capacities, Prejudices of Education, &c. Human Nature is ſo much corrupted, and does daily ſo far degenerate more and more, as we find by ſad Experience, that they can neither diſcern the right manner of worſhipping God, nor perform him pure and acceptable Service.

Beſides, ſuppoſing that Mankind could agree in a certain Form of Divine Service, and preſerve it ſound and entire, yet ſtill this Doubt would always remain in their Minds, Whether ſuch a Worſhip were ac⯑ceptable [66] to God or no? For whether we offer to him Gifts or Sacrifices, they all belong to him as Lord of the whole Crea⯑tion; nay, if we ſhould ſacrifice to him our Soul and Body, we give him nothing but what we have receiv'd of his free Bounty; and therefore we can never be certain that we are acceptable to him by any thing we can do, or offering we can make. And this is what Socrates ſaid of old, a little before his Death: I have la⯑bour'd all my Life-time, and done what I could to render my ſelf acceptable to God, and yet I ſtill doubt whether I have pleas'd him: As Regis relates in his Diſcourſe of Philoſophy. From whence we may con⯑clude, that Mankind by Nature is ſo much miſtaken in their Notions of God, and has ſo far err'd from the right way of worſhip⯑ping him, being wholly addicted to ſenſi⯑ble Things and Pleaſures, that a Revela⯑tion from God was abſolutely neceſſary to teach him the true Knowledge of God and of his Will, particularly as to the man⯑ner of performing him acceptable Service; and therefore our infinitely-good and mer⯑ciful God, taking pity of the natural Blind⯑neſs of Mankind, was pleaſed of his infi⯑nite Goodneſs to reveal his Will to them, and the particular manner wherein he will be worſhipt. And this Revelation being [67] once made, all Men to whom it is ſuffi⯑ciently propos'd, are bound, as they hope for Salvation, and would avoid eternal Torment, to keep the Commands of God, and obſerve that Form of Divine Worſhip which he himſelf has preſcrib'd: Which Obſervation of Divine Worſhip is that which is commonly call'd Religion.

But before we proceed to treat of Re⯑ligion, it may be neceſſary to obſerve, that becauſe Men are ſtiff-necked, and ſlow to believe Divine Truth, therefore leſt any ſhould call in queſtion the Revelation that comes from God, and take him for an Im⯑poſtor who deliver'd it, 'twas neceſſary that it ſhould be confirm'd by certain Evidence, the better to perſuade Men to believe that it came from God; and ſo we find that the Chriſtian Religion was confirm'd by Miracles, and ſupernatural Signs at the time of its firſt publication: And becauſe cun⯑ning and ingenious Men may do many things by their extraordinary Art and Skill, which may ſeem to us miraculous when they really are not, we ſhall hereafter ſhew how any Man may diſcern between a true Miracle, and that which is falſly pretended to be one. This being premis'd, I ſhall now ſubjoyn,

SECT. VI. Of Religion in general.

[68]

SInce God is a moſt perfect Being, 'tis certain that he cannot contradict him⯑ſelf, and eſtabliſh two contrary Religions, having different and inconſiſtent Objects of Worſhip; and therefore when we ſee ſo many different Religions in the World, every one of which is contrary to ano⯑ther, and condemns another, we muſt conclude that only one of theſe Religions is true, and of Divine Authority, and that the reſt are Human Inventions, Frauds, and Forgeries: It concerns us therefore to en⯑quire after the Means whereby we may di⯑ſtinguiſh the true Religion from thoſe that are falſe.

Theſe Means may be conſider'd two ways, either with reſpect to the Evidence, or to the Object. We have already obſerv'd, that the great Evidence of the true Reli⯑gion, is the Miracles that are wrought for the confirmation of it; but that we may be able to diſcern true Miracles from thoſe that are counterfeit, I ſhall lay down the three chief Conditions which are requiſite in a true Miracle. The firſt is, That he [69] who works a Miracle, ſhould know before⯑hand that he is to work it, and have a mind to do it. The ſecond is, That it be certainly known that the Miracle, or Sign, was wrought, and that the Effect of it be obvious to our Senſes. The third, That the Thing done be ſuch as tranſcends all the Power of natural Cauſes; which may be done two ways: The firſt is, when it ſo far tranſcends all the Powers of Nature, that it appears plainly impoſſible to be wrought by them, as the raiſing of the Dead to Life again. The ſecond is, when the thing done is ſuch as does not exceed the force of natural Cauſes, but the man⯑ner of doing it is plainly ſupernatural, as the curing of Diſeaſes by a Word-ſpeaking, without applying any Remedy.

As to the Object of true Religion, it ought to reſpect the Glory of God, the Publick Good, and the Private Good of every particular Man. And theſe are the Means which I think ſufficient for diſcern⯑ing a true Religion from that which is falſe. For, 1. As to Miracles, 'tis certain, that God will not exert his Almighty Power to confirm a Lye, and juſtifie an Im⯑poſtor. 2. As to the Object of Religion, 'tis likewiſe certain, that every falſe Reli⯑gion which is invented by a Deceiver, is attended with ſome abſurdity in its Do⯑ctrine [70] or Precepts, and contains in it ſome⯑thing either contrary to the Divine Na⯑ture, or the Good and Welfare of Man⯑kind. If therefore we can diſcover ſuch a Religion as has the above-mention'd Evi⯑dence and Object, we may ſafely conclude that it is revealed by God; but if it be de⯑fective in either of theſe two, we muſt be⯑lieve that it is falſe, and ought to be reject⯑ed by all.

SECT. VII. Of the Chriſtian Religion in general, and particularly of the Miracles wrought in Confirmation of it.

IT would be an endleſs as well as uſeleſs Work, to run over all the ſeveral Reli⯑gions that are in the World, for chooſing one from among them which is eſtabliſh'd upon good Principles and ſure Founda⯑tions; and therefore I ſhall ſingle out the Chriſtian Religion, as that which ſeems to me, at the firſt propoſal, to be more excel⯑lent than the reſt, and endeavour to prove, That it is founded upon the cleareſt and ſtrongeſt Evidence, that any rational Man [71] can deſire in matters of that nature. And this I hope will give full Satisfaction to the Reader of the following Diſcourſe, if he be a Chriſtian; and I deſire him to judge for himſelf in this Caſe, by comparing his own Religion with all the other Re⯑ligions profeſs'd in the World, and he will undoubtedly find it to excel all the reſt, for the reaſonableneſs and certainty of its Doctrines, and the holineſs and goodneſs of its Laws. But if the Reader be a Jew, a Turk, or Heathen, I hope he will take the pains to compare his own Religion impartially with the Chriſtian, and I doubt not he will quickly perceive on which ſide the advantage lies, as to the evidence of Principles, and goodneſs of Precepts. For 1. The Miracles of Chriſt were infinitely more numerous and greater than thoſe of Moſes; and Mahomet never pretended to work any Miracles for Confirmation of his Religion, but us'd the Sword only for its propagation: And as to the Pagans, the ſtrange Feats which they pretend to, are either ridiculous and incredible, or the Tricks and Forgeries of their Prieſts, which cannot endure a fair Trial, as will appear more fully hereafter. At preſent I ſhall apply my ſelf to the Conſideration of Chriſt's Miracles, and ſhew that they have all the Characteriſticks of true Miracles, [72] and that they were undoubtedly wrought by him for the Confirmation of his Re⯑ligion, when it was firſt delivered in Judaea.

And, 1. The Miracles of Chriſt have all the three Conditions afore-mention'd which are requiſite in true Miracles: For, 1. Chriſt knew before-hand that he was to do his Miracles, and freely choſe to work them in ſome places, and not in others, as appears from the Hiſtory of his Life, re⯑corded by the Evangeliſts. 2. He did not work his Miracles in ſecret places, or in a corner, but publickly and openly, in the Face of the Sun, before great Multitudes of People▪ of all ſorts, not only Friends but Enemies, and the wonderful Effects of them were apparent to the Senſes of all that were preſent: And therefore that ſuch Miracles were wrought by him, is own'd not only by Chriſtians, but even by the Jews in their Talmud, by Mahomet in his Alcoran, and by many Pagan Au⯑thors, whoſe Names and Teſtimonies ſhall be hereafter mention'd. And Laſtly, The Miracles of Chriſt were ſuch as tranſcend⯑ed all the Powers of natural Cauſes; as to raiſe the Dead to Life again, to give Sight to the Blind, Hearing to the Deaf, Health to the Sick, without the uſe of any Medi⯑cines, or natural Means, that are proper [73] to cure thoſe People; all which Effects therefore muſt needs proceed from a ſuper⯑natural Power, and can be aſcrib'd to God only.

Tho' what has been ſaid may be thought ſufficient, yet to convince all Men more fully of the ſupernatural force and energy that was conſpicuous in Chriſt's Miracles, I ſhall add the following Conſiderations: 1. That they were in a manner infinite for number, ſo that they cannot be particu⯑larly reckon'd up; for he went thro' all the Cities and Villages of Judaea, curing all Diſeaſes, and heal'd all that were poſ⯑ſeſs'd of the Devil: And the Writers of his Life declare, that he wrought many other Miracles beſides thoſe which are mention'd in their Hiſtory. 2. That they extended univerſally to all ſorts of Crea⯑tures, over which he ſhew'd an abſolute Dominion, by the miraculous Effects he produc'd; as over Devils, by driving them out of Men that were poſſeſs'd with them; over the Winds and Seas, by allaying the Storm and Tempeſt at his Command; over the Fiſhes and Loaves, by multiplying a few of them to ſuch a prodigious quantity as was ſufficient to feed Five thouſand; over the Swine, by ſuffering the Devils to enter into them, and drive them head-long into the Sea; over the Fig-Tree, by blaſt⯑ing [74] it with his Word; over the Water, by changing it into Wine; over all ſorts of Diſeaſes, by healing of them; and laſtly, over Death it ſelf, by raiſing the Dead to Life again. 3. The Miracles of Chriſt pro⯑duc'd ſuch Effects as were not tranſient but permanent: For the Dead being rais'd to Life, continu'd to live; the Blind having receiv'd their Sight, continu'd to ſee; the Lepers being cleans'd, continu'd clean: And all theſe things were done in the pre⯑ſence of many Beholders, who ſaw and obſerv'd the wonderful change that was wrought. 4. All the Miracles of Chriſt but two, were Miracles of great Mercy and Goodneſs as well as Power; as the healing of Diſeaſes, the raiſing the Dead to Life again, &c. I ſay, except two, which were his ſending the Devils into the Herd of Swine, and the curſing of the Fig-Tree: And theſe ſerv'd to ſhew his abſolute Do⯑minion over Plants and Animals. 5. All the Miracles of Chriſt, even thoſe that re⯑quire the greateſt Power and Energy, were wrought by a Word-ſpeaking. After La⯑zarus had lain three Days in the Grave, he did but ſay to him, Come forth; and immediately he aroſe, with all his Grave-Cloaths upon him: He did but take the Ruler's Daughter by the Hand, and ſay unto her, Maid, ariſe; and preſently her [75] Spirit came again, and ſhe aroſe ſtraight⯑way. He had ſuch a divine commanding Power over all natural Cauſes, that he cur'd the moſt deſperate Diſeaſes, even at a diſtance, by ſpeaking a few Words: Thus he cur'd the Noble-man's Son, when he was at the point of Death, by ſaying, Thy Son liveth; and the Centurion's Ser⯑vant, by ſaying, As thou haſt believ'd, ſo be it done unto thee: Nay, the diſeaſed Woman that follow'd him in a Croud was cur'd by touching the Hem of his Garment, becauſe ſhe believ'd, when he perceiv'd that Vertue was gone out of him. All theſe Miracles he wrought without uſing means; and when he applied ſome means, they were ſuch as were naturally unfit to produce the Effect intended: As when he cur'd the Man born blind, by ſpitting on the Ground, and making Clay of his Spit⯑tle, and anointing his Eyes with it, ſend⯑ing him to the Pool of Siloam; and the performing this Cure by ſuch unfit means, was no leſs an Argument of his Divine Power in working the Miracle, than if he had us'd no means at all. 6. Chriſt had not only this Power in himſelf of working Miracles, but he diſpos'd of that Power to his Apoſtles, who wrought many Signs and Wonders in his Name: So St. Peter cur'd the lame Man, by commanding him [76] in the Name of Jeſus to riſe up and walk; a Miracle that was notoriouſly known to all that dwelt at Jeruſalem, and which the Rulers of the Jews could not deny, tho' they were their malicious Enemies. Nay, the Dead were raiſed by them, Tabitha by St. Peter, and Eutychus by St. Paul; and Handkerchiefs and Napkins obtain'd the Virtue of doing mighty Cures, by being ſent from the Apoſtles Hands; and St. Pe⯑ter's Shadow heal'd all that were afflicted with evil Spirits throughout all Jeruſalem, and all the Cities round about it, as we read in the Acts of the Apoſtles. This was a wonderful demonſtration of the Divine Power in Chriſt, that he could communi⯑cate the Gift of Miracles to his Diſciples; as it was of his Divine Preſcience, that he foretold a thing ſo ſtrange, which requir'd an Almighty Power to accompliſh, by aſſu⯑ring thoſe that believed in him, that they ſhould out-do the many Miracles he him⯑ſelf had wrought; both which were his peculiar Prerogatives, whereby he excell'd the firſt Founders of all the other pretend⯑ed Religions in the World, who never pretended to the Power of beſtowing the Gift of Miracles upon their Diſciples, or to foretel the working of them. 7. The Apoſtles, after they receiv'd their Commiſ⯑ſion from Chriſt to preach the Goſpel to [77] all Nations, wrought Miracles not only in Jeruſalem and the Land of Judaea, but in Samaria, Phenice, Cyprus, Antioch, Epheſus, and many other Cities and Countries thro' which the Apoſtles travell'd for planting the Chriſtian Faith, in all which places God confirm'd the Word of his Grace, by doing Signs and Wonders by the Apoſtles Hands, as we read in the Acts of the Apo⯑ſtles; and St. Paul aſſures us, that from Jeruſalem round about unto Illyricum, the Goſpel had been preach'd by him with mighty Signs and Wonders: Nay, ſo uni⯑verſally ſpread was the Fame of the Apo⯑ſtles Doctrine and Miracles, that their Sound went into all the Earth, and their Words unto the Ends of the World; for not only the Jews but Gentiles, the Romans, Co⯑rinthians, and ſome of all the moſt famous Countries then known, were converted to the Chriſtian Faith, by the Preaching and Miracles of the Apoſtles, who could all te⯑ſtifie, that they ſaw ſuch mighty Works done by them, as convinc'd them that their Doctrine was from God: So that this Evi⯑dence was not only publickly but univer⯑ſally known. 8. This Gift of Miracles was not confin'd to the Days of the Apo⯑ſtles, but was continued in the Chriſtian Church for the firſt three Centuries, as ap⯑pears from the Writings of Irenaeus, Ori⯑gen, [78] Tertullian, and other Primitive Chri⯑ſtians, who relate innumerable Inſtances of this miraculous Power in the ſecond and third Ages of the Church, and appeal for the Truth of their Relations to the Hea⯑thens who liv'd in thoſe Times: And of its continuance in the fourth Century, Eu⯑ſebius, Cyril, and Auſtin, are ſufficient Wit⯑neſſes; all which are cited in ſeveral late Writers, to whom I refer the Reader. And ſome of the Miracles wrought in theſe Ages, are not only teſtified by Chriſtians, but alſo by Heathens; for Marcus Aurelius himſelf teſtified publickly in his Letters to the Senate, the Miracle that was wrought at his Battle with the Marcomanni, when the Chriſtian Soldiers obtain'd by their Prayers, a refreſhing Shower to the Roman Army diſtreſs'd for want of Water; while at the ſame time the Forces of the Barba⯑rians were overwhelm'd with Hail and Thunder. It appears to be a thing ſo commonly known, that it is mention'd by the Poet Claudian, in 6. Conſ. Hon.

—Chaldaea mago ſeu carmina ritu
Armavere Deos, ſeu quod reor omne To⯑nantis
Obſequium Marci mores potuere mereri.

[79]And the Prodigy by which Theodoſius cruſh'd the Rebellion of Eugenius, and Ar⯑begaſtes is alſo mention'd by the ſame Poet, in theſe words:

O nimium dilecte Deo, cui fundit ab antris
Aeolus armatas hyemes, & militat aether,
Et conjurati veniunt in claſſica venti.

Claud. de 3. Conſ. Hon.

Porphyrie confeſſes, that wonderful Cures were done at the Tombs of Chriſtian Mar⯑tyrs, Hier. adv. Vigilant. c. 4. And that the Heathen Gods could give no help to Men, after that Jeſus began to be worſhipp'd, Euſeb. lib. 5. praep. Evang. And Apollo de⯑clar'd from the Oracle, That certain juſt Men, viz. the Chriſtians, hinder'd him to foretel the Truth, Euſeb. de Vit. Con⯑ſtant. and the Oracle at Delphos con⯑feſs'd, That he could give no Reſponſes, becauſe Babylas, the Martyr's Bones, were buried near him, as is related by Chryſoft. Orat. 2. in Babylam. In fine, it was a thing ſo commonly known and ta⯑ken Notice of in the firſt Ages of Chri⯑ſtianity, that the Heathen Oracles were ſtruck dumb; that Plutarch wrote a Book concerning the Reaſon why the Oracles had ceas'd. And hence it appears, that this Power of working Miracles was con⯑tinu'd in the Chriſtian Church for the firſt [80] four Centuries; which adds great ſtrength and force to the Evidence, as being atteſted by ſuch a vaſt Cloud of Witneſſes as liv'd in that large compaſs of time.

To conclude, I muſt deſire the Reader to take Notice, that the force of this Argu⯑ment conſiſts chiefly in theſe three things: 1. That if ſuch Works were really per⯑form'd, as is pretended, they were true and proper Miracles, ſuch as could only be done by the Almighty Power of God. 2. That we have ſufficient Aſſurance that theſe Miracles were wrought by Chriſt and his Apoſtles, and the other Diſciples, to whom they are aſcrib'd by thoſe that re⯑late them. 3. That theſe mighty Works were done in Confirmation of the Chriſtian Religion.

1. That the wonderful Works pretended to be done by Chriſt and his Apoſtles were true and real Miracles, ſuch as could only be wrought by an Almighty Power, will appear, by conſidering, 1. That they could not be perform'd by the moſt improved Arts and Skill of Men, or by any juggling Tricks and Frauds. To cure all Diſeaſes, and raiſe the Dead to Life again, by a Word-ſpeaking, are too great and mighty Works for Human Power and Skill in the higheſt improvement; they cannot cure Diſeaſes without the application of ſome [81] proper Medicines, they cannot command a dead Carcaſe to riſe out of the Grave, and reſtore the Life and Soul to it again, after it has been dead three Days. Theſe things appear ſo plainly impoſſible to the natural Powers of Mankind, that as it were ridi⯑culous for any Man to aſſert the contrary, ſo it were needleſs to confute them. But neither can they be done by the Tricks of Jugglers and Conjurers, who cheat and gull the People with the counterfeit ap⯑pearance of wonderful Feats, which they perform by unheeded Cauſes, and ſecret Ways of acting; for there could be no Trick us'd in moſt of thoſe Miracles which were wrought; as in raiſing Lazarus from the Dead, after he had lain three Days in the Grave, before many Specta⯑tors who knew that he was dead, and that the ſame Lazarus was now rais'd again; and it is altogether incredible, that a Cheat of this nature ſhould be carried on thro' ſo many inſtances, for ſo long a time, and that none of the great Numbers that were concern'd in the Contrivance, nor of the Spectators, many of whom were Jews and Heathens, ſhould diſcover the Cheat, eſpecially conſidering that the Contrivers could ſerve no worldly End by impoſing upon the World; but on the contrary they met with Bonds and Death for this [82] pretended Trick; and many of the Specta⯑tors being learned and ingenious Men, of a contrary Religion, were ſufficiently able and ſtrongly inclin'd to have diſcover'd the Cheat, if there had been any, which yet was never done; and therefore we may certainly conclude, that the pretended Mi⯑racles were not wrought by juggling Tricks.

2. Seeing theſe wonderful Works could not be done by the Power or Artifice of Men, they muſt be wrought either by the Power of created Spirits, or the Almighty Power of God: But that they were not wrought by the Power of any created Spi⯑rits, will appear by conſidering, that they muſt either be done by good Angels, or evil Spirits: As to good Angels, beſides that many of the Works afore-mention'd appear to be above the Power of any Crea⯑ture, as we ſhall ſhew preſently, I ſhall only obſerve, that if they had been done by good Angels, this would be a demonſtra⯑tion of the truth of Chriſt's Revelation, no leſs than if they were wrought by a Power inherent in himſelf; for the good Angels are the Miniſters of the heavenly Kingdom, and are ſuppos'd always to do the Will of God, and deſign the Welfare of Mankind. And it is utterly inconſiſtent with all the Notions we have of them, [83] that they ſhould contribute ſuch a mighty aſſiſtance to delude the World with a falſe Doctrine; and to perſuade ſo many Thou⯑ſands of its Preachers and Profeſſors to endure the greateſt Miſeries, and moſt painful Deaths in the World, without any hopes of a future Reward in another Life for their preſent Sufferings: ſuch a wic⯑ked Impoſture is agreeable only to the Falſhood and Malice of evil Spirits; and this indeed is the laſt Refuge and Strong⯑hold of Infidels, who denying the Truth of Chriſt's Revelation, aſcribe his wonder⯑ful Works to the Power of wicked Spirits, with whom, they ſay, he was confederate. So did the Jews in his own time; for when the Phariſees heard of his healing one blind and dumb, who was poſſeſs'd with a Devil, they ſaid, This Fellow does not caſt out Devils, but by Beelzebub the Prince of Devils, Mat. 12.24. i.e. He does it by a Confederacy with evil Spirits. A⯑gainſt which pretence Chriſt himſelf argues very ſtrongly in the following Verſes, Eve⯑ry Kingdom divided againſt it ſelf is brought to deſolation.—And if Satan caſt out Sa⯑tan, he is divided againſt himſelf, how ſhall then his Kingdom ſtand? The meaning of which Argument is this, That he who op⯑poſes Devils and unclean Spirits, and drives them by force from the quiet poſſeſſion [84] they have enjoy'd of Mens Bodies, cannot be ſuppos'd to act by Colluſion and Con⯑federacy with them, but muſt be an Ene⯑my to them, and their Deſigns; for the Devil cannot be thought to joyn with another to diſgrace himſelf, to defeat his own Deſigns, and ruin his Kingdom: but this appear'd plainly to be the Deſign of Chriſt, who went about doing good, and healing all that were oppreſs'd of the Devil: For he being a malicious Spirit, who de⯑lights in the Miſery and Ruin of Mankind, exercis'd a Dominion over the Bodies he poſſeſs'd, inflicting upon them ſeveral Di⯑ſeaſes, and depriving them of the uſe of their Senſes, that he might keep them in ſubjection to him, and maintain his King⯑dom in the World: But, 1. Chriſt by diſ⯑poſſeſſing the Devils o [...] Mens Bodies, and healing the Diſeaſes they had inflicted, de⯑ſtroy'd their Dominion, and ruin'd their De⯑ſigns of Miſchief againſt Mankind, which cannot be ſuppos'd to be done by the De⯑vil's Concurrence, but muſt be the Work of one that is an Enemy to him. 2. Our Saviour argues, that it muſt not only be the Force of an Enemy, but a Force ſupe⯑riour to the Power of the Devil, v.29. of the ſaid twelfth Chapter of Matthew How can one enter into a ſtrong Man's Houſe, and ſpoil his Goods, except he firſt bind the ſtrong [95] Man, and then he will ſpoil his Houſe, i.e. the Devil having a quiet poſſeſſion of Mens Bodies, will hold it until he is forc'd to quit it; and he cannot be forc'd to leave it, but by a Power ſuperiour to his own, which can conquer and overcome him. 3. I may add, that the Miracles of Chriſt were for the moſt part Miracles of Mercy and Goodneſs to Mankind, whereby he fed the hungry, cur'd the ſick, and rais'd the dead to life; and ſo they were directly contrary to the Temper and Deſigns of the Devil, who ſeeks by all means the Miſery and Deſtruction of Mankind; as appears plain⯑ly in thoſe Idolatrous Countries, where he requires the ſacrificing of many thouſand Children every Year to ſatiate his Cruelty, and therefore he cannot be ſuppos'd to contribute to the good and merciful De⯑ſign of Chriſt's Miracles, which was ſo contrary to his malicious and cruel Tem⯑per. 4. The Miracles of Chriſt were wrought to confirm his Doctrine, which tended directly to the overthrow of the Devil's Kingdom: For the Son of God was manifeſted to deſtroy the Works of the Devil: Which he did effectually by turning Men from all their Idolatrous Practices, to wor⯑ſhip the only true and living God, and from all thoſe unclean Luſts which reign'd with⯑out controul among the Gentiles, to a Life [86] of the greateſt Purity and Holineſs: For the great Deſign of the Devil was to with⯑draw Mens Hearts from the true God, and their dependence upon him, to put their truſt in Idols, and to draw to himſelf, and ſuch-like wicked Spirits, all that Worſhip and Adoration which is the peculiar Glory of God, whereby he gain'd an abſolute Dominion over the Souls of Men, making them do that Homage to himſelf, which was only due to their Natural Lord and Maker, as he did over their Bodies, by alluring them to thoſe vile Luſts, which eſtrange their Minds from God, and make them ſit Receptacles for unclean Spirits. And in theſe two things the Kingdom of the Devil did chiefly conſiſt: But by the preaching of the Doctrine of Chriſt, this Kingdom of Darkneſs was ſubverted, his Altars were deſerted, his Temples demo⯑liſh'd, and all Men were taught every⯑where to worſhip the true God, in Spirit and in Truth, and to abhor thoſe obſcene Rites which ſome of the Gentiles made a part of their Religion. Seeing therefore that by the Doctrine of Chriſt Men were turn'd from Darkneſs to Light, and from the Power of Satan to God, thoſe won⯑derful Works could not be wrought by the Power of evil Spirits, which confirm'd ſuch a Doctrine as was directly contrary [87] to the Deſign, and did effectually over⯑throw the Kingdom of Darkneſs. And this I think may be ſufficient to ſhew, that the Miracles of Chriſt were not wrought by the Power of evil Spirits, as the Pha⯑riſees alledg'd againſt him. But becauſe the ſame pretence has been made uſe of not only by Jews but Heathens, againſt all the Miracles which were pretended to be done by Chriſt, or his Apoſtles, or the Primitive Chriſtians in the firſt four Centuries, which are aſcrib'd to Magical or Aegyptian Arts, to Inchantments, or the ſtrange Power of Words, I ſay, becauſe the ſame pretence has been made uſe of againſt all other Miracles pretended to be done by any Chriſtians; (for theſe Magi⯑cal Arts, whatever they be, muſt ſignifie a ſecret Correſpondence with, and Concur⯑rence of evil Spirits, or elſe they ſignifie nothing diſtinct from the Power and Skill of Men) I ſhall therefore add two or three Conſiderations relating to all the Miracles in general, which are pretended to be wrought for Confirmation of the Truth of the Chriſtian Doctrine. And, 1. The Miracles of Chriſt and his Apoſtles were ſo many, ſo great, done ſo publickly and univerſally, through ſo many ſeveral Coun⯑tries, and the Power of working them was continued ſo long in the Chriſtian Church, [88] that it is altogether incredible they ſhould be done by Magical Arts, or the Power of evil Spirits; for who can believe that ſuch a vaſt number of mighty Works, for the ſpace of four Centuries, as are pretended to be done in Confirmation of the Chri⯑ſtian Religion, ſhould be done by the Power of evil Spirits, when the like was never pretended to be done to confirm any other Religion that ever appear'd in the World: What Account can be given why evil Spirits ſhould be ſo mightily con⯑cern'd to propagate the Chriſtian Religi⯑on, above all the other Religions in the World? Was it not at leaſt as much, and apparently more for the Intereſt of their Kingdom of Darkneſs, to promote the Ido⯑latrous Practices, the filthy and obſcene, the barbarous and cruel Rites of Pagan Religions, than to promote the Worſhip of one only Supreme God, and the Purity and Gentleneſs which is preſcrib'd by the Chriſtian Inſtitution. 'Tis true indeed, there are ſome Miracles pretended to be wrought by Pagan Prieſts in Confirmation of their Religion, the truth of which pre⯑tence I ſhall not now enquire into; but they never pretended, ſo far as I could ever learn, that they wrought ſo many and ſo great Miracles, ſo publickly in ſo many ſeveral Countries, as Chriſt and his Apo⯑ſtles [89] are ſaid to have done, or that they could communicate the Power of working Miracles to their Diſciples, and tranſmit it for ſeveral Ages to their Succeſſors, as is pretended to be done for Confirmation of the Chriſtian Religion; and it appears to me altogether unaccountable, why the Chriſtian ſhould ſo far exceed all other Re⯑ligions in this point of Evidence, if theſe pretended Miracles were wrought by the Power of evil Spirits. If Chriſt learn'd his Magical Art in Egypt, and taught it to his Diſciples, whereby they were ena⯑bled to work Miracles, as many both Jews and Heathens have alledg'd, how comes it to paſs, that others who have been there, could never attain to the ſame Art, or teach it to others? Or why do not the Egyptians themſelves, who are the great Maſters of that Magical Art, ſhew their Skill in it, by doing ſo many and ſo great Miracles as they taught Chriſt to do? But ſince neither they have ever done, nor any other from them could ever learn the Art of doing ſuch mighty Works, ſo far as has hitherto appear'd to the World, we may ſafely conclude, that this pretence is a groundleſs and incredible ſurmiſe. Beſides, if Chriſt inſtructed his Apoſtles in theſe Magical Arts, they muſt believe and know him to be an Impoſtor: And who then can [90] imagine, that ever any Men in their ſound Senſes, ſhould be willing to ſacrifice their Lives and Fortunes for the ſake of a vile Forgery, as the Apoſtles did, when they might have ſav'd them by detecting the Impoſture.

2. There are ſeveral Miracles attributed to Chriſt and his Apoſtles, which ſeem to be above the Power of evil Spirits: But ſuppoſing it were poſſible for them to do all theſe Miracles, yet being ſubject to the Government of God, the great Creator and Governor of all things viſible and in⯑viſible, they could not do them without his leave and permiſſion, which we cannot believe that he would grant, becauſe it ap⯑pears to be inconſiſtent with his infinite Goodneſs, to permit evil Spirits to work ſo many and great Miracles, on purpoſe to delude the World with a Lye, and thereby expoſe Mankind to an invincible Tempta⯑tion to believe it. 'Tis true indeed, other Religions have pretended to Miracles wrought in Confirmation of them; but beſides that they were neither ſo many nor ſo great, as are pretended by Chriſtians, there was always ſome means left for diſ⯑covering the Impoſture, either by the mul⯑titude of Gods which they worſhipp'd, contrary to the Unity of the Godhead, which may be known, as has been prov'd, [91] by natural Reaſon, or by the filthy and obſcene, the barbarous and cruel Practices they enjoyn'd, which are plainly contrary to the natural Notions we have of God, and of Vertue and Vice: And it was juſt with God to give them up to ſtrong Delu⯑ſions, that they ſhould believe a Lye, be⯑cauſe that when they knew God, or might have known him by the Works of Crea⯑tion, they did not glorifie him as God, but worſhipt the Creature more than the Creator, and allow'd themſelves in ſuch unclean and cruel Rites, as are contrary to the na⯑tural Notions of the Divine Purity and Goodneſs; and we are certain that ſuch a Religion cannot be from God, tho' it be confirm'd by Signs and Wonders. But when the Chriſtian Religion commands the Worſhip of one God only, and en⯑joyns no Practice but what is pure, juſt, and gentle, [as will appear in the next Chapter;] if God ſhould be pleas'd to per⯑mit ſuch a Religion to be confirm'd by evil Spirits, doing more and greater Mira⯑cles than ever were wrought for proof of any other Religion in the World, every one muſt think himſelf oblig'd to believe it to be from God; becauſe there is no way left to diſcover ſuch a Religion, ha⯑ving ſuch ſtrong Evidence, to be an Im⯑poſture: And therefore, ſince it is incon⯑ſiſtent [92] with the Goodneſs of God to offer ſuch a violent Temptation to Mankind to believe a Lye, we muſt conclude, that he would never ſuffer evil Spirits to work ſo many and great Miracles in Confirmation of it.

But beſides the Miracles which Chriſt himſelf wrought here on Earth, there were ſeveral illuſtrious Teſtimonies given to him from Heaven, which I ſhall but briefly mention, as a farther Confirmation of his being aſſiſted by a Divine Power in the Miracles which he wrought. Of this nature was the Star which conducted the Wiſe Men from the East to Bethlehem, where he was born; the frequent Appa⯑ritions of Angels to miniſter unto him, at his Conception and Birth, at his Tempta⯑tion in the Wilderneſs, in his Agony, at his Reſurrection and Aſcenſion into Hea⯑ven; ſuch were the Voices that were heard from Heaven, teſtifying, that he was the beloved Son of God; at his Baptiſm, when John the Baptiſt ſaw the Heavens open'd, and the Spirit of God deſcending like a Dove, and lighting upon him; at his Transfiguration, when a bright Cloud overſhadow'd him and two of his Diſci⯑ples, Peter and John; and again, in his Agony, when Chriſt ſaid, Father, glorifie thy Name; and a Voice was heard from [93] Heaven, I have both glorified it, and will glorifie it again: Of the ſame nature were the Miracles and Prodigies that accompa⯑nied his Death on the Croſs, both in Hea⯑ven and Earth, when there was Darkneſs over all the Earth, from the Sixth Hour to the Ninth, when the Veil of the Tem⯑ple was rent in twain, and the Earth did quake, and the Rocks rent, and the Graves were open'd, and many Bodies of Saints which ſlept aroſe, and came out of the Graves after his Reſurrection, and went into the Holy City, and appear'd unto many; which Signs ſo aſtoniſh'd the Cen⯑turion and the Roman Soldiers that watch'd him, that they were forc'd to confeſs, Truly this was the Son of God, certainly this was a righteous Man. And indeed all theſe Miracles were ſo many Divine Atteſtations of his Miſſion from God, and that he was the peculiar Favourite of Heaven, whom God was pleaſed ſo far to honour; for as 'tis certain that no Human Power and Skill could perform or counterfeit ſuch Signs from Heaven, ſo neither is it conceivable that evil Spirits either could, or would give ſo many glorious Teſtimonies to him. But to conclude, The Miracles wrought by Chriſt and his Apoſtles, and thoſe that were done by a ſuperiour inviſible Power in Atteſtation of him, were ſo many and [94] ſo great, and extended to ſo many Crea⯑tures both in Heaven and Earth, that none but he who had an univerſal and ab⯑ſolute Dominion over all the Works of Nature could perform them, and therefore they were above the Power of evil Spi⯑rits, and could only be done by the Al⯑mighty Power of God, the Great Creator and Governor of all things.

II. Having thus demonſtrated, that the Miracles which we believe Jeſus did, had all the Conditions of true Miracles, and were ſuch that no Power but that of Al⯑mighty God could effect: Our next Buſi⯑neſs is to prove, that Chriſt did really work ſuch Miracles; and this from the following Conſiderations will plainly ap⯑pear.

1. The Miracles of our Saviour were not like Tranſubſtantiation, and others of the Roman Church, which are the Objects of Faith only, but they were plain Objects of our Senſes, every Body preſent could ſee them; they were not done in a Corner, or in a particular ſecret Place, but publickly, before the Face of the Sun, ſo that it can never be ſaid that theſe Demonſtrations of Omnipotency were ſubtile Deceits and Im⯑poſtures.

[95]2. We have a conſtant Tradition of Chriſt's Miracles from the Apoſtles, thro' all Ages of Chriſtianity, even until now; the Hiſtory of them has been always the ſame, and never was, or can be contra⯑dicted.

3. Theſe Miracles are not only acknow⯑ledged by the Chriſtians, but by their great⯑eſt Enemies: For even the Jews, amongſt other things which they relate of Chriſt in their Talmud, make mention of his Miracles alſo. The Turks in their Alchoran have recorded ſome of Chriſt's Miracles, his Re⯑ſurrection is commonly believ'd amongſt them, they look upon him as a great Pro⯑phet, and as ſuch profeſs a profound Ve⯑neration for him. Laſtly, Several of the Jewiſh, Mahometan, and Heathen Writers, frequently mention Chriſt's Miracles; this the whole Chriſtian World knows better than I my ſelf, I ſhall not therefore now trouble you with particular Quotations out of theſe Authors.

4. But ſuppoſing that we had not all theſe Teſtimonies of Chriſt's Enemies to prove his Miracles, yet that of the Apo⯑ſtles and Evangeliſts would be abundantly ſufficient, as we ſhall more clearly ſhew hereafter: For they had not the leaſt proſpect of any temporal advantage by [96] publiſhing theſe things; on the contrary they exaſperated the Powers of the World by it, and with their Blood ſeal'd the Doctrines they had taught: this ſurely is a valid Proof that the Miracles related in the Life of Chriſt, were really done by him.

III. That our Saviour wrought theſe Miracles in Confirmation of his Religion, appears, from what he ſaid to the Di⯑ſciples of John when they came and ask⯑ed him whether he was the [...], or he that is to come; he anſwered, Go, and tell John what you have ſeen, &c. And from what he had ſaid to the Jews, If you will not believe me, at leaſt believe the Works I do in the Name of my Father. There are many other places in Holy Scripture, which ſhew that the principal End of Chriſt's Miracles was to confirm his Doctrine.

SECT. VIII. Of the Object of Chriſtian Religion.

[97]

THE Evidences for the Chriſtian Re⯑ligion being thus produc'd and exa⯑min'd, we come next to the Object of it. We have already aſſerted, that the true Religion muſt have for its Object, 1. A⯑bove all things the Honour and Glory of God. 2. The univerſal Happineſs of Man⯑kind. 3. The Good of every Man in particular. For the clearer underſtanding of this, we ſhall divide the Chriſtian Re⯑ligion, 1. Into the Credenda, or what a Chriſtian ought to believe. 2. The Agen⯑da, or the Precepts he ſhould practice; and if we find both theſe Parts of Chriſtian Religion have the aforeſaid Object, we may ſafely conclude it is the true Religion. My Deſign (as I have intimated elſewhere) is not to run over and repeat the Princi⯑ples of all Religions, but only to demon⯑ſtrate the Excellency of the Chriſtian by its Object, well knowing that all other Religions fall infinitely ſhort of it.

1. As to its Credenda. It is true there are but few Nations which do not believe one Supreme Being; but how groſly are [98] they miſtaken in their Notions of him? Some rob him of his chiefeſt Attributes: Some repreſent him ſubject to almoſt all the Paſſions of Human Nature, and this leads them into ſuch weak and pernicious Principles and Practices, that Men [of com⯑mon Sence] of contrary Opinions, are a⯑ſham'd to hear of; but the Chriſtian Re⯑ligion teacheth not only God's Exiſtence, but his Attributes alſo in the higheſt per⯑fection that our Underſtanding is capable to bear. Whereas other Religions adore a plurality of Gods, this teacheth to wor⯑ſhip one God in Unity: Some make him material, this an incomprehenſible Spirit. Some again deny his Providence, or ſo aſ⯑ſert his Sublimity that he neglects ſublu⯑nary Things, as Matters much beneath his Government: But the Chriſtian Religion teacheth us, that his Providence is Omni⯑preſent, and aſſures us of his great Love and tender Care over all his Creatures. In ſhort, his Goodneſs, Mercy, Long-ſuffer⯑ing, Juſtice, his infinite Power, Wiſdom, Holineſs, &c. are plainly preach'd and de⯑monſtrated by Jeſus the Author of Chri⯑ſtian Religion. What a miſerable State then are thoſe in who deny the Provi⯑dence of God? They are Men without Faith, without Hope; are they groaning under Afflictions, they dare not call upon [99] him for Deliverance! Are they in their laſt Agonies, where can be their Truſt and Confidence? But we are taught that this God is the Creator, Preſerver, and Governour of all Things; we know he obſerveth all our Actions, and this makes us mindful of our Duty; we are ſure that he giveth us the Fruits of the Earth, Suc⯑ceſs, Honour, Life, Health, Children, and all other Bleſſings; and this obligeth us to be thankful to that infinite Goodneſs which beſtow'd them upon us: We be⯑lieve he orders all Events, as Diſeaſes, Death of Friends, Croſſes and Afflictions; this ſhews us the great Mercy of God, who ſcourgeth and puniſheth us, that we may repent, and return to our Obedience. Other Religions indeed oblige Men to con⯑feſs the Frailty of their Nature, to acknow⯑ledge the Crimes they daily commit, and the Evils to which they are inclin'd; yet it gives them no other Remedies for the appeaſing the Juſtice of an angry God, but the Sacrifices of Beaſts and of Men. But bleſſed be God, it is not ſo with us, we know we are Sinners, but we are con⯑fident that the God of infinite Mercy will, upon Repentance, forgive us all our Treſ⯑paſſes for the ſake of Jeſus Chriſt his be⯑loved Son, who died for our Sins, roſe again for our Juſtification, and aſcended [100] into Heaven, to be our Advocate, Me⯑diator, and Interceſſor with the Father: This is the greateſt Conſolation Man can wiſh; for whilſt others are concern'd to appeaſe their God by an infinite multitude of Sacrifices, and theſe attended with ſo great a number of Ceremonies, Chriſtians enjoy a perfect Ttranquility and Freedom, relying entirely upon God's infinite Mercy, praying, extolling, and magnifying it without end. Yet this is not all that God hath done for us; he hath not only ſent his Son to be an Expiation for our Sins, but alſo to be our Prophet and Teacher, to inſtruct us in the Will of his Father, by preaching publickly in the Synagogues of the Jews, and eſpecially to thoſe whom he had choſen to be Witneſſes of his Life and Doctrine; and after the time of his Miſ⯑ſion was expired, and he aſcended into Heaven, he ſent the Holy Ghoſt the Com⯑forter to aſſiſt them, in planting the Reli⯑gion he left with them; beſtow'd the Gift of Miracles upon them to confirm it; and for the better propagation of it he eſta⯑bliſh'd a Communion and Congregation of Saints, into which all Men may be intro⯑duced who repent and have Faith. Laſtly, He has left two Covenants, viz. the Sa⯑craments, in his Church, by which he con⯑veys his Graces and Bleſſings to us. Theſe, [101] and more, are the wonderful Works of the infinite Goodneſs and Mercy of God; which when we reflect upon, we cannot but ſay with the Pſalmiſt, What is Man, O Lord! that thou art mindful of him, &c. This I think ſufficient, to ſhew how much the Credenda of the Chriſtian Religion are for the Honour and Glory of God, the uni⯑verſal Happineſs of Mankind, and the Good of every Man in particular.

2. The Agenda, or Precepts which a Chriſtian ought to practice, are no leſs for the Honour and Glory of God, &c. That they far excel the Rules of all other Reli⯑gions there can be no diſpute. The Jews indeed have the Decalogue, or Ten Com⯑mandments, as well as we; But how ſtrict⯑ly do they interpret them? And how far has Chriſt extended them? The Jews think if they are not Idolaters, or Blaſphemers, if they obſerve the Sabbath by not doing any manner of Work, if they honour Fa⯑ther and Mother, if they do not Murther, Steal, commit Adultery, bear Falſe Wit⯑neſs, or are not Covetous; if they obſerve the Ceremonies and Feſtivals which the Law preſcribeth, and abſtain from the ſe⯑veral Meats it forbiddeth, then they think they have done their Duty, and that God is obliged to give them the promiſed Re⯑ward. But the Precepts of the Chriſtian [102] Religion extend yet farther, as we ſhall preſently ſhew.

God forbid the Pagan Religion ſhould any ways be compared to the Chriſtian, which is ſo far from glorifying God, that the Honour which is only due to the Crea⯑tor it giveth to the Creature, and teacheth Men to worſhip Idols, the Sun, Moon, and Stars, nay [for fear] the very Devils, and to ſacrifice their very Children to them; it obligeth its Devotees to the utmoſt Cruel⯑ty to their own Bodies, under the Notion of Holineſs, Merit; it allows, even pre⯑ſcribes the Impurity of Polygamy, and o⯑ther Uncleanneſs: In a word, inſtead of bringing Men to that degree of Holineſs, without which no Man ſhall ſee the Lord, it makes them Reprobates, and throws them into the laſt degree of Imperfection, condemning all Graces and Vertues where⯑by we over-rule our Paſſions as fooliſh and idle Notions, &c. But leaſt, contrary to my purpoſe, I ſhould make too great a di⯑greſſion in comparing the Chriſtian Reli⯑gion to all others, I ſhall return, and em⯑ploy the reſt of this Section in ſhewing, that the Chriſtian Religion is not only a⯑bove all others, but alſo that it brings a Man to Regeneration and that perfect Holi⯑neſs, which is the end of his Creation.

[103]If we conſider the Precepts of Chriſtia⯑nity as the Rules of Human Life, we ſhall find them the moſt accurately adapted to our Nature, as ever were made known to the World, no ways contradictory to our Reaſon, but tend to make mortal Man per⯑fect, even as God is perfect: The greateſt Libertines who do not live up to them, yet approve of them. By theſe Precepts we are taught, Firſt, Our Duty to our Maker, to believe in him, to fear him, to love him above all things; to truſt and depend entirely upon him, to do his Will with all ſubmiſſion; to worſhip him with pure Hearts, not with Sacrifices, for he eats not the Fleſh of Bulls, or drinks the Blood of Goats; they inſtruct us how to call upon him, and with fervent Zeal and Underſtanding, and unwearied Conſtancy, to offer up our Petitions to him; to praiſe and glorifie his Holy Name for all the Be⯑nefits we and all Mankind have receiv'd from him ſince the Creation of the World. Theſe Duties are founded upon the higheſt and moſt ſolid Reaſon; and all that be⯑lieve there is a God muſt perform them: For whom ſhall we fear, but him that is Almighty? Whom ſhall we love, but in⯑finite Goodneſs and Loving-kindneſs it ſelf? Whom ſhall we confide in, but him who is able and willing to help us? To [104] whom ſhall we ſubmit, and upon whom ſhall we depend, but upon him who is in⯑finitely wiſe? Whoſe Will ſhall we do, but his who is juſt and right? Shall we worſhip him with Sacrifices of Beaſts, who is an eternal Spirit? Briefly, ſince on Earth we petition our Superiours, if we will ob⯑tain any Favours from them, and we pay our grateful Acknowledgments for them when received; infinitely more are we obliged upon all occaſions to pray to that God, upon whom our being and well-being depends; and to offer up our Praiſe and Thankſ⯑givings to him who hath beſtow'd ſo ma⯑ny Benefits upon us. Thus our Duty to God has not only his Glory for its Ob⯑ject, but our own Good and Welfare alſo.

Our Duty to our Neighbour gives us the moſt incomparable Rules for Government, Society, and Friendſhip; for it aims at the good of all Men in general, and of every Man in particular; it requires from us O⯑bedience to our Governours and Superiors, even when they unjuſtly uſe us, and per⯑ſecute us; it teacheth us the greateſt Mer⯑cy, Love, and Humanity, one to another, obliging us to forgive our bittereſt Ene⯑mies, and to pray for our Slanderers and Tormenters; it will not permit us to ren⯑der evil for evil, but on the contrary com⯑mands [105] us to do good to thoſe who treat us injuriouſly. There is no Friendſhip ſo ſa⯑cred, no Juſtice ſo impartial, no Charity ſo great, no Meekneſs ſo exemplary, as that which our bleſſed Saviour has recom⯑mended to us; wicked Thoughts, much more wicked Deeds, are abhorr'd by his true and genuine Followers, who live in perfect peace and tranquility one with ano⯑ther.

Our Duty to our ſelves has the ſame Ob⯑ject as the two former: It commands us the loweſt and moſt profound Humility, the greateſt Meekneſs and Patience under our Sufferings and Reproaches; to be content in whatſoever State of Life it ſhall pleaſe God to call us; to have an unſhaken Faith, unſpotted Chaſtity, and to preſevere to the laſt Moment of our Lives; to be tempe⯑rate in Meats and Drinks, and all Recrea⯑tions; to follow our Callings with dili⯑gence; it gives us a ſingular Modeſty, Sim⯑plicity, Gravity, and Sincerity of Heart; it teacheth us to deny our ſelves, to de⯑ſpiſe worldly things, and hunger and thirſt after Righteouſneſs; to husband well the Talent God hath given us; to follow the things that are pure, honeſt, of good re⯑port, and praiſe-worthy; it commands nothing that is unaccountable, nothing [106] that is baſe and unbecoming reaſonable Creatures; all our Actions are moderated by it, we ought to be as innocent as Doves, but as wiſe as Serpents; we ought to be modeſt and humble, but not afraid to appear in the defence of Truth; we ought to do Juſtice, but not to be unmer⯑ciful; we ought to bear Injuries, but not to be ſenſleſs of them; we muſt be kind to all Men, but without any Pride or Af⯑fectation; and thus are all Chriſtian Ver⯑tues moderated. If what has been ſaid be well conſider'd and digeſted, it will be evident, that the Chriſtian Religion does bring us to the higheſt degree of Perfection that its poſſible Human Na⯑ture can attain to, and that it tends [in⯑finitely beyond all others] to the Glory and Honour of God, the univerſal Hap⯑pineſs of Mankind, and the Good of eve⯑ry Man in particular, and conſequently is the true Religion.

SECT. IX. Of Promiſes and Rewards, of Woes and Puniſhments.

[107]

HAving prov'd that the Chriſtian Re⯑ligion has the true Object of the right Religion, and that the Credenda of it were as perfect as could be, and the Agenda as Human Nature is capable of bear⯑ing; we come now to conſider what Pro⯑miſes are made to them who live accor⯑dingly, and what Woes and Judgments are denounc'd againſt the Children of Diſ⯑obedience. Our Corruption is ſo great, and our vicious Inclinations ſo ſtrong, that without a certain belief of future Re⯑wards and Puniſhments, it would be very difficult for us to walk in the moſt pleaſant Paths of Religion: For how can we con⯑ceive a Man ſhould extinguiſh his violent Paſſion for a darling Pleaſure, had he not ſure hopes (by thus mortifying himſelf to the World) of a more ſubſtantial Good, and of avoiding an everlaſting Miſery?

Whether we conſider theſe Rewards in reſpect to God, or regard to our own Souls, [108] they are far more glorious and adapt than what any other Religion affords. What others have feigned to encourage Men to do good, is indeed not a little enticing, but yet it is directly contrary to the Na⯑ture of God, and our Souls; for inſtance: Their Notions of Metempſychoſis, or the Tranſmigration of the Soul into another Body, more noble or ignoble; delightful charming Places; Riches; Plurality of Women, &c. which can never agree with the Eternal Almighty God, neither with our reaſonable Souls, they are Spirits which can never be ſatisfied with temporal things, they came from God, and naturally deſire to return to him, no Pleaſure can ſuffi⯑ciently content them, but the infinite Hap⯑pineſs of enjoying their Creator. 2. Our Bodies have their part in theſe Promiſes as well as our Souls: For is it not juſt, that the Body which has accompanied the Soul through many Trials and Afflictions, for the ſake of God, ſhould ſhare in its Re⯑wards alſo? Is it not reaſonable, that the Body which has been depriv'd of ſo many Luſts and Pleaſures, ſhould, with the Soul, be Partaker of eternal Happineſs? The Reſurrection of the Body muſt therefore be a great Conſolation to us; our Saviour proved it to the Jews, out of the Books of the Law and the Prophets, he laid the [109] Foundation of this Truth, and we are ſure our Faith is not vain, ſince he is riſen from the dead. To ſay, that the ſcatter'd Particles of our diſſolv'd Bodies cannot be collected again, is an Objection ſo weak, that it deſerves not an Anſwer; for cer⯑tainly the Almighty Creator of Man out of nothing, cannot only reſtore him to his former State after his diſſolution, but en⯑due him alſo with a perfect Underſtand⯑ing, and a perpetual Vigour, &c. We ſee then theſe Rewards are not ſuch ſen⯑ſual Banquets as the Jews vulgarly believe; nor ſuch a Fool's Paradiſe, a plurality of Women, as the Turks expect; nor the Wandrings of the Soul from one Body to another, as the Heathens dream; but it is an infinite Spiritual Happineſs we are promiſed, the greateſt our Heart can wiſh, or that a created Being is capable of, we ſhall enjoy the Beatific Viſion, God will dwell in us, we ſhall praiſe him with joy⯑ful Hallelujahs for ever and ever; we ſhall be free from Hunger and Thirſt, from all Doubtfulneſs of Thought, Sorrow, Pain, and Death; in ſhort, we ſhall be perfectly happy, for we ſhall live in the Lord, and he in us. When we ſeriouſly conſider this, we ſhall be ready to part with everything, even our Lives, for eternal Salvation; ſuch perfection of Bliſs will make all the [110] Righteous (with St. Paul) moſt earneſtly deſirous to leave this World of Sin and Miſeries, and to be diſſolv'd to be with Chriſt; the Apoſtle experimentally knew what this Happineſs was, when he thus explain'd it to the Corinthians, Eye hath not ſeen, nor Ear heard, neither hath it en⯑tred into the Heart of Man to conceive, the things which God hath prepared for them that love him. We ſhall now briefly con⯑ſider the Woes and Puniſhments.

As God hath promiſed ſuch great and glorious Rewards to them that love him, and are obedient to his Commands, ſo he hath pronounced moſt terrible Woes and Judgments againſt them that act the con⯑trary: Is it not reaſonable to think, that God who is merciful to the Righteous, ſhould be juſt to the Wicked and the Im⯑penitent? And if the Rewards of the Good are inexpreſſible, muſt not the Pu⯑niſhments of thoſe who die in their Sins be the utmoſt Miſery? I ſhould be too tedi⯑ous if I repeated here all the Expreſſions uſed in Holy Scripture, to make us ſenſible of the miſerable State of the Damned; I ſhall therefore make ſome Reflections on what has been ſaid, and ſo conclude this Section.

[111]1. The belief of theſe Woes and Tor⯑ments deterreth us from committing Sin, and quickens us to Repentance and a holy Life: For no Man can hope for eternal Life, but by doing the Will of God; ever⯑laſting Flames muſt be his Portion, who dies without Repentance.

2. It breeds a dread and fear in us of the great and jealous God, a God that will not be mocked; it teacheth us to tremble at his Word, to conſider his in⯑finite Juſtice, and the fierceneſs of his Wrath.

3. We are hereby taught to put a true Value upon the Work of our Redemption, for if we believe not an Eternity of Tor⯑ments, we can never ſufficiently eſteem the Ranſom Chriſt paid for us; whereas he who reflects upon the Glories he had loſt, and the infinite Miſery he had deſerv'd, cannot but be moſt thankful for ſo plente⯑ous a Redemption.

The belief that God has laid up glori⯑ous Rewards for thoſe that love him, is uſeful,

1. To wean our Affections and Deſires from the Pleaſures of this Life, to create in us a contempt of this World, and to teach us to prefer Heaven before all things.

[112]2. It encourageth us to take up the Croſs of Chriſt, and willingly and cheer⯑fully to ſuffer all Afflictions for his Name⯑ſake, aſſuring us in the Words of the Apo⯑ſtle St. Paul, That the Sufferings of this pre⯑ſent time are not to be compared with the Glory that ſhall be reveal'd.

SECT. X. Several other Proofs for the Chriſtian Religion.

MY Guide having thus proved the Truth of the Chriſtian Religion by its Evidences and its Object, he gave me ſome other Arguments to confirm me, which are not of a little value. I ſhall con⯑tract them as much as I can.

1. As the Jews own that there was a Meſſias promiſed, ſo they cannot deny but that they crucified a Man whoſe Name was Jeſus, in whom we find all that's foretold of the Meſſias in the Old Teſtament ful⯑filled; as, that he ſhould be born of a Virgin, in the City of Bethlehem, of the Tribe [113] of Judah, and of the Poſterity of David; that he ſhould begin to preach in Galilee, do many Miracles, be the Saviour not only of the Jews but the Gentiles alſo, that he ſhould eſtabliſh the Worſhip of one true God, and deſtroy that of Idols and falſe Gods; that he ſhould be betray'd, and ſold for Thirty Pieces of Silver, the Time, Manner, and Circumſtances of his Suffer⯑ings and Death; the very parting his Garment, the Scoffs of the Multitude, his Behaviour, laſt Words, the exempting his Bones from being broken, his honourable Burial, his Reſurrection, &c. All that was predicted and prefigur'd of old, was ac⯑compliſh'd in him, ſo that undoubtedly this Jeſus is the Chriſt, and his Religion came from God.

2. My Guide noted to me the extraor⯑dinary manner how theſe Prophecies were fulfilled; of which take two or three Ex⯑amples: Is it not wonderful, that he who had ſo many Enemies, ſhould be betrayed by one of his own Diſciples; that he ſhould be condemn'd to Death whom the Judge declared innocent; that he who had of⯑tentimes eſcaped being ſtoned, ſhould at laſt be crucified; and yet had he been guilty of what he was accuſed, by the Law of the Country, he ought to have been ſtoned; that he who was crucified (which [114] was a Roman and not a Jewiſh Puniſhment) ſhould be ſo honourably buried; that none of his Bones ſhould be broken, tho' it was the Cuſtom to break the Bones of the Cru⯑cified, and it was then practis'd upon the two Thieves? &c. Theſe things are ſo ſurpriſing, that we cannot ſufficiently ad⯑mire and adore the infinite Wiſdom of God, who in his Son Jeſus has fulfilled whatſoever was foretold of the Meſ⯑ſias.

3. The fulfilling of Chriſt's Prophecies againſt the Jews, their Temple and City: For in the time foretold by our Saviour, the Romans, under their Emperor Titus, did conquer the City, demoliſh'd the Tem⯑ple, &c. and ever ſince that time the Jews have been diſpers'd over the whole Earth, and never ſince have had any Power or Government.

4. The wonderful progreſs of the Apo⯑ſtles and their Succeſſors, in propagating the Chriſtian Religion. This Argument will be no advantage to the Mahometans, for their Opinions were propagated by other Methods. And here, 1. Let us con⯑ſider the Author and Preachers of the Chri⯑ſtian Religion. 2. The Religion it ſelf. 3. The Manner of its propagation.

1. The Author of the Chriſtian Reli⯑gion was Jeſus, the Son of a poor Virgin, [115] and the reputed Son of a Carpenter, his Birth in a Stable in Bethlehem, his Educa⯑tion in Galilaea, his Sufferings, and igno⯑minious Death on the Croſs amongſt Ma⯑lefactors; theſe are greater Hindrances than Helps to the ſpreading of Chriſt's Doctrines; but notwithſtanding ſo mighti⯑ly grew the Word of Chriſt, and prevail'd, that it threw down all Superſtition and falſe Religion; which it could never have done, had not the Power of Almighty God went along with it. The Preachers of the Goſpel were not Princes of great Wealth and Authority, but poor Tradeſ⯑men; they were not Men of great Learn⯑ing, educated in famous Univerſities, but mean obſcure Galileans, Men of Peace and Humility, they were very unlikely to do any notable things, ſince they wanted world⯑ly Wiſdom and Power to gain them Repu⯑tation and Authority. This is the true Character of the Primitive Preachers of the Goſpel. Theſe Men therefore by their own Cunning and Strength, could never have been able to baffle the Wiſdom of the Greeks, the Power of the Romans, the Malice of the Jews, and the Obſtinacy of Idolaters; we may as eaſily believe that a Sheep could worry a hundred ravenous Wolves, as that theſe Men ſhould have prevail'd againſt ſo many Obſtacles of Men [116] and Devils, and perſuaded the World to forſake their old Way of Worſhip, and to believe in Chriſt crucified: We muſt then conclude, that ſince they have done all this, the Omnipotent God aſſiſted them; it muſt neceſſarily be an infinite Power, that by ſuch weak obſcure Men could bring ſuch mighty Things to paſs.

2. As to the Religion it ſelf, altho' as we have already prov'd, it is the moſt ex⯑cellent and perfect of all, yet it had ſeveral Articles of Faith, and Rules of Practice, that were as ſo many Stumbling-blocks to the Heathen; among the former, is the Creation of the World, which ſurely was ſtrange Doctrine to them who believ'd, Ex nihilo nihil fit, i. e. Out of nothing can be made nothing; they that had hi⯑therto believed there were many Gods, could not eaſily be perſuaded there is but one. The Doctrines of the Trinity in Unity, and the Unity in Trinity, and of the Reſurrection of Bodies, ſeem'd very abſurd at Rome and Athens; and yet all theſe Doctrines as ſtrange and diſagreeable as they appear'd, were received in theſe places, which could never have been, had not God's miraculous Providence given ſuch wonderful Succeſs: And had not the ſame Power attended the Preaching the Rules of Practice, the corrupt World had [117] never receiv'd them; for the Goſpel com⯑mands us to deny all Ungodlineſs, and to live righteouſly, juſtly, and ſoberly; it forbids not only evil Actions, but evil Thoughts alſo; it is ſo far from permit⯑ting us to do Injuries, that it will not al⯑low us Vengeance for thoſe offer'd to us; not only Adultery, but even impure Ima⯑ginations are forbidden by it, &c. But it will ſeem yet more ſtrange, if we con⯑ſider,

3. The Manner of the firſt propagation of the Goſpel: It owes not its Succeſs to the Eloquence or Rhetorick of the Apo⯑ſtles, they were illiterate ignorant Men, and underſtood no more of School-Learn⯑ing, than one born blind does of Colours; their Birth and Fortune were mean and obſcure, they never aſſiſted in Senates, or in the Councils of Princes; they were not great Lawyers, able to defend any Cauſe; in ſhort, they had no bright Qualifications to recommend them to the Princes of the World; under theſe heavy Diſadvantages they propagated the Chriſtian Religion to a wicked, perverſe, and powerful Genera⯑tion. St. Paul indeed was a Learned Man, and had all the Benefits of a Generous Education, nevertheleſs he tells us, that he determin'd to know nothing but Jeſus Chriſt and him crucified; and that neither his [118] ſpeech, nor his preaching, was with the en⯑ticing words of man's wiſdom. So that the Succeſs of the Chriſtian Religion is ſtill owing to the Power of God alone.

War, and the Arm of Fleſh, by which Mahomet propagated his Opinions, had no ſhare in the advancement of the Goſpel; the Jew nor the Gentile need not be afraid of the Sword of the Apoſtles, for they were forbidden all Violence and Cruelty, their Maſter did not ſend them out as Beaſts of Prey, but like Sheep in the midſt of Wolves, he was the Maſter of Peace, and they his Servants, and therefore they came not to denounce War, but to bring Peace and Glad-Tidings, and to perſuade the Soldier to ſheath his Sword: Princes and States, inſtead of protecting them, uſe them cruelly, and perſecuted them from City to City, and yet they had no other Armour but Faith in Jeſus Chriſt, nor any Sword but that of the Word of God, and with theſe they overcame the Nations, and brought them under the Obedience of the Goſpel. The continual Sufferings, Tri⯑bulations, Afflictions, and Perſecutions, which the Apoſtles and their Proſelytes were expoſed to, one would think ſhould very much hinder the ſpreading of the Doctrine they preach'd; Prayers and Tears were the only Weapons they uſed, and yet [119] the Blood of the Martyrs was that fruitful Seed of the Church, ſo that Thouſands daily embrac'd Chriſtianity. This won⯑derful Progreſs of it my Guide laid before me, as one Argument, that it is the only true Religion: He urged many more than what I have mention'd, as the Reſurre⯑ction and Aſcenſion of Chriſt, his ſending the Holy Ghoſt to his Apoſtles, the won⯑derful Gifts they receiv'd by it, of ſpeak⯑ing all Languages; working Miracles, &c. But I need not mention any more, being convinc'd that every reaſonable Man (if he conſidereth what has been ſaid) muſt confeſs, that the Chriſtian Religion excels all others in its Evidences, Object, Matters of Faith, Precepts, Rewards and Puniſh⯑ments, and that it comes from God, and is the only true Religion.

I ſhall, in the laſt place, proceed to tell you the Objections I brought againſt the Chriſtian Religion, and the Anſwers my good Guide made to them.

SECT. XI. The Objections I made against the Chriſtian Religion, with their So⯑lutions.

[120]

THE Arguments I brought againſt the Exiſtence of a God, his Attributes, and the Neceſſity of a reveal'd Religion were ſo weak, that they are not worth mentioning; they were only the common Opinions of my Country-men, and my Guide anſwer'd them ſo clearly that I could make no manner of Reply: So that the firſt Objection that ſeem'd to have any force was this:

Object. 1. How can I now be certain, that what the Evangeliſts and Apoſtles aſ⯑ſert is Truth; for they might impoſe upon us, and write things which never were perform'd.

Anſwer. To this my Guide anſwerd: 1. That he ſuppos'd the Divine Writers were able to tell us the Truth, and to give us a true and perfect Hiſtory of the Life and Death of the Bleſſed JESUS. 2. That they were very willing to do ſo. No [121] Man can doubt that they were able to ſpeak the truth; for they did not write the Hiſtory of Things which happen'd in Ages paſt, and long before they were born, or of what was done in remote Parts of the World: But the things they deliver down to us they ſaw with their own Eyes, heard with their own Ears, and felt with their own Hands, &c. as the Apoſtle St. John obſerves. Moſt of theſe Writers were con⯑ſtant Attendants on our Saviour, from his firſt preaching to the end of his Life; ſo that if they publiſh'd any Untruths, we muſt attribute them rather to their Deſigns and Intentions to impoſe upon us, than their Ignorance: But by the following Conſiderations it will appear, they were willing as well as able to tell us the naked Truth.

1. It cannot be imagin'd they could forge the Hiſtory of the Life of Chriſt; How could poor Fiſher-men, ignorant Me⯑chanicks, Men without Learning, contrive ſuch a Fiction as ſhould in all reſpects ſo exactly agree?

2. Suppoſing they had been cunning Sophiſters, and ſubtle enough to invent ſuch a Hiſtory, could they have the Face to undertake ſuch a Deſign, and impoſe ſuch a Forgery on the World, when there were multitudes of living Witneſſes (and [122] thoſe their implacable Enemies) to contra⯑dict them? If theſe Writers had been found Liars, they would ſoon have been detected and carried before the Magiſtrate, and pu⯑niſh'd according to their Deſerts; beſides, it was the Intereſt and Reſolution of thoſe Magiſtrates to hinder the propagation of that Doctrine, whoſe Author they had with the utmoſt Malice and Averſion perſe⯑cuted even unto Death.

3. Theſe Writers were godly, righteous, and ſober Men; they have confeſs'd their own Faults publickly which before were unknown to us, as their ſlowneſs in belie⯑ving, their Diſputes about preheminence, their leaving and forſaking their Lord and Maſter, &c. and conſequently they can⯑not be thought guilty of this wicked de⯑ſign.

4. And laſtly, For what end ſhould they thus delude us? What advantage could they expect by ſo doing? Not Honour and Glory, for they were continually re⯑vil'd and derided as Fools and Mad-men; not Riches, or any other Temporal Bene⯑fit, for the Goſpel they preach'd, taught them to renounce all and follow Chriſt, and accordingly their Reputation, Goods, and Lives, were daily in danger, they were hurried from one place to another, as Re⯑bels and Blaſphemers, they were perſecu⯑ted [123] and tormented, and at laſt ſuffer'd the cruelleſt Deaths that Malice could invent. Impoſtors would never have ſubmitted to ſuch Trials. Is it poſſible for Men joy⯑fully, and with alacrity to undergo all man⯑ner of Racks and Tortures for the ſake of a Religion they knew to be falſe, eſpecial⯑ly when they might have been crown'd with Honours and Preferments had they deny'd it? Theſe things well conſider'd, we cannot but believe the Divine Writers were true and faithful Hiſtorians.

Object. 2. How can I be ſure that the Books we now have of the New Teſta⯑ment, are the ſame the Evangeliſts and the Apoſtles penn'd, and that in Succeſſion of Time they have not been changed and al⯑tered?

Anſw. 1. He anſwer'd me, That the vaſt Numbers of theſe Books which have been diſpers'd thro' the whole World, and tranſ⯑lated almoſt into all Languages, their ſtill bearing the Names of the ſame Authors, and the agreement of the different Ver⯑ſions, plainly prove, they have been al⯑ways the ſame; neither can it be con⯑ceiv'd that diſtant Nations that ſcarce ever had any Commerce or Correſpondence with each other, ſhould all conſpire in the ſame Cheat, and alter the Holy Wri⯑tings.

[124]2. Since there are ſuch Diviſions, and ſo many Sects amongſt the Chriſtians, had either of them added or diminiſh'd any thing in favour of their own Opinions, the reſt would have done the like; but it appears thro' all Ages the Bible has been appeal'd to by all Parties. This ſatisfied me, that the Holy Scripture is now the ſame as was generally given to us.

Object. 3. I objected againſt the Miracles of the Chriſtian Religion, as not ſufficient to denominate it the true Religion; for the Jewiſh, and ſome of the Pagan Reli⯑gions, have been eſtabliſh'd by Miracles; ſo that were Miracles ſufficient, all theſe Religions would be true; which is con⯑trary to what has elſewhere been aſſerted.

Anſw. 1. Miracles are not alone a ſuffi⯑cient Proof of the true Religion, but only a Confirmation of it (as we have before obſerv'd); if therefore they are not agree⯑able to the Doctrines and Precepts of the true Religion they will be of very little value.

2. The Wonders done by the Pagans have not the three Conditions of a true Miracle; viz. 1. He that does the Miracle muſt know it, and be willing to do it. 2. It muſt exceed all Art and Natural Power. 3. It muſt be certainly perform'd and come to paſs. But the Wonders theſe [125] Pagan Prophets are reported to have done, was only the foretelling the Calamities that ſhould befal their Country; their Predictions did not exceed the Knowledge of Natural Philoſophers, they only told you of the probability of Thunders, Light⯑nings, Earthquakes, and other Effects of Natural Cauſes. Laſtly, There is no cer⯑tainty that theſe things happened accord⯑ing to the Times they mention'd; for the Jarhabadiond, or the Pagans Book of their Law, in which theſe Wonders are record⯑ed, is ſo carefully kept by their Prieſts, that no Man elſe is ſuffer'd to read it, if he were able. Theſe Wonders therefore of the Pagans wanting the three neceſſary Conditions, cannot properly be called Mi⯑racles; but thoſe done by our Saviour I have abundantly proved to have theſe three Conditions, and conſequently were true Miracles.

Object. 4. If you will not believe the Wonders or Miracles that were done by the Pagans, at leaſt you will give Credit to what I my ſelf have ſeen, viz. That our God appears in a bodily viſible Shape in our Temple; for inſtance, if he be an⯑gry with us, he appears in the form of a Lion; but if well pleaſed, in the ſhape of a Bull or a Ram; in a few Hours ſome⯑times he changes his Shape, and in the [126] ſame Day he is ſeen angry and pleas'd by all that are in the Temple.

Anſw. 1. It is beneath the Majeſty of the Supreme Being to appear, and that fre⯑quently, in the ſhape of ſuch wild and ra⯑venous Creatures, as a Lion, &c.

2. This ſeems rather to be a Cheat of the Prieſts, for they change the Scene and ſhut up the place, whilſt one Beaſt is led back, and another brought from his Den to be ſhewn to the People. 2. They will not ſuffer any of the Congregation to come near it, but if it were the Almighty God that thus changes himſelf, he would not do it privately, but publickly before all the People. So that before a Man can be⯑lieve this, he muſt ſee a Cloud of Miracles to confirm it.

Object. 5. I replied: For the ſame Rea⯑ſon I may deny the Reſurrection of Chriſt; for if he really roſe from the Dead, why did he not appear to his Enemies? But ſince he only was ſeen by his Diſciples, I may, with the Jews ſay, that they came by Night and ſtole him away, and then gave out that he was riſen from the dead. So that this Miracle wants other Miracles to confirm it.

Anſw. 1. The Apoſtles did many Mira⯑cles in Confirmation of it; for when they raiſed the Dead, or cured the Sick, &c. it [127] was always in the Name of Jeſus Chriſt, whom God hath raiſed from the Dead.

Anſw. 2. We may as well ask why God did not tranſlate the Enemies of Chriſt into Heaven, and ſhew him ſitting at his Right⯑hand; for I am confident, had the Jews ſeen him after his Reſurrection, they would have ſaid, as upon another occaſion, it is a Spirit, an Apparition, or ſomething like it: For if they believ'd not the innumera⯑ble Miracles that Chriſt did before his Cru⯑cifixion, they would never have been con⯑vinc'd that he was the Meſſias, tho' they had ſeen him after his Reſurrection.

Anſw. 3. That Aſſertion of the ſtupid Jews, That his Diſciples took away his Body, will appear moſt abſurd, if we con⯑ſider the following Circumſtances of his Death and Reſurrection; the Jews them⯑ſelves deny not Chriſt's Death and Burial, and that his Sepulchre was ſtrongly guard⯑ed by Soldiers; but they ſay, whilſt theſe Soldiers ſlept, his Diſciples came and ſtole him away: But we muſt think it impoſſi⯑ble for them to attempt ſo bold an Action, for when our Saviour was betray'd, his Diſciples were ſtruck with ſuch fear, that they all ran away, and left their Lord in the hands of his Murtherers; even St. Peter, who was the moſt forward Zealot of them all, and ſaid, Tho' all ſhould be offended yet [128] will not I, tho' I ſhould die with thee, yet I will not deny thee in any wiſe: Neverthe⯑leſs fear made St. Peter fly, and thrice de⯑ny his Maſter. But ſuppoſing the Diſci⯑ples recovered from their fear and ſurprize, and that they couragiouſly attempted to take away his Body, how can we imagine the whole Company of Soldiers ſlept at the ſame time, without ſetting one vigilant Centinel? But yet granting they did all ſleep together, how was it poſſible the Di⯑ſciples ſhould know at what Hour the Sol⯑diers were all aſleep? Let us ſuppoſe they knew this alſo, how could they roll away the great Stone, enter into the Sepulchre, and take away the Body, &c. without ma⯑king noiſe enough to awake one Soldier? But again, ſuppoſing hitherto they did all ſoftly and ſecretly, yet they muſt do every thing haſtily for fear of being apprehend⯑ed; but on the contrary, there was no Diſ⯑order, no Confuſion, the Grave-Cloaths in which the precious Body was wrapp'd, were decently folded up, and laid in one place, and the Napkin that was about his Head in another; which ſhews it was done with a Preſence of Mind, and deli⯑berately. Granting ſtill, that the Diſci⯑ples did carry away the Body, why did not the Jews accuſe them before the Ma⯑giſtrates, who certainly would have con⯑demn'd [129] them to Death, could it have been prov'd againſt them? And ſuppoſing the Soldiers had ſlept whilſt the Body was ſtollen, why did not theſe Soldiers ſuffer Death, according to the Laws of both Jews and Romans? Laſtly, The Aſſertion of the Jews plainly contradicts it ſelf; for if the Soldiers were awake, why did they not hinder the Diſciples from taking away the Body? But if they were aſleep, how can they tell which way it was taken, or who did it? Thus you may ſee the Stupi⯑dity, Partiality, and Unbelief of the Jews, who give Credit to the Miracles of Moſes, and the Prophets, for which they had on⯑ly Hiſtory and Tradition; and yet would not believe the Miracles of Jeſus Chriſt of which they every Day were Eye-witneſſes.

Object. 6. 'Tis probable that the Devil can do ſuch Miracles as Chriſt did, how then ſhall I certainly know, whether Chriſt did them by the Power of God, or of the Devil?

Anſw. 'Tis true indeed, that we do not well know how far the Power of Satan extends; but this we are certain of, if he could work all the Miracles that Chriſt did, he could not do them for the ſame end, viz. for confirming the true Religion, which wholly deſtroys the Empire of the Devil, and commands nothing but what [130] is for the Glory of God, and the Good of Mankind; the Devil is too great an Enemy of both, to do the leaſt thing for the ho⯑nour or good of either: If then we ſup⯑poſe the Devil can work any great Mira⯑cles, thoſe of the Pagan Religion muſt be attributed to him; for that Religion is far more agreeable to the Nature of the De⯑vil, than to the Attributes of our Almigh⯑ty Creator, as may appear by its Precepts, commanding the Sacrifice of Infants, the Worſhip of the Sun, Moon, and Stars, and even of the Devil himſelf, and many other Abſurdities, contrary to the very Eſ⯑ſence of a God.

Object. 7. Chriſt did acknowledge the Miracles of Moſes, as wrought by the Power of God, why then did he aboliſh his Religion and Law?

Anſw. We grant that Chriſt did ac⯑knowledge the Miracles of Moſes, and therefore he did not pretend to condemn the Law; for he aſſures us, he came not to deſtroy the Law, but to fulfil it: So that he only abrogated thoſe Rites and Cere⯑monies which were not needful for the fu⯑ture: The very Covenant God made with the Jews proves, that the time would come that they ſhould be aboliſh'd; and he did not condemn them as falſe and con⯑trary to the Nature of God, but only as [131] imperfect, and wanting that full accom⯑pliſhment which came by Jeſus Chriſt, who has taught us not to worſhip God with Sacrifices, Incenſe, Burnt-offerings, &c. but in Spirit and in Truth.

Object. 8. Why has not Chriſt left to his Church a continual Power of working Miracles?

Anſw. We are not to be too buſie in en⯑quiring into the Secrets of the Almighty; 'tis ſufficient for us that it is his Will; we ought to be ſatisfy'd and thankful that he ſhew'd his Omnipotency in confirming that Holy Religion he was pleas'd to reveal; but ſince the time of its Infancy is paſt, and the Church is ſo propagated and eſtabliſh'd, God needs not do any more Miracles, for the Gates of Hell ſhall not prevail a⯑gainſt it.

Theſe were the chief Arguments which I brought againſt the Miracles of the Chri⯑ſtian Religion, to which having receiv'd ſatisfactory Anſwers; in the next place I oppoſed the Great Work of Redemption, and asked firſt,

Object. 9. Since God had determin'd to redeem Mankind from their Sins by the Sufferings of his only Son, why did he not ſend him ſooner into the World, or rather immediately after the Fall of Adam that thoſe who lived between Adam and Chriſt [132] might have been Partakers of this Delive⯑rance and Salvation?

Anſw. 1. Suppoſing you ſhould ask why God did not create the World ſooner? And neither I nor any elſe can give you a Rea⯑ſon; this does not deſtroy the Evidence of the Creation: So if I am not able to aſſign the Cauſe why God did not ſend his Son earlier into the World, this does not invalidate the Efficacy of our Redemption; all that can be ſaid to it is, that the infinite Wiſdom of God made choice of this ful⯑neſs of time, and thought it more conve⯑nient than any other.

Anſw. 2. Tho' Jeſus Chriſt came into the World ſome Thouſands of Years after the Sin of Adam, yet thoſe that died be⯑fore his Nativity, were Partakers of the Benefits of his Redemption as well as we, provided they lived according to the Know⯑ledge God had given them.

Object. 10. Could not God have deli⯑ver'd us from our Sins by any other way, than by the Death of his only Son?

Anſw. 1. Nothing leſs it ſeems could ſa⯑tisfie his Juſtice; for we had offended an infinite God, and conſequently our Sins were of infinite magnitude, ſo that nothing could make an infinite Attonement, but a Sacrifice of infinite Value, even his only Son Jeſus.

[133] Anſw. 2. Had there been other means to ſatisfie our angry God, and he had accept⯑ed one way, you would have ſaid why is God pleas'd this way rather than another; ſo that if this Method of arguing be al⯑low'd, God would be oblig'd to act ac⯑cording to every Man's Humour and foo⯑liſh Capricio's.

Anſw. 3. You may as well ask, why God did not create Men as perfect as the bleſſed Angels, and free from Sin; for this he could do, if his infinite Wiſdom had thought fit, and then we ſhould not have ſtood in need of a Redeemer.

Anſw. 4. The All-knowing God has ta⯑ken ſuch Methods as he thought proper to manifeſt his Juſtice, Goodneſs, Mercy, &c. but his Ways are incomprehenſible; ſo that we are obliged ſubmiſſively to admire his infallible Government, who deſires not the Death of ſinful Man, but rather that he ſhould turn from his Wickedneſs and live. Muſt we not pay as great Duty and Defe⯑rence to the King of Kings, as to our earth⯑ly Sovereign? Shall a poor ignorant Sub⯑ject condemn his Prince, who has always approv'd himſelf a tender Father of his Country? Shall he, I ſay, cenſure the A⯑ctions of his Governour, becauſe he can⯑not conceive the Political Reaſons for them? As for inſtance, How many Subjects [134] of France condemn'd the French King for concluding the Peace at Reſwyck; they knew indeed he was an ambitious Prince, and thought he would never make a Peace, if he had not a proſpect of ſome great ad⯑vantage by it, yet they condemn'd him, becauſe they could not imagine the Reaſon for his ſo doing, which he has now told the World, was to acquire the Crown of Spain for his Grandſon. If then a Subject ought to be obedient to, and not to criti⯑cize upon his Governours, tho' he under⯑ſtands not the ſecret Springs of State; much more ought we humbly to ſubmit to God, tho' his ways are paſt finding out.

Object. 11. Chriſt could not pay that in⯑finite Satisfaction which you ſay the Sin of Adam requir'd; becauſe as God he could not ſuffer, much leſs could he die; and as Man he was mortal, and therefore his Suf⯑ferings and Death were not a ſufficient Ranſom alone to ſatisfie the infinite Juſtice of God, and attone for the Sins of all Mankind.

Anſw. 1. The meritorius Death and Paſ⯑ſion of Chriſt might be doubly ſatisfactory, 1. In regard to God's Holy Will, which requir'd nothing more for the deliverance of us all, but has been fully appeas'd by that Victim only; God ſure might declare which way he would be ſatisfied; and if [135] in the Old Teſtament the Sacrifices of Beaſts were ſufficient to expiate the Crimes of particular Of⯑fenders, much more can the Sacrifices of the Son of God attone for the Sins of the whole World. 2. In regard to the Dignity of Chriſt's Perſon, who is God above all, bleſſed for ever; for tho' he ſuffer'd only in his Manhood, yet becauſe that Human Nature was hypoſtatically joyned to the Godhead, we may affirm, that the ever⯑laſting Son of God ſuffer'd all that the Humani⯑ty of Chriſt endured for us.

Anſw. 2. Conſidering Chriſt as a Man, his Perſon ſo infinitely excell'd all others, that the Sacrifice of it was an infinite Attonement for our Sins. He was conceiv'd by the Holy Ghoſt, made Man in the higheſt perfection, call'd the Son of God, and predeſtinated by the Father to be our Redeemer. To this let us joyn the Power he had to work Miracles, and the Miracles like⯑wiſe the Father did to ſhew he was his beloved Son in whom he was well pleaſed, and then we ſhall confeſs his Perſon was moſt excellent, even beyond expreſſion, and muſt give the greateſt va⯑lue to his Sufferings; for if the Captivity of a Prince be ſufficient to ranſom all his Subjects, much more may the Death of Chriſt attone for the Sins of all Mankind.

Object. 12. God could never ſatisfie his own Ju⯑ſtice by giving his Son for our Redemption, for he then would ſatisfie himſelf by himſelf, which is as abſurd as for a Creditor to pay himſelf out of his own Money.

Anſw. 1. If this be granted, not only the Effi⯑cacy of all the Sacrifices that ever were offer'd muſt be deſtroy'd, but even the Worſhip of God would ceaſe; for we cannot offer any thing but what entirely depends upon him.

[136] Anſw. 2. We muſt conſider, that in the great Works of our Creation and Redemption, God acted not only by one of his Attributes, but by the Harmony of them all. As for example: Suppo⯑ſing there had been a Man ſo excellently perfect, and ſo little depending upon God, that he could have paid the infinite Ranſom for all Mankind, 'tis true God by accepting him would have acted agreeable to his Juſtice, but not to his Mercy, Goodneſs, &c. for God would not have ſhewn his Mercy by accepting a Sacrifice proportionable to the Tranſgreſſion; but now he has ſhewn his Love, Goodneſs, and Mercy to us by giving his own Son to be a Propitiation for us, as he has ſatisfied his Juſtice by Chriſt's Sufferings and violent Death.

Object. 13. To whom then was the Price of our Redemption paid?

Anſw. To God the Father, whoſe eternal Wrath we had deſerved, by ſinning againſt his infinite Majeſty.

Object. 14. But God the Father gave us the Re⯑deemer.

Anſw. Yes: But tho' God ſent him into the World, yet it was neceſſary he ſhould ſuffer and die for our Redemption; and as this great Work was God's gracious and willing acceptance of his Sufferings, ſo there was ſomething particu⯑larly for the Man Chriſt Jeſus to do for us, viz. That he who could have commanded more than twelve Legions of Angels, ſhould meekly ſub⯑mit and offer himſelf a Sacrifice for the Sins of the whole World; this ineſtimable Offering God was well pleas'd to accept, and to blot out all our Offences for the ſake of it. And thus the great Work of Redemption was finiſhed.

Object. 15. If the ſacrificing of Children by the Pagans, ſeems ſo very unnatural, ſurely the Death [137] and Paſſion of Chriſt ſhew much more Cruelty; it is harder therefore for me to believe, that God ſhould require the Sacrifice of his only Son, than of ſome thouſands of Infants.

Anſw. We will not poſitively affirm, that the ſacrificing of Children is always unjuſt and cruel, for if there be any Cruelty in ſo doing, it is a⯑gainſt the very Being of a God; an Example of which we have ſeen in Abraham, who would ne⯑ver ſo cheerfully have attempted to ſacrifice his Son Iſaac, had he thought it contrary to the At⯑tributes of God: And as to the Sacrifice of the Son of God, the Father did not act againſt his Juſtice by accepting it: For the better underſtand⯑ing of which let us conſider, 1. That Injuſtice is a voluntary depriving another of what we are neither willing nor able to make reſtitution; ſo then God was neither unjuſt nor cruel, by giving his Son once to die for us, ſince he the third Day after rais'd him from the Dead, and gave him a Life far more glorious than that he had before; God has amply rewarded the Sufferings of his Son's Human Nature, by taking him into Hea⯑ven, and placing him at his own Right-hand for evermore. 2. Chriſt offer'd his Life as a Ran⯑ſom for us, and to be a Mediator between God and Man, ſo there could be no Injuſtice or Cruelty in the Father's accepting what the Son volunta⯑rily offer'd; on the contrary, had not God accept⯑ed the full Satisfaction which his Son offer'd, we ſhould have more pretence to charge him with Cruelty and Injuſtice; for we muſt condemn that Creditor as cruel and unjuſt, who will not accept the Money his Debtor is not able to pay when it is offer'd to him by ſome other charitable and generous Man.

Object. 16. Why did God require the Scacrifice [138] of his only Son, when he had forbidded the Jews to offer Human Sacrifices?

Anſw. 1. When God commanded the Jews not to ſacrifice their Children, he did not eternally ob⯑lige himſelf never to require (upon the moſt ex⯑traordinary occaſion eſpecially) any ſuch Sacri⯑fice; as we noted before in the Example of Iſaac.

Anſw. 2. God did not command the Jews to crucifie Jeſus Chriſt, he only permitted him to fall into the hands of malicious and ſinful Men, and Chriſt, like a Lamb dumb before his Shearers, open'd not his Mouth againſt his Murtherers; but tho' the Jews thro' Malice and Envy condemn'd our Saviour, nevertheleſs we may readily believe, that God the Father accepted his Death as an ex⯑piatory Sacrifice for the Sins of the whole World.

Object. 17. But the Sin of Adam and his depra⯑ved Poſterity, is only a Diſobedience to God's Commands, ſo that Chriſt by his perfect Obedi⯑ence might attone for theſe Tranſgreſſions, and therefore it was not abſolutely neceſſary he ſhould ſuffer and die for our Redemption.

Anſw. 1. Suppoſing God could have taken an eaſier way for our Deliverance, muſt we con⯑demn him becauſe he took this? Chriſt with a Word could cure all Diſeaſes, ſhall he then that is born blind murmur againſt him for putting Clay and Spittle upon his Eyes, and ſending him to waſh in the Pool of Siloam?

Anſw. 2. He that thinks the Sin of Adam was Diſobedience only, is miſtaken; for his Sin was threefold: 1. He was guilty of Infidelity, becauſe he believ'd the Serpent rather than God. 2. Of Ambition, when he thought to be like God. 3. Of Diſobedience, in eating the forbidden Fruit.

Anſw. 3. Laſtly, He is miſtaken alſo, who thinks the ſinleſs Life of Chriſt was the complete [139] and neceſſary Satisfaction for the complicated Sin of Adam; the Satisfaction chiefly anſwereth the Penalty God Almighty threaten'd Adam with; which Puniſhment was Death, and Chriſt has ob⯑tain'd our Pardon by laying down his Life for us.

Object. 18. Adam was threatned with Death, by which I underſtand eternal Death: But has Chriſt ſuffered eternal Death?

Anſw. Chriſt did not ſuffer the eternal Puniſh⯑ment we deſerved, but his Agony and Bloody Paſſion were moſt ſevere and painful, his Death curſed, and he perfectly innocent; ſo that altho' we have deſerv'd everlaſting Death, yet God was pleas'd to accept the Sufferings which our Saviour for our ſakes willingly ſubmitted to; this Sacrifice has made an Atonement for our Sins, and we are again receiv'd into God's Favour, ſo that Chriſt may properly be ſaid to have died, [...], that is for us.

Object. 19. It is ſtrange to me that Chriſt, who as a Man was adorn'd with all Vertues in perfection, and who voluntarily offer'd himſelf to die for us, ſhould not bear his Sufferings with as much Joy and Courage as many of the Mar⯑tyrs are reported to do; but he ſaid his Soul was troubled even unto Death, his Anguiſh was ſo great that he ſweat Drops of Blood, and prayed three times to his Father, that this Cup might paſs away; and laſtly, upon the Croſs he cry'd out, ſaying, My God, my God, why haſt thou for⯑ſaken me?

Anſw. 1. We need not take for granted all that is contain'd in the Books of Martyrs, ſome things therein perhaps were written purpoſely to encourage the Chriſtians in Times of Perſecu⯑tion, and to exhort them to imitate the Vertue and Conſtancy of theſe Martyrs.

[140] Anſw. 2. Theſe Martyrs exerted their Cou⯑rage, and ſubdued their Paſſions in public, that they might the better remove the Fears of the remaining Confeſſors, but its probable in their Confinement and private Retirements they felt themſelves to be but Men.

Anſw. 3. If all be true that the Writers of theſe Books have ſaid, it muſt be attributed to the Operation of God's Holy Spirit, who gave them ſuch an undaunted Courage, and an aſſured hope that they ſhould receive everlaſting Glory. But God permitted his Son to be more troubled under his intenſe Sufferings; 1. Becauſe if one of us ſhould be expos'd to ſuch Trials for Chriſt's ſake, and this Man ſhould ſhrink and tremble at the approach of Torments and Death, inſtead of ſhewing that Cheerfulneſs and Preſence of Mind which the Primitive Martyrs did, he ſhould not therefore think his Death unaccepta⯑ble to God, for it certainly would be grateful to God, if he (according to the Example of Chriſt) meekly ſubmitted to his Holy Will. 2. That Chriſt's Sufferings and Death might be of greater value. Laſtly, That Chriſt might be our Helper and Defender, that he who was tempted, ſuf⯑fered, and died, may be the more ready to aſ⯑ſiſt and comfort us in all our Trials and Affli⯑ctions.

Theſe and the like Objections I made againſt the Work of Redemption, which being anſwer'd by my Guide, I began in the laſt place to attack the Myſteries of the Chriſtian Religion with the following Arguments,

Object. 20. We have hitherto ſpoke of Chriſt and the Holy Ghoſt as two diſtinct Perſons in the Godhead, and the Chriſtian Religion obligeth us to believe the Myſtery of the Trinity in Unity, [141] and Unity in Trinity, and that the Second Per⯑ſon in the Trinity came into the World, and took our Nature upon him, &c. all which are Myſteries indeed to me, and ſeem contrary to my Reaſon, and the Nature of God.

Anſw. We muſt not confound what is above Reaſon with that which is contrary to Reaſon: We now by Experience know many things which at firſt ſeem'd above our Reaſon. One or two fami⯑liar Inſtances will make this Matter clear: Sup⯑poſe a Man born in a very cold Climate, ſhould go into a hot Country, where the Natives never ſaw Snow nor Ice, and ſhould tell them, That where he was born, the Water, at a certain Sea⯑ſon of the Year, was ſo hard that a Horſe can run over it; theſe People would ſay, It is a⯑gainſt Reaſon, and contrary to the Nature of Water to grow hard; and therefore becauſe nei⯑ther Reaſon nor Experience taught them other⯑wiſe, they would conclude the Traveller had a mind to impoſe upon them: But if theſe Inha⯑bitants were perſuaded he was a faithful honeſt Man, and ſaid he ſaw it with his own Eyes, and would not tell a Lye for the greateſt advan⯑tage, then certainly they would believe it upon his Teſtimony, tho' they could not conceive how ſuch a thing ſhould be. Another Inſtance is the uſe of the Loadſtone; the firſt that found it out was ſurely contradicted, ſome perhaps believ'd him upon his Word, ſome doubted, and others utterly deny'd the poſſibility of it; but Expe⯑rience having convinc'd us, now no Body in theſe Parts diſputeth it, tho' we cannot conceive the Reaſon for it; the wiſeſt Philoſophers have en⯑quir'd into the Nature of it, but after all their Suppoſitions and pretended Demonſtrations, they are forc'd to place it amongſt Ariſtotle's occult [142] Qualities, and to ſay with me it is above Reaſon. So we may ſay of the Chriſtian My⯑ſteries: A Jew or a Gentile, who was never in⯑ſtructed in this Doctrine, takes it to be abſurd, againſt Reaſon, and the very Being of a God; but when they are convinc'd that Chriſt was the Author of it, and that he was greater than all the Prophets, the Son of God that could not impoſe upon us, or be impos'd upon, that he had confirm'd this Doctrine by almoſt an infinite number of Miracles, that God from Heaven had declar'd him to be his beloved Son, and com⯑manded us to hear him; I ſay, after we are con⯑vinc'd of all this, we muſt then conclude it is above, but not againſt Reaſon; then we muſt condemn our too great preſumption, and con⯑feſs the weakneſs of our Reaſon, which would comprehend the Myſteries of God, and yet can⯑not underſtand a multitude of Natural Things: By theſe means it was, that this Holy Doctrine was propagated and prevail'd: Afterwards ſome Writers began to argue upon it, and ſome en⯑deavour'd to render it intelligible; but their Ex⯑planations are rather a diſſervice than advantage to it. 'Tis too true this Holy Doctrine has been condemn'd by ſome Sects of Chriſtians, but that never will deſtroy it; I am very much miſtaken if there be any Truth, let it be never ſo clear and evident, but has been contradicted by ſome ſort of Men or another.

The Author's Application.

I don't wonder then that ſo many Chriſtians deny this; for my own part I muſt to my ſhame confeſs, that for ſome time after my Converſion, I had my ſhare of Doubts and Scruples about it; but having farther examin'd it, I have been ob⯑lig'd to acknowledge my weakneſs and ignorance, [143] my too great preſumption and too little humi⯑lity, in believing rather what my Reaſon than what my bleſſed Saviour taught me; but bleſ⯑ſed be our merciful God, my Conviction is the ſtronger. I ſhall not detain the Reader by ci⯑ting all the Texts of Holy Scripture which teach this Truth, every one has his Bible at home, and I wiſh they frequently may read, mark, learn, and inwardly digeſt what's contain'd therein. I ſhall conclude this Point by ſaying, if we be⯑lieve nothing but what we can comprehend, we muſt liſt our ſelves amongſt the Sceptics, and doubt of every thing we taſt, ſee, or feel.

Object. 21. Did Chriſt when he was an Infant know he was God?

Anſw. Did you know when you were but ſix Months old that you were a rational Creature? You cannot ſay you did. But let this ſatisfie you, the Godhead is not obliged to manifeſt it ſelf in its Glory whereſoever it is; for the Ubi⯑quity of God fills all places imaginable, how⯑ever it doth rarely manifeſt it ſelf as it did on Mount Sinai, &c.

Object. 22. Laſtly, I objected, Since the Chri⯑ſtian Religion has ſuch plain Evidences, and its Precepts far excel what the Prophets and Philo⯑ſophers taught, why is it the leaſt obſerved? Why don't the Chriſtians live according to theſe moſt excellent Rules? Methinks, if they be⯑liev'd what they profeſs, they ſhould with the greateſt awe and diligence obſerve it.

Anſw. You muſt ask thoſe unreaſonable Men who do not practiſe what they profeſs; they have as much Evidence as you, and more too, for they are not full of the Prejudices of other Religions, and I am perſuaded that the Evi⯑dences [144] I have brought to you are able to con⯑vince any thinking Man. I muſt with great con⯑cern acknowledge, that the true Religion is the leaſt obſerv'd, tho' it is ever the ſame; but the evil Practices of theſe Profeſſors ought not to be a ſcandal to you; for ſince they have been edu⯑cated in the true Religion, and ſo careleſly de⯑viate from it, their Condemnation will be the greater: Let them remember our Saviour's words, The Servant that knoweth his Maſter's Will, and doth it not, ſhall be beaten with many ſtripes. Therefore in another place he ſays, They ſhall come from the Eaſt and from the Weſt, from the North and from the South, and ſhall ſit down in the Kingdom of God; but you your ſelves ſhall be thruſt out: That is, many Jews and Gentiles, who have liv'd according to the Light of their Reaſon that God beſtowed upon them, ſhall be receiv'd into the Mercy of the Father, and be ſaved by Chriſt's Blood, whilſt many Chriſtians, who deſpiſe the Grace of God, and perſiſt in their ſinful Courſes, ſhall be rejected and receive eternal Damnation. God of his infinite Mercy grant we may not be of this number.

Theſe were the principal Objections I brought againſt the Chriſtian Religion; and bleſſed, for ever bleſſed, be GOD, that directed me to ſuch a Man who could give me ſuch ſatisfactory An⯑ſwers, that by the Divine Grace aſſiſting, I pro⯑feſs'd my ſelf heartily willing to leave my old Pagan Idolatry, and to embrace the true Chri⯑ſtian Religion. To this Almighty God be all Honour and Glory aſcribed now and for ever⯑more. Amen.

A DESCRIPTION OF THE Iſle FORMOSA.

[145]

By Mr. George Pſalmanaazaar.

CHAP. I. Of the Situation, Magnitude, and Di⯑viſion of the ISLE.

THE Iſland Formoſa, which by the Natives is called in their Language, Gad Avia, from Gad, Beautiful, and Avia an Iſle, and by the Chineſe is called Pa⯑cando, is one of the moſt Pleaſant and Ex⯑cellent of all the Aſiatick Iſles, whether we conſider the convenient Situation, the health⯑ful Air, the fruitful Soil, or the curious [146] Springs and uſeful Rivers, and rich Mines of Gold and Silver wherewith it abounds; for it enjoys many advantages which other Iſlands want, and wants none of thoſe which they have.

Formoſa and Japan, are the remoteſt parts towards the Eaſt, which are hitherto known or diſcover'd, and ſo they are the firſt Countries that are viſited with the Rays of the Morning Sun. Formoſa has on the North ſide Japan, diſtant about 200 Leagues; on the North and Weſt, China, from which it is diſtant about 60 Lea⯑gues; and on the South ſide Luconia, from which it is diſtant about 100 Leagues.

This Iſle Formoſa extends it ſelf in length from North to South above 70 Leagues, and in breadth from Eaſt to Weſt 15 Leagues, being about 130 Leagues in Circumference. It is divided into five Iſles, whereof two are called Avias dos Lardonos, or the Iſles of Thieves, the third is called Great Peorko, the fourth Little Peorko, and the fifth, which lies in the middle, and is called Kaboski, or the Principal Iſland, is greateſt of all the five, being 17 Leagues in length and 15 in breadth, is moſt ſtrictly called Gad Avia, or the Iſland Formoſa; tho' all the reſt, which for diſtinction ſake, are called by ſe⯑veral Names, are comprehended under the [147] General Name of Formoſa; and in this Senſe we ſhall uſe the Word in the follow⯑ing Account of this Iſle.

CHAP. II. Of the great Revolutions which have happen'd in the Iſland Formoſa.

WE find in our Chronicles, that a⯑bove 200 Years ago, the Iſland Formoſa had been Govern'd for ſome Ages by one King, who in his Adminiſtration depended upon the Repreſentatives of the People, who are two or three Men choſen in every City and Village, to take care of their publick Concerns. This King whom the Natives in their Language called Ba⯑galo, had one Governor in each of the afore⯑mentioned Iſles, ſubject to his Power, and accountable to him for their Adminiſtration; and this Governour was called by the Na⯑tives Tano. But about 200 Years ago the Emperor of Tartary invaded this Iſland and ſubdued; which continued under the Do⯑minion of the Tartars until the third Ge⯑neration: [148] But the third Emperor who ſuc⯑ceeded after this Conqueſt, being an Au⯑ſtere Tyranical Prince, who was very cruel to the Natives, and had formed a deſign to extirpate their Religion, did ſo provoke their natural Rage, that at laſt they did all with one conſent take up Arms, and roſe againſt his Deputy and the Forces by which he ruled them, and drove them all out of the Country, after a bloody Battle, And thus they ſhook off the Yoke of Tar⯑tarian Bondage, under which they had groan'd above 70 Years; and reſtored their Natural Prince to the rightful Throne of of his Anceſtors, who now became inde⯑pendent not only of a Foreign Prince, but of all the little Commonwealths within his own Dominions; in which ſtate they con⯑tinued above 70 Years. During which time the Eueopeans came thither, viz. the Dutch and Engliſh, who maintained a great Trade with the Natives, eſpecially in Great Peorko, where the Dutch built a Caſtle called Tyowan. At the ſame time while the Dutch were there the Chineſe came and attempted to land in the Iſland, with a deſign to Conquer it, but were ſtoutly repulſed by the Natives, who took up Arms in defence of their Country, and [149] maintained a War with the Chineſe for ſome Years; until at laſt they drove them back into their own Country. And the Formoſans finding that the Dutch under a falſe pretence of joining with them to force back the Chineſe, had treacherouſly under⯑hand aſſiſted them to Conquer Formoſa, hoping at laſt to wreſt it out of their hands and make it their own; the Hollanders were thereupon baniſhed, and prohibited to come any more into that Iſland, and their Caſtle Tyowan was Demoliſhed: Yet upon ſome fair Promiſes they were afterwards permitted again to Land there, provided they ſhould ſtay but a little while, and a ſufficient Guard ſhould attend them and ob⯑ſerve their Motions. Thither therefore they come, and when they can find what they have a mind to in Formoſa, they go no farther; but when they miſs of their aim there, then they travel further into Japan, viz. to the Iſle of Nangaſaque, for they are not permitted to go to any other place. However under theſe Commotions Formoſa ſtill preſerved its form of Government in⯑dependent of a Foreign Prince, until Me⯑ryaandanoo firſt raviſhed Japan by Villany, and then conquer'd Formoſa by a trick, of both which Revolutions I ſhall now give the Reader a ſhort and true Account, [150] as it is to be found in our Hiſtories, and is firmly believed by all the People of Formoſa, upon a conſtant Tradition from Father to Son, for the ſpace of Fifty Years and up⯑wards.

Meryaandanoo was by Nation a Chineſe, but coming to Japan while he was Young, he was by the favour of ſome Great Man admitted to ſome mean Office, in the Court of the Emperor Chazadijn, where he con⯑tinued ſome time, and had his Education. But the Emperor perceiving that he was a a very Ingenious Young-Man, and well qualified for a better Office, gave him at firſt ſome inferiour Place in the Army, in which he behaved himſelf ſo well, that he was quickly preferr'd to a higher Poſt, and by his winning behaviour and admirable Conduct, he ſo far inſinnuated himſelf into the favour of the Emperor, that he was gradually advanced from one Poſt of Ho⯑nour in the Army to another; until at laſt he arrived at the higheſt, and was made Carilhan, or Chief General of all the Im⯑perial Forces, which is the higheſt Office in the Empire, not only for Honour, but for Power and Truſt. And in the admini⯑ſtration of thi [...] Office, he behaved himſelf with ſo much Prudence and Courage, that the Emperor loved him exceedingly; but [151] much more did he win the Heart of the Empereſs, who was ſo taken with his gal⯑lant Mien, that ſhe could not live with⯑out him: So great was her kindneſs to him, and ſhe put ſuch an entire confidence in his fair Speeches, that ſhe would often meet him in private places; which was a favour very rare and unuſual in that Coun⯑try, eſpecially from ſo great a Perſon as the Empereſs. Having thus gained the Love of the Emperor and Empereſs, to ſo great a degree, this ungrateful Villain made uſe of that familiarity to which the Em⯑preſs admitted him, and of that confidence they both put in him, firſt to raiſe a Jea⯑louſie in the Mind of the Emperor againſt the Empereſs; and then by this means to contrive an opportunity for murdering them both: which Barbarous deſign this Bloody Villain accompliſhed after this manner. Firſt, he perſwaded the Emperor that his Empereſs was in Love with a certain Noble⯑man, whom he ſuppoſed, and ſhe often met him, and had private converſation with him in the Garden: Whereupon the Em⯑peror being highly enrag'd both againſt this Nobleman, whom he falſly accuſed, and a⯑gainſt the Empereſs, who was ſuppos'd to have kept company with him, deſired Meryaan⯑danoo to enquire diligently at what Hour, [152] and in what place they were to meet toge⯑ther in the Garden, if it were poſſible for him to find it out; and then ſays he, come and acquaint me with it, and I will take care that neither of them ſhall eſcape out of my hands, until they have both ſuffer'd Death, according to the demerit of their Crime. This Meryaandanoo promiſed to do, as the Emperor had deſired him; and ſometime after he came out of the Empe⯑ror's preſence, he went to the Apartment of the Empereſs, and having good aſſu⯑rance of her ready compliance, by his former private converſations with her, he pray'd her to meet him, at a cer⯑tain Hour of that Day, in a certain place of the Garden, which ſhe, miſtruſting no⯑thing, readily promiſed to do, and appoint⯑ed the time and place for their meeting. Having gained this point, which was a great ſtep towards finiſhing his deſign, he went and acquainted the Emperor, that at ſuch an Hour the Nobleman was to come, and to meet his Empereſs in ſuch a place of the Garden. Whereupon the Emperor preſently commanded his Guards to be got ready, with which he intended to ſeize them both together, and bring them to deſerved puniſhment. In the mean time Meryaandanoo having changed his Clothes, [153] and mask'd his Face, that he might not be known to the Emperor, under this diſ⯑guiſe meets the Empereſs at the time and place appointed, whom he moſt Barbar⯑ouſly ſtabb'd, with a poiſon'd Dagger, to conceal the Murder, by ſtopping the Effu⯑ſion of Blood: The Emperor comes at firſt all alone into that place of the Garden to ſatisfie his Curioſity of ſeeing them toge⯑ther, fearing leſt the appearance of the Guards would make them run away; and he perceiv'd a certain Nobleman, as he ſuppoſed, lying upon the Empereſs in an unſeemly poſture, he called for his Guards, who were at ſome diſtance from the place: But while he advanced towards the Noble⯑man, not knowing him to be Meryaan⯑danoo, Meryaandanoo was too nimble for him, who come fully prepared to execute the wicked deſign he had plotted, for he had no ſooner called for his Guards, but he cloſed in with him, and gave him his Deaths wound with the ſame poiſon'd Dagger; and immediately after he had ſtruck the blow, he fled away with all poſſible ſpeed, through unbeaten Paths a⯑mong Trees and Buſhes, and ſo made his Eſcape without being diſcover'd: When the Guards came and found the Emperor and Empereſs both kill'd, they ſtood for [154] ſome time aſtoniſh'd, at this ſtrange and ſurprizing Event; but they wonder'd moſt of all at the Murder of the Emperor, who ſo lately parted from them, and whom they heard but a little before call upon them to come to him; ſome condoled the ſudden Death of two ſuch great Perſons, while others ſearch'd every where about the Garden, among the Trees and Buſhes, to find out the Murderer; But when they ſaw that no diſcovery could be made, the Sol⯑diers began to Mutiny, had not the Captain of the Guards diverted their Fury, by telling them, That they muſt do nothing until they had firſt acquainted the Carilhan with what had happened; whereupon a Party was immediately diſpatch'd to his Houſe, (whither he had made his Eſcape after he had committed the Murder) and when they came there, and told him, he ſeem'd to be mightily ſurpris'd and troubl'd, as if he knew nothing of the matter: But to loſe no time in a caſe of ſo great conſe⯑quence, he went in all haſte to the place, where having viewed the dead Bodies, he evpreſs'd his great Sorrow, with many Sighs and Tears, for the loſs of two Per⯑ſons ſo great and ſo good, to whom he had been infinitely obliged, and declared that this execrable Murder had been committed [155] by a certain Nobleman, naming him, who had frequently kept Company with the Empereſs in private, and had appointed a meeting with her this very Day, as he was well aſſur'd. This diſcovery gave great ſatisfaction to the Guards, who being glad of the opportunity to revenge the Death of their Maſter, went preſently and ſtruck off the Innocent Nobleman's Head, by his Order, who was the Murderer himſelf. Meryaandanoo having thus far ſucceeded in his deſign, wanted now only to be de⯑clared Emperor, which met with ſome op⯑poſition from thoſe in the Army, who fa⯑voured the Family of Chazadijn, though he had no Children by his Empereſs, but only by his Concubines; and for ſome time there were many Cabals and Facti⯑ons about the next Succeſſor to the Emp [...]e; But at laſt Meryaandanoo, having pre-en⯑gaged a great Party for him, and being generally beloved by the Soldiers, by his prevailing Intereſt in the Army, was cho⯑ſen and declar'd Emperor of Japan; which was the finniſhing of the great deſign he intended to accompliſh, by all the afore⯑mentioned Villainies and Cruelties.

About two Years after he was promo⯑ted to the Imperial Crown of Japan he counterfeited himſelf to be ſick, and [...]d [156] innumerable Sacrifices to be offered to the Gods of Japan, for the Recovery of his Health; but all theſe Sacrifices, proving, as he pretended, ineffectual, ſo that theſe Gods ſeem'd either unable or unwilling to relieve him, he declar'd, tho' in deep diſ⯑ſimulation, that it was neceſſary for him to ſeek for Relief from the Gods of other Countries. And to this end he ſent an Ambaſſadour with a Letter to the King of Formoſa, who was to entreat the King of Formoſa in his Name, that he might have leave to ſend and offer Sacrifices to the God of his Country, by whom he hoped to find that cure of his Diſeaſe, which in vain he had expected from his own Gods, tho' he had offer'd 10000 Sacrifices to appeaſe them.

His Letter to the King, was to this purpoſe.

Meryaandanoo, Emperor of Japan, to the King of Formoſa, my Friend, &c.

BEing afflicted with a very grievous Diſ⯑eaſe, and having endeavoured by my Ob⯑lations to pacifie the Gods of my Country, that I might recover my Health, I have found [157] all my endeavours hitherto ineffectual, whether through the Anger or Impotence of the Gods I know not: And therefore having a great Veneration for your God, of whoſe great Power and Goodneſs I am fully perſwaded, I muſt entreat you to give leave that ſome of my Subjects may be ſent into your Iſland, who ſhall bring along with them the Beaſts they are to offer in Sacrifice to your God, for the Recovery of my Health. And if your God ſhall be ſo far appeaſed by theſe Sacrifices as to reſtore me to Health, I do hereby promiſe you, that through all the Empire of Japan, and in all the other Iſles ſubject to my Dominion, I will plant and eſtabliſh your Religion. And ſo your God ſhall be our God, and we ſhall live in perpetual Friendſhip with one another.

I expect your Anſwer to this Requeſt by my Ambaſſador.

After the King of Formoſa had read the Letter, he ſent for his Prieſts and acquaint⯑ed them with the Contents of it, and com⯑manded them to conſult their God, whe⯑ther he would grant what the Emperor of Japan had deſired: The Prieſts hoping that they ſhould reap great Profit and Ad⯑vantage from the Emperor, by the Japan⯑neſs's coming into their Country, to offer [158] Sacrifice, told the King, that they had conſulted their God, and he had conſented, that they ſhould come here to offer Sacri⯑fices, but he had not declar'd what ſucceſs their Oblations ſhould have as to reſtoring the Health of their Emperor. The King having received this Anſwer from his Prieſts, ſent for the Ambaſſadors of the Emperor of Japan, and told them, Go and ſalute your Emperor in my Name, and tell him, that he has leave from my God, and from me, to ſend ſome of his Subjects to offer Sa⯑crifices to our God; and if our God ſhall re⯑ſtore his Health, I hope he will perform what he has promiſed of eſtabliſhing the Worſhip of our God in all his Dominions.

The Ambaſſadors having taken their leave of our King returned home, into their own Country, and acquainted the Em⯑peror of Japan with the Anſwer of the King of Formoſa to his Letter, who was very glad at the good ſucceſs of their Negoti⯑ation, having further deſigns in it than they were aware of: And therefore he preſently commanded a great Army to be made ready, and order'd the Soldiers to be put in great Litters, carried by two Ele⯑phants, which will hold Thirty, or Forty Men; and to prevent any ſuſpicion of the the Formoſans, they placed Ox⯑en or Rams to be ſeen at the Windows [159] of the Litters. Thus he covertly convey'd a numerous Army into the Iſle Formoſa, with many of the Nobility of his Court, under the Religious pretence of Offering Sacrifice for the Recovery of his Health, but really with a deſign to Conquer the Country. The numerous Chariots were divided into three parts, the greateſt of which was ſent into the Capital City Xter⯑netſa, and the two other parts into two o⯑ther Cities, called Bigno and Khadzey; And at a certain Hour appointed the Chariots were opened in all the three Cities, the Soldiers came out, and with Sword in Hand, threatning preſent Death to the King, and all the Inhabitants of the City Xternetſa (which was likewiſe done in the other Cities at the ſame time) unleſs they would ſubmit themſelves to be governed by the Emperor of Japan. The King con⯑ſidering that he had no other proſpect but that of imminent and unavoidable Death before him, and that there was no hopes by his Death to preſerve the Ancient Liberties of his Country, choſe rather to ſubmit to the fatal neceſſity he was under, than throw away his Life to no purpoſe; and the reſt of the Inhabitants every where fol⯑low'd his example in this ſurpriſing danger of Death, ſo that the whole Kingdom was quickly reduc'd under the Yoke of the Em⯑peror [160] of Japan, without the Effuſion of much Blood. And from that time the Em⯑peror of Japan ſends a King into the Iſle Formoſa, who is called Tano Angon, or the ſuperintendent King: But he who was King before, in that Iſle, is only as a Baga⯑landro or Viceroy, or one that is next to the King in Dignity without any Power. And this is a ſhort Hiſtory of the manner how the Iſle Formoſa was ſubdued by the Villany of the Emperor Meryaandanoo, who inſtead of Sacrificing Beaſts to the God of the Country, as he pretended, would have Sacrificed the Inhabitants to his own Am⯑bition, if they had not prevented him by a voluntary ſubmiſſion to his Rule and Go⯑vernment. I ſhall therefore in the next place give an account of the Form of Go⯑vernment in this Iſle, which is now almoſt the ſame with that which is in the other Iſles of Japan.

CHAP. III. Of the Form of Government in the Iſland Formoſa, and of the New Laws made by the Emperor Meryaan⯑danoo.

[161]

MEryaandanoo being thus ſettled Em⯑peror of Japan and Formoſa, made new Laws relating to the Deputy King, and enforced the old Laws relating to the Sub⯑jects, with grievous Penalties, as will ap⯑pear hereafter.

The Firſt Law is, Concerning the Kings that are ſubject to him, who are Twenty Five in number (beſides the Eight who are not properly called Angons or Bagalos but Viceroys or Bagelanders) And theſe Kings are oblieged, by this Law, twice in a Year to wait upon the Emperor, and then every one of them is to give an account of his Adminiſtration of the Government, and of all the Notable Occurrences which have happened in his Kingdom for the ſpace of half a Year, and to receive the new Com⯑mands of the Emperor, if he ſhall think fit to give any.

[162]The Second Law is, That none of them ſhall tranſgreſs the Commands of the Em⯑peror, unleſs he firſt acquaints him with the neceſſity that forces him to do it; yet in a caſe of urgent neceſſity, this Law is moderated by Equity.

The Third Law is, That they ſhall do nothing to the detriment of the People, ſub⯑ject to their Government; That they ſhall not be unjuſt, or cruel to them, or any ways prejudice them in their Life, Fortune, or Re⯑putation, without a juſt cauſe: which Law he mde to gain the Love of the People.

The Fourth is, That none of the Kings ſhall ſuffer a Chriſtian to live in his Coun⯑try, but every one of them ſhall keep Sear⯑chers, or Centinels in the ſeveral Sea Ports, who ſhall Try all Foreigners, as ſoon as they arrive in the Harbour whether they be Chriſtians or no, by this Teſt, of trampling upon the Crucifix; which Teſt was chiefly deſign'd againſt the Papiſts, who worſhip the Crucifix, and therefore dare not trample upon it: But as to other Foreigners who do trample upon the Crucifix, the Governour is to grant them a Paſs to Travel through all the Cities un⯑der his Dominion, provided they are not above Twenty in number.

The laſt is, That no King can prohibit or enjoin any Religion, in his Country, but every ſubject ſhall enjoy the Liberty of [163] his Conſcience to worſhip his God after his own way, except there ſhall be any found that are Chriſtians; for the diſcovery of whom there ſhall be Searchers appoint⯑ed in all Cities and Villages, who ſhall try them by the Teſt aforementioned. And to all theſe Laws this Sanction is added, That if any Perſon ſhall violate any one of theſe Laws they ſhall preſently be put to Death, which is the true Reaſon, why the Com⯑mands of the Emperor are every where ſo exactly obey'd.

He made no new Laws relating to the Subjects, but only revived the Natural and Ancient Laws, which he enforced with new Penalties proportionable to the Crimes.

The Firſt is againſt the Chriſtians, That if any Foreigner ſhall be found who is a Chriſtian, and who hath ſeduc'd or endea⯑voured to ſeduce the Inhabitants to Chri⯑ſtianity, he ſhall be impriſon'd, together with all thoſe whom he hath ſeduced. And if he will Renounce the Chriſtian Faith, and worſhip Idols, he ſhall not only be pardon'd, but have a certain Penſion al⯑lowed him for his Subſiſtence; but if he refuſe to do this, he ſhall be burnt alive; And as to thoſe who have been ſeduc'd, if they will return to their former Idolatry, they ſhall be ſet at liberty; but if they will not, they ſhall be hang'd.

[164]The Second is againſt Murderers, Thieves and Robbers, viz. Whoſoever ſhall kill another Man unjuſtly, ſhall be hang'd up by the Feet with his head downward, and after this manner ſhall hang alive a longer or ſhorter time, according to the aggravation of his Crime, until he be Shot to Death with Arrows: But if he be both a Robber and a Murderer he ſhall be Crucified. A Thief ſhall be puniſhed according to the heinouſneſs of his Crime, either with Hang⯑ing, or continual Impriſonment, or with Whipping, or a Fine.

The Third Law is againſt Adulterers, viz. They ſhall for the firſt Offence pay a Fine of 100 Copans (each Copan being a piece of Gold weighing a Pound) and thoſe who have not Money to pay ſuch a Fine, they ſhall be publickly Whipt by the Hand of the Hangman: But if any Perſon be guilty of the ſame Crime a ſecond time, he or ſhe ſhall be beheaded. For though, as will appear in the following Chapter a⯑bout Religion, every Man may have as many Wives, as his Eſtate is able to main⯑tain; yet if any Man ſhall carnally know another Woman beſides his own Wives, to whom he has promiſed Fidelity, he is guilty of Adultery. The ſame Law ob⯑liges all thoſe who are unmarried provi⯑ded they be Natives of the Country: But [165] this Law does not extend to Foreigners, to whom the Natives are wont to offer Virgins or Whores, to be made uſe of at their Plea⯑ſure, with Impunity.

But here I muſt deſire the Reader to ob⯑ſerve, that the Husband has ſuch full power over his Wife, that if he apprehend her in the act of Adultery; he may puniſh her after what manner, and to what degree he pleaſes, even unto Death: But if the thing be not commonly known, he may ſpare her, if he thinks fit, upon her promiſe of amendment for the future.

The Fourth Law is, Whoſoever ſhall Suborn falſe Witneſs againſt any Man, both he and the falſe Witneſſes ſhall have their Tongue cut out, and be further puniſh'd according to the heinouſneſs of the Crime, and the damage done to the Party, againſt whom they teſtified.

The Fifth Law is, Whoſoever ſhall balſ⯑pheme the God of the Country he ſhall be burnt alive.

The Sixth is, If a Son or a Daughter ſhall ſtrike their Father or Mother, or one of their Kindred that is Ancient, or one that is ſuperiour to them in Power, their Arms and Legs ſhall be cut off, and a Stone be⯑ing tied about their Neck, they ſhall be thrown into the Sea, or a River. But if any one ſhall ſtrike a Prieſt, their Arms ſhall [166] be burnt off, and then their Body ſhall be buried alive.

Whoſoever ſhall ſtrike his King, Inten⯑dant or Governour, ſhall be hang'd up by the Feet till he die, having four Dogs faſten'd to his Body to tear it in pieces.

The Seventh is, Whoſoever ſhall Re⯑proach or Slander any Man, ſhall have his Tongue bored through with a hot Iron: But whoſoever refuſes to obey his Superiour in things Lawful, ſhall be beheaded.

The Eighth is, Whoſoever ſhall Plot any Treaſon againſt the Emperor, or any of the Kings, or ſhall endeavour the Subver⯑ſion of the Religion eſtabliſh'd, he ſhall be tortur'd with all imaginable Torments.

All theſe Laws Meryaandanoo made, or revived in the fourth Year of his Empire, at a meeting of all the Kings of his Empire, and of all the chief Prieſts of every City: And by verture of them, all the Inhabi⯑tants enjoy a profound Peace; for as the Subjects do readily obey the Laws relating to themſelves, ſo the Governours and Of⯑ficers are careful to put them in Execution whenever there is occaſion.

This is what I chiefly intended in this Chapter, to give an account of the Laws and their Sanctions, by which Meryaandanoo governs his Deputy-Kings and their Sub⯑jects; and though there are other things [167] which might be placed here under this head of Government, yet becauſe they are here⯑after to be inſerted in their proper places, they are here omitted.

CHAP. IV. Of the Religion of the Formoſans.

SInce my deſign is only to give an ac⯑count of the Iſle Formoſa, I ſhall briefly mention but three kinds of Religion that are obſerved in Japan, becauſe of the Af⯑finity ſome of them have with that which is eſtabliſhed in Formoſa.

The Firſt kind of Religion is Idolatry, or the Worſhip of Idols: And this kind of Worſhip moſt generally prevails above all others in Japan, ſo that in one Temple call'd Amida, in the Capital City of Meaco, there are no fewer than 3500 Idols; whereof 1000 are of Gold, 1000 of Silver, and 1000 of Braſs, and 500 of Wood and Stone, and to theſe Idols they Sacrifice Oxen, Rams, Goats, and ſuch like Beaſts, and ſometimes they Sacrifice Infants to them, when their God is not ap⯑peaſed by other Sacrifices.

[168]The ſecond kind of Religion is that of thoſe who acknowledge one God, whom they believe to be ſo Sublime and Great, that they dare not Sacrifice to him; and therefore they have eſtabliſh'd the Sun as the great Power of God which Rules and Governs the World, and the Moon and Stars as powers inferior to the Sun, which more exactly inſpect and take care of Terreſtrial affairs: Wherefore they Sa⯑crifice Infants to the Sun, and Beaſts to the Moon and Stars.

The Third ſort is rather a Sect of Atheiſm than Religion, for they deny the being of God, and affirm that the World was from Eternity and ſhall continue to Eternity. Hence ſome of them think rhat the Soul is Mortal and dies with the Body, like that of Beaſts; but others of them ſay that the Soul is not Mortal, but informs another Body after Death, and ſo it paſſes out of one Body into another to Eternity. When⯑ſoever the Soul has done well, they think it paſſes into the Body of a Rich man who lives in great eaſe and pleaſure, but if it has done evil it paſſes into the Body of ſome poor Wretch to ſuffer Pain and Miſery; and ſo the Soul is liable to endleſs Viciſſi⯑tudes of Vertue and Vice, of pleaſure and Pain. Theſe Atheiſts uſe no Religious Worſhip, ſaving that they all offer Sacrifice [169] to evil Spirits or Devils, that they may not hurt them. But the Tranſmigration of Souls, is believ'd not only by them but by all the Jappanneſe, except thoſe who think that the Soul is Mortal.

But my buſineſs is not to give a particular account of their ſeveral opinions, and dif⯑ferent ways of Worſhip, and therefore I have noted theſe things only en paſſant to ſhow wherein they agree, and wherein they differ from the Religion eſtabliſh'd in Formoſa.

The Religion of the Formaſans was re⯑veal'd by their God, if we may believe their Jarhabadiond (i. e. the Election of the Land) which makes mention of the Re⯑velation upon which they found the Reli⯑gious Worſhip now us'd among them, and gives the following account of it: That about 900 Years ago, the Inhabitants of For⯑moſa knew no other Gods but the Sun and the Moon, whom they believed to be Supreme, and the Stars, which they looked upon to be as it were Semidei, or Subordi⯑nate Gods; and then their whole Worſhip conſiſted in adoring them Morning and Evening, and offering them the Sacrifices of Beaſts, But after ſome time there a⯑roſe two Philoſophers, who had led a Pious and Auſtere kind of Life in the De⯑ſerts, and pretended that God had appear'd to them, and ſpoke to them, to this purpoſe; I am much Troubled for the Blindneſs of [170] this People becauſe they Worſhip the Sun, Moon and Stars ſo devoutly, as the Supreme Deity; go and tell them, I am the Lord of the Sun, Moon and Stars, of the Heaven, the Earth, the Sea and all things that are in them, I Govern the Creatures by the Sun and Moon and the 10 Stars, and without me they cannot exiſt: Go and tell them, that God has ap⯑pear'd to you, and ſaid, if they will worſhip and adore him, he will be their Protector, and will appear to them in the Churches, which they Build to his honour, and promiſe them in my Name, that if they Worſhip and obay me, they ſhall receive great rewards after this Life. The Names of theſe two Philoſophers, were Zeroaboabel, which is a Name unknown to to the Japanneſe, and Chorhe Mathcin, which in the Japan Language ſignifies Creator Annunciat, for Chorhe ſignifies the Creator, and Mathcin declares. Now theſe two preten⯑ding that God had ſpoke to them, came to a certain Mountain call'd Tanalio near the Capital City, where the People were met together to offer Sacrifice to the Sun, and told them to this Effect. O ye Blind Mor⯑tals, who Worſhip the Stars ſo devoutly, and are ignorant of the God who is above them; that God who Created the Sun and Moon, and all things in Heaven and Earth, has this day taken pity on you, and appeared to us, and com⯑manded us to declare him unto you: And [171] after they had ſaid this, they Demonſtrated by many Arguments, that there is one Su⯑preme God, who is above all the viſible things in this World. This diſcourſe ſo much affected the People, that they deſired to know of them, how that God would be Worſhiped, whether they ſhould Worſhip him after the ſame manner, as they now Worſhiped the Sun. To which they an⯑ſwered, no. But if they would Worſhip him according to his mind, in an acceptable manner, they ſhould firſt Build him a Temple, and in that they ſhould make a Tabernacle, and an Altar, and upon the Altar they ſhould Burn 20000 Hearts of young Children, under 9 Years of Age. And when ye have done theſe things, ſaid they, then God will appear to you in this Tabernacle, and tell you what you are to do further for his Service. When the Peo⯑ple heard theſe things, they could no longer refrain themſelves, but exclaimed againſt theſe two Prophets as Hypocrites and Im⯑poſtors; and asked them in great rage, how can your God be ſo Cruel as to require us to kill ſo many of our Sons, and offer them up in Sacrifice to him: Whereupon the two Prophets fled away into the Deſert again, having left theſe Threatning words behind them, We have told you what our God Commanded us to ſay unto you; but if ye will not believe our words, and obey [172] his will, ye ſhall quickly find, that the Divine Vengeance will purſue you.

A little while after it was obſerv'd, that the Sky was Darkned, there fell much Rain with Hail, which deſtroyed the Fruits of the Ground, innumerable claps of Thunder were heard in the Air, there were great Earth quakes in ſeveral places, and the Air became ſo Peſtilential, that the greateſt part of the Inhabitants were viſiſted with the Plague, the wild Beaſts came into their Cities, and even into their Houſes, and de⯑voured their young Children: And theſe Calamities laſted for a day and a half, which were ſo Terrible, that the whole Iſland ſeemed to be in danger of utter Ruin and Deſtruction, Which ſad Proſpect moved all the Inhabitants to return Unanimouſly to the Mountain aforeſaid, and there they confeſſed their great fault in refuſing to be⯑lieve the two Prophets, and cry'd earneſtly with all their Hearts to that God, who had ſpoken to them by thoſe Prophets, de⯑precating his Wrath for their paſt Offences, and Promiſing they would do whatſoever he ſhould command them if he would now ſpare them. And at length, after long and humble Supplication, that God ſent them a Prophet, which ſhould declare a new Peace and Reconcilation between him and them, upon which account they called him Pſal⯑manaazar, []

Figure 1. A Temple

fig: 1. Pag: 173

[173] i. e. the Author of Peace. Af⯑ter he had Publiſhed this joyfull Meſſage unto them, he commanded them to build a Temple, and in it an Alter, above that Al⯑ter to make a Tabernacle, and then to Sa⯑crifice upon the Alter, 100 Oxen, 100 Rams and 100 Goats, and to Burn upon it 20000 Hearts of young Children under 9 Years of Age, and then God would appear to them: They built therefore a Temple, after the form deſcribed in the Firſt Figure.

The firſt Figure explained.

A. The Tower in which God appears in the Tabernacle.

B. The Tower in which are the Singers and Players upon Inſtruments.

C. The Window-Tower, which lets in the Sky-light.

D. The Head of an Oxe, or a Symbol of God.

E. An Image of the Sun.

F. An Image of the Moon.

G. The Gate of the Temple.

H. The Windows.

I. The parts cover'd with Gold.

K. The place for the Men.

L. The place for the Women.

[174]The whole Temple is built of Four⯑ſquare Stones after an exact Model, and is a moſt Finiſh'd piece of Architecture, being of great Bigneſs and Height. In the Tower which looks towards the Eaſt is the Taber⯑nacle, wherein God appears, and the Altar; all which they built by the Command of the Prophet Pſalmanaazaar.

The Second Figure explained.

1. A Crown hanging from the Roof over the top of the Tabernacle.

2. The Head of an Oxe, or the Symbol of their God. 3. The top of the Tabernacle with 5 burning Lamps. 4. A little Py⯑ramid upon which is the Figure of the Sun. 5. Another upon which is the Figure of the Moon. 6. A Lamp to the honour of the Moon. 7. A Lamp to the honour of the Sun. 8.8.2 Courtins which cover the Con⯑cavity of the Tabernacle on the Ordinary days. 9. The Concavity of the Taberna⯑cle adorned with a Sky-colour and Stars of Gold, repreſenting the Firmament, in which God appears. 10. Their God ſhowing himſelf to the People, in the ſhape of an Oxe. 11.11. Two Lamps burning to the honour of their God. 12.12. Two Pyramids upon which are the 10 Stars, which are Wor⯑ſhiped. And all theſe things are to be []

Figure 2. The Tabernacle and Altar

fig: 2. Pag: 174

[175] made of Gold or Silver. 13. The Gridiron upon which the hearts of the young Chil⯑dren are burnt. 14.14. The Furnace of Fire for burning them. 15.15. The Chimmeys by which the Smoke goes out. 16. The Caldron in which the Fleſh of the Sacrifice is boyled. 17.17. The Furnace of Fire for boyling them. 18. The Sanctuary, or the place in which the young Children are Slain. 19. The pit in which their Blood and Bodies are placed. 20. The holy place wherein the Beaſts are Slain for Sa⯑crifice. 21. A Marble-ſtructure in which is a Gridiron. 22. A Stone-ſtructure that encompaſſeth the Caldron in the form of an Altar. 23. The ſmoke of a Furnace. 24. The round part of the Roof; 25. the Wall.

This is the Figure of the Tabernacle, (as the firſt was of the Temple) which Pſalma⯑naazaar, Commanded to be built.

The firſt Temple was built in the Capi⯑tal City Xternetſa, and the Tabernacle was plac'd in it. And after theſe were Finiſhed, every Magiſtrate in the ſeve⯑ral Cities and Villages, took an ac⯑count how many Sons there were in each Family, that they might be obliged to Fur⯑niſh their Proportion for the Sacrifices, that were to be offered to this new God, accord⯑ing to the Number of Sons that was in eve⯑ry Family. All things being thus prepared a great Feſtival of 10 days was Celebrated [178] and every day of the 10,2000 Infants were Sacrificed: And then after the Feſtival was ended, and the laſt Sacrifice was offer'd, their new God begun to appear in the ſhape of an Oxe, and ſpoke to the People, and to Pſalmanaazaar, and dictated to him what⯑ever he would have done to his honour.

He ſaid therefore ye ſhall divide the Year into 10 Months, which ye ſhall call by the Names of the 10 Stars, viz. Dig, Damen, Anal⯑men, Anioul, Dattibes, Dabes, Anaber, Nechem, Koriam, Turbam. Every Month ſhall have four weeks, and five of theſe Months ſhall have 37 days, viz. the firſt, 3d. 5th. 7th. and 9th. the other 5 ſhall have only 36 days, Every week ſhall have 9 days, but in the Months which have 37 days, the laſt week ſhall have 10 days, and the 10th. day ſhall be a day of Faſting.

Ye ſhall begin the Year from this day, which is the firſt day of the Month Dig, and the firſt of the Feſtival of 10 days, and at this Feſtival ye ſhall Sacrifice to me every Year the hearts of 18000 young Boys, under the Age of 9 Years, on the firſt day of the Year Every Month ye ſhall Sacrifice in all your Temples 1000 Beaſts, viz. 300 Bulls, 400 Sheep or Rams, and the reſt in Calves or Lambs: And every Pariſh ſhall Furniſh their proportion for theſe Sacrifices, according to their ability. Every week ye ſhall offer [177] of Fowls as you are able, and all theſe Things you ſhall carefully obſerve every Year.

Of the Feſtivals.

Ye ſhall celebrate Two great Feſtivals to my Honour, the Firſt at the beginning of the new Year, which ſhall laſt for a whole Week, and the Second in the laſt Week of the 5th Month, which ſhall alſo laſt for Nine Days. The firſt and laſt of theſe Days ſhall be obſerv'd by riſing early in the Morn⯑ing and Adoring, and after ye have wor⯑ſhipp'd, ye ſhall come into the Temple, and Pray and Sing Hymns from One a Clock until Two: At Two a Clock ye ſhall go to a Fountain or River without the City, and there ye ſhall throw Water upon your Head twelve Times, and then ye ſhall re⯑turn into the Temple, ye ſhall go and re⯑turn all together, and while ye are on the way which ſhall take up the ſpace of an Hour in going and returning, ye ſhall be all the while Praying. And after ye are re⯑turn'd, then the Beaſts ſhall be ſlain, and divided into parts, and purified, and boil'd in their Blood; and every one ſhall come before the Altar, and take a Piece of the Fleſh from the Hand of the Prieſt, and ſhall eat it, bending his left Knee and bowing [178] his Head down to the Ground; and during all that time the Inſtruments of Muſick ſhall Play, and the Singing Men and all the People preſent ſhall ſing Hymns together. The time of ſlaying and offering the Sacri⯑fices ſhall laſt for three Hours, viz. from three a Clock till Six, and at Six there ſhall be a Sermon, or an Explication of the firſt Principles of Religion, and then a Thankſ⯑giving, which being ended, ye ſhall return Home, and continue there Eating and Drinking until the ſecond Hour: After which ye ſhall return to the Temple again, and continue there until the ſixth Hour, Praying and Singing, with the Inſtruments of Muſick playing; and then there ſhall be again a Lecture upon the Catechetical Do⯑ctrins, which being ended, ye ſhall return Home and recreate your ſelves with any lawful Diverſions.

On other Days, between the firſt and laſt of the Month, ye ſhall riſe in the Morning and Worſhip, ye ſhall throw Water upon your Head three times, and then go to the Temple and ſtay there from the firſt Hour to the ſixth. After the ſixth ye ſhall return Home, and then ye may follow any law⯑ful Employment.

But here the Reader is deſir'd to take no⯑tice, That the Day with them is divided into four Parts, and each Part into fix Hours; [179] when therefore it is ſaid, They ſhall ſtay in the Temple from the firſt Hour to the ſixth, it is to be underſtood they ſhall ſtay from 6 a Clock to 12, according to the way of reckoning Time us'd in Europe.

Ye ſhall call the firſt and laſt Day of the Feſtival a double Feaſt, and the other Days ſimple Feaſts. On the firſt Day of the Month ye ſhall celebrate a double Feaſt, and on the ſecond a ſimple Feaſt, and ye ſhall Sacrifice Oxen and Sheep, &c. and ye ſhall Eat of them. The firſt Day of the Week ſhall be a double Feaſt, and ye ſhall Sacrifice Fowls and eat of them.

Note, That a Feſtival is therefore call'd double, becauſe the People go twice to the Temple on that Day, and it is call'd ſimple becauſe they go but once.

And further it is to be noted, that inſtead of our Clocks and Watches, they meaſure Time by an Inſtrument made of Wood, in the form of our Hour Glaſs, which being fill'd with Sand, runs all out in the ſpace of an Hour: And this being obſerv'd by cer⯑tain Watchmen appointed on purpoſe for that end, as ſoon as the Sand is run out, they beat a Drum, and give notice what Hour it is, which is the Cuſtom us'd in all Cities, but the Country People judge as ex⯑actly as they can what Hour it is by the Sun Moon or Stars.

CHAP. V. Of Faſting-Days.

[180]

THeir God ſaid moreover to Pſalmanaa⯑zaar; Beſides thoſe 5 Days aforeſaid, ye ſhall obſerve 2 Faſts: The firſt ſhall be in the laſt Week of the Year, which ſhall laſt for 8 Days, and it ſhall be a Prepa⯑ration for the New Year: The ſecond ſhall be in the third Week of the fifth Month, and it ſhall alſo laſt for eight Days. On theſe Faſting-Days, ye ſhall neither Eat nor Drink any thing until the Sun ſets, but af⯑ter it is ſet, every one may Eat and Drink to the full until he ſatiate himſelf. On theſe Faſting-Days ye may Pray to me, but on your common Days ye ſhall not dare to adore me. Theſe Faſts ſhall be obſerv'd after this manner, When ye riſe in the Morning ye ſhall Worſhip, and then waſh your Head and Hands and Feet, and after that every one ſhall employ himſelf in ſome lawful Buſineſs; but neither you nor your Cattel ſhall Eat or Drink any thing all that Day until the Sun ſet. Theſe Faſts ſhall be every Year obſerv'd as they are preſcrib'd: And indeed they are ſo rigorouſly obſerv'd, [181] that a Man would ſooner Die for Thirſt then taſte a drop of Water on theſe Days, and all the Cattle are ſhut up in ſuch Places, where they have nothing to eat all Day; and all Eatables are laid up where they cannot be ſeen, leſt any one ſhould be tempted to break the Faſt: In fine, theſe are true Faſts and ſtrictly kept, as far as hu⯑man frailty will permit, and not like the Faſts of the Papiſts, wherein they can Feaſt upon Fiſh and Wine.

CHAP. VI. Of the Ceremonies to be obſerv'd on Fe⯑ſtival-Days.

ON the double Feſtivals the People waſh their Head, Hands and Feet, and then they go to the Temple, where the Jarhabadiond is publickly read before them all by one of the Prieſts; and after that is Read, they all of them fall proſtrate on the Ground, and the Prieſts return Thanks to their God with a loud Voice, who of his infinite Mercy has call'd them to the true Knowledg of himſelf, the Peo⯑ple [182] in the mean time joyning in their Hearts with the Words of the Prieſt. After the Thankſgiving the People riſe up, and ſome Hymns made by the Chief Prieſts are ſung, the Flute and Tymbrel and other Inſtruments of Muſick playing all the while: Then the Prieſts begin to pray for the Sanctification of the Victims, and after that they ſlay them and receive the Blood into a Copper; they divide the Fleſh into Pieces, and then Boil it with the Blood in a Chaldron which is upon the Altar; while the Fleſh is a Boil⯑ing, the Chief Prieſt Prays to God, that he would be pleas'd to accept of theſe Sacrifices for the Remiſſion of the Sins of the People: And after the Fleſh is Boil'd, the People draw near before the Altar, and every one of them receives a piece of it from the Hand of the Prieſt, bowing down his Head when he takes it, and all this time the reſt are Sing⯑ing, and the Inſtruments of Muſick play⯑ing. After theſe Ceremonies are ended, a Prieſt goes up to a Place higher than the Seats of the People, and there he Preaches and inſtructs the People, who ask him Queſtions, and he anſwers them. At laſt Thanks are return'd, and Prayers are made for all Things neceſſary, and then all the People go Home to Dinner, where they are to continue only for the ſpace of two Hours, which is all the time allow'd them between [183] Morning and Evening Service, during which time they muſt not indulge them⯑ſelves to exceſs, or do any thing that's un⯑lawful, but behave themſelves very modeſt⯑ly; and then they return to the Temple, where the ſame Ceremonies are us'd as were in the Morning, except the Sacrifices; and the Service being ended they go to their own Houſes, and after Supper they may Walk, Play, or uſe any other lawful Re⯑creation; but they muſt not do any ſervile Work on that Day.

Simple Feſtivals are celebrated after the ſame manner as the Veſpers of the double Feſtivals.

It is further to be remark'd, That on Fe⯑ſtival Days, after the Sacrifice is ended, and the Tabernacle in which their God dwells is open'd, when God appears in the form of a Lyon, or a Bear, or ſome other fierce Beaſt, that then God is thought to be Angry with the People: And therefore in ſuch a Caſe the Tabernacle is to be ſhut up again, and new Sacrifices of Beaſts are to be offer'd, until God ſhall appear in ano⯑ther Shape, viz. of an Ox, a Calf, a Lamb, or ſuch like Beaſts: And if theſe Sacrifices of Beaſts are not ſufficient to change the angry God into another ſhape, then Infants are to be offer'd in Sacrifice unto him, un⯑til ſuch time as, their God appearing in ano⯑ther [184] form, ſhows himſelf to be pacified and reconcil'd unto the People: And if at any time he appears in the form of an Elephant, then we hope that he will do great Things for us.

The Prieſts are to prepare themſelves by Faſting and Prayer, before they preſume to ſpeak to God in ſecret, and after they have been with him, they declare to the People what he ſays.

'Tis yet further to be noted, That their God always aſſumes the ſhape of a maſcu⯑line Creature, and never of a Female, from whence they have been induc'd to believe, that a Woman is ſo impure, that ſhe can never attain to Happineſs, until ſhe be Transform'd into the Body either of a Man, or ſome Male Beaſt.

CHAP. VII. Of the Election of Prieſts.

AFter this, their God ſpoke to Pſalma⯑naazaar, and ſaid, you ſhall chooſe one Prieſt, who ſhall preſide over all the reſt in the whole Iſle, and he ſhall give Power to others to exerciſe the Prieſtly [185] Office. This High-Prieſt ſhall never Mar⯑ry a Wife while he continues in his Office, but if his Conſtitution obliges him to Mar⯑ry, then the other Prieſts ſhall chooſe ano⯑ther in his room, and he ſhall reſign his Office, and Marry when he pleaſes: The other inferior Prieſts may marry and keep one Wife, except they be Regulars; and then they are oblig'd to continue unmarried, and to live in Convents with their Brethren un⯑der one Superior, who ſhall admit them to the Prieſtly Office. But if theſe Regulars alſo ſhould have a violent Inclination to marry, then they muſt firſt leave the Con⯑vent, and reſign their Office, and after that they may marry. The Office of theſe Regulars, is to inſtruct the Youth in the Principles of their Religion, to teach them to Read and Write, and whatſoever elſe may conduce to their Edification. Beſides, theſe Regulars are oblig'd to lead Religi⯑ous Lives, and to Cloath themſelves in diſtinguiſhing Habits; they are to ſhave their Head, but not to cut their Beard▪ They are to wear a Gown that does not open before or behind, and a Hood upo their Heads: And laſtly, they may retire from the World, and live in deſert Places, if they think fit to chooſe ſuch an auſtere kind of Life.

[186]As their God had Commanded, ſo did Pſalmanaazaar. He created one ancient Philoſopher of the Royal Progeny High-prieſt, to whom he gave the power of or⯑daining all the other inferior Prieſts: This High-prieſt therefore choſe three out of the Citizens of every City, whom he ordain'd Prieſts, and one in every Village, until ſuch time as Temples were every where built: And then the number of Prieſts was more encreas'd, inſomuch that in the City Xter⯑netſa the number grew at laſt to 160, and was proportionably augmented in other places, whether Cities or Villages. Pſal⯑manaazaar eſtabliſh'd alſo a Monaſtery in Xternetſa, and in many other Cities, in which the Regulars were to live according to the Rules abovemention'd, which were preſcrib'd by their God. Laſtly he gave order, That this High-prieſt ſhould ordain in every City one Prieſt, who might ordain others; and he was call'd the Chief Sacri⯑ficator, and has the power to ordain other ſubordinate Prieſts and Sacrificators. Theſe are the Rites and Ceremonies deliver'd to the Formoſans from their God, by his Pro⯑phet Pſalmanaazaar, which have been ever ſince obſerved in their Country.

Now the Names of all the ſeveral kinds of Prieſts in our Language are theſe: The High prieſt is call'd Gnotoy Bonzo, the [187] Chief Sacrificator is call'd Gnotoy Tarhadia⯑zar; the inferior Sacrificators, are call'd Os Tarhadiazors; the Prieſts who read the Book of the Law and the Prayers, are call'd Ches Bonzos. The ſecular Prieſts are call'd Bonzos Leydos, and the Regular Bonzos Roches, and the Superior who is ſet over the Regulars is call'd Bonzo Soulleto; the Ma⯑ſters who teach the young Children, are call'd Gnoſophes Bonzos, and laſtly the Preachers are call'd Bonzos Jatupinos.

The Office of the High-prieſt is to ordain others, to ſpeak to God in private, and de⯑clare his Will to all the other Prieſts, and to chaſtiſe thoſe who do not faithfully diſ⯑charge their Office.

The Office of the Chief-Sacrificator is to ordain other Prieſts within his own Precinct, which is as it were his Dioceſe, to rule over them, and to take care of the Sacrifices, but chiefly of the Infants that are to be Sacri⯑fic'd; for which end he is to take an ac⯑compt how many Boys each Family can furniſh, and to admoniſh them in time to ſend in their number.

Moreover he alone is to cut the Throats of the Infants, and pluck out their Hearts; others are to lay them upon the Gridiron, but he is to Pray publickly all the time they are a Burning.

[188]The Office of the Subordinate Sacrfica⯑tors, is to ſlay the Beaſts, to waſh and Boil them, and diſtribute pieces of their Fleſh to the People; and ſome of them are oblig'd to pray with the High-prieſt all the time that theſe things are a doing.

The Office of the ſecular Prieſts is vari⯑ous, for ſome of them are Readers, others Preachers, or Inſtructors of Youth, and others of them look after the Temple and Tabernacle, to ſee that all the Utenſils be⯑longing to them be kept in good Order.

The regular Prieſts, as I have already told you, uſe to inſtruct Youth, and to Preach; but moreover they ſhould live re⯑tir'd from the World, preſerve Chaſtity, and continue in Celibacy; they ſhould ſub⯑mit themſelves to their ſuperiors, faſt once a Week, and by all means improve in Ver⯑tue. But if once they be debauch'd, they do no longer obſerve the Rule deliver'd as they believe, by their God, and their Ance⯑ſtors.

And here it is to be noted, That theſe Regulars do not make ſuch Vows as the Popiſh Monks do; for they only take the Vow of Celibacy, neither do they Vow That ſo abſolutely, but that they are ſtill left at liberty, if they find that they cannot re⯑frain from Women, to leave the Monaſte⯑ry, and then to marry a Wife: But they [189] make no Vows of a blind obedience to their Superiors, of an affected poverty, and Humility, and of renouncing the Riches of this World. The only general Law of theſe Societies is this, whoſoever finds himſelf fit and diſpoſed to embrace a retir'd kind of Life, provided he be Pious, Learned and ſincere, whether he be Rich or Poor, is to be admitted into a Convent, and when he enters, he is to bring with him that part of his Fathers Eſtate that belongs to him, and add it to the Revenues of the Convent. But if he be oblig'd, out of a deſire of Marrying, to leave it, then all the Goods he brought with him into the Convent are reſtor'd to him, and neceſſary Food and Raiment are gratis given him, while he continued in it. But if he require any thing extraordinary, over and above the common allowance of the Convent, as ſome do, then this is to be Furniſhed at his own proper Charge, yet he is never permit⯑ted to go out of the bounds of the Convent, until he leave it for good and all. If any one die in the Convent, he is to leave all his Goods to it, and while he lives in it, he is to obey his Superior in all things which concern their Rules, but no further: For if any Su⯑perior ſhould command one of the Regulars to Eat only Roots, while others fare Deli⯑ciouſly, [190] he may refuſe to obey him: But this is a Caſe that has never happen'd.

Thus all Religious Rites and Ceremonies, are Adminiſtred by one High-prieſt, by ſome Sacrificators, and ſome that are Subordi⯑nate to them, and by Regular and Secular Prieſts. But becauſe all that has been hi⯑therto ſaid, relates only to the Worſhip of their God, we ſhall now add ſomething con⯑cerning the way of Worſhipping the Sun, Moon and Stars, which are their Ancient Viſible Deities.

CHAP. VIII. Concerning the Worſhip of the Sun, Moon and Stars.

MOreover the God of Formoſa ſaid un⯑to Pſalmazaaraar, it ſhall not be Lawful for you on common days to invoke or worſhip me, but only the Sun, Moon and 10 Stars, which I have appointed Governors to Rule the World, and to provide all things neceſſary for you, and ye ſhall Sacrifice the ſame Beaſts to them as ye do to me, but none of your Infants ſhall be offered up in Sacrifice to them, for this is my peculiar [691] Worſhip, which belongs to me only: And after this manner ye ſhall Worſhip and a⯑dore them.

In the Morning, at the firſt hour, at leaſt on the common days, ye ſhall riſe up, and throw Water thrice upon your Head, and then ye ſhall aſcend to the Roof of your Houſe, and there ye ſhall adore the Sun and 5 Stars, and pray to them, not for any thing in particular, but only in general, that they would grant you ſuch things as they know to be neceſſary for you, and return them thanks for the Favours ye have formerly Receiv'd from them. And in the night time, at the firſt hour ye ſhall Worſhip the Moon and the other five Stars, after the ſame manner. For ye muſt know that the Sun is the firſt and moſt ex⯑cellent Creature, which I have Created to govern you, and to him I have given power of conferring Benefits upon you, according as you deſerve well of me and him. The Moon I have plac'd in the next degree be⯑low him, and the 10 Stars likewiſe in their proper Places, as being Inferior to the o⯑ther two. But if ye neglect to Worſhip them, I have given them power not only to keep back the good things they can be⯑ſtow, but alſo to do you miſchief, by afflic⯑ting your Bodies with Grievous diſeaſes, by deſtroying the Fruits of your Ground, [192] and Poyſoning the Air you Breath with Peſtilential Vapors: And therefore ye ſhall account it your daily Duty, on the common days to Worſhip and Adore them, after the manner afore preſcribed: Moreover ye ſhall obſerve three Feſtivals in the Year, one to the honour of the Sun, another to the honour of the Moon, and a Third to the honour of the 10 Stars. The Firſt ſhall be in the Firſt week of the Second Month called Damen, and ſhall laſt from the Third until the Ninth day of the week. The Second ſhall be in the Firſt week of the 5th. Month called Dattibes, and ſhall laſt from the Third unto the 9th. day of the week. The 2d, ſhall be in the Third week of the 8th. Month called Koriam, and ſhall laſt from the 5th. to the 9th. day of the week.

Ye ſhall make choice of a Mountain on which ye ſhall build three Alters, one to the honour of the Sun, another to the honour of the Moon, and the 3d. to the honour of the 10 Stars. Every City ſhall chooſe ſuch a Mountain to it ſelf, in ſome place near adjoyning, in which all the Citizens and Country-men ſhall meet together on the Firſt and laſt day of their Feſtival, and there ye ſhall Sacrifice the ſame Number of Beaſts as ye do to me. Ye ſhall not Eat of the Fleſh of them, but conſume it wholly in the [193] Fire, and every one ſhall carry home with him part of the Aſhes. During all theſe Feſtival days ye ſhall not Work at your ordinary Trades; but after the Sacrifice is ended, ye may uſe any lawful Recreation. The Sacrifice ſhall begin at the 2d. hour in the Morning, and ſhall laſt until the 6th: But at night, every Family, ſhall Worſhip on the Top of their Houſe, as they uſe to do on the common days, the Sun, Moon and Stars, at leaſt all of them together. On the days between the firſt and laſt of the Feſti⯑val ye ſhall go to the Mountain, not to of⯑fer Sacrifice there, but for Adoration, and then ye ſhall Sing and Play upon Inſtru⯑ments of Muſick. The High Prieſt ſhall take care to appoint other Prieſts to do Sa⯑crifice to them, they are employ'd to offer Sacrifice to me; And theſe Prieſts ſhall have leave to keep 2 Wives and no more.

Theſe Rules of worſhip Pſalmanaazaar delivered as from our God to the People, whereupon the Citizens of every City built 3 Altars upon a Mountain, after the fa⯑ſhion repreſented in the following Figure.

The third Figure explained.

1. The Image of the Sun, 2.2. Two Pots of Incenſe, wherein Incenſe is burnt before the Sun on its Feaſt Days. 3. The top of the [194] Altar. 4. The Altar. 5. The Holy Place in which the Beaſts are ſlain. 6. The Place in which they are burnt. 7. and 8.8, 8. The Stone-wall wherewith it is encompaſs'd.

The Fourth Figure explain'd

a. The Image of the Moon. b. two In⯑cenſe-pots ſmoking on the Feſtival Days. c. the top of the Altar. D. the Altar. e. the Holy Place wherein the Beaſts are ſlain. F. the Place where they are burnt. g. g. the Wall that encompaſſes the Altar.

The Fifth Figure explain'd

A. Dig. B. Damen. C. Analmen. D. Ani⯑oul. E. Dattibes. F. Dabes. G. Anaber. H. Nechem. I. Koriam. K. Turbam. which are the Names of the Stars that are ado'rd. L. the top of the Altar. m. m. two Incenſe-pots. N. the Altar. O. the Holy Place in which the Beaſts are ſlain. p. the Place in which they are burnt. q. q. the Wall.

Let us ſuppoſe then that the Paper is the Mountain, on the top of it is built an Altar to the Sun, and in a Place a little below that, is built one to the Moon, and in a Place yet lower, there is one to the 10 Stars.

Thus the People did punctually obey the Commands of our God, and his Orders as to Religious Worſhip, are ſtrictly obſerv'd to this very Day.

[]

fig: 3 Pag: 194

Figure 3. The Altar of the Sun

Figure 3. The Altar of the Moon

Figure 3. The Altar of the 10 Stars

CHAP. IX. Of the Poſtures of the Body in Adoring.

[195]

THE Formoſans in Adoring God, uſe various Poſtures of Body according to the ſeveral Parts of Religious Worſhip they are performing: For 1ſt, When the Jarha⯑badiond is publickly read in their Temples, every one of them, at leaſt if he be capa⯑ble of doing it, bends a little the right Knee, and lifts up the right Hand towards Heaven. 2. When Thanks are given to God, then all of them fall proſtrate on the Ground. 3. After the Thankſgiving, when they Sing Songs or Hymns, they are to ſtand up with their Hands joyn'd together. 4. When Prayers are made for the Sanctification of the Sacrifices, then every one bends the left Knee, and ſtretches out his Arms wide open. But when the Victims are a ſlaying, every one may ſit upon the ground (for they have no Seats or Pews, ſuch as you uſe here in England) only the Richer ſort have a Cu⯑ſhion to ſit on; while the Fleſh is a boyling, every one ſtands with his Hands joyn'd to⯑gether, looking towards the upper Part of the Tabernacle. After the Fleſh is boyl'd, [196] every one of the People takes a piece of the Fleſh from the Prieſt and eats it, and what remains, the Prieſts keep for themſelves.

When all theſe Ceremonies are ended, the Tabernacle is opened, and then every one for ſometime lies proſtrate on the ground to adore; and after they riſe up, they may look upon their God, and if he appears in the ſhape of an Ox, or ſuch-like tame Beaſt, then they leap for Joy, becauſe they believe that God is well-pleas'd with them: But if he appears in the ſhape of a Lyon, then they think ſome Great Crime has been commit⯑ted, whereby God is much offended, and therefore they endeavour by New Sacrifices to appeaſe him. After the Tabernacle is open'd and every one has ador'd, then there is a Sermon, and while that laſts, the People ſtand; and after Sermon, there is a ſhort Prayer, and then a Thanſgiving; after which the people bow down their Body, and touch the ground with the fore-finger of their right Hand, and then depart.

When the Sun, Moon and Stars, are ador'd upon the Mountain, then they bend the right Knee, and hold up the right Hand toward Heaven; when that Chapter of Jar⯑habadiond is read, wherein our God com⯑mands them to Worſhip, the ſame poſture of Body is obſerv'd in their Songs and Hymns, they ſtand with their Hands joyn'd [197] together. In their Prayers they bend the left Knee and ſtretch out their Arms. At their Thanſgiving the People ſtand, looking to⯑wards Heaven with their Arms extended and wide open; and the ſame poſture they uſe on their common Days, when they wor⯑ſhip the Sun and the 5 Stars; but at Night when they worſhip the Moon and the 5 Stars, they ſtand with their Hands joyn'd together. And this is all that is remarkable, as to the ſeveral poſtures of Body they uſe in their Religious Worſhip.

CHAP. X. Of the Ceremonies that are obſerv'd at the Birth of Children.

BY the Command of our God, the fol⯑lowing Ceremonies are obſerv'd at the Birth of Children. 1ſt, When the Mother feels the time of Birth approaching, ſhe ought to offer Sacrifices to the 10 Stars, more or leſs precious according to her Ability. After ſhe is brought to Bed of a Child, ſhe is to keep the Infant until the 1ſt Day of the Week, and on that Day ſhe is to waſh her [198] ſelf and the Infant, and go unto the Tem⯑ple with her Husband, and to carry the In⯑fant with her, and there to offer a Sacrifice to our God. Then Prayers are made for the Infant, and thanks are return'd for her ſafe delivery: Then the Mother and Father do ſolemnly promiſe, that they ſhall be rea⯑dy to deliver up the Child, (if it be a Son and not the firſt-born) to be Sacrific'd to the Honour of God, whenſoever it ſhall be call'd for. Then a ſmall fire being kindled of ſtraw, the chief Sacrificator takes the Child, and makes it paſs through the flame 12 times; after which there comes another Prieſt, and anoints the Child's skin with Oyl, leaſt it ſhould ſuffer any prejudice by the flame. All theſe things being ended, the Mother takes the Child, and the Prieſt hav⯑ing read the Thankſgiving, ſhe returns Home with it; where it is uſual upon ſuch occaſions, for the Father and Mother to make an Entertainment for their Kindred, Friends, and ſome of the Prieſts.

When the Child arrives at 9 Years of Age, then the Child is to go on a Feſtival Day unto the Temple with its Father and Mother, and there to make a Vow unto God, that ſince he was pleas'd not to deſire him for a Sacrifice, he will faithfully obſerve whatſoever is commanded him in Jarhaba⯑diond: And the Father and Mother do pro⯑miſe [199] on their part, that they will do what⯑ever lies in their Power for the Honour of our God. And then the Prieſt reads a Prayer and Thanſgiving, and they all return Home. The 1ſt Ceremony is call'd Abda⯑lain, or the Purification; the 2d is call'd Blado, or the Vow.

But here it is to be Noted, that tho we uſe this Ceremony of Purification, yet we do it not upon the account of any Original Sin in the Infant, which we are altogether Ignorant of: And yet becauſe our God has commanded this Purification to be us'd, ſome of them believe that it is for the Corruption of our Nature; and others that it is for the Sins of our Anceſtors, and chiefly of our Father and Mother: For we think that God Created this World in time, and re⯑pleniſh'd it with Men; but we believe that God did not Create Mankind in the ſame Corrupt State in which it now is, but that Men by degrees Corrupted themſelves, and that they do daily more and more degene⯑rate from their Primitive State, as we find too plainly by experience. This is no Arti⯑cle of our Faith, but only the Opinion of ſome concerning the Creation of the World, and the State of the 1ſt Men Created by God: But our Scripture makes no menti⯑on of theſe things.

CHAP. XI. Of our Marriage, or Groutacho.

[200]

Since our God requires the Hearts of ſo many young Boys to be offered up in Sa⯑crifice, therefore leſt the whole Race of Man⯑kind, ſhould by degrees be extirpated, he has permitted the Men, at leaſt thoſe of the Lai⯑ty, to keep more Wives than one: And ſo ſome of them have 3, 4, 5, 6, or more Wives, every one according to his Eſtate, whereby he is able to maintain a greater or leſſer number; but if any one takes more Wives then his means will maintain, he is to be beheaded: And therefore to prevent this, before any one Marries a Wife, he is to be examin'd whether he has ſufficient means to maintain her: Thus they may have many Wives, that they may beget many Chil⯑dren every Year; of whom ſome of the Sons are Sacrific'd, but the Daughters are all preſerv'd for Matrimony, as will appear more fully hereafter.

In the mean time this is well worthy to be obſerv'd, that neither the Brother can Marry his Siſter, nor the Brother's Son his own Brother's Daughter; all Marriage [201] within theſe 2 degrees of Conſanguinity (but not within the other degrees) being ſo abſolutely forbidden, that the High Prieſt himſelf cannot diſpenſe with it.

Whenever therefore a Man has a mind to take a Wife, whether he has one or more Wives before or no, he is firſt to agree with the Father and Mother for their good will, and then to get the conſent of the Daughter. After this, before he is Married, he is to make known his deſign to the Sacrificator, who is to enquire whether he has ſufficient means to maintain this Wife he intends to Marry: And if he has, then all the Friends and Relations are call'd together, and the Bridegroom and Bride come along with them to the Gate of the Temple, where they are met by a Prieſt, or the chief Sacrificator, who asks them, what they deſire to have done; to which the Bridegroom and Bride anſwer, they deſire to be joyn'd together in Matrimony, after which anſwer they are permitted [...] [...]nter into the Temple. The reaſon why they are thus interrogated be⯑fore their Admiſſion is this, becauſe no Man may enter into the Temple with any Wo⯑man but his Wife, except at the time when he is to be Married. Being thus introduc'd into the Temple in order to their M [...]r [...]e, which is always to be Celebrated on a [...] ⯑ple Feſtival-Day, viz. On the 2d Day [...] [...]e [202] Month, they are firſt to ſay their Prayers, and then to offer Sacrifice; after which the Husband promiſes to be faithful to his Wife, i. e. That he will know no other Woman beſides thoſe to whom he is joyn'd in Ma⯑trimony, that he will exerciſe no Tyranny over this Woman, nor do any thing to her contrary to the Law of Nature, of God, or of Man, &c. Likewiſe the Wife pro⯑miſes to be faithful to her Husband, that ſhe will know no other Man beſides him, that ſhe will be obedient to him in all things, &c. Then they are both to ſwear be⯑fore their God, the Sun, Moon and Stars, that they will faithfully keep this Promiſe, and to imprecate the Divine Vengeance if they ſhall break this ſolemn Vow. Then Prayers are ſaid for them, after which they return Home with all their Company; at which time it is Cuſtomary to make a great Feaſt for them, according to the Eſtate of the Bridegroom. Theſe things concern the Ceremony of Marrying, but as to other things relating to a Married State, they ſhall be mention'd in their proper Places.

CHAP. XII. Of the Ceremonies towards the Dead.

[203]

THE ſame Ceremonies are obſerv'd towards every one that is Dead, whe⯑ther it be a Man or a Woman.

In the firſt place, many Prayers are put up and Sacrifices offer'd for the ſick Perſon: But after Death, the Dead Body is to be kept 32 Hours, and to be anointed with Oyl, whether it be to be burnt by Day or by Night. After this, a little while before the Hour wherein it is to be burnt, all the Friends and Relations of the Decas'd are ſent for, and in their preſence the Dead Bo⯑dy is plac'd in a Coffin, which Coffin is plac'd upon a Table: And then all the Com⯑pany that had been invited, ſit down at this Table which is furniſh'd with all ſorts of Meat, of which they eat freely. At laſt, when the Hour is come that the Body muſt be carried away to the place of Burial, then come the Prieſts both Regular and Secular, and the Players upon Muſical Inſtruments, and the Mourners, i. e. thoſe who Act the Part of Mourners for Money; And all theſe being come, the Coffin is laid upon a Litter [204] carried by 2 Elephants: All which may be better underſtood by the Figure here an⯑nex'd. But it is to be remark'd, that in the Deſcription we have given of the Funeral Rites, we ſuppoſe the Perſon Deceas'd to die Rich; for as to others, the Poorer they are, the fewer Ceremonies are obſerv'd at their Funeral. Suppoſing therefore that the Perſon Deceas'd was Rich, after all the aforeſaid Ceremonies are ended, which are to be obſerv'd at Home, then all the Com⯑pany which ought to be preſent at the Fu⯑nerals, meet together in the Houſe of the Deceas'd, and having plac'd the Dead Body in a Litter, they walk from the Houſe to the place where the Body is burnt in this order: Firſt, one of the Officers of the City leads the Van, carrying the banner of the Deceas'd, then follow ſeveral Players upon Inſtruments making a doleful noiſe: After them (if the Perſon Deceas'd be a Noble⯑man, but not elſe) follow the Souldiers who are to guard the Body, whereof ſome are Arm'd with Lances, ſome with Bows and Arrows, and others walk with naked Swords in their Hands: After them follow the Re⯑gulars, before whom goes the Officer of the Convent, carrying the Arms of God and of the Abby; after him follows the Monks, and laſt of all comes the Abbot. After them come the Secular Prieſts, and before them [205] the Officer of the Pariſh Walks, carrying the Enſigns of God and of the Temple, then come all the common Prieſts, and after them the Sacrificator of the Sun, and then of the Moon and of the 10 Stars; after them come the Sacrificators of our God, and laſt of all the Chief Sacrificator with his Servants attending him: As to the High-Prieſt, he never uſes to be preſent at any Funeral, but when a King or a Vice-Roy are Dead; but after the Chief Sacrificator follow the Prieſts, and then come the Chari⯑ots full of Beaſts for Sacrifice, which are car⯑ried by Elephants or Camels: After them come the Mourners who walk before the Dead Body, which is carried in a black Lit⯑ter like yours, (ſaving that the middle is rais'd up to a point like the top of a Turret,) by 2 Elephants, the firſt whereof, that which goes before the Corps, is cover'd all over with black Cloth, ſo that nothing of it is to be ſeen but the Head; and on the Cloth, are faſten'd the Coats of Arms of all the Ance⯑ſtors of the Deceaſed, as his Grand-Fathers, Great Grand-Fathers, and his Parents, all which are diſtinctly plac'd; And laſtly, af⯑ter the Litter, follow firſt the Parents and Kindred, and then the Friends of the De⯑ceaſed. Now when all this Company is come to the place where the Dead Body is to be burnt, then the Prieſts Regular and [206] Secular are to pray for the purification of the Sacrifices: After this the Beaſts are ſlain and burnt, upon an Altar which is built there upon this occaſion, and the aſhes of the burnt Sacrifices, are thrown upon the Pile of Wood, in which the Dead Body is to be burnt; and after the Coffin containing the Dead Body is plac'd upon the Pile, the fire is put to it, which burns till all is conſum'd to aſhes; and then the aſhes are buried in a place under ground, near the place where the Pile of wood ſtood. And thus the whole Ceremony is ended, and all the Company having Saluted one another return Home.

CHAP. XIII. Of our Opinion concerning the State of Souls after Death.

SInce our Scripture or the Book, which they call Jarhabadiond, promiſes great happineſs after this Life, to thoſe who have liv'd according to the Natural, Divine and Human Laws, but ſays nothing expreſly of the State of Souls after Death, hence we are divided into various Opinions about it. []

[figure]

[207] The Tranſmigration of Souls is generally believ'd by all of them, which appears to have been the common and ancient Opinion of almoſt all Pagans; but as to the manner of this Tranſmigration we differ: For ſome believe that the Soul after Death, paſſes into the Body of ſome Beaſt, either wild or tame, ſome that it paſſes into the Body of another Man, either Poor or Rich, Happy or Miſerable, according to its behaviour in the former body good or bad, and ſo it conti⯑nues to paſs out of the body of one Beaſt into another, or of one Man into another, in endleſs circuits of happineſs and miſery. Others have more ſublime Notions of a de⯑parted Soul, for they believe that the Soul which is to be rewarded with Happineſs af⯑ter this Life, ſhall at laſt be transform'd into a Star, and then being plac'd in Heaven, it ſhall enjoy all imaginable Happineſs, which will conſiſt in the viſion and fruition of our God: But becauſe the Sins of ſuch a Soul deſign'd for this Happineſs, which have been committed in this Life, are not always fully and perfectly blotted out before Death, but only cover'd, by the Sacrifices that have been offer'd for them; therefore they appoint a certain place, in which the Soul, before it arrives at this Happineſs, may do penance for its Sins, which place they think to be the bodies of ſome Beaſts: And for this reaſon, [208] they believe that God forbids the uſe of theſe Beaſts for Food, and will not ſuffer them to be kill'd, but only for Sacrifices, viz. Oxen, Rams, Elephants, Harts, Goats, Doves, Dogs, Horſes, Camels, &c. All which Beaſts are forbidden to be ſlain by any one, but only for Sacrifices; and if any of them die of themſelves, then they are Buried after their Death, leaſt they ſhould be devour'd by wild Beaſts. They believe therefore, that theſe Souls deſign'd for Happineſs, ſhall remain in the bodies of Beaſts, until they have done penance for the Sins committed in their former bodies; But after ſuch a Beaſt dies of it ſelf, or is offer'd in Sacrifice to our God, then they believe that the Soul which was in it, ſhall be transform'd into a Star in Heaven, where it ſhall enjoy eternal Happineſs.

But all this ſeems to me to be a fiction in⯑vented by our Prieſts, becauſe they reap great profit and advantage by it; for when any one dies, the Relations of the Deceaſed, are to pay them a great Summ of Money, more or leſs, according to their Ability, which they promiſe to convey to the Soul under penance: For they perſwade the Peo⯑ple, that the Souls under penance ſtand in need of Money, which none know how to tranſmit to them but themſelves: And be⯑ſides, they receive as much Money for the [209] Prayers and Sacrifices, that are offer'd for theſe Souls while they continue in a State of penance.

As for the damn'd Souls, they determine nothing for a certain truth, but are divided into various Opinions. For ſome think that theſe Souls ſhall inform the Bodies of evil Beaſts, as they call the Lyons, Wolfs, Ti⯑gers, Apes, Cats, Swine, Serpents, and other ſuch like Beaſts. Others believe that they are in a manner annihilated, after they de⯑part out of the Body of a Man: But the more common Opinion is that of thoſe, who believe that they wander eternally in the Air, and that God Creates in them ſuch a pain for the loſs of their Happineſs, and ſuch a ſhame for the Sins they have committed, as fills them with a grief too great for Human Nature to bear. And theſe damn'd Souls they believe to be, what here in Europe you call Devils, and there they call os Pagoſtos: And therefore they offer Sacrifices to theſe evil Spirits, becauſe they believe that theſe Sacrifices give them ſome eaſe of their pain, and ſo hinder them from doing themſelves a miſchief.

CHAP. XIV. Of the Prieſtly Garments.

[210]

THE Prieſts were formerly left at their liberty to wear any kind of Garments they pleas'd, provided they were ſuch as would diſtinguiſh them from the Laity: But now they have different kinds of Garments, every one according to their ſeveral Offices; which Cuſtom is never any more to be al⯑ter'd. What theſe Garments are may appear by the following deſcription of them.

The High Prieſt has a Sky-colour'd Mitre, the lower part of which is ſhap'd like a Crown, and is placd upon a Bonnet; the Hair of his Head is ſhort, and of his Beard long; he wears a little Cloak of a Sky-colour, which is round before, tapering be⯑hind, and reaches down only to the Elbow. He wears alſo a long Cloak like a Gown, which hath ſleeves open in the middle thro' which he puts his Arms, and that alſo is of a Sky-colour. Under this Cloak there is a Cloth of a Violet-colour, which hangs down before and behind, and alſo a white Tunick. His ſtockins are ſuch as are commonly worn, but he has no breeches. He wears ſhoes [211] like Sandals, ſuch as are commonly us'd by the Capuchines in the Romiſh Church. He carries an Iron-Rod in his Hand, being a Cubit long, having a round Head on which his Coat of Arms is Engraven.

The chief Sacrificator has alſo a Mitre upon his Bonnet, but no ſhape of a Crown, and from the round part of the Bonnet there hangs a Cloth which reaches down to the ground: He has alſo a long Gown which is tied about with a Girdle. The Mitre is of a Sky-colour, ſignifying his dignity, and the Bonnet of a Red-colour, ſignifying his Of⯑fice of Sacrificator. The Cloth which hangs down from his Bonnet is of a Sky-colour, and his Gown is Red: He always carries a Sword in his Hand, in token of his bloody Office; his ſhoes and ſtockens are like thoſe of the High-Prieſt, and his Girdle is uſually of a White-colour.

The common Sacrificator of our God, has a ſharp-pointed Bonnet of a Red-colour, bending a little downward behind: He wears a Cloak like that of the High-Prieſt, but of a Red-colour, and it is ſo ſhort be⯑fore, that it covers only the Knee; but be⯑hind, it hangs down to the ground: He has alſo a Red Gown under his Cloak.

[212]The Sacrificators of the Sun, Moon and 10 Stars, have the ſame Garments, but of a different colour. The Sacrificator of the Sun, has a white Bonnet with the figure of the Sun on the top of it: He wears alſo a red Cloak and a white Tunick. The Sa⯑crificator of the Moon has a white Bonnet, and the figure of the Moon for diſtinction upon the top of it, a white Cloak and a red Gown. The Sacrificator of the 10 Stars, has the figure of them upon a white Bonnet, and behind, there is a ſhort piece of Cloth hanging down from the Bonnet, he wears a red Cloak with a white Sleeve, and a white Tunick. All Sacrificators carry a Sword in their Hand.

The common Prieſts have a kind of a Bonnet, upon which there is a ſhort Mitre, ſhorter behind then before: They wear a long Gown of a white colour, whoſe Sleeves are long and broad; they do not tye their Gown with a Girdle, but they have a ſhort Tunick under it made of Cotton.

The Officers or Servants belonging to the Temples, have alſo a habit diſtinct from the Laity, for they wear a Bonnet different from the common People, a black Gown, and a black Rod about a Cubit long; and at all the common Meetings they carry the Arms of the Pariſh, and of Religion like a Ban⯑ner.

[213]The Regular Prieſts wear the like Gar⯑ments with the Secular, but they are of a different colour, according to their ſeveral Abbies. They have a ſharp-pointed Cowle upon their Head; they ſhave the hair of their Head often, but never their Beard: They have a long Tunick, and over it a ſhort one, but both of them are cloſe: The ſleeve of their upper Gown, which is ſhort, but large, uſually hangs down low. Their ſtockens and ſhoes are like thoſe of other Prieſts. Their Superior at publick Meetings has a Mitre upon his Head, and his Cowle hangs down behind: Beſides, he has a little ſhort Cloak like that of the High-Prieſts, but it is of a Violet-colour; and a Violet-colour'd Cloth hanging down before and behind, and a long Tunick of a white-colour, and laſtly a long Cloak between the Tunick and the little Cloak, which uſually is of Divers Colours: He ought to have a long Beard and ſhort Hair on his Head, he carries an iron-rod in his Hand like the High-Prieſt; his ſhoes and breeches are like the reſt of the Regulars: But when he is in the Abby, he wears the ſame kind of Cloaths as the other Monks.

The Servants of the Abby are Cloth'd af⯑ter the ſame manner, as the Servants of the Temple, except as to the Bonnet, which is ſuch a Bonnet as the Boys wear here in Lon⯑don; [214] their other Garments are diſtinguiſh'd only by their Colours. And this is all that occurs to me at preſent, as to their Habits and Religion.

All which habits may be ſeen in the Figure of their Funerals, where all theſe habits of the Prieſts are exactly repreſented.

CHAP. XV. Concerning their Manners and Cuſtoms.

'TIS certain that the Manners of the Formoſans, are not ſo Corrupt as the People are in other Places; and the reaſon is, becauſe they are ſtrictly oblig'd to ob⯑ſerve the Laws of their Policy and Religion under ſevere Penalties, with which the Laws are enforc'd againſt the Commiſſion of any Villany or Impiety; ſo that none dare to violate them, being reſtrain'd by the dread of their Penalties, which are certainly and impartially Executed.

They have divers Cuſtoms which will pleaſe ſome, and diſpleaſe others: For firſt, 'tis cuſtomary with them to adore the Em⯑peror as a God: He never ſets his Foot upon [215] the ground, nor ſuffers the Sun to ſhine upon his Face. None but Noblemen are permit⯑ted to Viſit him, nor are the Inferior People admitted to ſee him, except at the Great Fe⯑ſtivals, which are but 3 in a Year; and then he ſhows himſelf to all the People: But firſt, they are to bend their Knees and fall proſtrate on the ground, and adore him: After they have done this, they may riſe up and look upon him.

They Salute the Kings by bending their Knee, joyning their Hands and bowing their Head. They Salute the Vice-Roys alſo by bending one Knee, (viz. The Left, if he be the Vice-Roy of a Foreign King, and the Right if he be Vice-Roy of one of his own Kings) and alſo by carrying his Right Hand from his Head down to the ground.

They Salute an High-Prieſt as they do a King, and the chief Sacrificators as they do Vice-Roys. The Noblemen and Prieſts are Saluted by carrying the Hand from the Head down to the ſhoe, and by bowing the Head. One Friend Salutes another by kiſſing both his Hands, and joyning them with his Friends. Superiors do not Salute an Infe⯑rior, but by a nod of their Head they ſig⯑nify, that they have ſeen him Saluting them. Servants Salute their Maſters, by carrying their Hand from their Mouth down to the ground, and falling proſtrate on their Face. [216] Wives do Salute, and are Saluted after the ſame manner as their Husbands. In ſpeak⯑ing to Noblemen, they uſe not any particu⯑lar diſtinct Language as the Chineſe do, nor any Circum-locutions, or different way of Conſtruction from what is us'd to Inferior Perſons, but calling them by their Title; and in ſpeaking to them, and even to the Empe⯑ror himſelf, they make uſe of the ſecond Perſon of the ſingular Number: And this is the Cuſtomary way of ſpeaking to Great Men, which is obſerv'd in all Japan.

No Converſation is allow'd between any Man and another Man's Wife, nor between a Batchelor and a Maid, but in the greateſt Feaſts and Diverſions every one keeps among thoſe of their own Family, the Wives with their own Husband, the Sons and Daughters with their Father and Mother; for if any Man ſhould ſee one Man with another's Wife, or a Maid with a Batchelor that is a ſtranger, he would certainly account them Adulterers.

Suppoſing that a Man has 6 Wives, each Wife has a private Chamber for her ſelf, in which ſhe lives with her own Sons and Daughters, and takes pains in ſome kind of work, and when the hour of Dinner or Sup⯑per comes, a Servant goes and knocks at their Doors; and then they come out of their Chambers into the Parlour where they [217] are to eat. After Dinner, they may walk for ſometime with their Husband in the Gar⯑den, and then every one of them returns to her own Chamber again, and continues there until the time of Supper; only ſometimes they are allow'd to meet, and drink toge⯑ther, ſuch Liquors as Thee, Chila, &c. Aſſoon as the hour of Supper is come, then a Ser⯑vant goes and calls them all, and they come to Supper. After Supper they walk, and divert themſelves with Dancing, Singing, or telling old Stories, or any ſuch like Recrea⯑tion. At laſt, at the third hour of the Night (which is the 9th hour here in England) every one of them goes to her own Cham⯑ber, and the Husband ſends for one of them whom he has a mind to lye with that Night; and in the Day-time he ſometimes Viſits one of them, ſometimes another, according to his fancy. This kind of Life is ſweet and pleaſant enough, as long as every one of them is of an agreeable humor; but if the Husband begins to love one Wife more then another, then ariſes Envy and Emulation againſt that Woman whom he loves moſt, and hence ſtrife and diſcord is ſpread thro' the whole Family: But when the Hus⯑band is civil and diſcreet, and imparts to each of them an equal ſhare of his good will and friendſhip, then all the Wives en⯑deavour to pleaſe him in all things, and the [218] Houſe is like a Paradiſe, by their good agree⯑ment, and dutiful care of their Husband. The Women employ themſelves in ſome kind of work proper for them, in teaching and taking care of their Children: And ſometimes they Viſit one another, or ſpend their time in Innocent Recreations. And while they continue dutiful and peaceable, they may have any thing of their Husbands that they deſire: Who always Marry them when they are very young, viz. Between 10 and 15 Years of Age, that they may the more eaſily bend them to comply with their humor. Every Wife takes care of her own Children; but if one die and leave Children behind her, then the Husband Marries ano⯑ther and commits the care of them to her.

This Prerogative is granted to the firſt Wife above all the reſt: That ſhe is to take care of the Family, and is not ſo much ſub⯑ject to the Husband as the others are; for the other Wives cannot go out of the Houſe, unleſs the Husband be with them, but the firſt Wife may. Beſides, her firſt Son is ne⯑ver to be Sacrific'd, but is the Heir of the Fa⯑mily, as we ſhall ſhow hereafter; and when the Husband dies, the firſt Wife governs the Family, and the reſt are ſubject to her. And this Cuſtom prevails alſo among the Japan⯑ners, but with this difference: That the Ja⯑pan Women after the Death of their Hus⯑band [219] may Marry again, but the Formoſan cannot; the former receives ſome Portion of their Father's Eſtate, but the latter do not.

When any Man has a mind to Marry a Maid, with whom he is in love, he muſt firſt acquaint the Father and Mother with his deſign, and diſcover to them what Eſtate he has, &c. And if the Father and Mother conſent to give him their Daughter in Mar⯑riage, then he is permitted to ſpeak to the Daughter, but never before: Neither then is he allow'd to converſe with her in private, but only in the preſence of the Father or Mo⯑ther, or one of the Maids Kindred: And if the Daughter conſent, then the Father and Mother preſent him with ſome Gift of ſmall Value, as a Ring, ſome Clothes, or the like, but they give him no Portion out of the Fa⯑ther's Eſtate with her.

The firſt Born Son of the firſt Wife, as has been already noted, is not to be Sacri⯑fic'd, and is the Heir of the Family: Now the Right of Inheritance conſiſts in this, that he receives one half of the Eſtate after the Father's Death: But the Brethren di⯑vide the other half among them; and if any one of them will Marry a Wife before the Death of the Father, then the Wife whom he Marries, continues in the Hus⯑band's Family until the Father be Dead, and then the Eſtate is divided, and each Brother [220] takes his ſhare of it, and lives by himſelf.

'Tis Cuſtomary on Solemn Days, between the firſt and laſt Day of a Feſtival, for all ſorts of People, to Feaſt their Relations and Friends, as they uſe to do at Births, Mar⯑riages and Burials, which has been already obſerv'd.

The Poor are not ſuffer'd to beg in the Iſle Formoſa, but every Precinct has ſome Publick Houſe, wherein they keep all their Poor, who are Fed and Cloth'd at the Charge of the whole Precinct; and thoſe of them who are able, are put to Work and Labour, but others who are diſabled by Age or Sickneſs, are maintain'd Gratis. This Publick Houſe is call'd the Houſe of God for the Poor, or in the Language of the Na⯑tives, Caa tuen pagot ack chabis-collinos. If any ſtranger, who comes from ſome other Iſland of the Japan Empire, happens to want ſubſiſtence while he is Travelling thro' the Country, he is furniſh'd with neceſſaries in every City and Village that he paſſes thro' at the expence of the publick.

They have alſo Taverns and Victualling-Houſes, which Men frequent for Eating and Drinking, Smoking and Playing, &c. But no Woman muſt come into any of theſe Publick Houſes.

[221]All Japanners were wont to be very curi⯑ous to ſee ſtrangers, and to entertain them very civilly; but ever ſince the great ſlaugh⯑ter was made of the Chriſtians that were there, they hate all ſtrangers that come into their Country, unleſs they come from ſome other Iſland of Japan, as will appear more fully hereafter.

CHAP. XVI. A Deſcription of the Men in Formoſa.

ALtho' the Country be very hot, yet the Men in all Formoſa are very fair, at leaſt thoſe who can live upon their Means; but the Country People, Servants, and others, who are expos'd to the heat of the Sun, and are forc'd to work in the open Air all Day, are very much tawn'd by the burning heat. The Men of Eſtates, but eſpecially the Wo⯑men, are very fair; for they during the hot ſeaſon, live under ground in places that are very cold: They have alſo Gardens and Groves in them ſo thick ſet with Trees, that the Sun cannot penetrate thro' them; and they have Tents which they uſe to ſprinkle with water, ſo that the heat can do them no [222] hurt: And hence it comes to paſs, that altho the Formoſans live in a hotter Country than the Engliſh, yet they cannot ſo well endure heat.

They uſe Diſtill'd Waters, not only to waſh themſelves, but alſo to remove any ſpeck upon the skin, which is not rooted in the fleſh: And this is one means which makes them ſo fair.

And here I muſt not omit to give ſome account of a Controverſie, between the Chi⯑neſe and Japanneſe on the one ſide, and the Natives of Formoſa on the other, relating to the Cuſtoms of theſe Countries. Ye muſt know then that the Chineſe and Japanneſe make their Teeth artificially black, but the Formoſans preſerve theirs white. The Jap⯑paneſe plead for their Cuſtom, that all Beau⯑ty conſiſts in Variety of Colours, and there⯑fore as an Ethiopian is counted moſt Beauti⯑ful, who has a black Face and white Teeth; So the Beauty of the Natives in our Coun⯑try who have a fair Face, muſt conſiſt in having black Teeth. But the Formoſans granting this argument, anſwer for them⯑ſelves, that Beauty may conſiſt in ſome things, which cannot be had: Thus it would be Beautiful to have black Eyes, which yet cannot be made ſo, and therefore, ſay they, nothing artificial ought to be made uſe of, to make us appear otherwiſe than Nature has fram'd us.

[223]Hence the Reader may obſerve, that the Formoſans are alſo white and very fair, but chiefly the Women; and if we may believe the Proverb, Turkey and Japan breeds the faireſt Women in the World. The Formo⯑ſans, generally ſpeaking, are of a ſhort ſtature, but they make up in thickneſs what they want in tallneſs. They are commonly ſtrong-bodied Men and indefatigable in La⯑bour; they are very good Souldiers, and love War better then Peace. They are very kind and good-natur'd towards their Coun⯑trymen: Whom they love, they love ſo well, that they would loſe their Lives for them in a caſe of neceſſity; but whom they hate, they hate mortally, and uſually con⯑trive their Death in any way that's poſſible to them. They are very Induſtrious and Cunning, and quickly learn any thing they ſee done before them. They abhor all falſe⯑hood and lying, and therefore they have no value for Merchants, becauſe they uſe many lies to commend their Wares, and put them off at a better Price.

CHAP. XVII. Of the Cloaths worn in Formoſa, by all Ranks of People.

[224]

THE Formoſans are certainly very curi⯑ous in their Cloaths, but they affect no new faſhions as the Europians do; wherefore they ſeem to be ſtill Cloathed according to their Ancient Cuſtom. In this they excel the Europeans, that the Qualities and Condi⯑tions of Men may be diſcern'd there by the diſtinction of their Habits, whereas here a Nobleman cannot be known from a Tradeſ⯑man by his Cloaths. The Habits of the Fomoſans are not much different from thoſe of the Jappanneſe, eſpecially as to the com⯑mon ſort of People; but the Kings and Vice-Roys, and Noblemen have different ſorts of Garbs. The great difference be⯑tween the Jappanneſe and Formaſans, conſiſts in this, that the Jappanneſe wear 2 or 3 Coats, which they tye about with a Girdle; but the Formoſans have only one Coat, and uſe no Girdle. They walk with their Breaſt open, and cover their Privy parts with a Plate tied about them made of Braſs, Gold, or Silver. The Jappanneſe alſo wear little []

Figure 4. The King

[]

Figure 5. The Queen

[225] light Bonnets, but the Formoſans uſe larger Bonnets, with a train hanging down to the ground, made of ſome light ſtuff, as Silk, Cotton, &c. And when they walk, they wrap it about their Arm.

We ſhall add no more about the Jappan⯑neſe, ſince our deſign is only to give an ac⯑count of the Iſle Formoſa: And ſeeing, as I have ſaid, the dignity and condition of every one may be diſcern'd by their different Ha⯑bits, I ſhall now briefly deſcribe them.

The King wears a ſhort Coat of Silk, which he ties with a moſt precious Girdle, and above that a long open Gown made of very coſtly Silk, wrought with Gold and Silver: He has a Scarf that hangs over the Right Shoulder, and reaches down to the left ſide, of Cloth of Gold or Silver curiouſly wrought with the Needle, which is the Badge of his Dignity. He wears alſo a Bonnet, from whoſe top the ſtuff hangs down to the ground, which Bonnet is en⯑compaſs'd with a kind of a Crown, that gli⯑ſters with precious Stones and Carbuncles. He has no Breeches, but his Knees are nak⯑ed; he wears ſtockens made of Silk, adorn'd with many Ribbons. His ſhoes, like thoſe of the Prieſts afore-mention'd, are a ſort of Sandals, but moſt curiouſly wrought. When he or any Nobleman Rides, then he wears Stockens and Breeches together in one piece, [226] and a little Bonnet. His Collar is made of Silk, but ſet with precious Stones; the Hair of his Head is ſhort, as is uſual thro' all Ja⯑pan, and his Beard is about a Thumb's length.

The Queen wears moſt Beautiful Gar⯑ments, that gliſter with precious Stones; ſhe has no ſuch Headgeer as the Women wear here in England, but ſomething made of Gold or Silver wrought with Silk, and ſo adorn'd with Diamonds, that it ſeems to be a Crown. Her Neck-cloth is made of ſome precious matter: Her Garments are very precious, curiouſly wrought with the Nee⯑dle, and long enough to reach down to her Heel; and the upper part of her ſleeve is ſo broad that it touches the ground, as does alſo her Manto which hangs down ſo low be⯑hind. Her ſhoes and ſtockens are like her Husband's, but of a leſs ſize, and have a higher Heel. She wears her Hair hanging down behind, over her Gown which is not wide, nor hath many plaits. She wears a Girdle tied about her body very precious.

The Sons are clad after the ſame manner as the Father; only inſtead of the ſhort Gown, they go with their Breaſts wide open, and have a half-girdle about their Loyns. They wear not a Bonnet until they be 9 Years old. The Daughters alſo are Cloath'd after the ſame manner as the Mother, except []

Figure 6. The Viceroy

[]

Figure 7. The Viceroy's Lady

[227] as to their Head-gear, for they wear nothing upon their Head, but a little Crown made of flowers, or the feathers of ſome Bird; and they have no Manto.

The Vice-Roy who had formerly been a King, is ſtill very ſplendid in his Cloaths. His Bonnet is very great and precious, both for the matter of it, and the Curioſity of the Workmanſhip, and it is adorn'd with preci⯑ous Stones; the Hair of his Head, and his Beard is ſhort; his Collar is of black Silk finely wrought with Silver. He wears a ſhort Coat of white Silk, which is tied about with a precious Girdle, and over that a long Gown open and wide; he has alſo a Scarf like the King, which hangs on the right-ſhoulder down to the left-ſide; and laſtly, over his ſhoulders he has a little Cloak made of red and black Silk; his Veſt is lin'd with the skin of ſome Tyger or Leo⯑pard; he has no breeches, but only ſtockens, and his ſhoes are like thoſe afore-menti⯑on'd.

The Vice-Roys Queen is Dreſs'd much after the ſame manner as the Queen, ſaving that the Queen has a Coyff, ſuch as above-deſcrib'd; but the Vice-Roy's Queen, wears only her own Hair adorn'd with Silk and Ribbons: Her Gown is made after the ſame faſhion as the Queen's; but her Manto is different in this, that the Queen's Manto [228] hangs down behind only from her ſhoul⯑ders; but that of the Vice-Roy's Queen is like a large Morning-Gown, which is worn here in England: Only it wants ſleeves, and is lin'd with ſome Beautiful skin. The Vice-Roy's Son has 2 Coats, a ſhort one and ano⯑ther long; but the ſhorter one is uppermoſt, and comes down only to the Knee: His Daughters are clad after the ſame manner as the Mother, ſaving that they have no Man⯑to.

The Noblemen wear the ſame Coats as the Vice-Roy, but with this difference, that the Vice-Roy has no Girdle about his long Coat, which the Noblemen have: They wear a Scarf of Silk from the right-ſhoulder to the left-ſide, but their Bonnet is like that of the Citizens.

The Carillan, or Chief-General, has a Bon⯑net like the Vice-Roys, but not ſo Great: In the fore-part it is adorn'd with a Diamond and Precious Stones: His Collar is of Silk, which encompaſſes his Neck, but does not hang down. Inſtead of a Scarf, he has a ſhort Cloak of Silk, which covers only his ſhoulders; and a ſhort Tunick of Silk; his breeches and ſtockens are tied together; his ſhoes are like other Men's: And laſtly, he has a long and wide open Gown, like the Morning Gowns that are worn here, but much larger, whoſe ſleeves being open in []

The Carillan or General

The General's Lady

A Gentle-man

A Gentle-woman

[]

A Burger

A Country Bumpkin

A Virgin

A Bride

[229] the middle, he puts his Arms through, and the reſt of the ſleeves hang low down to⯑wards the Ground. His Wife is clad like the Vice-Roy's Queen, ſaving that ſhe does not wear a Manto: His Sons and Daughters, are Cloath'd after the ſame manner as the Vice-Roy's.

The Wives of Noblemen, wear a little Bonnet made of artificial flowers: They have 2 Tunicks, one that's long, and a ſhort one over that which comes down only to the Knee, which they tie about with a Girdle. There is an Handkerchief faſten'd to their Bonnet, which hangs down to their ſhoul⯑ders. Their Sons and Daughters are Cloath'd after the ſame manner as thoſe of the Carillan.

The Citizens wear one Gown only, ought to keep the Hair of their Head ſhort, have a Bonnet like the Noblemen, whoſe top made of Silk or Cotton, reaches down to the ground: They wear a Collar, but no ſhirt, except in the Night-time when they go to Bed, which is the Cuſtom of them all. They walk in a long Gown with Naked Breaſt and Thighs, but their Privy-parts are cover'd with a Plate tied about them made of Braſs or Silver, or Gold: Their ſtockens and ſhoes are ſuch as are commonly us'd by others.

[230]Their Sons have a little Bonnet, a ſhort Gown tied about with a Girdle, which reaches down to the middle of their Thigh: They have ſhoes like their Father, but nei⯑ther breeches nor ſtockens.

The Country People who dwell in Vil⯑lages and Deſert-places, wear nothing but a Bears skin upon their ſhoulders, and a Plate to cover their Privy-parts made of Braſs or the ſhells of Fiſh, or the bark of Trees. Their Sons have nothing but a Scarf hang⯑ing on their right ſhoulder down to their left ſide, but otherwiſe they are ſtark Naked. When the Countrymen are Rich, they and their Sons wear a Girdle about their Loyns, which half covers their Thighs inſtead of a Plate tied with a Girdle to cover their Privy-parts.

The Female Sex is diſtinguiſh'd alſo among the common ſort of People by 5 kinds of Habits, Infants, Virgins, Brides, Married Women and Widows, all which are clad in different Apparel. Infants wear a ſhort Gown that reaches down to the mid⯑dle of their Thigh; they have ſtockens and ſhoes like others, but they do not cover their Head until they be 9 Years old. Virgins after they are 9 Years old, adorn their Head with Birds feathers, or artificial flowers done up with Ribbons: They wear a ſhort Gown above another, that is long and []

A Married Woman

A Gentlemans Nurse

A Widow

A Country Woman

[231] reaches to the ground, both which they tie about them with a green Girdle. The long Gown is divided into two in the lower part, ſo that their Legs appear as high as their Knee. They have ſtockens and ſhoes like other Women.

The Brides at the time of their Marriage do wonderfully adorn themſelves; their Head is encompaſs'd round with Flowers, Laurels and Feathers, which make a great ſhow: They have two Coats equally long, whereof the under Coat is white and the upper black, and both of them are tied with a black Girdle. They wear a Scarf of red Silk hanging on the left ſhoulder down to the right ſide. The black Gown which is uppermoſt is open, ſo that the white Petti⯑coat underneath may be ſeen. And after this manner they are clad during all the time of Courtſhip, but 9 Days after the Celebra⯑tion of Marriage, they put on the Habit of Married Women.

The Married Women wear a long open Gown, and below it a ſhort Coat which reaches down to their Knee. They have a kind of a Cap upon their Head like a Plat⯑ter, and let their Hair hang down in wreaths before their Breaſt; and when they go out, they ſo cover their Face, that it can hardly be ſeen.

[232]Widdows have another kind of a Cap which is twofold: The firſt which they put on their Head, is almoſt round like an Engliſh Woman's Coyff, the other is a little ſharp⯑pointed. They dreſs their Hair in wreaths; they wear 2 Gowns, one long and another ſhort one over it; the ſhort one ought always to be of a black colour, but the other, which may be of any other colour, has long and broad ſleeves, which reach down to the Knee; and both the Gowns are tied about with a Girdle.

The Country Women have nothing but a Bear's skin upon their ſhoulders, and a Cloth about their middle which reaches down to their Knee: They tye a piece of Linnen about their Head and Hair; they have no ſtockens, but ſhoes, ſuch as are worn by others. Their Daughters wear nothing but a Cloth about their middle, and a Scarf on the right ſhoulder hanging down to the left ſide, and they have ſhoes like their Mo⯑ther.

And here 'tis to be obſerv'd, that all of them generally wear a Bracelet about their Arm; but the Women wear it both about their Arm and their Neck. And this is all that I know to be remarkable as to their Apparel; I ſhall now only add ſomething as to the Military Habit.

[]

The Vice-Roy's Caſtel

A Citty house

A Countrey-man's house

[233]The King of the Iſle Formoſa has his own Guards, and ſo has the Vice-Roy, and there⯑fore for diſtinction-ſake they are differently clad. All the Officers in the King's Guards are clad like the Carillan, ſaving that the Ca⯑rillan wears a Carbuncle upon his Bonnet which they have not, and they wear a Scarf which he has not.

The King's Guards have a round Bonnet, whoſe forepart is like a Mitre, and has the King's Arms upon it: The Hair of their Head is ſhort, and of their Beard long; and they have alſo a Breaſt-plate or Stomacher made of Silver on which are the King's Arms; a Belt made of Silk, a ſhort Gown, and ſtockens and breeches in a piece: They wear a Sword hanging by their left ſide, and the Weapons they uſe when they Guard the King, are the Halberd or Lance.

The Officers of the Vice-Roys Guards are Cloathed like the Tano's or Noblemen, ſaving that they have not a Scarf, and uſe a ſhort Bonnet like the King's Guards. All the ſeveral Degrees of Officers are diſtin⯑guiſh'd by Colours, at the pleaſure of the King or Vice-Roy.

The Guards of the Vice-Roy wear a large long Bonnet having 2 Wings, a long Gown which they take up behind when they walk, breeches and ſtockens in a piece, the common ſort of ſhoes: The Hair of their [234] Head and Beard is ſhort, and their Arms are ſhort Lances, Arrows, and a Sword by their ſide.

All the Souldiers which ſerve to Guard the Cities are Cloath'd after the ſame manner, viz. They have a ſhort Bonnet with a Creſt of 2 or 3 feathers, a ſhort Gown, ſtockens and breeches in a piece. All of them wear black Cloaths: Some are Archers and carry a Bow under their Arm, and have a Quiver full of Arrows; others are Spearmen, and carry a long Spear upon their ſhoulders; but others have ſhort Spears.

The Drummers have a Bonnet ſharp⯑pointed at top, with a piece of Braſs in the Frontiſpiece of it, whereon are Engraven the Arms of the Iſle. They wear a ſhort Gown and a long one underneath it, which they throw behind them: Their Cloaths are of a light red colour.

The Enſigns have a Bonnet like the No⯑blemen, and they are all ſuch who are in this Poſt. They wear a long Gown and a ſhort one over it.

This is all that I thought worthy to be re⯑mark'd as to their Apparel, which altho it may appear ridiculous to the Europeans, yet is there accounted very Beautiful and Splen⯑did, both for the Colours and the materials of which it is made, ſuch as Hair, Silk, Cot⯑ton, which are curiouſly wrought with the [235] Needle; for tho they do not affect new fa⯑ſhions of Cloaths, yet they are very nice in chooſing the fineſt Stuff, or Cloth whereof to make them

CHAP. XVIII. Of their Cities, Houſes, Palaces, Caſtles.

THere are only ſix Towns in the Iſle Formoſa, which deſerve the Name of a City: Two of them are in the Principal Iſland, and they are call'd Xternetſa and Big⯑no; there is one in great Peorko, which is call'd Chabat; and the 4th is in one of the Iſles of Robbers, and is call'd Arriow: The 5th and 6th are in the other Iſle of Robbers, and they are call'd Pineto and Jarabut: But in the little Iſle Peorko there are none, as will appear afterwards.

Xternetſa, as it is the Capital City, ſo it is the moſt Beautiful of all the reſt; being ſi⯑tuated in a very pleaſant Plain: It's Walls are 20 Cubits high and 8 broad; It's length is about 12 Day's Journey for an Ele⯑phant, i. e. about ſix Engliſh Miles. There are in it Deſert-places, Fields and Moun⯑tains, [236] Orchards, Meadows, and the like Places which are not Inhabited; but about the middle of it, the Houſes are very mag⯑nificent and ſtately: Not far from it, there is a Mountain which abounds with many wholeſom Springs. It is built by the ſide of a River, which was made there on pur⯑poſe for its convenience; It abounds with Fiſh and runs over the whole Iſle. That which contributes much to make it Beauti⯑ful, are the many Palaces that are in it, viz. Of the King, the Vice-Roy, and the No⯑bles; of the High-Prieſt and Chief Sacrifi⯑cator; all which are built after a wonderful manner, as may appear by the Figure here annex'd, which is a Repreſentation of the Vice-Roy's Palace.

This Palace is built of four-ſquare ſtones, curiouſly cut, as all the reſt are, whereof the greateſt part is cover'd with Gold: This Houſe alone is three Engliſh Miles in Circum⯑ference, having a great Ditch round about it. Beſides there belong to it, Greens, Gar⯑dens, Walks, Groves, all which are enclos'd with a Wall.

The High-Prieſt and Vice-Roy have Pa⯑laces there almoſt as good; but the King and Carillan, whoſe Offices do not deſcend by Succeſſion to their Poſterity, do not care to have ſuch ſtately Houſes. But the No⯑bles have there very Beautiful and Magnifi⯑cent [237] Houſes. There are alſo in the City Xter⯑netſa 3 great Abbies, and 5 Temples, and ma⯑ny Beautiful Houſes of the Citizens. 'Tis ob⯑ſervable, that in the whole Iſle Formoſa there are no Houſes very high, but in moſt Great Houſes there are 2 ſtories, one above ground for the Cold ſeaſon, and the other under ground for the Hot ſeaſon; which in all re⯑ſpects are very Magnificent, whether you look upon them within or without.

The Rich Men and Nobles, build their Houſes of four-ſquare Stones; but others build the outer-part of plain Timber, while the inner-part is adorn'd with Painted Wood, or fine Earthen Ware Gilded and Painted, which the Natives there call Porchellano, but the Engliſh China-Ware. The Citizens Houſes are long, and the Country People's round, in ſuch manner as they appear in the Figures here annex'd.

A. The Place above the Roof of the Houſe, where they adore the Sun, Moon and Stars twice a Day. B. The Roof of the Houſe. C. The Place above ground. D. The Place of the Houſe which is under ground.

Nevertheleſs, ſuch long Houſes are ſome⯑times to be found in the Villages, and thoſe that are round in the Cities, at leaſt in the remote Places of them.

[238] Bigno is a fine City, but has nothing pe⯑culiar that is remarkable. In the ſame Prin⯑cipal Iſland, is the Sea-Port Town call'd Kadzey, which is very large and contains many Villages, and yet becauſe it is not Wall'd about, it is accounted only a Vil⯑lage.

Chabat, Arriow and Pineto are Cities, which have nothing peculiar that is remark⯑able, but in Jarabut 'tis worth obſervation, that the City is build round about a Moun⯑tain, which is a Mile high; And upon the top of it, is built the Palace of the Go⯑vernour, who from his Houſe can ſee the whole City, and ſo can every Citizen from the Roof of his Houſe behold the Gover⯑nour's Palace. Beſides in the ſame City, there is a Fountain repreſenting an Elephant Dan⯑cing upon 2 Feet, which is 20 Cubits high, and throws forth water out of all the Parts of the Body.

This Fountain is believ'd by the Jappan⯑neſe to have been built above 11500 Years ago, by a certain God or Hero, who had been Baniſh'd thither when the Iſle was yet uninhabited. This God was call'd Arbalo, or Wanderer: And the ſtory ſays, that when he had built this Fountain there, it furniſh'd him with Fruit, fleſh and ſweet Wine; but that after ſuch time as he left the Iſland, it became barren, and produc'd [239] none of theſe things. After this Iſland came to be Inhabited, ſome Men coming there and finding the curious fabrick of this Foun⯑tain, convey'd water into it by Aquaeducts, from a Mountain which is in the midſt of the City: From whence the Jappanneſe have ſtill in their Temple Amida, the God Arbalo with a Painted Fountain. But the Natives of the Iſle Formoſa give no credit to this ſto⯑ry: Tho they know not by whom, nor when this Fountain was built, yet they call the Place of the Fountain by the Name Arbalo.

The Hiſtory I do not deliver for a certain Truth, but neither do I account it altogether fabulous; for it ſeems to me very probable, that there is ſomething of truth in it, and therefore for the explication of it, I ſhall add the following remarks.

And firſt, the Reader is to take notice, that all the Gods which are call'd by any particular Name, ſuch as Amida, Xakha, Na⯑kon, Arbalo, &c. Are only Saints, or Heroes and Illuſtrious Men, who in former times were deified, either for their reputed Sancti⯑ty or ſome Noble Exploits, or wonderful Feats which they had perform'd. Such an one was Arbalo, who is the God of Harveſt among the Japoneſe, and whoſe Image is commonly ſet in the husk of a Grain of Bar⯑ley. He is called Arbalo, i. e. a Wanderer, [240] becauſe he continually went about the Fields and Woods, bleſſing the Fruits of the Ground.

Now 'tis poſſible, that this Man while he was alive did ſomething that diſpleas'd the Emperor, or the Dairo, for which reaſon he was Baniſh'd from his Native Country, and there is no difficulty in conceiving this: But how he ſhould Travel from Japan to For⯑moſa, which is 200 Leagues diſtant from it, and was then unknown to the Japoneſe, and uninhabited, is ſomething difficult to appre⯑hend. Let us therefore ſuppoſe, that this God Arbalo was deſcended of ſome Noble Race, for ſuch are all the Heroes in Japan, who were either come of ſome Illuſtrious Family, or had been promoted to ſome Emi⯑nent Poſt of Honour: And this is the more probable, becauſe if he had been ſome infe⯑rior and mean Family, he would rather have been puniſh'd with Death, than ſent in⯑to Baniſhment for his offence. This being granted, we may ſuppoſe further, that this Honourable Perſon carried along with him as his Retinue a great Multitude of Servants, and was ſent at firſt, at an Iſle next adjoyning to Japan, and from thence paſſing on in a direct Line through many little Iſles, (which are ſo near, that you may ſee from one to the other in a clear Day) he came at laſt in ſight of Formoſa, where out of Curioſity he [241] landed with his Servants; and finding it a pleaſant and fruitful Country, he ſettled there for ſome time, and built the Fountain above-mention'd. And then we may ſup⯑poſe, that he return'd again to Japan, and ſent from thence ſome Colonies to Inhabit Formoſa. But I muſt confeſs, that we have no Hiſtory in Formoſa, ſo Ancient as this, which is only to be found in Japan, and therefore we can give no account of any thing that happen'd between us and the Ja⯑poneſe, after this firſt Settlement; for we have loſt all the Memoirs of our firſt Original, and the tranſactions which happen'd after the firſt Plantation of our Country, until the Japoneſe raviſh'd our Kingdom from us, and reſtor'd it to the Empire of Japan. How⯑ever it may appear from what has been ſaid, that the ſtory of Arbalo is not fabulous, nor ſo improbable as at firſt bluſh it may ſeem to be.

Beſides theſe Cities already Nam'd, there are 3 Sea-Port Towns which exceed ſome Cities for bigneſs; but becauſe they are not Wall'd about, they are held only Villages or Towns. Theſe 3 are call'd Aok, Louctau, and Voo, and beſides them, there are many other Villages of the like bigneſs. But this is to be noted of Villages, Sea-Port Towns and others, that they all depend on their [242] own Cities, and that the other Cities depend upon the Capital City Xternetſa.

In the little Peorko, there is neither City nor Village to be found: But concerning this Iſland it is to be obſerv'd, that at firſt it belong'd to the King who is now Vice-Roy, but afterwards the Prieſts purchas'd it, to feed in it the four-footed Beaſts which are deſign'd for Sacrifice: And now every one is oblig'd to give not the firſt Fruits of their flocks, but one out of every three Beaſts that fall, which is to be kept there until it be fit to be Sacrific'd: And therefore in little Peorko, there are only ſome Shepherd's who look after the Beaſts that are fed in that Iſland, which is very fruitful in Graſs and Hay, and might perhaps produce many other things if they were Planted there: But this is not done becauſe it is deſign'd only for the Beaſts aforeſaid.

Theſe are all the notable things that oc⯑cur to me concerning their Cities, Villages and Houſes; yet it muſt be acknowledg'd that there is a great deal of difference be⯑tween the Cities of Formoſa, and thoſe of Japan, both for their Bigneſs and the Rich⯑neſs of their Materials, tho the Jappanneſe when they come to Formoſa, cannot ſuffici⯑ently admire its Cities, for their Beauty, Si⯑tuation and Conveniences.

CHAP. XIX. Of the Commodities which they have, and ſome that they want.

[243]

THE great quantity of Gold and Silver that is in Formoſa, is that which brings them the greateſt Profit; for in the Princi⯑pal Iſland, they have two Mines of Gold and two of Braſs, tho none of Silver; In Great Peorko there are 2 Mines, one of Gold and another of Silver. In one of the Iſles of Robbers there is a Mine call'd a Gold-Mine, which is not valued in others Coun⯑ties becauſe it is not truly and properly Gold; but it is highly eſteem'd in the Iſle where it is found, becauſe it is fitter for ma⯑ny neceſſary uſes among them than Gold it ſelf is. In the other Iſle of Robbers there are 2 little Silver-Mines; So that in all, there are 3 Mines of Gold and 3 of Silver. All theſe Mines formerly pertain'd to the Vice-Roy, but now the King has one third Part, and the Emperor another.

Silver in Formoſa is almoſt eſteem'd as much as Gold, becauſe it is fitter for uſe, being a ſof⯑ter Mettal which is more eaſily wrought in⯑to any ſhape. They have no Iron or Steel, [244] but what the Jappanneſe bring thither, who have one Mine of Iron: And therefore Iron, and alſo Copper, which is brought from other Parts, is more eſteem'd there than Gold and Silver: But Braſs is very common among them.

Utenſils and Diſhes, are uſually made of Gold or China Earth: Their Temples and Houſes are often cover'd with Gold, both in Cities and Villages: But ſince the Hol⯑landers came there and exchanged their Iron for our Gold, the Natives have more rarely made any Gold.

Lead and Tinn are not the product of the Iſle, but they are abundantly ſupplied with it from the Neighbouring Countries.

Silks, and Cotton, of two ſorts, they have in great quantities, which are very Artificially Inter-woven with Gold and Silver: One ſort of Cotten grows upon Trees in bags and is the finer ſort, another grows up⯑on a Shrub like a Thiſtle and is a coarſer ſort. And this is the great Employment of the Women, who of theſe Materials make Clothes, Carpets, Tapeſtry, and ſuch kind of things; wonderfully fine. Of Silk and Hair are made Velvet and Pluſh: But this kind of Work belongs to the Men and not to the Women. They have not Woollen-cloth becauſe they know not how to make it but they receive great quantities of this [245] Cloth from the Hollanders. They make Stuffs of Hair and Cotton, but no Cloth of Flax, which does not grow there; but Flax⯑en Cloth they receive from the Dutch. They Work, paint, and Gild China-Earth very Wonderfully, nay even much finer then they do in China. They have learn'd from the Hollanders to make a kind of Paper, which they knew not how to do before; for they wrote either upon plates of Copper or upon Parchment. But now they Write on Paper made of Silk after the ſame man⯑ner as it is made here.

Inſtead of Leather to make Shoes of, they uſe the bark of Trees for the Soles, and ſome skins of Beaſts to ſerve for the Upper⯑leather.

CHAP. XX. Of Weights and Meaſures.

BEfore the Dutch arriv'd on our Coaſts, we had a certain way of reckoning things, whereby we could know when their Numbers were equal or unequal; but we had no kind of weight, ſuch as a Pound or an Ounce, and therefore we bought and ſold [246] things by View, and not by Weight. But after the Hollanders came among us, and ſhow'd us how Profitable the uſe of Pounds and Ounces would be in Commerce, we be⯑gun to weigh things that are rare by Ounces, and Pounds; but things that are common and leſs valuable, by 50, or 100l. weight at a time, as the Buyer and Seller had a mind: Our Pound agrees with the Dutch Pound, which conſiſts of 16 Ounces, and is more then that Pound which is us'd in France: Which I found by a Copan of our Money that I brought with me to France, which weigh'd more then one of the French Pounds, tho it was but a Dutch Pound.

Things are meaſur'd in Formoſa, accord⯑ing to the People's various humors, for ſome uſe a greater, ſome a leſs meaſure; but the price is always fix'd according to the Great⯑neſs of the meaſure.

The Inſtrument wherewith they weigh things, is ſuch as is us'd by the Butchers here in England when they weigh their Meat, but ſome are Bigger, ſome leſs as their oc⯑caſions require.

They had no Names for Numbers be⯑fore the Dutch came here, but they ſuffici⯑ently declar'd to one another what Num⯑ber they meant by their Signs and Fingers; but becauſe the Dutch did not underſtand this way of Reckoning, they perſwaded us [247] to invent names to Signify Numbers, which now we uſe after the ſame Manner as they do, proceeding from One to Ten, from Ten to Twenty, and ſo to a Hundred, a Thou⯑ſand, &c. As appears in this example.

Taufb 1 Bogio 2 Charhe 3 Kiorh 4 Nokin 5 Dekie 6 Meni 7 Thenio 8 Sonio 9 Kon 10 Amkon 11 or Tauf⯑kon 11 Bogiokon 12 Charhekon 13 Kiorhkon 14 Nokie⯑kon 15 Dekiekon 16 Menikon 17 Thenikon 18 Soniokon 19 Borhny 20 after this Borhny2-tauf1 or am Borhny 2 Bogio2, and ſo on to Chorhny 30 Kiorhny 41 Nokiorh⯑ny 50 Dekiorhny 60 Meniorhny 17 Theniorhny 80 Soniorh⯑ny 90 Ptommftomm 100 and Ianate 1000 ſo 1000, 2000. &c. And this may ſuffice for this Article.

CHAP. XXI. Of the Superſtitious Cuſtoms of the common People.

THe common People are ſo much ad⯑dicted to the Superſtitious ways of foretelling things Future, that nothing happens to them either Ordinary or Extra⯑ordinary, [248] of which they do not make a good or bad Omen, and Particularly they lay a great ſtreſs on Dreams; of all which I ſhall give ſome Inſtances, ſo far as I can Remember. If any one Dreams that he is at a great Feaſt among Women, this Sig⯑nifies that he has many Enemies, who are Contriving to kill him or do him ſome Miſchief. If any one Dreams that he is bit or hurt by a Lyon, a Serpent, or ſome ſuch Beaſt, he ought to have a care of a certain E⯑nemy who will attempt to do him an Injury; but if he Dreams that he has kill'd a Wild Beaſt, then he thinks himſelf Secure from all Danger until a contrary Dream happens: If any one Dreams that one of his Relations or himſelf is Dead, they believe that God is angry with him, and therefore they uſually conſult the Prieſts what they are to do in this caſe, who always adviſe them to give ſomething wherewithal to Atone their angry God. If any one Dreams that he has Lice, Gnats, or Ants, upon his Body, then they think that the Soul of ſome of their deceas'd Relations is detain'd in the Body of ſome Beaſt, (as was before-men⯑tioned) and wants Money and other things; which they therefore take care to give to the Prieſts, that they may convey them to the Soul in diſtreſs. If any one dreams that he has lain with another man's Wife, then he is afraid leſt ſome man lie with one [249] of his Wives, and therefore he more narrowly obſerves them then at other times. And ſo much may ſuffice concerning Dreams.

They obſerve alſo other Omens, as the firſt thought that comes into their mind in a Morning after ſleep, and the firſt Beaſt they ſee in a Morning: But then they ſay, if ſuch a thing which comes into their mind do not ſtrike their Fancy, the Omen concerns ſome other Body, but if it ſtrikes the Imagination, then they apply it to them⯑ſelves. There were a certain ſort of men who pretended to explain very clearly all kinds of Omens for a very ſmall Matter; but being for the moſt part miſtaken in their Conjectures, the People complain'd of them to the Prieſts, who accuſed them to the Viceroy as Guilty of a Capital Crime, for which the Viceroy Condemn'd them to Dye: And ever ſince the Prieſts alone Challenge to themſelves the Priviledge, who ſo explain all ſorts of Omens, that they can never be convicted of Lying in what they Say: For either they pretend that their God is well-pleas'd, or that he is angry with ſuch a Man, or that the Souls of ſome of his Deceas'd Relations want Money, or that in the ſame Inſtant when they ſaw ſuch an Omen the Soul of ſome of his Relations was Transform'd into a Star; all which the People do eaſily believe, who are therefore perſwaded by [250] the Prieſts to acquaint them with all the Omens they meet with.

And here I ſhall briefly relate a Not⯑able Story concerning this Matter. A cer⯑tain Rich Countryman being much Ad⯑dicted to this kind of Superſtition, had us'd for a long time to conſult the Prieſts, who were wont very often to expound his Omens of the need ſome of his Rela⯑tions Souls ſtood in of Money, becauſe he was Rich. The Countryman at laſt grew weary of ſuch expenſive Enquiries, and thought he had given Money enough to Re⯑deem all the Souls that belonged to the Iſle, and therefore contriv'd a way to cheat the Prieſt: For which end he went and told him, that in the Morning he had ſeen in his Garden more then a 100 Birds Sing⯑ing, which after a ſhort ſtay Flew away: But the Prieſt told him, If theſe Birds had continued a Longer time in the Garden, then for certain the Souls of your Deceas'd Relations had been Transform'd into Stars, but their ſudden departure Signified that they ſtill wanted ſomething, which being Furniſh'd, then, ſays he you may ſee them, this night aſcending into Heaven; For which end you muſt give me ſo much Gold, ſo much Rice, and ſo much of other Commodities, and then you may remain two hours upon the Roof of the Houſe, and [251] you ſhall ſee the Stars, as it were, moving themſelves, which are the Souls ſignified by the Birds you ſaw in the Garden. The Country-man, tho' much againſt his Will, gave the Prieſt what he demanded, and perhaps did ſtill believe that there was ſomething of Truth in what he ſaid; and therefore he went up to the top of his Houſe, and as the Prieſt had ſaid, he ſaw the Stars moving themſelves; but having continu'd there all night, he obſerved a great Multi⯑tude of Stars thus moving: And this ob⯑ſervation he renew'd every night for a whole week, untill at laſt he recckoned more Stars thus moving, then the Number of Men who were known to be Dead in the whole Iſland for the ſpace of three Years amounted to: Whereupon he went to the Prieſt and told him of it, and the Prieſt, perceiving that he had detected the Im⯑poſture, carried him before the chief Sacri⯑ficator, who carried them both before the High Prieſt, or their Pope, who upon hear⯑ing the whole matter condemned the Prieſt to perpetual Impriſonment, becauſe he had expoſs'd to the Country-man the Miſtery of Transforming Souls into Stars, but con⯑demned the Country-man to death for not yeilding due Deference and Submiſſion to the Prieſt; from whence every one may clear⯑ly perceive, what Tyranny the Prieſts exer⯑ciſe [252] over the common People, who are not permitted to declare Publickly any doubt they have even of thoſe things they know to be falſe. I could add ſeveral other things to the ſame purpoſe, but that I think they will be Tedious to the Reader; as the Noiſe which is made by the Dogs when they Bark aloud or Houle, the Crowing of a Hen like a Cock, the time when the Serpents hiſs in the Fields, when the Bears do not go out of the Wood, when the Eagles ſit upon ſome Turrets, Houſes or Trees, all which are in⯑terpreted to be good or bad Omens. But I have ſaid enough of theſe Fopperies.

CHAP. XXII. Of the Diſeaſes in Formoſa and their Cures.

THe greateſt Diſeaſe to which the Na⯑tives are Subject is the Plague, which they believe does not proceed from Natural Cauſes, but from the common conſent of the Sun Moon and Stars, who agree in ſending it for a Puniſhment to Men, and therefore they rather make uſe of Sacrifices than Medicins for the cure of it. This does not happen frequently, for [253] 'tis now 170 years, ſince there was a Pla⯑gue in Formoſa, if we may believe their written Books and Tradition. One Cuſtom they have during the time of the Plague which is very remarkable; They aſcend to the Tops of the Higheſt Mountains, that at other times are not Inhabited for the thinneſs of the Air, which is then accounted very wholeſom; and there they ſeek out a Fountain of Water, of which they drink to exceſs, Eating nothing but herbs and certain Fruits: And this they continue to do till they think that the Plague is ceaſ'd, and then every one returns to his own Houſe.

As to other Diſeaſes which are very com⯑mon here, as the Gout, the Tertian and Quartan Ague, they are not at all known there, yet they are ſometimes, but very ſeldom, troubled with burning Fevers; at other times they have a pain in the Head or Stomach, but it laſts not long. If at any time they find themſelves indiſ⯑pos'd, or any Diſeaſe coming upon them, they commonly uſe this Method for a Cure. They run 2 or 3 Miles as ſwiftly as they can, and in the mean time one prepares a Potion for him that runs, made of ſome Herbs and Roots, which he drinks off, after he has run his Race, while he is very hot, and Immediately goes to Bed, [254] where he ſweats till he has cured the Diſ⯑eaſe. And beſides, their temperate way of Living conduces very much either to pre⯑vent or cure their Diſeaſes, eſpecially when they take Tobacco, which purges the Head and Body of ill humours. Here in England the generality of People fre⯑quent Taverns or Alehouſes, and the con⯑ſtant cuſtom of Drinking ſuch Liquors as are ſold there, proves prejudicial to the Health; but in Formoſa they commonly ſpend their Idle hours, in Walking or Chat⯑ting together, and Smoking a Pipe of To⯑bacco; and if they drink any thing, it is only a diſh or two of Tea or Chila, which if it does not any good, at leaſt is no ways hurtful to the Health: And hence it comes to paſs, that Men generally Live longer there than they do here, and are free from many diſeaſes to which Engliſhmen are lia⯑ble. 'Tis a miſtake to think that the Air alone will preſerve our Health, unleſs we be alſo Temperate in Eating and Drinking; And this I have found true by experience, that no diſtinction of Climates has ever deprav'd my Temper and Conſtitution of Body, but by the help of Temperance I have ſtill preſerved my Health, thanks be to God, not only in my own Country, but in all the other Countries thro' which I have Travelled. But to return to the [...]iſeaſes [255] of Formoſa, the ſmall Pox is very rife there, and ſcarce one eſcapes them; but they have them commonly whilſt they are very young as in the 1ſt. or 6th. Month, or the 1ſt. or 2d. Year after they are Born, but they very ſeldom have them after they are three Years old, neither do I remember that I have ever heard of one that died of that diſeaſe.

After the Small-pox, there commonly Succeeds a certain Diſeaſe which we call Schimpyo which is only a Redneſs of the Fleſh, together with a great Internal heat: And the Infants which are troubled with this Diſeaſe run the hazard of Death, unleſs they be kept at a diſtance from a Serene Air, and muſt live in places that are very warm until they be cur'd. But theſe 2 Diſeaſes Incident to Children laſt no longer then 3, or at moſt 4 Weeks.

Colicks are alſo very frequent in Formoſa, in which the pain is ſometimes ſo Into⯑lerable, that ſome kill themſelves, others Com⯑mand another to kill them.

Women in Child-bed are in great danger of Death. Which I think proceeds from want of Exerciſe, becauſe when they are with Child they never Stir out of the Chamber, but ſit and Work there all the day long: Many of them die before they bring forth, or if they eſcape Death yet at leaſt they are Cruelly Tormented with [256] pains, which ſome of them endure for a whole Month before they are brought to Bed.

Maids, for the moſt part, when they come to be 18 or 20 years Old, are trou⯑bled with a certain Diſeaſe, which we call Chatarsko, and here in England is called the Green-ſickneſs, which makes them Me⯑lancholy, and deſtroys all their appetite to any thing except Matrimony, corrupts the Blood, and makes them pale-colour'd. This Diſeaſe is peculiar to the Female Sex, for which there is no other Remedy but Marriage.

Theſe are all the Diſeaſes which I can Remember; but there may be others un⯑known to me. I will conclude with this General Obſervation, that both Men and Women, for the moſt part, die rather of a great Old Age, than of any other pains, except in Child-bearing and fits of the Colick; and you may frequently ſee Men a 100 years Old, without Labouring un⯑der any grievous Diſeaſe. If any ask me whether there be any ſuch thing as the French-pox there, I anſwer I never heard of any ſuch Diſeaſe, and probably there is no ſuch thing in Formoſa; becauſe they allow Polygamy and prohibit Adultery.

CHAP. XXIII. Of the Revenues of the King, the Vice-Roy, the General of the Army, and of all others in high Places of Power and Truſt.

[257]

THE King, beſides the third part of the Gold and Silver dug out of the Mines, which is paid him by the Vice-Roy, as has been obſerv'd in the Chapter of Metals, receives alſo from the Empe⯑ror of Japan 400000 Copans; out of which Revenue he is to pay 15000 Japan Soldi⯑ers above mention'd, his own Guards, and to maintain the Port of his Court. The Caril⯑lan or General has every Year about 70000 Copans. The Vice-Roy has 168760 Copans; out of which he pays to the Gnotoy Bon⯑zo, or the High Prieſt, 50000 for himſelf: To the ſeven Gnotoi, Tarhadiazos, or chief Sacrificators 7700: To the four Governours of the four Iſles 3600, viz. to each of them 900: To the ſix Governours of the ſix Cities 3000, viz. to each of them 500: To the ſix⯑teen Governours of the Villages and Towns 4000, viz. to ſome of them 300, to others 250, and to others 200. But the [258] Secular Prieſts are maintain'd by the People. After all which Disburſements, there re⯑mains in the hands of the Vice-Roy 100460; out of which he is to pay his Sol⯑diers, and all Officers employ'd by the Government, as Searchers, Guards, and ſuch-like: But this Revenue of the Vice-Roy is not always a certain ſtated ſum, for ſometimes he receives more, ſometimes leſs; but the others above-mention'd re⯑ceive always the ſame Salaries.

This Revenue of the Vice-Roy ariſes partly from the Mines, partly from a Tax of a fifth part of all Goods, which is paid by Merchants, Countrymen, and all others who have no Office under the Government, and is call'd Tuen Koon Bogio, i. e. two parts out of ten; and from another Tax which is rais'd upon all Goods exported and imported, which is call'd Tuen Dekie Bogio, becauſe they pay a third part to the Vice-Roy.

CHAP. XXIV. Of all the Fruits of the Ground.

[259]

NO Corn, ſuch as Wheat and Barley does grow in the Iſle Formoſa; and the reaſon of it is this, becauſe the Sun being very hot, the Soil is ſandy and dry, and ſo the Grain is dry'd up, not having ſufficient moiſture, before it is fully ripen'd: But inſtead of Corn they make uſe of Roots to make Bread withal. There are two Roots of which they make Bread, where⯑of one is call'd Chitok, and the other Mag⯑nok: Both theſe Roots are ſown like Rape-Seed, and when they are grown ripe they are as big as a Man's Thigh. Theſe Roots grow twice, and ſometimes thrice in a year, when it is a good ſeaſon; and as ſoon as they are fully ripe, they are cut off and laid in the Sun to be dried, and when they are dried they are cut in pieces and ground into a kind of Flower: And then this Flower being mix'd with Milk, Water, Sugar and Spices, is bak'd; and ſo it makes a very good ſort of Bread, which is as white as Snow, and is call'd by the Natives Kahatzadao. They have Bread [260] alſo made of Wheat, whichis brought thither from Foreign Parts; but that is too dear for the common ſort of People. They have a kind of Bread alſo made of Rice boil'd with Saffron, which Bread is like an Engliſh Pudding, and is call'd by the Natives Kdekh; but this Bread will not keep like the former.

They have Vines alſo, and make Wine of the Grapes in ſome few places; but this Wine is not ſo ſweet as the Spaniſh Wine in Europe; from whence they have that and other Wines, and alſo Ale, brought thither by the Dutch; but they are very dear, and are not ſo much lov'd by the Natives as they are by the Europeans. They have many other kinds of Drink, as Ar-mag⯑nok, Puntet, Charpok, Chilak, Caffe and Tea. Ar-magnok, i. e. the fellow of Mag⯑nok, becauſe theſe two are an agree⯑able mixture for health, which Liquor is made after this manner. They boil a great quantity of Rice in ſpring-Water till it grows very thick, and then they make Balls of it as big as a Man's Fiſt, which they dry in the Sun, and then boil them in freſh ſpring-Water; and when it is boil'd enough, they put it into great earthen Veſſels, and let it ferment, and after that, it is as ſtrong or rather ſtronger than Engliſh Beer; and the longer [261] it is kept the ſtronger it grows. Puntet is a Liquor that runs from ſome Trees, which they tap at a certain ſeaſon of the Year: And the Liquor that comes from them they receive into Veſſels, and mix it with Sugar, and then having kept it for ſome time, it has the ſame taſte as ſoft Ale made of Oat-Malt. Charpok is the name of the Fruit of a Tree, and of the Liquor that comes out of it: The Trees is like a Wall⯑nut Tree, but in this differs from all other Trees, that whereas their Fruit hangs downward, the Fruit of this ſtands up⯑right. The Fruit in ſhape and bigneſs re⯑ſembles a Gourd, and when it is ripe, it is cut off and pierc'd through, that the Liquor may run out of it, which is very ſtrong; for if it be not preſs'd, the Li⯑quor is more intoxicating than diſtilled Waters, or Brandy-Wine. Chilak is a kind of a Powder made like Coffee, and is boil'd after the ſame manner, either with Milk or Water; but in this it differs from Coffee, that it may be drunk cold, where⯑as Coffee is always drunk hot. Tea and Coffee are of the ſame ſort, and the Li⯑quors are made after the ſame manner there as every-where elſe. Beſides theſe Liquors they have many others ſorts: Such are the Bullan, which is made of Apples and Pears, or of Oranges and Lemmons, [262] and another Liquor, which is made like the Orgeat of the ſame Materials: And laſtly, they who can get no other Liquor drink Milk and Water.

Beſides all ſorts of Fruits which are to be found here in England, as Apples, Pears, Cherries, Nuts, Plums, &c. they have many other things, ſuch as Oranges, Lem⯑mons, Sugar in great quantities, and Spices, as Pepper, Cinamon, Cloves, Nutmegs, Tea, Coco's, Coffee, and the like, which are either wholly wanting here, or at leaſt grow very rarely in England. Their Trees bear twice in a Year, and the Fig-tree three or four times: And theſe Fruits ye have here of the ſame kind with theirs, are not half ſo good or ſo great, or ſo well-taſted; ſo that the Ground there ſeems to have a peculiar virtue for ripening and improving the Fruit, which here it has not. As for inſtance, ye have here the ſame ſort of Trees, which are there call'd Puniet; but pierce theſe Trees here when you will, and ye will find they will not run the 20th part of the Liquor which they yield there, neither is it ſo well-taſted. And this is confirmed by the experience of many.

CHAP. XXV. Of the Things which they commonly eat.

[263]

BEſides Bread and Fruit, of which we have ſpoken already, they eat alſo Fleſh, but not of all ſorts of Beaſts, for the Fleſh of ſeveral Beaſts, as has been formerly obſerv'd, is forbidden: But they are permitted to eat of Swine's Fleſh, of all ſorts of Fowl, except Pigeons and Tur⯑tles; of all ſorts of Veniſon, except the Hart and the Doe, of all the Fiſh that ſwims in the Sea or the Rivers without any exception. They ſome times roaſt or boil their Fleſh, but they know not what it is to ſtew any Meat, and therefore do not uſe it, though it is not forbidden. They commonly eat the Fleſh of Veniſon and of Fowls raw: And, which may ſeem ſtrange here in England, they eat Serpents alſo, which they look upon as very good Meat and very ſavoury, being broil'd up⯑on the Coals: But before they eat them, they take care to extract all the Poiſon out of them, which they do after this man⯑ner: They take them when they are alive [264] and beat them with Rods until they be very angry; and when they are in this furious paſſion, all the Venom that was in the Body aſcends to the Head, which be⯑ing then cut off, there remains no more Poiſon in the Body, which may therefore be ſafely eaten. They feed alſo upon Hen-eggs, Gooſe-eggs and the like, and all ſorts of wholeſome Herbs and Roots.

CHAP. XXVI. Of the Animals in Formoſa, which do not breed here in England.

GEnerally ſpeaking all the Animals which breed here, are to be found in Formoſa; but there are many others there which do not breed here, as Ele⯑phants, Rhinocerots, Camels, Sea-Horſes, all which are tame, and very uſeful for the ſervice of Man. But they have other wild Beaſts there which are not bred here, as Lyons, Boars, Wolves, Leopards, Apes, Tygers, Crocodiles; and there are alſo wild Bulls, which are more fierce than any Lyon or Boar, which the Na⯑tives believe to be the Souls of ſome Sinners [265] undergoing a great Penance: But they know nothing of Dragons or Land-Uni⯑corns, only they have a Fiſh that has one Horn: And they never ſaw any Griphons, which they believe to be rather fictions of the Brain than real Creatures.

Beſides the Animals abovementioned, they have alſo familiar Serpents, which they carry about their Body; and Toads which they keep in their Houſes to at⯑tract all the Venom that may happen to be there; and Weaſels for eating of Mice, and Tortoiſes for their Gardens. There is alſo a kind of Animal much like a Liz⯑zard, but not ſo big, which the Natives call Varchiero, i. e. the Perſecutor of Flies; its Skin is ſmooth and clear like Glaſs, and appears in various colours according to the ſituation of its Body: 'Tis wonder⯑ful to ſee how eagerly and induſtriouſly it purſues the Flies whereſoever it ſees them, upon a Table, or on Fleſh, or in Drink, and it ſeldom fails of catching them. This kind of Animal is to be found only in Japan and America, beſides the Iſle For⯑moſa.

Though the foreſaid Animals do not breed here in England, yet they are too well known here to need any parti⯑cular deſcription.

CHAP. XXVII. Of the Language of the Formoſans.

[266]

THE Language of Formoſa is the ſame with that of Japan, but with this difference that the Japanneſe do not pro⯑nounce ſome Letters gutturally as the For⯑moſans do: And they pronounce the Auxi⯑liary Verbs without that elevation and de⯑preſſion of the Voice which is uſed in For⯑moſa. Thus for inſtance, the Formoſans pronounce the preſent Tenſe without any elevation or falling of the Voice, as Jerh Chato, ego amo; and the preterperfect they pronounce by raiſing the Voice, and the future Tenſe by falling it; but the preterimperfect, the pluſquam perfectum, and paulo poſt futurum, they pronounce by ad⯑ding the auxiliary Verb: Thus the Verb Jerh Chato, ego amo, in the preterimperfect Tenſe is Jervieye chato, Ego eram amans, or according to the Letter, Ego eram amo; in the preterperfect Tenſe it is Jerh Chato, and the Voice is raiſed in the pronunci⯑ation of the firſt Syllable, but falls in pro⯑nouncing the other two; and in the pluſ⯑quam perfectum the auxiliary Verb viey is [267] added, and the ſame elevation and falling of the Voice is obſerv'd as in the preterit. The future Tenſe of Jerh Chato is pronoun⯑ced by falling the Voice in the firſt Syl⯑lable, and raiſing it in the reſt; and the paulo poſt futurum is pronounced after the ſame manner, only adding the Verb Viar, as Jerh viar Chato, ego ero amo. But the Ja⯑panneſe ſay, Jerh Chato, Jerh Chataye, Jerh Chatar, pronouncing the auxiliary Verb always after the ſame manner.

The Japan Language has three Genders; all ſorts of Animals are either of the Maſ⯑culine or Feminine Gender, and all inani⯑mate Creatures are of the Neuter: But the Gender is only known by the Articles, e. g. oi hic, ey haec, and ay hoc; but in the Plural number all the three Articles are alike.

They have no Caſes, and they uſe only the ſingular and plural Number, but not the Dual: As for example, oi banajo, hic ho⯑mo, os banajos, hi homines. But ſince I do not intend to write a Grammar of the Language, but only to give ſome Idea of it, it may be ſufficient to add this general Ob⯑ſervation. That it is very eaſy, ſounds mu⯑ſically, and is very copious. If any one ſhall ask from what Language it is deriv'd? I anſwer, That I know of no other Lan⯑guage, except that of Japan, that has any great affinity with it; but I find many [268] Words in it which ſeem to be deriv'd from ſeveral other Languages, only chang⯑ing either the ſignification or termina⯑tion.

The Japanneſe wrote formerly in a ſort of Characters moſt like thoſe of the Chine⯑ſes; but ſince they have held correſpon⯑dence with the Formoſans, they have ge⯑nerally made uſe of their way of writing, as more eaſy and more beautiful; inſomuch that there are few now in Japan who un⯑derſtand the Chineſe Characters.

But here it is to be noted, that the ſame Prophet Pſalmanaazar, who delivered the Law to the Formoſans, did alſo teach them this way of writing, as is commonly be⯑liev'd.

They uſe only twenty Letters in their Language, which are to be read from the right Hand to the left; whoſe Names and Figures are as follows.

[]

Figure 8. Alphabet

[269]They have many particular Rules, as to the uſe of theſe Letters, which it would be endleſs as well as uſeleſs here to ſet down, and therefore I ſhall only add the names of ſome things that are moſt common, and ſubjoin to them the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and ten Command⯑ments in that Language, to give the Reader ſome Idea of it.

The Emperor is call'd in that Language, Baghathaan Cheveraal, i. e. the moſt high Monarch; the King, Bagalo, or Angon; the Vice-Roy, Bagalendro, or Bagalender; the Nobles, Tanos; the Governours of Ci⯑ties or Iſles, os Tanos Soulletos; the Citi⯑zens, Poulinos; the Countrymen, Barhaw; the Soldiers, Pleſſios; a Man, Banajo; a Woman, Bajane; a Son, Bot; a Daughter, Boti; a Father, Pornio; a Mother, Por⯑niin; a Brother, Geovreo; a Siſter, Javraijn; Kinſmen, Arvauros; an Iſle, Avia; a City, Tillo; a Village, Caſſeo; the Heaven, Orh⯑nio; the Earth, Badi; the Sea, Anſo; Water, Onillo.

The reaſon why the Japan Language differs from that of the Chineſe and For⯑moſans, is this, becauſe the Japanneſe be⯑ing baniſh'd from China, ſetled in the Iſles of Japan; upon which account they ſo much hate the Chineſe, that they have chang'd all things they had in common [270] with them, as to their Language, Religi⯑on, &c. So that there is no affinity be⯑tween the Japan and Chineſe Language. But the Japanneſe being the firſt Inhabi⯑tants of Formoſa, brought their Language along with them into that Iſland, which is now much more perfect than it was at their firſt coming. Yet the Formoſans pre⯑ſerve ſtill the purity of their Language without any conſiderable alteration, where⯑as the Japanneſe are continually changing and improving it every Day.

But that the Reader may have ſome Idea of the Formoſan Language, I have here ſubjoin'd the Lord's Prayer, the Apo⯑ſtles Creed, and the ten Commandments in that Language, printed in Roman Cha⯑racters.

The Lord's Prayer. Koriakia Vomera.

[271]

Amy OƲR Pornio Father dan who chin in Ornio Heaven viey, art, Gnay⯑jorhe Hal⯑lowed ſai be thy Lory, Name, Eyfodere Come ſai thy Ba⯑galin, King⯑dom, Jorhe Be done ſai thy domion Will apo as chin in Ornio, Heaven, kay alſo chin in Badi Earth eyen, ſo, Amy Our khatſada bread nadak⯑chion dai⯑ly toye give ant us nadayi, to day, kay and Radonaye forgive ant us amy our Sochin, treſpaſſes, apo as ant we radonem forgive amy our Sochia⯑khin, treſpaſ⯑ſers, bagne do lead ant us kau not chin into malaboski, temptation, ali but abinaye deliver ant us tuen from Broskaey, Evil, kens for ſai thine vie is the Bagalin, Kingdom, kay and Fary, Glory, kay and Barhaniaan Omnipotence chi⯑nania ſendabey. to all ages. Amien. Amen.

The Apoſtles Creed.

[272]

Jerh I noskion Believe chin in Pagot God Barhanian the almighty Pornio Father, Chorhe Creator tuen of Ornio Heaven kay and tuen of Badi: Earth: Kay And chin in J. Jeſus Chriſto Chriſt ande his ebdoulamin beloved bot Son amy our Koriam, Lord, dan who vienen conceived jorh was tuen of gnay the Holy Piches, Ghoſt, ziesken born tuen of Maria Mary boty, the Virgin, lakchen ſuffered bard under Pontio Pontius Pilato, Pilate, jorh was carokhen, crucified, bosken, dead kay and badakhen, buried, mal-fion deſcended chinn to the xana infernal Khie, places, charby on the third nade day jandafien roſe tuen from the bosken, dead, Kan-fien aſcended chinn into Or⯑nio, Hea⯑ven, xaken ſitteth chin at the teſtar-olab right hand tuen of Pagot God ande his Pornio Father barhaniaa, almighty, dan who will foder come to banaar judge tonien quick kay and bosken. dead.

Jerh I noskion believe chin in Gnay the Holy Piches, Ghoſt,

[273]Gnay the Holy Ardanay Catholick Chſlae, Church,

Ardaan the Communion tuen of Gnayji, Saints,

Radonayun the Remiſſion tuen of Sochin. Sins.

Jandafiond the Reſurrection tuen of Krikin the Fleſh,

Ledum the Life Chalminajey. Eternal. Amien. Amen.

The Ten Commandments.

Giſtaye HEar O O Iſrael, Iſrael, Jerh I vie am oi the Korian Lord ſai thy Pagot God dan who bayneye brought ſen thee tuen out of badi the Land tuen of Egypto, Egypt, kay and tuen out of Kaa the houſe tuen of ſlapat. bondage.

I. Kau Not zexe have apin another Pagot God oyto before Jenrh▪ me.

II. Kau Not Gnadey make ſen to thee Tandatou a graven Image, kau not adiato an Image bſekoy like to oios thoſe things day which chin in Ornio Heaven vien, are, ey or chin in Badi, Earth, ey or mal under Badi, the Earth, kau not eyvomere worſhip, kau not conraye ſerve oion, it, kens for Jerhvie I am ſay thy Korian Lord Pagot God ſpadou, jealous, kay and Jerh I [274] lournou viſit os the ſochin ſins tuen of the Pornio Father janda upon los the botos Sons, pei until chin the charby third kai and kiorbi fourth Grebia⯑chim genera⯑tion dos of oios thoſe dos who genr me videgan, hate, kai and teltul⯑da mer⯑cy Jerh I gnadou do chin to janate thouſand Grebiachim generations dos of oios them dos who genr me chataan love, kai and mio my s beloſtos⯑nautuo pre⯑cepts laan. keep.

III. Kau Not chexner take ai the lory name tuen of Pagot God ſai thy Korian Lord bejray, in vain, kens for oi the Korian Lord kau will not avitere hold azaton innocent oion him dan who ande his Lory name chexneer ſhall take bejray. in vain.

IV. Velmen Remember ido that ſen thou mandaar ſanctify ai the Che⯑naber, Sab⯑bath; dekie ſix nados days farbey labour kai and ynade do ania all ſai thy Farbout, work, ai but ai the meniobi ſeventh vie is ai the nade day tuen of Chenaber Sabbath tuen of ſai thy Korian Lord, kau not farbey labour chin in ai that nade day, ſen thou kau not ſai thy bot, ſon, kau not ſai thy boti, daughter, [275] kau not ſai thy ſger-bot, man-ſervant, kau not ſai thy ſger-boti, maid-ſervant, kau not oi the janfiero ſtranger dan who ſplan before ſai thy brachos gates viey, is, kens for oi the Korian Lord chorheye created Ornio, Heaven, Badi, Eearth, Anſo, Sea kai and ania all things dai which chin in oios them vien are chin in dekie ſix nados, days, kai and ai on meniobe the ſeventh ſtedello, reſted, kenzoy therefore oi he skneaye bleſſed al the meniobe ſeventh nado day kay and gnay⯑frataye hallow⯑ed oion. it.

V. Eyvomere Honour Pornio Father kai and Porniin Mother ſoios, thine ido that areo may be jorhen os prolong'd ſoios thy nados days chin in badi land, [...]nay which oi the Korian Lord ſai thy Pagot God toye ſhall give ſen. thee.

VI. Kau Not anakhounie. Murder.

VII. Kau Not verfierie. Fornicate.

VIII. Kau Not lokieyr. ſteal.

IX. Kau Not demech ſay ſtel a falſe modiou teſtimony nadaan againſt ſai thy Geovreo. Brother.

[276]X. Kau Not voliamene covet ai the kaa houſe tuen of ſai thy Geo⯑vreo, Bro⯑ther, kau not voliamene covet ey the bajane wife tuen of ſai thy Geo⯑vreo, Bro⯑ther, kau not voliamene covet ande his ſger-bot, man-ſervant ey or ande his ſger-boti, maid-ſervant, ey or ande his macho, oxe, ey or ande his ſignou, aſs, ey or ichnay whatſoever oyon to him tavede. belongs.

CHAP. XXVIII. Of the Shipping of the Formoſans.

BEſides the Ships they have for making long Voyages into remote Parts, they have other Veſſels which they call Balco⯑nos and Floating Villages, or Arcacaſſeos, which belong only to Noblemen, and are made uſe of by them to travel, or take their pleaſure upon the River. The Em⯑peror, the King, Vice-Roy, and the Noble⯑men, have every one a Balcon for himſelf, and a Floating Village for their Guards: Which Veſſels will be beſt explain'd by the following Figures.

[]

The Kings Balcon

A Floating Village

[]

A Gentlemans Balcon

A Litter

[277]You muſt note, That there is no diffe⯑rence between the Balcon of the Emperor, a King, and a Vice-Roy, but that one is a little more magnificent than the other: The Arcacaſſeos or Floating Villages, in which are the Guards of him to whom the Balcon belongs, are all alike; only the o⯑thers are not ſo long, nor ſo broad and ſplendid as that of the King.

They have no Coaches to travel in by Land, but they have another kind of Car⯑riage which is much more convenient, for they are carried by two Elephants or Camels, or Horſes, in a thing like a Lit⯑ter, call'd by the Natives Norimonnos, in⯑to which thirty or forty Men may enter; the Figure whereof is to be ſeen in the fol⯑lowing Cut.

All theſe Litters, whether they belong to Noblemen, or inferiour People, are made after the ſame manner, ſaving that ſome of them are more ſtately than others.

CHAP. XXIX. Of the Money of the Formoſans.

[278]

THE Japanneſe have three ſorts of Money, whereof ſome is made of Gold, and the other two ſorts are of Sil⯑ver and Braſs. All theſe kinds of Money are current in the Iſle Formoſa; and beſides them they have ſome of Iron and Steel.

The higheſt piece of Gold that's Coin'd at Japan is call'd Rochmoo, and is in value nine Copans and a half. A Copan is a piece of coin'd Gold worth ſeven Talos, and a Talo is a piece of Silver coin worth 58 Stivers, according to the Dutch way of reckoning, and very near worth an Engliſh Crown: But the Braſs Money is of little value, as the Caxae, which are only worth about two Pence of Engliſh Money; and yet there are half Caxae and quarter Caxae; but this laſt kind of Money is only us'd in Japan and not in Formoſa.

But in the Iſle Formoſa a Rochmoo is va⯑lu'd only at eight Copans, and each Copan at ſix Talos, and a Talo at forty eight Sti⯑vers; not that theſe ſeveral pieces of Mo⯑ney weigh leſs in Formoſa, for they are of the ſame weight, but becauſe Gold and

[]

The several figures of Money

Rochmo
Copan
Taillo
Taillo
Colan
Riaon

[279] Silver is more plentiful there than in Ja⯑pan: And beſides them the Formoſans have a piece of Steel Money, which they call Colan, and is of the ſame value with a Talo, though it is not ſo big. They have alſo Money made of Iron, which they call Riaon, a half Riaon and a quarter Riaon. Now a Riaon is worth fifteen Dutch Sti⯑vers. They have a little piece of Braſs Money which they call Capchau, worth a⯑bout ſeven Farthings. The Figures of all which may ſeen in the following Table.

A Rochmoo which weighs eight pound and half of Gold, is of this ſhape. A is the upper part of it, whereon is the Head of the Emperor; on the lower part of it are his Arms. But on the other ſide are the Arms of the King, who reigns in that Province where the Money is coin'd. There are alſo half Rochmoos of the ſame ſhape, and of half the weight.

A Copan is a piece of Gold which weighs one pound. In the upper part on one ſide it has the Head of the Emperor, and in the lower part the Head of the King: But on the other ſide it has their Arms. There are alſo half Copans; and both theſe ſorts of Money have a hole in the middle.

A Talo is a piece of Silver Coin which weighs four Ounces, and on one ſide it has a Sword; and on the other are the an⯑cient [280] Characters of the Japanneſe, denoting its value.

Of the Caxae, ſome are round, others four ſquar'd and triangular; but theſe are coin'd only in Japan.

The Steel Money which is peculiar to the Iſle Formoſa, weighs one ounce and three quarters of an ounce. It is four ſquar'd, and is call'd Colan: On the one ſide it has the Arms of Religion, with this Inſcription in Formoſan Letters, Honour to God: And on the other ſide are the Arms of the King.

A Riaon is a piece of Iron Money, al⯑moſt of the ſame bigneſs as a Kolan, and is worth fifteen Dutch Stivers. It has the ſame Inſcription with a Kolan, but its Fi⯑gure is almoſt round.

The Kapchau is a piece of Braſs Money almoſt of the ſame value with a Japan Ca⯑ſiens or Cax [...]; its Figure is almoſt round, but it has no Inſcription. There are alſo half Kapchaus and quarter Kapchaus.

CHAP. XXX. Of the Arms of the Japanners and Formoſans.

[281]

EVery one I think knows that the Ja⯑panneſe uſe no ſuch Arms as are com⯑monly us'd here in Europe: But after the Jeſuits and Dutch came there, they gave them ſome Guns and Muskets, which are not ſo many as to be ſerviceable to them in making War againſt their Enemies, but are laid up and kept as Curioſities to be ſhewn. The warlike Inſtruments which they make uſe of, are as follows.

Firſt, the Battering-Ram, which is an Engine they make uſe of for deſtroying the Walls of a City. Fachos which are made of a certain tough Wood, to which are faſtned many ſharp plates of Steel, and are cover'd all over with Pitch, Roſin, and ſuch-like combuſtible ingredients: And when it is kindled, it is thrown out of an Engin with ſo much force, that the ſharp plates of Steel will cut three Men through the middle, ſtanding directly behind one ano⯑ther. Next, they uſe in fighting long and ſhort Spears, Bows and Arrows, and Cy⯑miters.

[282]This muſt be confeſſed by all that know them, that they are wonderfully skilful in all the ways of exerciſing their Arms, eſpe⯑cially in ſhooting an Arrow, which they will direct as exactly to the Mark intended, as any European can a Bullet-ſhot out of a Musket.

They make Swords and Daggers ſo won⯑derfully fine, that they are highly eſteem⯑ed in all the Eaſtern Countries. Metals are there ſo plentiful, and they are ſo skil⯑ful in melting and mixing, purging and tempering them, that in theſe arts of pre⯑paring Metal, they far excel the Europeans. Iron is the Metal of which the Japanneſe make their Swords and Daggers, of which they have one Mine; and their Swords are ſo curiouſly and exactly temper'd, that one of them is more precious than a Sword made of the pureſt Gold; for ſome of them are found to have ſo good an edge, that they will cut the biggeſt Tree in two with one blow, or divide a piece of Iron in two without blunting their edge. Their Daggers are made of ſuch a mixture of Metals, that if any one be but ſlightly wounded with them, unleſs he cut off the wounded Fleſh in the ſame inſtant, the wound becomes incurable. Of the ſame Materials they make the heads of their Lances, Arrows and Spears, ſo that their [283] wounds are always mortal, unleſs the ſpreading of the Poyſon be preſently ſtop⯑ped; which practice ſeems to be unjuſtly condemn'd by the Europeans, ſince they themſelves make uſe of more deadly Wea⯑pons than are uſual there: Neither is it any great matter when we intend to de⯑ſtroy an Enemy, after what manner we kill him: Nay, in this reſpect the moſt deadly Weapons ſeem the beſt, becauſe the more they kill, the ſooner War is ended, which is the beſt for all parties.

However, all over the Eaſt the Soldiers formerly made uſe of theſe Japan Weapons: But now the Emperor has prohibited to ex⯑port them under the pain of Death, ſo that none dare bring them into Formoſa; yet the King who is ſent thither has a Magazine full of theſe Arms, which are laid up for a time of War; and ſo they are far from being very rare and precious there: Nay, notwithſtanding the prohi⯑bition, there are ſome who venture to ex⯑port them clandeſtinely; for I remember I ſaw many of them in Goa, which are there publickly expos'd to Sale. They uſe alſo Slings, wherewith they throw Stones; yet this they do but very ſeldom.

CHAP. XXXI. Of the Muſical Inſtruments of the Ja⯑panneſe and Formoſans.

[284]

IT muſt be acknowledg'd that the Art of Muſick was not known for many Years in any of the Eaſtern Countries, neither had they any certain method of ſinging and playing upon Inſtruments of Muſick, though they had then ſuch as reſembled the Drum and the Tabor, the Trumpet and Flagellet, the Lute and Harp: But ſince the time that the Europeans came thither, they have learn'd the way of making and uſing theſe Inſtruments, which are now made almoſt after the ſame faſhion as they are here in England: For when they heard the Jeſuits play upon the Organs in their Churches, and ſing Muſically after the manner of the Romiſh Church, they were mightily taken with it, and inflam'd with a deſire of learning the Art of Muſick, which now by their induſtry and ingenui⯑ty they have attained, tho' not in perfecti⯑on, yet to ſuch a degree as wonderfully pleaſes themſelves; and therefore they commonly uſe both vocal and inſtrumen⯑tal Muſick at their Marriages, Funerals, [285] Sports and Recreations; and at their of⯑fering Sacrifices, chiefly when they Sacri⯑fice Infants.

Thus it is in Japan; but in the Iſland Formoſa, the Natives ſtill obſerve their ancient method of ſinging and playing up⯑on Muſical Inſtruments, if their way of ſing⯑ing may be call'd a method; for except ſome few particular Prayers, which are ſung by the Prieſts only, the People ſing all other things, every one after a different man⯑ner, according to his fancy; which they do not look upon as ridiculous, becauſe they know no better; but on the contrary the different voices and tones, which every one uſes at pleaſure, ſeems to them to make a pleaſant harmony. After the ſame irregu⯑lar manner they play upon the Inſtru⯑ments of Muſick, which are us'd in Temples, ſuch as the Drum, the Ta⯑bor, &c.

In which A is the Hand that ſtrikes; B the Finger which makes the ſound; E E the Skin or Parchment which is ſtruck; D D the Plates of Gold or Silver, or ſome other Metal, which make a tinkling like a Cymbal. They uſe alſo the Harpſichord and Lute, Trumpets and Flagellets; but the Harp they do not uſe in their Temples. They have alſo Kettle-Drums, which make a harſh and warlike ſound when they [286] go to Battle; but they are ſo big that they muſt be carried by an Elephant. Other Inſtruments of Muſick they have not.

CHAP. XXXII. Of the way of Educating their Children.

I Have already ſaid, that every Wife takes care of her own Children, but if ſhe be the Wife of a Nobleman, ſhe has Ser⯑vant-Maids to look after them. They be⯑gin to teach a Child to read at three Years of age, and ſome of them will both read and write very well when they come to be five Years old; and from five to eight they inſtruct them in the Principles of Religion and Morality, and teach them how to behave themſelves in company: After eight they ſend them to the Schools or Academies, which they do not before that time, becauſe they think their Un⯑derſtanding is not ripe enough to appre⯑hend ſuch things as are taught there, tho' many of them go to Schools before they are ſeven Years of age. The Mothers take a great deal of care in their Education, and their Fathers often examine them what [287] progreſs they have made in their Learning: But their Parents never beat them, which they think improper, even when it may ſeem neceſſary to reform their manners, and deter them from the Vices to which they are addicted, (much leſs do they uſe ſuch imprecations upon them as ſome Europeans do upon their Children,) but they inſtruct them the more carefully in their Duty, admoniſh them of their Faults, and by the moſt winning Perſuaſives exhort them to amend; for they hope that as their Rea⯑ſon encreaſes with their Years, they will of themſelves abandon their Vices. And indeed this gentle method of Admonition and Exhortation does commonly prove ſo effectual, that young Men of ſix or nine Years of age will behave themſelves with as much civility and modeſty in their Diſcourſes and Geſtures as an old Man can do, which deſerves no ſmall admira⯑tion.

They have a very ſharp natural Wit, which readily learns the Languages and li⯑beral Arts: And if any one think that I boaſt too much of my Countrymen, they may read the Account that is given of them in the Relations of ſeveral Au⯑thors.

When they are arriv'd at the fifth or ſixth Year of age, then their Parents ſend [288] them to the School, and after that tho' they be negligent in their Studies, they never force them by threats to do any thing to mind their Book, but encourage them by good Words and fair Promiſes, and by propoſing to them the Examples of others, either real or feign'd, who by im⯑provement in their Studies have arriv'd at great Honours and Dignities; and by theſe and ſuch-like means they prevail more over the Youth, than they could by blows and menaces; for to ſpeak the Truth, it muſt be confeſs'd, that the Natives of Ja⯑pan and Formoſa, are naturally ſo ſtubborn and ſurly, that they cannot endure blows; and hence it often happens, that Servants when they are undeſervedly and unmer⯑cifully beaten, will in revenge kill their Maſters.

The Infants of Noblemen are carefully tended, and very carefully brought up by their Mothers and Nurſes, who conſtantly attend them to ſee that they want for no⯑thing, and cover them with Silk or Cotton to keep them warm; but never wrap them in ſwadling Cloths as they Euro⯑peans do: But their Country People are careleſs in cloathing their Children, and keeping them warm while they are In⯑fants; and when they come to be two Years old, they ſuffer them to run na⯑ked [289] over the Mountains, Meadows and Woods.

CHAP. XXXIII. Of the Liberal and Mechanical Art in Japan.

Though the Japanneſe are inferiour to the Europeans in the Knowledge of the liberal Arts, yet this muſt be ſaid for them, that as to all Arts whether Liberal or Mechanical, they excel all the other Ea⯑ſtern People. And though the Jeſuits do mightily extol the Chineſe above all the other Orientaliſts for their Ingenuity, yet I think they are much inferiour to the Japanneſe in ſagacity and ſharpneſs of Wit: for many of them, chiefly the Bonzii, ſpend their whole Life in ſtudying; but their Wit for the moſt part conſiſts in Riddles, Paradoxes and dark-ſayings. They write many Books of Theology, which are chiefly deſign'd for the explication of their Articles of Re⯑ligion, and the defence of their Idolatrous Worſhip: And in all their Meditations they chiefly apply themſelves to the ſtudy of Philoſophy, which with them is no⯑thing [290] elſe, but a collection of the Opinions of all the ancient Philoſophers they know, which favour their own Superſtition.

Altho' the Bonzii are bound to miniſter in holy Things, and by their office are pe⯑culiarly ſet apart for that ſervice, yet they do not only ſtudy Philoſophy and Theo⯑logy, but Mathematicks, Medicine and Law; ſo that their Academies ſeem to reſemble Univerſities here in teaching all the liberal Sciences. They teach alſo the Greek Tongue in the Iſle Formoſa, and every one may learn it in their Academies, who has Money enough to pay the Prieſts; but the Japan Bonzii teach it only among themſelves, but not to the Laity.

Theſe Colleges in which the Youth are taught, are endow'd with great Revenues; for all Princes, Noblemen and Gentlemen, ſend their Sons thither, and give great Gifts to them.

As to the Law, they have no Rules, but ſuch as are diſcover'd by natural Light, or the dictates of Reaſon, or are founded up⯑on the Authority of their Superiours, whoſe Will is a Law to their Subjects: Thus the Anſwer of the Prince decides any Controverſie, and puts an end to the Suit of the contending Parties. But, as we have before obſerv'd, Meriandanoo made new Laws to reſtrain the Kings and [291] Princes from enſlaving their Subjects ſo much as they were wont to do.

The Phyſicians and Chyrurgeons in For⯑moſa are very ignorant and unskilful, tho' they are very much honoured by all ſorts of People. They know nothing of the art of Muſick, as has been before obſerv'd: But as to the other liberal Arts, all the Sons of Citizens and Gentlemen ſtudy them in their Academies, provided their Fa⯑thers have ſufficient means to maintain them there. They are excellent at making Verſes, but chiefly the Bonzii in the Iſle Formoſa, who do not only compoſe Prayers, but alſo Sermons in Verſe. They mighti⯑ly affect Brevity in all their Writings, and labour only to expreſs in a few Words the ſubſtance of any matter of fact, without taking notice of many Circumſtances which ſet off the Hiſtory: And therefore when they write Libels to any Prince, they con⯑trive them wonderful ſhort, yet ſo that nothing which is pertinent to the matter or ſubſtance of the Libel is omitted. Some of them are great lovers of Eloquence, but chiefly the Bonzii, and practiſe it very much in their Sermons, the better to move the Affections of their Hearers, and per⯑ſuade them to do what they have a mind to.

[292]The Japanneſe did formerly write from the top down the bottom: Which way of writing they learn'd from the ſhape of a Man, whoſe Head is the higheſt part, and the Feet the loweſt. But after that Meri⯑andanoo had once obtain'd the Iſle For⯑moſa, and annex'd it to the Empire of Ja⯑pan, the Japanneſe ſeeing the way of wri⯑ting that was us'd by the Formoſans to be much better and more eaſy, have ever ſince continued to write after that man⯑ner: And this they do ſo generally, that none but the Bonzii underſtand the an⯑cient way of writing; for the reſt are al⯑together ignorant of it.

Hitherto I have treated of their liberal Arts, I ſhall only add a few Words of their mechanical Arts. The Formoſans have Painters who draw fine Pictures with great Art and Skill; and their Engravers are very famous for working both in Wood and Stone. They have alſo Potters, who are very curious in making Diſhes, which they call Porcellane, and the Engliſh China-Ware; and 'tis very well known, that in this Art they excel the Chineſe and all the oriental People. But they have no Shoe-makers, Brewers or Bakers there; neither do they know the way of making Candles as you do here; but inſtead of them they uſe Lamps, with Oil, Links and Torches, [293] made of the Pine-tree; and the Country People kindle Straw, or any kind of Wood which will flame and give light. The art of making Glaſs is not known over all the Eaſt, and when it was firſt brought to Japan, it appear'd to the Natives ſo ad⯑mirable for its clearneſs and tranſparency, that the Mariners would ſell a piece of Glaſs worth no more than a penny here for half a Copan; but now ſince Ships have frequently arriv'd in theſe parts, the value of them is very much fallen; and yet they coſt twenty times more there than here. Some Noblemen have Glaſs-Win⯑dows in their Houſes, but theſe coſt ſo much that they are very rare, for the ge⯑nerality of the Natives uſe a thin waxen Silk-ſtuff, or Paper made of Silk, for their Windows, which they receive from the Chineſes. Their chief Arts are the Pot⯑ters art, and the art of working with the Needle, in which they are ingenious to admiration: But above all they excel in the art of purging and preparing Metals, as has been obſerv'd in the Chapter of their Arms. And laſtly, their Husbandmen are skilful enough in ordering and improving the Ground, according to the nature of the Soil.

And here it is to be noted, that all Ar⯑tificers, and ſuch as get their livelihood by [294] their labour, are very little eſteemed: And the Merchants the richer they are, are ſo much the leſs valued, becauſe they believe they muſt uſe many Lyes in commending and putting off their Merchandize, to en⯑creaſe their Gain and Riches: And be⯑cauſe the Japanneſe abhor a Lye, there⯑fore they deſpiſe the Merchants, whom they look upon as great Lyars; as the Engliſh deſpiſe the Mountebanks, who tell many Lyes of the Operations of their Medicines, which they ſell upon a Stage. I ſhall only add, that as to other Me⯑chanical Arts which are us'd here in Europe, the Natives are always learning ſome⯑thing new from the Hollanders, having a very ſharp Wit, which eaſily apprehends any Arts they once ſee.

CHAP. XXXIV. Of the Splendid Retinue that attends the Vice-Roy of Formoſa when he goes to wait upon the Emperor.

[295]

SInce all Kings have not the ſame Dig⯑nity and Revenues, but ſome are more, ſome leſs rich and honourable, therefore every one of the King's Subject to the Em⯑peror of Japan, hath a Retinue propor⯑tionable to his Dignity. But the King of the Iſle Formoſa being ſent from the Em⯑peror, is therefore always attended by the Vice-Roy and Carillan when he goes to wait upon the Emperor. 'Tis the office of the Carillan to give the Emperor that account of the Iſle which is made by the King; and the Vice-Roy relates as from himſelf the ſame things which the King relates by the Carillan, viz. all things which concern the Government, the Sub⯑jects or the Commonwealth.

The Vice-Roy of Formoſa does uſually travel twice a-Year to wait upon the Em⯑peror of Japan; and then he has his own Balcon, which has been before deſcrib'd, and thirty ſix Balcons of the Noblemen, [296] who attend him: But the Carillan travels in the ſame Balcon with the King, as be⯑ing his Companion. Beſides theſe Bal⯑cons there are eighty floating Villages, in which are the Guards of the Vice-Roy and Carillan, and the Litters or Palan⯑quins, in which they travel when they paſs through the Iſland. All things are ſet in order when they come to the Iſle Xyphon; forty floating Villages go before, and eighteen Balcons of Noblemen, then comes the Balcons of the Vice-Roy, and after it eighteen Balcons of Noblemen, and laſt of all forty floating Villages, whereof one or two belongs to each Nobleman.

In this order they make their Progreſs till they come to the Sea-Port Town, where they are to Land, and then they all go out, and Noblemen go into the Lit⯑ters which are carried aſhore for them, and the Balcons remain there till the Vice-Roy returns. There are thirty-ſix Litters which belong to the Noblemen, who ac⯑company the Vice-Roy, and there is one for the Vice-Roy, with whom the Caril⯑lan travels to bear him Company. All the Litters of the Nobility are an Ell and a half in height and length, and are made of Wood, curiouſly adorn'd within and [297] without with Silks and Tapeſtry, finely wrought with the Needle, with plates of Braſs or Copper, and many Pictures, and are uſually carried by two Elephants.

The Vice-Roy and Carillan travel in one Litter, which is two Ells and a half high, and three Ells long, and is carried by two Elephants: Inwardly it is adorn'd with Silks and Cloth of Gold, finely wrought with the Needle; and outwardly it is co⯑vered with moſt pure Gold. In this Lit⯑ter, beſides the Vice-Roy and Carillan, are one Nobleman and ten Ladies of Ho⯑nour, which are branches of the King's Fa⯑mily: It goes in the middle of all the other Litters, and is guarded with Soldiers be⯑fore and behind, and on both ſides.

All things being thus diſpos'd, they enter into the Emperor's Palace, where they con⯑tinue for a Month, and then return into their own Country. The Emperor does them this Honour, as to ſend twenty of his Courtiers to receive them when they land at the Sea-Port Town, and as many to accompany them, in Litters guarded with Soldiers, when they return to the Sea-Port. And during all the time they ſtay at the Emperor's Court, he puts all kinds of Ho⯑nour upon them; for he diverts them with Hunting, Sports and Comedies, and ad⯑mits them to a hearing every Day for an [298] Hour in a publick Aſſembly: And laſtly, when they are to go away, he loads them with Gifts, and very honourably takes a farewel of them.

'Tis a part of the Office of the King of Formoſa to accompany the Vice-Roy to the Sea-Port Town call'd Khadſey, where he takes Shipping, and to receive him at the ſame place when he returns, and attend him as far as the Caſtle. And laſtly, it is to be noted, that altho' the Emperor gives him only the Title of Vice-Roy, who was for⯑merly King of Formoſa, yet he does him greater Honour than any other King of the Empire.

CHAP. XXXV. Of the Succeſs of the Jeſuits in pro⯑pagating the Chriſtian Faith in Ja⯑pan, from 1549 to 1615. More eſpecially of the Reaſons of the ter⯑rible Slaughter that was made of them about the Year 1616. And of the Law prohibiting Chriſtians un⯑der pain of Death to come into Japan.

[299]

SInce my deſign is only to give an Ac⯑count of the Iſle Formoſa, and to touch upon the Affairs of Japan ſo far as they have Relation to it; I ſhall not pretend to give a particular Hiſtory of the various ſucceſs the Jeſuits met with in propagating the Chriſtian Religion through the ſeve⯑ral Kingdoms of Japan, of which I have receiv'd no certain information. But in general I am very well aſſur'd, by the con⯑ſtant uncontroll'd Tradition of my Coun⯑trymen; that notwithſtanding all the dif⯑ficulties they met with, they made a won⯑derful progreſs in the converſion of that Empire between the Year 1549. in which Xaverius ſays he, firſt arriv'd at Cangoxima, and the Year 1616 or thereabout; for 'tis commonly believ'd in Formoſa that in this [300] ſpace of time more than a third part of Japan was converted to the Chriſtian Reli⯑gion; and Tampouſamma himſelf, who was Emperor of Japan in the ſaid Year 1616.

Though many other cauſes might con⯑cur to promote the ſpreading of the Chriſti⯑an Religion in Japan by the Jeſuits, of which I can give no particular account, yet I am very certainly inform'd that one thing which contributed very much to the propagation of it, was their propoſing the Chriſtian Religion, after ſuch a man⯑ner as was moſt agreeable to natural Rea⯑ſon, and the Doctrines and Practices com⯑monly receiv'd among the Japanneſe.

Thus the Jeſuits taught them in their firſt Lectures, That there was but one God, the Creator and Governour of all things in Heaven and Earth, and demonſtrated his Eternity and other Attributes by natu⯑ral Reaſon; but ſaid nothing of a Trinity of Perſons in the Unity of the God-head, leſt it ſhould ſhock their Belief of the one true God. And as to Chriſt, they affirm'd that he was a Divine Vertue reſiding in a human Body, or a mighty Hero ſent from God to reveal his Mind and Will to Mankind; and they enlarged upon the Holineſs of his Life, the Reaſonable⯑neſs and Excellency of his Doctrine, the many Miracles he wrought for confirma⯑tion [301] of it, and the bitter and painful Death he endur'd on the Croſs for the ex⯑piation of the Sins of Mankind: All which were agreeable enough to the opi⯑nions the Japanneſe had conceiv'd of their pretended Heroes, That they had done many wonderful Feats, and endur'd great and laſting Pains to deliver their Follow⯑ers from future Torments. But all this while the Jeſuits ſaid nothing of his be⯑ing God and Man in one Perſon, but con⯑ceal'd that Myſtery, as being too difficult for the apprehenſion of the Japanneſe, un⯑til a more convenient opportunity.

They taught the Japanneſe to worſhip the only true God, and his Son Jeſus Chriſt, who was rais'd from the Dead by the Almighty Power of God, and aſcend⯑ed into Heaven, and was exalted in the humane Nature to all Power in Heaven and Earth, to aſſiſt and relieve his faith⯑ful Servants; which was agreeable enough to the notions they had of their Deified Men, ſuch as Xaca and Amida, to whom they pray'd for Relief in all their Straits and Neceſſities. And as to the Worſhip of Images and Saints departed, there was ſuch a perfect Harmony between the Je⯑ſuits and the Japanneſe, That they deſir'd them only to change their Idols for the Images of Jeſus Chriſt, the Virgin Mary, [302] and other Saints of the only true God, and to continue the ſame way of worſhip⯑ping and truſting to the Saints, as Inter⯑ceſſors with God for them, but not to offer Sacrifices to them.

They adminiſtred Baptiſm in the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghoſt, as the Rite of admitting Men into the Chriſtian Church, and never declared the Holy Ghoſt to be a Divine Perſon in the ever-bleſſed Trinity, but repreſented him as the Power of God.

They adminiſtred the Lord's Supper in commemoration of the Death of Chriſt, but never offer'd to explain the Myſtery of Tranſubſtantiation, or the Sacrifice of the Meſs.

And by this way of repreſenting the Chriſtian Religion, and concealing thoſe Myſteries which are more difficult to be ap⯑prehended and believ'd, and the peculiar Abſurdities of the Popiſh Doctrines, it ap⯑pear'd to contain nothing but what was agreeable to natural Reaſon, and the Noti⯑ons and Practices commonly receiv'd among the Japanneſe, and ſo it eaſily gain'd credit and ſpread mightily among the ingenious Japanneſe; eſpecially being recommended by ſome peculiar advantages it has above all other Religions, as particularly by the full aſſurance it gives of a future ſtate of eternal Life and Happineſs.

[303]But as this Artifice gain'd the Jeſuits ma⯑ny Followers, while they conceal'd the aforeſaid Doctrines, which they did for many Years, until they found their Party very ſtrong and powerful: So when they declar'd them to the People, and impos'd them as neceſſary Articles of Faith, the Chriſtian Converts murmur'd againſt them for changing the Religion they had for⯑merly taught; and the Pagans, but eſpeci⯑ally the Bonzies exclaim'd againſt them as Impoſtors, for deceiving the People with new Devices, which occaſion'd many to make defection from them, and rais'd in all a ſtrong ſuſpicion of their Inſincerity: So that this Declaration of theſe new Doctrines prov'd very much to their diſ⯑advantage, and may be reckon'd one cauſe of their utter Ruin and Extirpation.

A ſecond Cauſe was the great Envy and Indignation which all the Pagans, but chiefly the Bonzies, conceiv'd againſt the Jeſuits, becauſe they inſinuated themſelves ſo far into the favour of Kings and Prin⯑ces, and all the rich Men who were Con⯑verts to their Religion, that they ſetled great Revenues upon the Chriſtian Mona⯑ſteries, which us'd formerly to be given to the Bonzies; nay, the Fathers diſinhe⯑rited their Sons to enrich their Monaſte⯑ries, which ſo exaſperated the Minds of [304] the Pagans againſt them, that they endea⯑voured by all means to extirpate them.

A third Cauſe was the diſcovery of a Conſpiracy, carried on by the Jeſuits, to betray the Empire of Japan into the Hands of the King of Spain; for which end they had ſent him Letters, which were found out, giving him an account of the ſitua⯑tion of their Harbours, and of their ſe⯑veral Cities, Caſtles and Forts, and the manner how they might be beſieg'd and taken. The Jeſuits confeſs, that the great Dominions which the King of Spain poſſeſs'd in the Eaſt and Weſt Indies, gave the Japanneſe a great Umbrage; and this they ſay mov'd them to ſet on foot a de⯑ſign of aboliſhing their Religion, and dri⯑ving them out of their Country: But they deny that they ever wrote ſuch Letters to that King, giving him an account of the Strength of the Japan Empire, and the ways of attacking it; and pretend that theſe Letters were forged by the Hollan⯑ders, on purpoſe to render the Portugueſe odious, and get their Trade in Japan out of their Hands. But this Forgery was ne⯑ver prov'd againſt the Dutch; and there⯑fore 'tis commonly believ'd in Formoſa, that the Jeſuits were the Authors and Con⯑trivers of the aforeſaid Letters, which muſt certainly render them very odious to all the Pigans.

[305]But all theſe three Cauſes were only preparatory to that which follows, which was the laſt and immediate Cauſe of the great ſlaughter of the Chriſtians in Japan. For the better underſtanding of which we muſt conſider, that in the great progreſs which the Chriſtian Religion had made in Japan, by the preaching of the Jeſuits and other Miſſionaries of the Romiſh Church, there were not only ſeveral Kings and Princes and many great Lords, but alſo an Emperor who had em⯑braced Chriſtianity, whoſe name was Tampouſama; and he gave them not only a Toleration, but all manner of Encouragement to propagate and ſettle their Religion in all parts of the Empire. The Jeſuits being puffed up with this ſuc⯑ceſs, and ſupported by ſo great an Autho⯑rity, ventur'd boldly to expoſe their pe⯑culiar Dogmata of Tranſubſtantiation, and the Sacrifice of the Meſs, &c. which they required all the Chriſtians to believe, un⯑der pain of Damnation; and to uſe all the pious Frauds they could invent, for drain⯑ing the Riches of Japan into their own Coffers. And having by this means given great offence to the Chriſtians, and in⯑curr'd the great hatred of the Pagans, and raiſed a vehement ſuſpicion in all ſorts of People of their being Impoſtors; they [306] began to be afraid, leſt the Pagans ſhould conſpire together to work their Ruin, and therefore were reſolv'd to be beforehand with them, and to take the ſhorteſt way for converting the whole Em⯑pire to their Religion.

To this purpoſe they forg'd a Lye, which they went and told the Emperor, That the Pagans were contriving to raiſe a Rebel⯑lion againſt him, and to cut the Throats of all the Chriſtians. That they had al⯑ready had ſeveral Conſultations about car⯑rying on this wicked Conſpiracy, which they would certainly put in execution, un⯑leſs they were timely prevented. The Em⯑peror who look'd upon them as very wiſe Men, and put an entire confidence in them, asked them, what they would have him to do? To which they readily anſwered, That to ſecure himſelf and the Chriſtians from this Conſpiracy, he could do nothing better, than to ſend his Letters to all the Chriſtian Churches, requiring the Chriſti⯑ans every-where throughout the Empire, to riſe up in Arms on ſuch a Day, about a certain Hour of the Night, and kill all the Pagans: For by this means, continued they, the wicked Deſign againſt your Ma⯑jeſty and the Chriſtians will be prevented, and the Chriſtian Faith alone will flouriſh through all your Empire, and there will [307] be none left alive to trouble you, or diſturb the Peace of your Government. Beſides, the better to excite the Emperor to this undertaking, they aſſur'd him that he was oblig'd to do it, not only in point of Po⯑licy, but of Religion, becauſe this would be ſuch a commendable and meritorious Work, to extirpate Heatheniſm and ſettle Chriſtianity in all his Dominions, that he might certainly expect the Bleſſing of God, and of Chriſt upon himſelf, and all his Chriſtian Subjects, for finiſhing ſuch a glorious Deſign. But, added they, if you delay much longer to put it in execution, you will certainly find by woful experi⯑ence, that your Majeſty and all the Chri⯑ſtians will be murther'd in one Night; the conſequence of which muſt be the utter Extirpation of Chriſtianity in Japan.

Theſe Things they repreſented with ſo much ſeeming Zeal and affectionate Con⯑cern for the Chriſtian Religion, that the Emperor was prevail'd upon, as is com⯑monly reported, to grant them his Letters to be ſent to all the Chriſtians, requiring them to deſtroy all the Pagans in his Do⯑minions; though others ſay that the Je⯑ſuits preſum'd ſo far upon the Emperor's good Affection to their Cauſe, that they wrote theſe Letters in the Emperor's Name without his Knowledge, and diſpatch'd [308] them to all the Chriſtian Churches. How⯑ever this is certain, that all the Churches receiv'd Orders written in the Emperor's Name, to riſe up in Arms on ſuch a Day, at ſuch an Hour of the Night, and deſtroy all the Pagans. And though this Deſign was managed with all the Artifice of the Jeſuits▪ to conceal it until the time of execution, yet they could not carry it on ſo ſecretly but the Pagans came by ſome means or other to hear of it, time enough to prevent the fatal Blow: For either the Chriſtians, who had Fathers or Mothers, or other near Relations that were Pagans, out of natural Affection to them, diſco⯑ver'd the Plot, that they might have an opportunity to ſave their Lives; or others being touch'd with an Horror of the Bloody Conſpiracy againſt their Countrymen and Friends, found their good Nature too hard for their Religion; and therefore gave timely notice to the Pagan Kings and Princes to fortify themſelves againſt the intended Maſſacre: Which they did ſo effectually, that having got all things ready, they roſe up in Arms with their Pagan Sub⯑jects on the very Day before that in which the Chriſtians were to put their Deſign in execution, and fell upon them, and de⯑ſtroy'd them with a very great ſlaughter whereſoever any Chriſtians could be found. [309] The Emperor being a Chriſtian, and ha⯑ving too much countenanced the Jeſuits in their intended Maſſacre, was forc'd by the Pagans to leave his own Dominions, and went into the City of Goa, where he died, and his Body is ſtill preſerved in the Church of the Jeſuits, where a ſtately Monument is erected to his Memory, with an Inſcription to this purpoſe, Here lies Tampouſama Emperor of Japan, who was baniſhed out of his Dominions, and died a Martyr for the Chriſtian Religion. At the ſame time there were five Kings and two Vice-Roys apprehended, who had pro⯑moted the Chriſtian Religion in their ſe⯑veral Kingdoms; and they were thrown into Priſon, and there remain'd until they died.

The ſlaughter was ſo general, that not only the Jeſuits and other Miſſionaries of the Romiſh Church, but all the Japanneſe that had been converted by them, were put to Death whenſoever they were ſeiz'd: Some were hang'd, ſome thrown into the Rivers, or old Ditches, others were be⯑headed, and great numbers ſuffered the moſt cruel Deaths the Pagans could in⯑vent. But though the ſlaughter was very general, yet it cannot be imagin'd, that all the Chriſtians were apprehended at the ſame time, but many of them lay conceal'd, [310] and skulk'd up and down in Corners for ſeveral Years before they were diſcover'd; and after the firſt Heats of the Perſecution were over, many of thoſe Jeſuits and Monks who were ſeiz'd, were for ſome time reſpited, and being caſt into Priſon, continued there until a new Emperor was Created, and then were put to cruel Deaths, with moſt exquiſite Torments.

After this time the name of a Chriſtian grew ſo odious through all the Empire of Japan, that no Chriſtian was ſuffered to live in it, but the Pagans ſlew them all whenſoever they diſcovered them. And this wicked and bloody Conſpiracy, which was ſo contrary to the mild and charita⯑ble Spirit of Chriſtianity, was ſuch a Scan⯑dal to the Pagans, and reproach to the Chriſtians, that henceforward they were all eſteem'd Villains, Rebels, Impoſtors, and the worſt of Men; and therefore when any of them were found out, all the People cry'd out, Away with them, Crucifie them: And Searchers were appointed to enquire diligently in all places, if any of them could be diſcovered; as has been al⯑ready obſerv'd in the Chapter of Laws.

And this Relation of the Conſpiracy of the Jeſuits and other Popiſh Prieſts, a⯑gainſt the Pagans, and the great Slaughter of the Chriſtians, which follow'd upon [311] the Diſcovery of it, is as firmly believ'd in Formoſa, by Tradition from Father to Son, as the Gunpowder-Plot is believ'd here in England, to have been contriv'd by the Jeſuits and other Papiſts: But I muſt con⯑feſs, that I cannot poſitively determine the time when it happen'd; only I think it moſt probable, that it was about the Year 1616.

CHAP. XXXVI. Of the coming of the Dutch into Ja⯑pan, with their Succeſs, and the Tricks they play'd.

THE Dutch hearing of the great Slaughter of the Papiſts in Japan, and that they were for ever baniſhed from that Empire, laid hold of this Opportuni⯑ty to ſettle a great Trade with the Japan⯑neſe; and for that end having laded ſeve⯑ral Ships with great Stores of ſuch Com⯑modities as they thought moſt vendible in that Country; they ſail'd to Japan, where being arriv'd, they were preſently [312] call'd to an account, what they were? and from whence they came? They an⯑ſwer'd, They were Hollanders; and when the Japan Inquiſitors urg'd them farther to declare, whether they were Chriſtians or no? They pretended at firſt they did not underſtand what they meant by that Name, and therefore they could only tell them they profeſs'd the Holland's Religion. But at laſt ſome of them told the Japanneſe, That they had heard of ſome call'd Chri⯑ſtians, who were Impoſtors, and worſhip⯑ped a Crucified Man: By which Character the Japanneſe underſtood that theſe were the Chriſtians who had formerly been in Japan. And then the Dutch added far⯑ther, That there were none ſuch in their Country, but in other parts of Europe; and that the Hollanders were ſo far from being of the ſame Religion with them, that they had always been hated and per⯑ſecuted by theſe Chriſtians upon the account of Religion.

Theſe things being related to the Em⯑peror, he commanded that they ſhould have leave to land, and to bring them before him: When they were come into the Em⯑peror's preſence, they preſented him with two great Guns, and a ſtriking Clock with an Alarm, and a muſical Bell; both which wonderfully pleaſed the Emperor, but [313] chiefly he admired the two Guns when he ſaw them charg'd and diſcharg'd be⯑fore him: Whereupon he gave them free leave to come and import their Commodi⯑ties into his Country, as thinking that their Commerce would be not only ſafe, but very advantageous to Japan. But af⯑ter they had traded there for ſome Years, they begg'd leave of the Emperor to build a great Store-houſe, in which they might lay up all their Merchandize; pretending it was a great loſs to them to carry their Goods up and down the Country before they could ſell them; and that it would be more convenient, not only for them⯑ſelves, but alſo for the Japanneſe to have a certain place appointed whither all Per⯑ſons might reſort, either to buy their Com⯑modities, or take them in exchange for the Product of their Country. The Em⯑peror granted them leave to build ſuch a Houſe for containing their Goods: But they inſtead of a Ware-houſe, built a ve⯑ry ſtrong Caſtle, with very good Fortifi⯑cations; yet none of the Natives ever ſuſ⯑pected them of any ill deſign, (but thought that the Houſe was built after the Dutch way,) until ſome time after it was finiſh'd. But their deſign was diſcover'd when a new Fleet of Ships arriv'd from Holland in Japan; for theſe Ships were laden with [314] Guns, Muskets, Piſtols, and all ſorts of Warlike Inſtruments, and great Stores of Gunpowder and Bullets; as plainly ap⯑pear'd by this Accident: The Dutch ha⯑ving conceal'd their Arms and Ammuni⯑tion in Wooden Frames, that they might not be ſeen by the Japanneſe, convey'd them out of their Ships, and laid them upon Carts to be carried to their Caſtle: But it happen'd, unluckily for them, that ſome of the Carts were broken by the way, and the Wooden Frames burſt in pieces by the fall, which diſcover'd their hidden Treaſure of Arms and Ammuni⯑tion, and alarm'd the Japanneſe, who ſaw them, with the apprehenſion of ſome wick⯑ed Deſign, which was to be executed by ſuch great quantities of Warlike Prepara⯑tions: Whereupon ſome of them run pre⯑ſently and acquainted the Emperor with what they had ſeen, and the danger that threatned his Country by the Tricks of theſe deceitful Hollanders; and he ſent away in all haſte 10 or 12 Companies of Soldiers, who kill'd as many as they could find of them, but the greateſt part of them had eſcap'd from the Caſtle, and were got into their Ships which had put to Sea, be⯑fore the Soldiers arriv'd: which happen'd by the over-ſight of the Natives, who might eaſily have encompaſs'd the Caſtle [315] at ſome diſtance, ſo that none could enter in or go out of it, whereby all that were in it would have been forced either to ſur⯑render themſelves or die for Hunger. Af⯑ter this their Caſtle and all the Guns they could find were ſeized by the Japanneſe for the uſe of the Emperor; and the Dutch were for ſome time prohibited any Com⯑merce with Japan. But upon their hum⯑ble Petition and fair Promiſes, the Empe⯑ror gave them leave to come into Formoſa, which was then under his Dominion, and thither they reſorted for ſome time: But the Hollanders not finding in Formoſa all the Commodities they wanted, did a⯑gain beg leave of the Emperor to trade in⯑to Japan; which the Emperor would not allow, until at laſt the King of Nangaſak, interpos'd on their behalf, and pray'd that he might be permitted to receive them in⯑to his Iſle, which is not far diſtant from the reſt of Japan. And this the Emperor granted upon the following Conditions, 1ſt, That they ſhould trample upon the Crucifix. 2dly, That the Inquiſitors ſhould take out of their Ships all their Guns and Ammunition, all their Sails, Maſts, Ropes, and other Furniture, to be kept in a Store-houſe as long as the Dutch ſtay'd in the Country. 3dly, That he ſhould appoint Soldiers to go along with them through the [316] Country, and obſerve them. 4thly, That they ſhould not ſtay any longer than the Emperor pleas'd; but as ſoon as he ſhould ſend his Orders for their going away, they ſhould make all things ready for ſailing, and depart preſently.

Theſe Conditions have been hitherto very exactly obſerv'd; whenever therefore they have ſold off, or barter'd all their Com⯑modities, and are ready to put to Sea a⯑gain, then all their Warlike Inſtruments and Ship-Tackle, that were taken away at their firſt coming, are reſtor'd to them again, and they have free liberty to return into their own Country.

After the Dutch had got footing in Japan, and the Chriſtians were prohibited to come there under pain of Death, the Dutch adviſed the Emperor to diſtinguiſh Chri⯑ſtians from all other Foreigners by this Teſt, viz. by making an Image of Chriſt Crucified, which theſe Chriſtians adore, and keeping it in all their Sea-Port Towns, and requiring all Foreigners to trample up⯑on this Image: For, ſaid they, If theſe Foreigners be Chriſtians they will not trample upon it; and all others who do trample upon it, are certainly no Chriſtians.

This Teſt was afterwards try'd upon ſome Jeſuits, or other Monks of the Romiſh [317] Church, who ventur'd to come into Ja⯑pan, hoping perhaps to conceal themſelves under the diſguiſe of being Hollanders: But when they came into the Harbour, an Image of Chriſt Crucified was brought to them, and they were required to trample upon it, which they refus'd to do; where⯑upon they were all apprehended, being about 46 in number, and within a few Days crucified according to the Laws of Japan; and the Feſtival in Commemoration of their Martyrdom is celebrated by the Jeſuits to this Day: But the Hollan⯑ders make no ſcruple to trample upon the Crucifix when-ever they are requi⯑red to do it; and therefore they are not accounted Chriſtians by the Japanneſe; ac⯑cording to the common opinion of all Ja⯑pan, That thoſe Foreigners only are Chri⯑ſtians who refuſe to trample upon the Crucifix.

CHAP. XXXVII. Of the new Devices of the Jeſuits for getting into Japan.

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THus the Hollanders, by denying Chri⯑ſtianity, ſecur'd their freedom of Trade in Japan, but the Papiſts were for ever ſhut out of that Country by this Teſt of Chriſtianity, until the Jeſuits by their ſubtilty invented a new way for procuring their admiſſion into it, which was this: They learn in the firſt place the Japan Lan⯑guage in the City of Goa, where it is taught in the Academy; and when they can ſpeak it very well, they put on the Ja⯑pan Habit, and thus accoutred, they go to ſome Port in Japan, and being examined by the Searchers what Country they be⯑long to, and from whence they come? They readily anſwer, That they are Ja⯑panneſe, and come from ſuch an Iſland, and ſuch a City in Japan, naming them, which is eaſily believ'd by the Searchers, becauſe of their Language and Habit.

And having thus ſecurely paſs'd the Teſt, when they come aſhore they diſguiſe themſelves under various ſhapes; for ſome ſet up for Merchants and Toy-ſellers, [319] others for Tutors or Mechanicks, and they live in a private Houſe, and follow their ſeveral Employments, with as much care and induſtry, as if they depended upon them for a livelihood, though 'tis certain they are otherwiſe provided with ſufficient means to maintain them, by thoſe who ſend them thither. For the Pope of Rome ſends every Year a certain number into Japan, and takes care to furniſh them with all things neceſſary, and they are allow'd two Years for learning the Japan Lan⯑guage, four Years for their ſtay in Ja⯑pan, and about three Years for their Jour⯑ney backward and forward. They have a certain Japan Word, which they pro⯑nounce after a manner peculiar to them⯑ſelves, whereby they know one another; the Word is Abo, which in Japan ſignifies quickly, by which the new-comers, as they walk through the Cities and Villages, know their Brethren that have been there before them; and after they know one another, they meet together in private places to diſcourſe about their own Affairs.

Thus there is a continual Succeſſion of a new Miſſionary after four Years are ex⯑pir'd, to ſupply the place of him who then returns home, as I am very well aſſur'd by my own experience, though 'tis not eaſy to gueſs for what end they are ſent, or [320] what good they do when they come there. For it is in vain for them to pretend that they convert many of the Natives, du⯑ring their four Years ſtay, to the Chriſtian Religion, as I know that ſome of them boaſt after their return, ſince it is impoſ⯑ſible they ſhould eſcape the diligence of ſo many Searchers, as are every-where appointed to detect them, if they ſhould publickly own themſelves to be Chriſtians, and endeavour to convert the Pagans: And indeed, if it were true what they relate, that one had converted twenty, another thir⯑ty, and a third fifty, during their ſtay in Japan, ever ſince the time of their Baniſhment, there would be very few Pa⯑gans left in that Country, according to their account of Converſions. 'Tis true, that ſome Years ago there were Jeſuits, or Po⯑piſh Prieſts, who made ſome Converts to Chriſtianity; but in a little time they were diſcover'd by the Searchers, and both they and their Converts were burnt alive, ex⯑cept a few who renounced Chriſtianity and embraced their ancient Idolatry, for fear of the Torments of ſuch a cruel Death: But at Rome they talk nothing of any ſuch diſaſters, but every one boaſts of the nu⯑merous Converts he has made in the Em⯑pire of Japan, and pleaſes himſelf with the Relation of his Travels, and the many [321] wonderful things he has ſeen, being greatly puffed up with an Opinion of the great Glory and Fame he has merited by ſuch a difficult and noble Undertaking. Upon the whole matter it ſeems to me moſt pro⯑bable, that the great Deſign of the Miſ⯑ſionaries, who are ſent to Japan, ſince the time of their Baniſhment from it, is to ſpy out the Country, and to inform them⯑ſelves exactly of the Situation of their Har⯑bours, the Number of their Forts and Ca⯑ſtles, and all the Strength of the Empire, and to take Aim by what Methods they may be attack'd with beſt ſucceſs, hoping that at length ſome magnanimous Chri⯑ſtian Prince will undertake a glorious Ex⯑pedition, with ſufficient Forces to conquer that Empire by their direction, and to plant the Chriſtian Religion among the Natives, in ſpite of all the Prejudices wherewith they are poſſeſs'd at preſent againſt it: For indeed I cannot perceive what other Benefit and Advantage they can propoſe to themſelves by all the Trou⯑ble and Expences they are at, in ſending ſo many Miſſionaries into Japan.

Within a few Years after the Perſecu⯑tion of the Chriſtians in Japan, the Empe⯑ror having obtain'd the Iſle Formoſa, as has been above related, began to perſecute alſo [322] the Chriſtians that were in that Country; but tho' he treated the Jeſuits and Popiſh Prieſts there with the ſame ſeverity he had us'd in Japan, burning ſome alive, cruci⯑fying others, or hanging them up by the Legs till they were dead; yet to the Na⯑tives who were Chriſtians he ſhew'd more Mercy, leaving it to their own free Choice, either to renounce Chriſtianity, or to de⯑part for ever out of their own Country; whereupon many of them choſe rather to fly into other Countries than deny Chriſt; but others being unwilling to leave their Eſtates and their Country, renounc'd Chri⯑ſtianity, and embrac'd their former Super⯑ſtition. And after that time the ſame Law was in force againſt the Chriſtians in Formoſa, as was made againſt them in Japan.

The CONCLƲSION.

FRom what has been ſaid of the Cauſes of the great Perſecution of the Chri⯑ſtians in Japan, we may clearly underſtand how great a prejudice the Jeſuits have done to Chriſtianity, and what a Re⯑proach [323] and Diſgrace they have brought upon the Chriſtian Name, by impoſing their Popiſh Errors upon the People as ne⯑ceſſary Articles of Faith, and by contri⯑ving that barbarous and bloody Maſſacre which they intended againſt all the poor Pagans: Whereas if they had propos'd the Chriſtian Religion in its purity and ſimplicity, and behav'd themſelves towards their Proſelytes with that Meekneſs, Cha⯑rity, and Sincerity, which became their Apoſtolical Office, I dare be confident to affirm, that in all probability the whole Empire of Japan had now been Chriſtian: But now by their Miſrepreſentations, and wicked Practices, the Japoneſe have ſuch a falſe Notion of Chriſtianity, and ſuch ſtrong Prejudices againſt it, that it would be much more difficult now to convert them; nay, the Door is ſhut againſt any Chriſtians who might have ſuch a charita⯑ble Deſign, or would attempt to remove their Prejudices, and poſſeſs their Minds with a juſt Idea of Chriſtianity. How de⯑teſtable then was the Wickedneſs of the Jeſuits, which occaſion'd all this Miſchief! And how deplorable is the Caſe of theſe poor Pagans, who are now ſo fetter'd in Chains of Darkneſs, and bound up to their Idolatrous Practices, that they can never hope to ſee the glorious Light of the Go⯑ſpel, [324] or feel the Power of it in their Hearts and Lives, as might have been reaſonably expected from them: For if they do ſo exactly obſerve the Precepts of their own Religion, altho' it be uncertain and con⯑trary to the Divine Nature, altho' it en⯑joyn them ſuch a horrible and cruel Pra⯑ctice as to ſacrifice their own Sons; with what Cheerfulneſs, Humility, and Venera⯑tion, would they have perform'd the rea⯑ſonable Service and Obedience of Chri⯑ſtianity, had they been enlightned with that heavenly Doctrine in its purity, and taſted the Power of it, in purging their Hearts, and reforming their Lives.

Some perhaps may think that I have done too much Honour to the Pagan Re⯑ligion as it is profeſs'd in Formoſa, by gi⯑ving ſuch a long and particular Explica⯑tion of it, as if I were ſtill perſuaded of the truth of it; which God forbid: And therefore I muſt deſire ſuch Perſons to con⯑ſider, that I was oblig'd to give an Account of all things relating to that Religion, as they are to be found in Jarhabadiond, which is our Scripture, tho' I am very far from believing them to be true; nay, I am fully perſuaded that they are falſe, by the following Reaſons which I ſhall briefly mention: 'Tis a certain and infallible Ar⯑gument of the Falſhood of any Religion, [325] that it commandeth ſuch things as are contrary to the Divine Nature, and to thoſe Notions which every one hath of God's infinite Goodneſs: Such is the Com⯑mand in our Jarhabadiond, which requires us to ſacrifice ſo many thouſand innocent Babes every Year; which is a thing ſo cruel, and ſo contrary to the Tenderneſs of Hu⯑man Nature, that we cannot believe it to be the Command of a good and gracious God, but of ſome evil Spirit who delights in Human Blood, and in the Miſery and Deſtruction of Mankind. And when once I was convinc'd of the Falſhood of our Religion, by requiring ſuch a cruel and bloody Sacrifice, I preſently concluded, that all the Miracles pretended to be wrought in confirmation of it, were meer trick and forgery; becauſe I am certain that God would not exert his Omnipotent Power to confirm a Lye, and maintain an Impoſture. Beſides that, any one may quick⯑ly be ſatisfied how little Reaſon there is to believe, that the pretended Miracles were really wrought, ſince they are only men⯑tion'd in our Jarhabadiond, which the Prieſts keep in their own hands, and will not ſuf⯑fer any of the common People to have a Copy of it; which gives a ſhrewd ſuſpi⯑cion, that there is ſome Trick and Impo⯑ſture, ſince they do ſo ſtudiouſly avoid any [326] means of diſcovering the Truth; which ſuſpicion is very much increas'd by the Ty⯑ranny which the Prieſts exerciſe over the common People, in exacting an implicit Faith to their Dictates, without giving them any rational Grounds for believing, and obliging them under pain of Death never to accuſe the Prieſts of any Falſhood, tho' they be very certain that he is guilty of it. The Prieſts indeed pretend, that their God does ſometimes appear to the People in the form of a Lion, when he is angry with them; and at other times, in the form of a Camel, when he is pacified: But every one may plainly perceive, that this pretended Miracle is nothing but a Trick of the Prieſts, who have the oppor⯑tunity of ſhewing ſuch or ſuch a Beaſt to the People, without being diſcover'd, ſince the whole management of the matter is left to themſelves, having the Beaſts ready to ſet up at their pleaſure with all ſecrecy. If any one ſhould ask me, How can the Prieſts put ſuch Tricks upon the common People, and carry on ſuch Impoſtures? I anſwer, There are many Inſtances of the ſame na⯑ture in other Nations, who having no Re⯑velation, believe and do ſuch things as are more abſurd than what is here pretended: Such were the Egyptians who were famous for all parts of Learning, and yet were [327] perſuaded to worſhip Crocodiles and Oni⯑ons. Nay, even in the Roman Church we ſee, that many Abſurdities [...] [...]mpos'd up⯑on the common People to be b [...]v'd con⯑trary to Senſe and Reaſon: And why then may not ſuch a rude and ignorant People as the Formoſans, be impos'd upon by the Tricks of cunning Men? But how this Im⯑poſture is manag'd, 'tis not my buſineſs at preſent to enquire, 'tis ſufficient for me, that I am fully perſuaded by undeniable Arguments of the Falſhood of the Religion of Formoſa. Now to this Omnipotent and Merciful GOD who hath by the Grace of his Holy Spirit call'd me from Error and Superſtition, to the true Knowledge of his Will, and of his Son Jeſus Chriſt, my Re⯑deemer and Mediator, be aſcrib'd eternal Praiſe, Honour, Magnificence, and Glory, by all the Creatures for ever and ever. Amen.

APPENDIX, CONCERNING The AUTHOR's Journey from Avignon to Rome.

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IN the Year 1700, being the Year of Jubilee, I was invited by the Jeſuits to accompany ſeventeen young Gentlemen to Rome; who undertook that Journey rather out of Curioſity than Devotion, to ſee the Pomp and Magnificence of the Ceremonies that are then obſerv'd in that City: And the Jeſuits perſuaded me to go, hoping that by the ſight of theſe Ceremonies I ſhould be induc'd to embrace their Reli⯑gion. I was eaſily prevail'd upon to com⯑ply with their Deſires, and ſo we travell'd together to Rome, the other Gentlemen in Pilgrims Habit, and I in Japan Cloaths, and arriv'd there a little before the Death of the Pope, who being then ſick, would not admit of any to come and ſee him; but we ſaw all the valuable Curioſities that are kept in that famous City. And the Jeſuits at Avignon having given me Let⯑ters [129] of Recommendation, I was nobly entertain'd thereby the Jeſuits of that City, who were very civil and obliging: But when they exhorted me to embrace the Chriſtian Faith, I excus'd my ſelf for not complying with their deſire, and told them, That I intended to return again to Avignon, and to be baptiz'd there by the ſame Father who had brought me out of my own Country. After we had ſtay'd a⯑bove a Month in Rome, we return'd a⯑gain to Avignon, where I was civilly re⯑ceiv'd by the Jeſuits; who, as I have reaſon to believe, had charg'd the young Gentlemen my Fellow-Travellers to take care of me, that I ſhould not make an eſcape; for they watch'd me as narrowly during the whole Journey, as Serjeants uſe to do a Priſoner. Preſently after my Re⯑turn, the Jeſuits ask'd me, how I lik'd all theſe Ceremonies I had ſeen at Rome? To whom I anſwer'd, That I was very well pleas'd with them, and did greatly admire them: But then withal I added, Since you condemn our Pagan Religion, becauſe our Religious Worſhip conſiſts only in Externals, how can you alledge your external Ceremonies in Confirmation of your Religion: To which they an⯑ſwered well enough, That they did not [130] condemn our Ceremonies merely as exter⯑nal, but becauſe they were deſtitute of any internal Virtue: Whereas the Chri⯑ſtian Religion conſiſts much more in its internal Power, than any external Shew: And therefore, ſaid they, all our Cere⯑monies are unprofitable, unleſs the Heart be joyn'd with them; and we only make uſe of them to excite Men to Devotion, and to inſpire them with greater Reve⯑rence and Fervor in the Worſhip of God. With this Anſwer I ſeem'd to be ſo far ſa⯑tisfy'd, that I made no Reply; tho' I might have told them, that we us'd the external Ceremonies of our Pagan Reli⯑gion for the ſame ends and purpoſes as they do theirs. This indeed was a great ſcandal to me, to ſee the corrupt Lives of all ſorts of People, both great and ſmall, at Rome, where they appear'd ſo publickly to be guilty of Adultery and Sodomy, that all Travellers might perceive them; which made me ſay to my ſelf, Certainly if theſe Men did heartily believe their Religion, they would better obſerve its Preceps, and live according to it; but by their wicked Practices it appears, that they impoſe ſuch things upon the common People, which they themſelves do not believe to be true: Beſides, I had heard ſo many Stories of [131] the Miracles wrought by the Relicks of St. Peter, and other Saints, and chiefly of thoſe which are pretended to be done in the Chapel of Loretto, which I believe to be falſe, that from thence I concluded their Relations of the Miracles wrought by Chriſt, to be no leſs falſe: So that my Journey to Rome was ſo far from inducing me to embrace the Chriſtian Religion, that it rather prejudic'd me ſtrongly againſt it.

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE AND Right Reverend Father in GOD, HENRY, By Divine Providence, Ld Biſhop of LONDON, AND ONE OF Her MAJESTY's moſt Honourable PRIVY COUNCIL.

THE PREFACE.

The Reader is deſired to mend the following ERRATA.