THE GRECIAN HISTORY. From the End of the Peloponneſian War, to the Death of Philip of Macedon. Containing the Space of Sixty-eight YEARS.
By TEMPLE STANYAN, Eſq
VOLUME the SECOND, Now Originally Publiſh'd.
LONDON: Printed for J. and R. TONSON in the Strand, M.DCC.XXXIX.
HAVING promis'd a Second Vo⯑lume of this Hiſtory when I publiſh'd the Firſt, it is now become a Debt of ſo many Years ſtanding, that I don't know whether the bare diſcharging it will be thought ſuf⯑ficient, without ſaying ſomething in Ex⯑cuſe for my having deferr'd it ſo long. And yet upon ſecond Thoughts, I believe I might eaſily have been forgiven, if I had never diſcharg'd it: For the World is not ſo rigid in demanding Debts of this kind, as we Authors imagine. But to deal plainly, I have been many Years employ'd in Buſi⯑neſs of another kind; tho' I muſt confeſs it has been with very little Advantage to the Publick, or Myſelf; and much leſs do [] I propoſe any great Benefit to ariſe to ei⯑ther from this Undertaking. However it has ſerv'd to ſhift the Scene a little, and to gratify my own Inclinations, in renewing my Acquaintance with thoſe Studies which I have formerly purſu'd.
I have pleas'd myſelf with the Thoughts of doing ſome ſort of Juſtice to the Me⯑mory of a Race of Worthies, who may be call'd the firſt Aſſertors of publick Li⯑berty: And if I have not ſucceeded ſo well in it as I could wiſh, I hope it will be imputed rather to the Nature of the Subject, than to any want of my Endea⯑vours. In the former Part of this Hiſtory, I did not find it an eaſy Task to take off that Veil of Fable and Fiction, which has been thrown over the firſt Ages of Greece, and to introduce, in the room of it, ſome⯑thing like the Colouring of Hiſtory. And even in the later Times, which are call'd Hiſtorical, I have met with too much In⯑tricacy and Confuſion, in the treating of ſo many ſeparate States, in unravelling their different Intereſts, in deſcribing their different Manners and Cuſtoms, and Forms [] of Government, and in connecting the Whole with the Body of the Story.
In the Progreſs of this Work, I have found more Difficulties of this kind, than I apprehended at my firſt Entrance upon it; and it is that which, I believe, has chiefly diſcourag'd others from undertaking it. For I cannot otherwiſe conceive how it ſhould happen, that the Hiſtory of a Country, which has been the Scene of ſo much Action within itſelf, and which has given Birth to ſo many great Events in o⯑ther Parts of the World, ſhould be ſo much neglected. I do not mean, that it has been wholly buried in the Ruſt and Ruins of Antiquity; but it certainly has not receiv'd a due Proportion of thoſe Im⯑provements, which have been made of late Years both in Ancient and Modern Hiſto⯑ry, as well as in other Arts and Sciences. For tho' there have been many Parts of the Affairs of the Grecians extracted from their Hiſtorians, and Biographers, Poets, Orators and Philoſophers, with great Va⯑riety of Gloſſes and Comments upon 'em; yet they are in ſuch detach'd Pieces, and [] ſo unmethodiz'd, that they can only ſerve as the Ground-work for a more regular Compoſition; and as ſuch I have made uſe of them. There are ſome Collections of this kind, which are more in the Form of Hiſtory: But the Facts contain'd in them are related in ſo dry and lifeleſs a manner, that there is nothing of the true Spirit of Greece in them. And a further Objection to them is, that they are inter⯑mix'd with the Affairs of other Nations, which have no relation to them. This is the Method obſerv'd by the Writers of Univerſal Hiſtory, whoſe chief Merit is the preſerving the Order of Time; but for the ſake of that, they invert the Order of Place, and hurry you on from one Coun⯑try to another, without any natural Agree⯑ment or Connection. Such a confuſed Va⯑riety of Matter may do well enough, when it is compriſed in thoſe ſhort Compendiums of Chronology, which are deſign'd to im⯑print on the Memory the Dates of the moſt remarkable Events, as they have hap⯑pen'd in the World. But the relating things at length in an Hiſtorical Way, and [] blending together Sacred Story and Pro⯑fane, Ancient and Modern, Foreign and Domeſtick, as it diſtracts the Mind of the Reader too much, ſo it is a Work of too great Labour and Extent for the Writer, to be throughly executed.
He who has ſucceeded beſt in this way, is Monſieur Rollin, who has cull'd out the Flowers of the Grecian Story, and inter⯑ſpers'd them in the Accounts, which he has given of the other ancient Kingdoms and Common-wealths. But beſides the relating things by Piece-meal in the con⯑fus'd manner before-mention'd, he has o⯑mitted ſeveral Particulars which are mate⯑rial, and in others which are not ſo, he is too circumſtantial. And his Reflections, tho' they are generally juſt, are too fre⯑quent and too tedious, too trite and ob⯑vious, and too juvenile. However they may be ſuited to the Deſign of his Pro⯑vince in the Inſtitution of Youth, and may ſerve as Lectures to inſtil into their Minds Principles of Virtue and Morality, they are not ſo agreeable as they ſhould be to the Laws of Hiſtory, which will allow of [] very few Reflections, but ſuch as naturally ariſe to the Reader from a ſimple Relation of Facts, or ſuch at leaſt, as are inter⯑woven in the Body of the Story, ſo as not to break the Thread of it. I would not be thought to detract from the Merit of a Work, which has met with a pretty gene⯑ral Approbation, and is now in every Body's Hands. The Author has certainly taken great Care and Pains in it: He is copious in his Matter, faithful in his Authorities, and clear and eaſy in his Narration; and there is a Spirit of Liberty throughout the Whole, which is well ſuited to the Sub⯑ject, and which few of his Countrymen, except Monſieur Tourreil, have attain'd to. Wherefore, tho' I had compos'd the fol⯑lowing Sheets before his Hiſtory appear'd in the World, I will freely own, that it has been of Service to me in the Reviſal of them.
I muſt likewiſe acknowledge the Lights I have receiv'd in ſeveral Paſſages of this Hiſtory, from the Grecian Antiquities of The moſt Reverend the Lord Archbiſhop of Canterbury, who is no leſs eminent for his [] extenſive Knowledge in all Parts of Learn⯑ing, than for his other great Qualities. And however this Work may have ſerv'd as an Amuſement to His Grace in the early Courſe of his Studies, it cannot now be thought unworthy of his more advanc'd Age, nor unbecoming either his holy Pro⯑feſſion, or his high Station.
Juſt before I ſent theſe Sheets to the Preſs, I met with The Hiſtory of Epami⯑nondas, lately publiſh'd at Paris by the Abbé de la Tour, being intended to ſupply the Loſs of that Life of him, which was wrote by Plutarch. I likewiſe receiv'd A Diſcourſe in Manuſcript upon the ſame Subject, which had been pronounc'd in the Academy of the Belles Lettres and Inſcrip⯑tions, by the Abb [...]eA Gedoyn, and which was communicated to me in a very obliging manner from Monſieur de Fontenelle. I was deſirous to ſee if any thing material had eſcap'd me in my Account of the greateſt Man of Greece: And the Peruſal of theſe two Pieces has ſerv'd to clear up to me ſome doubtful Paſſages concerning him, and to confirm me in others.
[] As to this ſecond Part of the Grecian Story, it contains the Tranſactions of ſixty eight Years, which is not a twentieth Part of the Time compris'd in the firſt Volume: But what it wants in the Number of Years, is made up in the Variety of Events, and the Fullneſs of the Materials. This Compaſs of Time, together with the twenty-ſeven preceding Years of the Peloponneſian War, was the moſt active and buſtling Age of the Grecians, who, when they were freed from the Danger of a Foreign Enemy, fell into ſuch Diſſenſions, as turn'd the Edge of the Sword againſt themſelves, and ended in the Deſtruction of that Liberty, which they had ſo gloriouſly defended. There were ſtill among them ſome true Patriots, who aim'd at nothing further than the ge⯑neral Safety of Greece, and an equal Ba⯑lance among the ſeveral Common-wealths: But it was the fixing and preſerving this Balance, which created ſo much Difficulty and Diſturbance. Among ſo many diffe⯑rent Governments and popular Aſſemblies, it was hardly poſſible to avoid Confuſion and Diſcord: And the Demagogues, and [] other artful and deſigning Men, from hence took occaſion to perplex and inflame Matters ſtill more, in order to carry on their own ſelfiſh Views at the Expence of the Publick. There was one Part of the Conſtitution of Greece well deſign'd to re⯑medy theſe Inconveniences, and that was the Council of the Amphictyons, who were in the nature of States General, and were intended not only to provide for the com⯑mon Good and Safety of the Whole, but to decide the Differences, and adjuſt the Pretenſions of each particular State; and great Regard was paid to their Determina⯑tions. But tho' they were conven'd twice a Year, it was moſtly for form-ſake; ſo that, except upon ſome very extraordinary Occaſions, they ſeldom did any thing that anſwer'd the End of their Inſtitution. The Grecians had other ſpecious Shews of Liberty, and their publick Harangues were full of it; but it was chiefly in Shew and in Words, for the Spirit of it was in a great meaſure loſt. The Band of Amity, which had united them againſt the Per⯑ſ [...]ians, was diſſolv'd. The open, generous [] and diſintereſted Valour, which they ſhew'd upon that Occaſion, began daily to dege⯑nerate into Sloth and Luxury, Faction and Corruption, Fraud and Violence. The Greater States devour'd the Leſſer, and then prey'd upon one another. In ſhort, the great Bone of Contention now among them, was the Sovereignty of Greece, which moſt of them aſpir'd to in their turns; and ſtill, as one Competitor fail'd in it, there ſtarted up another. Such was the convulſive State of Greece at the time of the Peloponneſian War; and ſo it continu⯑ed as long as it was a Nation. There were indeed ſome quiet Intervals; but they were ſhort, and ſuch as ſerv'd rather to recover breath, than to ſettle any courſe of Tranquillity.
In relating theſe Wars of the Grecians a⯑mong themſelves, the Reader is not to expect ſuch great and ſurpriſing Incidents, as thoſe which happen'd in their Defence againſt the Perſians. He will not meet with ſuch numerous Armies, as thoſe which came with all the Power of the Eaſt, like [...]n Inundation, upon them; nor with ſuch [] ſignal Victories, as thoſe which have per⯑petuated the Names of Marathon, Sala⯑mis, Plataea and Mycale. The Efforts, which were then made for the Publick Liberty, had ſomething more than human in them, and are not to be accounted for according to the ordinary courſe of Na⯑ture. But however the Eclat of theſe il⯑luſtrious Actions may raiſe our Attention and Admiration; yet an Account of the inteſtine Quarrels which ſucceeded them, will furniſh us with more of that uſeful Knowledge and Inſtruction, which is to be drawn from Hiſtory. There were few⯑er Numbers then brought into the Field, and leſs Blood ſhed: But the Merit of theſe later Victories conſiſted more in the Skill and Conduct of the Generals, and the Diſcipline of the Troops, than in the Number of the ſlain. There were more Feints and Stratagems, Marches and Countermarches, Incampments and De⯑campments, more ſurpriſing of Garriſons, intercepting of Convoys, debauching of Allies, and cluding of Treaties. In ſhort, the Grecians were now become much more [] expert and refined in the Art of War, and leſs prodigal of their Lives, than when they had nothing but an hardy deſperate Valour to oppoſe to the Multitudes of the Barbarians, and when by that glorious Stand made at Thermopylae, one part of them devoted themſelves to certain death for the Preſervation of the reſt. Hence it was, that theſe civil Diſcords were pro⯑tracted to a greater Length, than could otherwiſe have been imagin'd: For conſi⯑dering the Heat and Rancour, with which they were carried on, and that the Scene of Action lay in ſo narrow a Compaſs as Greece ſtrictly ſo call'd, it might naturally have been expected, that things would ſooner have been brought to ſome general Iſſue, and that, by ſome deciſive Stroke, one of the principal Republicks would have made an intire Conqueſt of the Whole. Beſides the Reaſons already given for the long Continuance, and the fatal Iſſue of theſe Wars, another material one may be aſſign'd, which is, that the Gre⯑cians were not content to decide their own Quarrel, without intereſting Foreign Pow⯑ers [] in it. Moſt of them, to their eternal Reproach, as they found themſelves di⯑ſtreſs'd, made mean Applications to their old Enemies the Perſians, who had found out the Secret of fomenting their Divi⯑ſions, and ſupporting one State againſt an⯑other, in order to weaken the Whole. Philip afterwards improv'd upon the Ex⯑ample the Perſians had ſet him; and thus in the end the Grecian Liberties were loſt. The Means by which this Change was effected, and the Struggles, which were now and then made by particular Perſons and States, for recovering the ancient Ho⯑nour of Greece, is chiefly the Subject of this Volume.
Here it may not be improper to obſerve, that notwithſtanding theſe Commotions, with which the whole Country was more or leſs agitated, Arts and Sciences re⯑ceiv'd daily Improvement, and were car⯑ried on to a great degree of Perfection; and there was more Politeneſs and Civility, more Policy and Intrigue, more good Writing and Speaking, and a greater Va⯑riety of Men eminent in all Profeſſions, [] than in any other Period of time in Greece, or in any other Country in that Age of the World. And as a thorough Knowledge of the Lives and Characters of theſe famous Men, does very much conduce to the Knowledge of the Hiſtory of the Times they liv'd in, I have therefore been the more exact in deſcribing them, ſo as to diſtinguiſh their good and bad Qualities, and to ſhew in what manner, and in what degree, they have been beneficial, or hurt⯑ful to their Country. In the doing this, I have found it difficult to reconcile the different Accounts which have been given of them by ſome of the Hiſtorians of thoſe Times, who often claſh with one another, and ſometimes even with them⯑ſelves. All that I could do in this caſe, was to compare them together, to ſupply the Defects of one out of another, and to extract out of the whole thoſe Parti⯑culars, which appear'd to me the moſt ra⯑tional and probable, and moſt conſiſtent with the common known Character of the Per⯑ſon I was deſcribing. I have obſerv'd the ſame Method with regard to Facts, as well [] as Perſons, throughout the Courſe of this Hiſtory; and where I have met with any eſſential Difference, or manifeſt Contra⯑diction, I have taken notice of it as ſuch in the Body of the Story.
If we conſider how many Volumes re⯑lating to the Affairs of the Grecians have been loſt, we might expect more Confuſi⯑on, and greater Chaſms in their Story, than there really are: But it happens very for⯑tunately, that ſome of their beſt Writers, and of the beſt Authority, are ſtill re⯑maining, particularly Thucydides, Xenophon and Demoſthenes, who had a great Share in the Tranſactions they relate, and were otherwiſe moſt remarkable for their Pro⯑bity and Veracity. So that the Groecia mendax of Juvenal cannot be thought ap⯑plicable to theſe Writers, or to the Times in which they flouriſh'd, but muſt be un⯑derſtood only of the Fabulous Age, which undoubtedly is a fitter Subject for the Ex⯑travagancies of Poetry, than for the Gra⯑vity of an Hiſtorian. I have accordingly conſider'd it in that light, and have gone no further into it than I found neceſſary, in [] order to make a beginning, and to intro⯑duce the more ſolid and authentick Parts of the Story. And herein I am ſufficiently warranted by the Example of our own Hiſtorians, who have not contented them⯑ſelves with the wild Accounts of the an⯑cient Britons, but have had recourſe to the Trojan Brute as our Founder: And the Scottiſh Writers begin their Relations from a Son of Cecrops the Athenian, or of Ar⯑gus, who lived an hundred Years before him. And tho' there is no great Streſs laid upon theſe early Accounts, they are ſufficient to ſhew, that we have grafted upon the ſame Stock of Fable as the Grecians, or rather carried it further, and grafted one Fable upon another: And the ſame Vani⯑ [...]y has prevail'd in ſeveral other Parts of Europe.
Here I cannot help obſerving, how much it is to the honour of Greece, that ſo many Nations have laid claim to her as their common Mother; and that they have in⯑vented ſo many Fictions and Forgeries to be conſider'd as Grecian Colonies, when they might more naturally, and with more [] Credibility, have drawn their Deſcent from ſome imaginary Heroes of their own. But it was the eſtabliſh'd Fame, and the real Merit of Greece, that made them ſo fond of being allied to her: It was the Learn⯑ing, Wit and Delicacy of Athens, the Laws and Diſcipline of Sparta, and the Valour and Love of Liberty throughout the whole Country, which put them upon forming theſe Pretenſions, in hopes that, by calling themſelves Grecians, they ſhould be thought to inherit their Virtues, and to act upon their Principles. And in ſome Reſpects they have copied after them, particularly in their Forms of Government, which have ſerv'd as Models to ſeveral conſider⯑able States in this Part of the World, but with ſuch Variations and Improvements, as the Wiſdom of the later ages has found neceſſary. For tho' the general Plan of Government in Greece was founded upon Principles of Liberty, there were great Er⯑rors and Defects in it, which I have cur⯑ſorily taken notice of, in relating the Tu⯑mults and Diſorders that have been occa⯑ſion'd by them. Some of theſe Imper⯑fections [] are ſtill retain'd in the Republicks which are now ſubſiſting in Europe; and others have been added, by refining too much, and aiming at more Perfection than that ſort of Government is capable of. I know there have been ſeveral Attempts to ſhew, that there may be ſuch a thing as a perfect Common-wealth: But how plau⯑ſible ſoever the Arguments for it may ap⯑pear in Writing, they are not eaſily to be reduc'd to Practice, ſo as to prevent the Tyranny of The Few in an Oligarchy, or the Licentiouſneſs of The Many in a De⯑mocracy. This was the Caſe of the two principal States of Greece, upon which moſt of the others were founded.
In Sparta indeed, according to the Set⯑tlement of Lycurgus, there was the Ap⯑pearance of a limited Monarchy; but it was too limited, firſt by the Authority of the Senate, and afterwards of the Ephori, who, tho' they were originally inſtituted only as a Barrier between the Senate and the People, ſoon became the ſupreme Ma⯑giſtrates, and were ſuperior to the Kings in every thing but the Name. However [] the Government ſubſiſted long under this Form; and the Roman Common-wealth was founded upon it, the Conſuls Anſwer⯑ing to the two Spartan Kings, and the Tribunes of the People to the Ephori. But theſe Roman Magiſtrates had greater Power, and made a worſe uſe of it, eſpecially the Tribunes, who, under colour of protecting the People in their juſt Rights, became the Authors of moſt of the Seditions, Tu⯑mults, Murthers and civil Diſcord, which happen'd in the moſt buſy Times of the Common-wealth. As in Sparta the Power of the Kings was too much reſtrain'd, ſo in Athens the Power of the People was too exceſſive; and nothing but ſome middle Scheme between theſe Extremes, can be ſuppos'd to anſwer the true Ends of Go⯑vernment. I might from hence take occa⯑ſion to extol the Happineſs of our own Conſtitution, which is ſo equally poiz'd by a due Diſtribution of Power on the one hand, and of Liberty on the other. But perhaps ſome may think the Boundary Lines between them are drawn ſo fine, as not to be eaſily perceptible; at leaſt this is [] the moſt plauſible Pretence for the many Party-Diſputes among us, and the beſt way of accounting for our frequent Alarms and Jealouſies, leſt one Part of the Conſtitution ſhould break in, and make Encroachments upon the other. Theſe are bad Effects, but they proceed from a good Cauſe; and however ſome Particulars may be affected by them, they have ſeldom gone ſo far, as to endanger the Safety of the Whole: So that notwithſtanding theſe Inconveni⯑ences, we are in the main much happier than any of our Neighbours, who reproach us with them; and our Liberty is better ſecured to us, than it could be in any of the Republicks of Greece, or in any of thoſe Regal Governments in Europe, which, tho' they were form'd upon the ſame Mo⯑del with ours, have now very little Re⯑mains of their original Inſtitution. I have made a further Digreſſion from my Subject than I intended: But in ſpeaking of the Grecian Governments, and of thoſe which have been grafted upon them, I could not, as an Engliſhman, reſiſt the Temptation of ſaying ſomething in Preference of our own, [] which is certainly the neareſt to Perfection, and is attended with very few Evils, but ſuch as are of our own making.
But to return to Greece, I have rather choſe to finiſh my Account of it with the Death of Philip of Macedon, than to carry it on to his Succeſſor. For the Affairs of Alexander, beſides that they are already related by others in a fuller and more un⯑broken manner, than thoſe of the prece⯑ding Times, are not, ſtrictly ſpeaking, to be look'd upon as a Continuation of the Grecian Story, ſince they relate almoſt en⯑tirely to Macedonia and Perſia. Some in⯑deed of the Grecians took occaſion, from the Abſence of Alexander in his Eaſtern Expedition, to attempt the Recovery of their Liberty; but he ſoon return'd upon them; and by the Deſtruction of Thebes, and the Victory afterwards obtain'd over the Peloponneſians by Antipater his Viceroy in Macedonia, he ſtruck ſuch a Terror into the whole Country, that he kept them in a quiet Subjection; ſo that if he had liv'd to return again into Grecce; he would have found it very eaſy to annex it to his own [] Dominions, and to deſtroy the very Name of it. However the Grecians ſtill ſubſiſted, but in ſo low and lifeleſs a Condition, that from the Time of Alexander's Captains, till they were ſubdu'd by the Romans, there were very few among them, who were diſtinguiſh'd for Arms and Counſels, and not many for Arts and Learning: So that, except the famous League of the Achaian under Aratus and Philopoemen, and the En⯑deavours of Agis and Cleomenes to recover the State of Sparta from the Encroach⯑ments of the Ephori, there is very little worth recording.
THE Victory of Lyſander was ſo terrible a Shock to Athens, that tho' ſhe gather'd Strength enough to ſurvive it, ſhe could never perfectly recover it. From a Proſpect of bringing the War [...]o an happy Iſſue, ſhe found herſelf in one Hour [2] reduced to the loweſt ebb of Fortune, and lay at the Mercy of thoſe whom ſhe had ſo lately in⯑ſulted: For the Terms obtain'd by the laſ [...] Treaty, amounted to little more than ſurrender⯑ing at Diſcretion. So that from hence we ma [...] date the Fall of the Athenian Empire, which be⯑gan ſoon after the Defeat of the Perſians at My cale, and continued about ſeventy three Years However the Conquerors were ſo generous, a [...] not wholly to extinguiſh the Name of Athen [...] They ſaid, They would not be guilty of putting ou [...] one of the Eyes of Greece. And this agrees wit [...] what Plutarch relates of Lyſander, That when h [...] ſent word to Sparta, That the Athenians were ta⯑ken, the Magiſtrates wrote back to him, It is ſu [...] ficient to have taken them. But it is certain, they impoſed ſome further Marks of their Conque [...] on them: Of which the moſt particular was that they obliged the People to break up th [...] Democracy, and ſubmit to the Government o [...] Thirty Men, who are commonly known by the Name of The Thirty Tyrants. The Thirty Tyrants. A. M. 3601. Olymp. 94. 1. This Change wa [...] owing chiefly to Lyſander, who about the ſame time introduced the Oligarchy into Samos, an [...] other Places, which he took in as tributary t [...] Athens. In moſt of them he eſtabliſh'd a D [...] cemvirate, which was modell'd according to hi [...] Directions, and made up of his own Creature [...] And thus he treated not only the Enemies, bu [...] the Allies of Sparta; by which means he had in manner engroſs'd to himſelf the whole Empire [...] Greece.
[3] Having ſettled his Conqueſts,Lyſander returns in triumph to Sparta. he returned in triumph to Sparta with the Athenian and other Gallies, and fifteen hundred Talents in Mony, together with a great deal of rich Booty, beſides the Crowns of Gold and other Preſents which had been made him by the ſeveral Cities. He ſent the Mony to Sparta in ſealed Bags by Gylippus, who, ripping up the bottom of the Bags, took out as much as he thought fit, and then ſew'd them up again. But there happen'd to be a Note in each Bag, ſpecifying the Sum contain'd in it, which Gylippus not being appris'd of, the Fraud by this means was detected: And there⯑upon, either to avoid Puniſhment, or out of Shame for having been guilty of ſo mean an Action, he baniſh'd himſelf, and never afterwards appear'd in Sparta.
There was a further Conſideration in regard to this Treaſure, whether, according to the Spartan Laws, it ought to be received into the City. Many of the ſobereſt and moſt diſcreet among them oppos'd the introducing it; and they were the more confirmed in their Opinion from this Inſtance of Gylippus, who, they found, had been ſo far influenc'd by Mony, as to give up every thing elſe for it, and to ſully all the Glory of his paſt Actions: For he was otherwiſe a Man of great Reputation, and had acquitted himſelf ex⯑tremely well in the War of Sicily, where he had the Command of the Spartan Troops: And it was owing chiefly to him, that the Athenians did [4] not make themſelves Maſters of that Iſland. Hereupon the Ephori were obliged to paſs a De⯑cree, that none but the old Iron Mony of the Country ſhould be made current. But Lyſander's Friends would not yet give it up: They reſumed the Debate, and got the Decree revers'd, or at leaſt ſo far qualified, that this Mony, tho' it was to be admitted into the City, was to be employ'd only on publick Occaſions; and it was made capital to convert it to any private uſe. But this did not anſwer the Intent of Lycurgus, which was, by prohibiting the uſe of Gold and Silver, to reſtrain Covetouſneſs and Luxury. Plutarch obſerves upon this occaſion, That the ill Conſequence of Riches was not ſo effectually prevented, by forbidding the uſe of Mony in pri⯑vate, as it was encouraged, by allowing it in pub⯑lick: That therefore this ſort of Prohibition on⯑ly heighten'd their Deſires; and that, if their Actions did not preſently break out, at leaſt thei [...] Affections were tainted. Whatever was pretend⯑ed of laying in a Fund to ſupply the Exigencie of the State, the uſe of Mony had now got foot⯑ing among them; they began to know the Valu [...] of it as well as their Neighbours, and rais'd [...] by more arbitrary and oppreſſive Methods. Di [...]dorus Siculus ſays, They exacted Tribute fro [...] all the Cities under their Juriſdiction, and tre [...] ſur'd up a thouſand Talents every Year. Upo [...] the whole, it is certain that the introducing th [...] Treaſure, was in effect a Change in the Conſtintion; [5] it ſoften'd their Minds ſo as to prepare them for Corruption; and in ſhort, was the firſt great Step towards their throwing off that rugged Virtue, which diſtinguiſh'd them ſo much from the reſt of Greece. This Change was owing in⯑tirely to Lyſander, who ſacrificed every thing to his Oſtentation and Vanity, and ſtuck at no Ex⯑pence to gratify them. He erected his own, and ſeveral of the chief Commanders Statues in Braſs. He was very liberal to thoſe of his Retinue, and gave ſuch Encouragement to the Poets, that they complimented him with Songs of Tri⯑umph, and employ'd all their Art in his Praiſes. The Grecians in general were ſo aw'd with his Merit, that they erected Altars to his Honour, and ſacrificed to him as a God.
In the mean time while The Thirty in Athens, The Pro⯑ceedings of The Thir⯑ty inſtead of compiling and publiſhing a more per⯑fect Body of Laws, which was the Pretence [...]or their being choſen, began to exert their Power of Life and Death: And tho' they conſtituted [...]a Senate and other Magiſtrates, they made no further uſe of them, than to confirm their Au⯑thority, and to ſee their Commands executed. However they at firſt acted cautiouſly, and con⯑demn'd only the moſt deteſted and ſcandalous part of the Citizens, ſuch as lived by Eviden⯑ [...]ing and Informing. But this was only to give a colour to their Proceedings; their Deſign was to make themſelves abſolute; and knowing that was not to be done without a Foreign Power, [6] their next Step was to deſire a Guard might be ſent them from Sparta, till ſuch time as they could clear the City of all diſaffected Perſons, and throughly ſettle the Government. Lyſander accordingly procured them a Guard under the Command of Callibius, whom by Bribes and Ar⯑tifices they work'd over to their Deſigns, and then acted without Controul, filling the City with the Blood of thoſe, who, on account of their Riches, Intereſt, or good Qualities, were moſt likely to make head againſt them. The moſt violent a⯑mong them was Critias, who reſolved to reek his Revenge on the People, by whom he had formerly been baniſhed.Therame⯑nes proteſts againſt them. The firſt who proteſt⯑ed againſt theſe Proceedings was Theramenes, one of their own Memhers: And leſt he ſhould joi [...] with the Multitude againſt them, they inveſte [...] three thouſand of the Citizens with ſome part o [...] the Power, and by their Aſſiſtance diſarmed th [...] reſt. Being throughly embolden'd by ſuch a [...] Acceſſion to their Party, they agreed to ſingl [...] out every one his Man, to put them to death and ſeize their Eſtates for the Maintenance o [...] their Garriſon: Amongſt whom was Nicerat [...] the Son of Nicias, a Man of the greateſt Eſta [...] and Intereſt in Athens, and of ſo ſweet and ob [...]liging a Temper, that he was univerſally l [...] mented. But being ſtill jealous of Theramene [...] who was ſtruck with Horror at their Propoſal they found it neceſſary to remove him out of t [...] way.Is accuſed by Critias. And thereupon Critias accuſed him to [...] [7] Senate, of endeavouring to ſubvert the Govern⯑ment. From thence he took occaſion to juſtify their Proceedings in general; as, That it was ne⯑ceſſary to abridge the People in ſome meaſure of that Liberty with which they had ſo long been pamper'd; That all Changes of Government were attended with Blood, and therefore it was no wonder that they had ſo many Enemies: But that it was unpar⯑donable in one of their own Order to deſert them, and to betray that Power, which, by accepting a Share of it, he had promiſed to maintain. Thera⯑menes made ſo full and handſom a Defence, that the Senate were inclined to favour him: Which Critias perceiving, and knowing that, as one of The Three Thouſand, he had a Privilege of be⯑ing tried in form, he ſtruck his Name out of the Liſt, in order to ſubject him more immediate⯑ly to their Cenſure. It was juſtly urged by The⯑ramenes, That it was as eaſy to blot out any other Man's Name as his; and that therefore they ought to make his Caſe their own. But as they were un⯑der no preſent Apprehenſion of that kind, or rather that they were aw'd by a Guard, which Critias had placed before the Bar of the Court, they durſt not oppoſe the Tyrants, who taking advantage of their Silence,Is con⯑demn'd and executed. immediately paſs'd Sentence of Death upon him; which he ſuffer'd by the Juice of Hemlock. When he had drank his Doſe, he threw away what was left in the Cup, and ſaid, This to honeſt Critias. Socrates, whoſe Diſciple he had been, was the only one [8] of the Senate, who ventur'd to appear in his De⯑fence; he made an Attempt to reſcue him out of the Hands of the Officer of Juſtice; and af⯑ter his Execution, went about, as it were, in de⯑fiance of The Thirty, exhorting and animating the Senators and Citizens againſt them. Critias [...] who had likewiſe been his Scholar, was ſo alarm'd and incens'd at his Behaviour, that he forba [...] him inſtructing the Youth. But he went o [...] with the ſame Intrepidity, and without any re⯑gard to his Authority. The Tyrants, whethe [...] they were aw'd with his Merit, or his Reſolu⯑tion, did not think fit to proceed againſt him [...] But as he continued to uſe the ſame Freedom with the Government, it ſoon after coſt him his Life, as in its proper Place will be more particu⯑larly related. As to Theramenes, the People ex⯑preſs'd a greater Concern for him, than could have been expected for one of that Society. But he was indeed the only one among them, from whom they had any thing to hope for, as a Bar⯑rier between them and the Tyranny. When he firſt engaged with them, he was upon the ſtrict⯑eſt Terms of Friendſhip with Critias, and they had always acted together in concert: But when he ſound what Meaſures the other was purſuing, he oppos'd him, and broke with him.
He had appear'd in moſt of the late Conteſts betwixt the Nobility and the Commons,His Character. and was active, but not violent; endeavouring rather to accommodate himſelf to both Parties, than to [9] depreſs eithr: From whence his Enemies gave him the Name of The Buskin, as it ſerves either Foot. But his ſhifting Sides proceeded not ſo much from the Unevenneſs of his Temper, as from his Caution and Moderation, which made him diſtinguiſh betwixt the Rule and the Ty⯑ranny. He had ſome time before ſhewn his In⯑clination to an Oligarchy, having been principal⯑ly concerned with Piſander and Antiphon in in⯑troducing the Government of The Four Hundred: And in this latter Inſtance, he ſeems to have had ſome Plan of that kind in his view: For he thought The Thirty too few to carry on the Ad⯑miniſtration, and propos'd the adding ſome competent number to them. On the other hand, he was as much againſt the letting in The Three Thouſand, which he ſaw, was only arming one part of the Citizens againſt the reſt. He was, according to the mildneſs of his Nature, for ſome middle Scheme, whereby the Power of the Multitude might be reſtrain'd, but not to⯑tally aboliſhed. But whatever his Deſigns were, he had not weight enough to put them in exe⯑cution; and therefore ſell a Sacrifice to the ho⯑neſty of his Intentions. The greateſt Blot upon his Memory, is, his being inſtrumental in the Condemnation of the Admirals, after the Fight at Arginuſae.
The Tyrants having remov'd this Obſtacle out of their way, renew'd their Outrages with more Security, taking off all whom they thought [10] any way obnoxious, or in any capacity of ob [...]ſtructing their Deſigns. Whilſt they were thu [...] deſtroying with Sword and Rapine, the wretch⯑ed Remainder of the Citizens caſt their Thought on Alcibiades, and were ſtruck with Remorſe for their laſt ill Uſage of him. But as he had be⯑fore overlook'd their Peeviſhneſs, and reliev'd them in their Extremities; ſo neither were they now without hopes, that he might appear again to reſcue them. And the Tyrants themſelves were ſo apprehenſive of it, that they were very ſolicitous to get Intelligence of all his Deſigns and Actions. Critias at laſt repreſented to Ly⯑ſander, that either the Government, or Alcibiades muſt fall; and, after many Solicitations, ſo far pre⯑vail'd, that Orders were given to diſpatch him. He reſided at that time in a ſmall Village in Phrygia, where he was making an Intereſt with Pharnabazus, to recommend him to his Maſter Artaxerxes. Lyſander made it a Requeſt to Pharnabazus, to deliver him up either alive or dead; and laid ſuch ſtreſs upon it, that he ſeem'd to make it a Condition of the League between the Spartans and the Perſians. He conſented to it, and committed the Execution to his Brother and his Uncle; who ſurrounding the Houſe, where he dwelt with his Miſtreſs Timandra, ſet fire to it. Alcibiades threw in great quantities of Clothes and Furniture to choke the Flame; then with his Robe on his left Arm, and his Sword in the other hand, he made his way through it: [11] Which the Aſſaſſins perceiving,Alcibiades murther'd. retreated, and ſlew him at a diſtance with their Darts and Ar⯑rows. Some aſcribe this Murther to Pharnaba⯑zus his own private Jealouſy of him; others to the Reſentment of ſome young Noblemen whoſe Siſter he had debauch'd. And others ſay, he had got into the Secret of the Levy, that Cyrus was making for the Expedition againſt his Brother, and was endeavouring, by the Diſcovery of it to Artaxerxes, to ingratiate himſelf with that Prince, and to procure his Aſſiſtance for re-eſtabling the Affairs of his Country; that therefore it became neceſſary to take him off. But whatever Cauſe they aſſign for his Death, they are generally a⯑greed as to the manner of it; which indeed was ſuitable to that Extravagance,His Cha⯑racter. with which Fortune had all along treated him. And there⯑in ſhe did but ſecond the variety of Nature, who ſeems in his Compoſition to have work'd up the moſt jarring Contradictions, and to have tried how far ſhe could go, in reconciling the Ex⯑tremes of Vice and Virtue. But it is to be doubted whether his Virtues ought, upon a ſtrict Examination, to bear that Name; and whether they ought not rather to be call'd extraordinary Talents and Endowments, and Ways of recom⯑mending himſelf. They had more of Artifice and Deſign, of Popularity and Oſtentation, than of any real Principle of Honour and juſtice, or Love of his Country. And therefore Valcrius Maximus makes it a queſtion, Whether his good [12] or bad Qualities were moſt hurtful to the Pub⯑lick: By the former, ſays he, he deceived his Fel⯑low-Citizens, and by the latter he ruin'd them. H [...] firſt inſinuated himſelf into their Confidence and then put them upon fruitleſs and deſperat [...] Projects; particularly that fatal Expedition againſt Sicily, where their Fleets and Armies moulder'd away, when they had need enough of them a [...] home; and this paved the way for their tota [...] Overthrow by Lyſander. His View in theſe En⯑terpriſes, was not only to procure Honour to himſelf, but alſo to make himſelf neceſſary, and to keep the People employ'd, ſo that they ſhould not be at leiſure to inquire into his Conduct. He likewiſe found his account in the Preſents that were made him abroad, and in that reſpect he was both greedy and corrupt; and yet his ta⯑king them was not ſo much for the ſake of the Mony, as to ſupport his Popularity and Luxu⯑ry. His natural bent was certainly Pleaſure; and yet as much as he lov'd it, he made it give way to his Ambition: But he was ſo violent, and withal ſo irregular and capricious in the Purſuit of it, that there was no living with him upon any equal ſooting. He was any thing, and every thing, by fits and ſtarts, and juſt as it ſuited his preſent purpoſe; one while for the Oligarchy, and then as great a Stickler for the Democracy; one while in the Spartan Intereſt, in order to re⯑venge himſelf of his Country, and then in the Perſian, in order to be reconcil'd to it. The [13] People, it muſt be confeſ'd, were no leſs une⯑qual and inconſtant in their behaviour to him; from whence it happen'd, that, according to the Temper they were in, or according to the occaſion they had for his Service, he was look'd upon as the beſt or worſt Member of the Com⯑mon-wealth, and was either careſs'd and ador'd, or deteſted and perſecuted. And yet, upon the whole, they had ſuch an opinion of his Merit, that tho' they were never eaſy with him, they never thought themſelves ſafe without him. Plu⯑tarch makes a Remark, That his Enemies could never get the better of him but in his Abſence; which muſt be attributed to his Subtilty and Addreſs, and more eſpecially to the Amiableneſs of his Perſon, and the Force of his Eloquence, which Nepos ſays, No body could reſiſt. But tho' by theſe means he captivated the generality of the Citizens; yet the graveſt and moſt con⯑ſiderable among them ſaw further into the Diſ⯑guiſe, and were more upon their guard againſt him. Upon this occaſion the Warning that was given them by Timon the Man-hater, of what they were to expect from him, may be worth re⯑membring. It happen'd one Day, that Alcibia⯑des having ſucceeded well in an Oration, the whole Aſſembly attended to compliment him upon it; and Timon, inſtead of avoiding him, as he did others in the like Caſes, put himſelf in his way, and taking him by the Hand, ſaid, Go on boldly, my Son; may'ſt thou increaſe in Credit [14] with the People; for thou wilt one Day bring them Calamities enough. He was ſcarce above forty Years old when he died; by which time he had done enough to make himſelf by turns the Sup⯑port and Terror, not only of his own Country, but of ſeveral other Parts both in Greece and Aſia. And he had been ſtill greater, if he had been as careful to preſerve the People's Love, as he was to obtain it. But the Management of Proſperi⯑ty was not his Talent: And therefore the faireſt View of him is to be taken from his Suffer⯑ings; which, as they were often unjuſt, ſet off his good Qualities to a greater Advantage, and conſequently made his Fall the more lamented, eſpecially at a time when he was ſo much wanted. Having given a general Character of this great Man, when I firſt mention'd him, I have here only added ſuch further Obſervations, as were neceſſary to illuſtrate it, and which have natural⯑ly occur'd upon a more diſtinct Survey of his Actions.
The Inhabitants not being able to bear the ſe⯑vere Treatment they met with from The Thirty, fled daily in great numbers out of the City, by which means all Greece was overſpread with Athe⯑nian Exiles; till at laſt the Spartans publiſhed an Edict, forbidding any of their Cities to receive them; ſo that they were forced to betake them⯑ſelves to Thebes and Argos, and ſuch other Places, where they could live in any tolerable Security.
[15] The firſt who appear'd to ſtem this Torrent,Thraſybu⯑lus oppoſes The Thir⯑ty. was Thraſybulus, who had done good Service in the Peloponneſian War; inſomuch that Alcibiades is ſaid to owe moſt of his Succeſs to his acting in concert with him: But his Merit being not of ſo glaring a kind, was in a great meaſure eclips'd by that General, till it broke out upon this occaſion of exerting himſelf alone, and in ſuch a Cauſe as the Subverſion of Tyranny. At Thebes he fell into a Conſultation with his Fel⯑low-Citizens; and the Reſult was, That ſome vigorous Effort, tho' it carried never ſo much Danger with it, ought to be made for the Re⯑covery of the publick Liberty: Accodingly, with a Party of Thirty Men only, as Nepos ſays; but, as Xenophon more probably ſays, of near Se⯑venty, he ſeized upon Phyle a ſtrong Caſtle on the Frontiers of Attica. This Enterpriſe gave the Alarm to The Tyrants, who immediately march'd out of the City with The Three Thou⯑ſand, and their Spartan Guard, and attempted the Recovery of the Place, but were repuls'd with loſs. Finding they could not carry it by a ſud⯑den Aſſault, they reſolved upon a Siege; but be⯑ing not ſufficiently provided for that Service, and a great Snow falling that Night, they were forced to retire the next Day into the City, leaving on⯑ly part of their Guard, to prevent any further Excurſions into the Country.
By this firſt Succeſs Thraſybulus had increas'd his Followers to the number of Seven hundred;His Suc⯑ceſs. [16] with which he made a Sally upon the Guards, and diſpers'd and routed them, with the Slaughter of about an hundred and twenty. The Thirty in the mean while, were under great Conſternation; and for ſear of Treachery from thoſe few who were left in the City, they forced them to quit it. Then they fortified Eleuſis, to ſerve them upon any ſudden Exigency, as a Place of Retreat. And, to free themſelves from any Jea⯑louſy the Inhabitants might give them, they cauſed all who were able to bear Arms, to paſs One by One, as it were upon a Re⯑view, in order to compute the Strength of the Garriſon, and murder'd them. At the ſame time they attempted to corrupt Thraſy⯑bulus, and ſent under colour of treating about Priſoners, to make him a private Offer of ſharing with them in the Government, toge⯑ther with the Liberty of reſtoring any Ten of the Exiles, whom he ſhould name, upon Con⯑dition he would diſmiſs the reſt, and come in⯑to their Meaſures. To which Propoſal he ge⯑nerouſly anſwer'd, That he look'd upon his Ba⯑niſhment to be far more honourable, than the whole Power and Dominion of The Thirty; and that be would never put up his Sword, till all the Citi⯑zens from every Part were receiv'd, and reſtor'd to the Liberties derived to them from their An⯑ceſtors.
By this time he had got together a Body of a thouſand Men; with which he march'd out of [17] Phyle by Night, and ſeiz'd on the Piraeus. The Thirty coming with their whole Strength to the Relief of it, he took advantage of the Ground' made the beſt Diſpoſition of his Men, then re⯑minded them of the Cauſe they were engaged in, and the Succeſs they had hitherto met with, and offer'd the Enemy Battle; wherein he eaſi⯑ly obtain'd the Victory; which indeed was more remarkable for the Conſequence of it, than the Number of the Slain, wich were about Seven⯑ty; but among them were Critias and Hippoma⯑cbus, two of the chief of the Tyrants.
A Truce being granted for delivering up the dead Bodies, both Sides came to a Parley; and Thraſybulus took that occaſion to expoſtalate with them, asking them, Why they fled from a Con⯑queror, whom they ought rather to join as the Aſ⯑ſertor of the Publick Liberty; adding, That his Army was compos'd of Citizens, and not of Ene⯑mies; that he came not to rob or plunder [...]than, but to reſtore them to their own; in ſhort, That his Quarrel was to the Tyrants, not to the City. Then he reminded them. How they were tied to one ano⯑ther by all the Obligations of Religion, Laws and Conſanguinity; how they had ſerved in the ſame Camp, and ſought under the ſame Colours. He conjur'd them, That, if they themſelves could pa⯑ [...]iently ſubmit to the Yoke, they would at leaſt have [...]ome Pity for their Fellow-Citizens, who were ba⯑ [...]iſhed for no other Reaſon, but becauſe they would [...]ot be Slaves; concluding, That if they would re⯑ſtore [18] him to his Country, he would reſtore them to [...] their Liberty. It is probable this Speech may be [...] conſounded with another to the ſame effect, by ſome aſcribed to Cleocritus; but it is certain, i [...] made ſuch an Impreſſion upon The Three Thou ſand, eſpecially thoſe who had been leaſt inſtru [...]mental in theſe Outrages, that, upon their Re [...]turn into the City, they became throughly ſenſi⯑ble, that they ought not to let their Country b [...] ruin'd, to ſupport the Avarice and Ambition o [...] their Tyrants:The Thir⯑ty re⯑inov'd. The Iſſue whereof was, that Th [...] Thirty ſhould be remov'd from the Government Accordingly, they retired to Eleuſis; and te [...] others were choſen,Ten ſubſit⯑tuted in their room. Olym. 94. 2. one out of each Tribe, fo [...] the Adminiſtration.
But this Change was far from producing an [...] good effect:They fol⯑low the Example of The Thirty. The Ten copied exactly after The Thir⯑ty; ſo that the Tyranny being reſtrain'd only as t [...] the Number, there were the ſame Jealouſies Tumults and Diviſions in the City, the ſame Act [...] of Injuſtice, Rapine and Cruelty: And many o [...] The Three Thouſand were too deeply involved i [...] the Guilt of the former Adminiſtration, not t [...] purſue the ſame Meaſures. They found ther [...] was no means of Saſety or Impunity leſt ſo [...] them, but by the utter Deſtruction of thoſe i [...] the Piraeus. Accordingly they held Correſpon⯑dence with The Thirty at Eleuſis, and made the [...] joint Application to Sparta for freſh Succours ſo [...] that purpoſe. Their Requeſt was ſeconded b [...] L [...]ſander, who repreſented it as a new Affront o [...] [19] fer'd to the Spartans, in revolting from them, and diſſolving the Form of Government, which they had preſcribed to them; and thereupon he procured them from the State an hundred Ta⯑lents,Lyſander ſent to ſup⯑port them. with a Commiſſion for himſelf to go Ge⯑neral, and his Brother Libys Admiral, in order to block up the Piraeus by Sea and Land. Ac⯑cordingly he march'd with a ſtrong Body of Peloponneſians; and the Admiral ſuffer'd no Pro⯑viſions to go in by Sea; by which means thoſe in the Piraeus were diſtreſs'd on all ſides.
While things were in this Poſture,Pauſanias ſent after him. Pauſanias, one of the Spartan Kings, got leave to follow Lyſander with another Body, to ſupport him. But his Deſign was not ſo much to aſſiſt, as to watch him; he could not allow him the Glory of conquering Athens a ſecond time; and there⯑fore went rather to trifle, and perplex the War, than to proſecute it to any real Advantage: So that what ſome call his Commiſeration of the poor Athenians, was in reality the Envy he bore to Lyſander. It is alſo obſervable, that in ma⯑king his Levies for this Expedition out of the Forces in Alliance with Spar [...]a, the Boeotians and Corinthians, who had all along been the moſt ac⯑tive and profeſs'd Enemies of the Athenians, re⯑ſuſed now to ſerve againſt them, alledging, that They could not ſalve their Oath in making War upon thoſe, who had not broke any one Article of the League. But the truth is, they appre⯑hended the Power of the Spartans, concluding, [20] They would make an entire Conqueſt of Athens, and annex it to their own Dominions. This is the firſt Inſtance of that Jealouſy, which ſoon after ſeveral other States of Greece conceived of Sparta.
Pauſanias, before any Act of Hoſtility on his ſide, ſent to thoſe in the Piraeus, to depart every one to his reſpective home; and, upon their Refuſal, having drawn up his Men, and made a ſlight Attack, he went to view the Ground for opening the Trenches: But the Enemy made a Sally, and gall'd him ſo in his Retreat, that from Skirmiſhing, he was forc'd to bring it to a regular Action, which was fought obſti⯑nately enough on both ſides, till at length the Athenians were routed,Routs the Athenians with the loſs of an hun⯑dred and fifty Men, and Pauſanias erected a Trophy.
But inſtead of puſhing his Victory, he ſent privately to the Athenians, that they ſhould diſ⯑patch Ambaſſadors to him, and the two Ephori who attended him in the Field, to offer Terms of Accommodation. Accordingly they ſent their Deputies both from the Piraeus, and the Ci⯑ty, and a Peace was concluded upon theſe Con⯑ditions; That every Man ſhould return home, ex⯑cept The Thirty, and The Ten, and Eleven mort who had commanded in the Piraeus. And if any in the City apprehended themſelves to be obnoxious, they ſhould alſo be free to retire with them to Eleu⯑ſis. After which Pauſanias drew off the Spartan [21] Army, and thoſe in the Piraeus march'd with their Arms into the City; where Thraſybulus having, among other things, reproach'd the Ci⯑tizens with their calling the Spartans in to their Aſſiſtance, told them, They had nothing further to fear, provided they would be governed by their ancient Laws; The De⯑mocracy reſtored. and ſo far prevail'd upon them, that they choſe their Magiſtrates as formerly, and reſtored the Democracy.
But the City had no ſooner began to recover Breath, when the Remainder of the Faction at Eleuſis were hiring Foreign Troops, in order to make another Attempt: Whereupon the whole City went out againſt them; and having taken their Commanders upon a Pretence of coming to a Parley, cut them to pieces; after which the reſt were eaſily brought to an Accommodation. And leſt the Remembrance of former Tranſ⯑actions ſhould create any new Diſturbances, a General Amneſty was paſs'd,A general Amneſly. and every Man ob⯑liged himſelf by Oath, to bury what was paſs'd in Oblivion: Which being religiouſly obſerved, the City was reſtored to its former Tranquillity, and its Members were again united into one Body.
Thus ended this Sedition in the third after its breaking out upon the Change of the Go⯑vernment;Olymp. 94. 3. during which time the State ſuffer'd ſuch Convulſions, as proved more fatal to it than the War. There were fourteen hundred Citi⯑zens put to death without hearing, and thoſe [22] chiefly Men of Note and Condition. There were above Five Thouſand more forced to fly into the Piraeus: And Xenophon obſerves, that this [...]ſtine Fury had conſumed as many in eight Months, as the Peloponneſian War did in Ten Years. As the Flame was kindled by the Tyranny of The Thirty, ſo it was all along fo⯑mented and kept alive by the Ambition of Ly⯑ſander: And that it was at laſt extinguiſhed, is almoſt intirely owing to the Conduct and Reſo⯑lution of Thraſybulus, who, after the ſhare he had in reſcuing his Country from a Foreign Enemy, had the peculiar Glory of ſuppreſſing its in⯑teſtine Foes, and, by that means, of reſtoring the City to itſelf. And in effecting this, he ſhew'd the greateſt Temper and Moderation; which indeed were neceſſary in ſuch a Conjuncture, to appeaſe the Minds of the People, and to reconcile them to one another. Hence it was, that this Act of Oblivion became a Pattern to ſucceeding Ages; and Cicero recommends it as ſuch to the People of Rome, when the City was divided into Factions upon the Murther of Julius Caeſar.
Upon this Re-eſtabliſhment of Affairs in Athens, the other States enjoyed the ſame Tranquillity, or rather kept in a quiet Subjection to Sparta, which now held the undoubted Sovereignty of Greece. But it being a Maxim with the Spar⯑tans, that this Sovereignty was not to be main⯑tain'd but by a conſtant courſe of Action, they were ſtill ſeeking freſh Occaſions of War: And [23] part of their Forces, together with another Bo⯑dy of Grecians, being at this time engaged in a Quarrel between the Perſian King and his Bro⯑ther, it will be neceſſary to paſs over into Aſia, and relate ſo much of the Perſian Affairs, as con⯑cerns The Expedition of Cyrus, wherein thoſe Forces were employ'd; eſpecially ſince it is at⯑tended with Circumſtances, which, if duly con⯑ſider'd, will eaſily make it paſs for one of the greateſt Actions of Antiquity.
Darius the Perſian upon his Death-bed,Olymp. 94. 4. for his two Sons, Artaxerxes and Cyrus; the former whereof he declared his Succeſſor,Grounds of the Expe⯑dition of Cyrus. and the other General of a part of his Troops; and he had before appointed him Commander in chief of the Maritime Provinces. The old King being dead, Tiſſaphernes, who went up with Cy⯑rus from his Government, accuſed him to his Brother of Treaſon: But upon the Interceſſion of his Mother Pariſatis, not only his Life was ſpared, but he was confirmed in his Govern⯑ment. And yet he was no ſooner returned to it, but he ſtudied how to revenge this Affront, and to dethrone his Brother. To this end, he practiſed with the Grecians and Barbarians, and made Levies of the beſt Soldiers of Peloponne⯑ſus, in order to recruit his Garriſons; the Pre⯑tence for which was, his Diſtruſt of Tiſſaphernes, from whom he had taken all the Cities of Ionia, except Miletus; and that he had block'd up by Sea and Land, under colour of reſtoring ſome [24] whom Tiſſaphernes had baniſhed, upon a Suſpi⯑cion of their betraying him. The King was not much concerned at his Quarrel with Tiſſa⯑phernes, ſo long as he thought theſe Levies were deſigned againſt him only; and he was the more confirmed in this Opinion, becauſe Cyrus con⯑tinued to ſend him up the Tribute due from thoſe Places, as before.
Cyrus in the mean while held Intelligence with Clearchus, Ariſtippus and other Grecians, who were either baniſh'd from their reſpective Countries,His mak⯑ing Levies. or diſguſted in them; and by their means got together, upon ſeveral different Pre⯑tences, One little Army in the Cherſoneſe of Thrace, a Second upon the Helleſpont, and a Third in Theſſaly. When his Deſigns were ripe, he drain'd his Garriſons, and aſſembled all theſe ſcat⯑ter'd Forces together at Sardis, giving out, that his Intent was to chaſtiſe the Piſidians, who infeſted his Province.His Pre⯑tence for it. But Tiſſaphernes judging right, that theſe Preparations were too great for ſo in⯑conſiderable an Enterpriſe, as the Piſidian War, ha [...]en'd to inform the King of it, who accord⯑ingly took the Alarm, and prepared for his De⯑fence.
At the Rendezvous of the Forces at Sardis, The Ren⯑de [...] of his For [...] at Sa [...]ci there were Four Thouſand Grecians, who had been drawn out of the Garriſons, under the Command of Xenias; Proxenus the Boeotian had brought Two Thouſand more; Sophaenetus the Stymphalian, One Thouſand; Socrates of Achaia, [25] Five hundred; and Phaſion the Megarean, Seven Hundred; in all to the number of Eight Thou⯑ſand Two Hundred Men; with which Cyrus march'd through Lydia to Coloſſus, a City of Phrygia, where he was join'd by Menon the Theſſalian, who commanded in the room of Ariſtippus, with Fifteen Hundred more. His next March was to Celaene, another City of P [...]rygia, where Clearchus the Spartan came in to him with Two Thouſand more; Soſias the Syra⯑cuſian with One Thouſand; and Socrates the Ar⯑cadian with Three Hundred; which made the whole Number of Grecians Thirteen Thouſand, whereof Eleven Thouſand were heavy-arm'd.
But when they were got as far as Tarſus, the Capital of Cilicia, The Gre⯑cians re⯑fuſe to fol⯑low him. they began to perceive Cyrus's Intent of leading them into Perſia againſt his Brother, and refuſed to follow him; till by the Artifice of Clearchus (who was the only Grecian in the Secret of Cyrus's Deſign) they being con⯑vinced, it was leſs hazardous to proceed, than to retreat,But are prevailed upon by Clearchus. began to be pacified; and upon a Promiſe of having their Pay augmented to a Third more, they agreed to march. At Iſſus, he laſt City of Cilicia, there came to them Thir⯑ [...]y Five Peloponneſian Gallies, and Twenty Five of Cyrus's, which had been employ'd in the Blockade of Miletus; and Cheriſophus the Spar⯑ [...]an join'd the Army with Seven Hundred Gre⯑ians, which he had on board the Gallies. Four Hundred more, who were in the Pay of Abroco⯑mas, [26] deſerted from him, and came in to Cyrus. This Abrocomas commanded upon the Euphrates, and march'd with Three Hundred Thouſand Men to join the King's Army, but did not ar⯑rive till after the Battle.
When they were arrived upon the Coaſts of Phaenicia, Xenias and [...]ſion de⯑ [...] Xenias and Phaſion deſerted from them, and made their Eſcape on board a Merchant Ship; which Cyrus did not reſent in ſuch a man⯑ner as was expected. He only told the other Captains, That no body ſhould reproach him with keeping them in his Service againſt their Will, or with taking from them what they had got in it; that it was in his Power to purſue and puniſh them, but that he was ſo far from doing either, that he would ſend to them their Wives and Children, which be had as Hoſtages. By this generous Pro⯑ceeding he fix'd the Reſolution of thoſe, who be⯑fore had no great Inclination to proceed.
When they came to Thapſacus a City upon the Euphrates, Cyrus told them plainly his De⯑ſign of marching againſt the King; at which the Soldiers murmur'd,The Gre⯑ciansagain refuſe to march. and reproach'd their Offi⯑cers with having kept it ſo long ſecret, refuſing at the ſame time to march any further, till Cy⯑rus promis'd them a further Reward upon their Arrival at Babylon, But are a⯑gain pre⯑vail'd up⯑on. together with their full Pay to their Return into Ionia. Menon was alſo very inſtrumental in perſuading them; for which Cyrus made him Preſents to a conſiderable value.
[27] From thence they march'd through Meſopota⯑mia, and at laſt advanc'd into the Province of Bablyon; where Cyrus, upon the Return of thoſe who had been ſent to reconnoitre the Enemy, advis'd with the Grecian Captains, and then ſpoke to them to this effect. It is not, my Friends,Cyrus's Speech to the Gre⯑cian Cap⯑tains. for want of Troops, that I have made choice of you, but becauſe I have thought you were better to me than a great Number of Barbarians. Don't let me be deceived in my Opinion of you; but ſhew your ſelves worthy of that Liberty which you enjoy, and which I think preferable to all other Poſſeſſions. Conſider only who you have to do with, and no⯑thing can happen in the Engagement to diſhearten you. The Enemy indeed is very numerous, and will ruſh upon you with great Shouts and Acclamations; but if you can ſtand this firſt Eclat, you your ſelves will be aſhamed for them afterwards. If you behave upon this Occaſion like your ſelves, and any one ſhall afterwards deſire to return home, his Countrymen ſhall have cauſe to look upon him with Admira⯑tion and Envy. But many of you, I believe, will rather chooſe to ſtay with me, and accept the Of⯑fers that ſhall be made you. There was a certain Samian, who took the Liberty of telling the Prince, That his promiſes were very large, in pro⯑portion to the Danger of his Enterpriſe; but that, after the Battle, he would forget them; or that, if he did not, he would not have it in his Power to perform them. To which Cyrus replied, This Kingdom of my Father's is ſo extenſive, that one [28] part of it is not habitable by reaſon of the Heat, nor the other by reaſon of the Cold. All that lies between theſe Two Extremes, it will be in my Power, if I am victorious, to beſtow on my Friends. Neither am I ſo much afraid of not having enough to give, as of not having Men enough to give it to. And as for you, Grecians, I promiſe to give every Man of you a Crown of Gold. Upon which Aſ⯑ſurances, they went away very well ſatisfied, Clearchus afterwards ask'd him, if he thought the King would give him Battle. Yes, undoubt⯑edly, ſaid he; If he be the Son of Darius and Pa⯑riſatis, and my Brother, he will not let me take poſ⯑ſeſſion of all this, without ſtriking a Stroke for it.
Upon a general Review of his Army,He re⯑views his Army. he found it compoſed of Ten Thouſand and Four Hundred heavy-arm'd Grecians, Two Thouſand Five Hundred others; and an Hundred Thou⯑ſand of other Nations; and the Enemy, by the Accounts they had from Deſerters, amounted to Twelve Hundred Thouſand Men, beſides a ſe⯑lect Body of Six Thouſand Horſe. He then form'd his Army,And forms it. giving to Clearchus the Com⯑mand of the right Wing of Grecians, and Me⯑non the leſt, and march'd in order of Battle, expecting every Hour to engage. But the Ene⯑my having left a Paſs open to him, which he thought they would have diſputed, he purſued his March with more Security, and leſs Order, till at laſt being arrived at the Place where he intended to encamp, he diſcover'd the King's [29] Army by a thick Cloud of Duſt, and prepar'd to receive them. He order'd Clearchus to charge directly into the Center, where the King was; for that thereupon depended the whole Succeſs of the Battle: But the Enemy being ſo numerous, that one of their Wings would cover the whole Front of Cyrus's Army, he thought it not ad⯑viſeable to abandon the River, for ſear of being ſurrounded by them; which Plutarch blames him for, as having left that Service to Cyrus, and thereby occaſion'd his Death. When he had let the Enemy advance within four or five hundred Paces of him, the Grecians began the Hymn to Battle,The Battle. and march'd up to them with great Ac⯑clamations. But before they were got within reach of their Javelins, the Barbarians fled, and the Grecians after them, calling out to one ano⯑ther, not to break their Ranks in the Purſuit. Cyrus perceiv'd the Grecians were victorious, yet was not tranſported with it, tho' he was alrea⯑dy ſaluted King by thoſe about him. At length he diſcover'd the King his brother in the midſt of the Battle; and for fear he ſhould fall upon the Grecians in their Purſuit, and cut them off, he made up directly to him with Six Hundred Horſe, and with his own Hand kill'd Artagerſes, who commanded the King's Six Thouſand Horſe But when he had broke their Squadrons, all his own People abandon'd him, except a few of his Domeſticks, with whom he charg'd on to the King, and crying out, I ſee him, threw a Ja⯑velin [30] at him, and wounded him in the Stomach; but at the ſame time receiv'd a Wound himſelf under his Eye,Cyrus kill'd. and was kill'd upon the Spot, with eight of his principal Attendants. The King order's his Head and right Hand to be cut off; and then puſh'd on to Cyrus's Camp, in pur⯑ſuit of Ariaeus, who commanded his Horſe, and had fled as ſoon as he had heard of his Maſter's Death. The Grecians at the ſame time were in purſuit of one part of the King's Army, whilſ [...] the other part of it were plundering their Camp; ſo that both ſides thought themſelves victorious. The King return'd upon them in the ſame Or⯑der of Battle as at firſt; but the Barbarians fled again on all ſides upon the Approach of the Grecians, who being very much fatigued, and Night drawing on, returned to their Camp, not knowing what was become of Cyrus, but expect⯑ing his Orders the next Day to compleat their Victory. When the News arrived to them the next Morning of Cyrus's Death, it occaſion'd a [...] general Conſternation; and they were now to de⯑liberate, not ſo much to annoy the Enemy, a [...] to provide for their own Safety.
This was the Succeſs of the Battle, which wa [...] fought at Cunaxa in Aſſyria, on the Banks o [...] the River Euphrates, about an hundred League from Babylon. And thus ſell Cyrus in the pur [...]ſuit of his Ambition; which yet was attende [...] with ſo many good Qualities, that he deſerved better Fate; and it is very probable, from th [...] [31] Circumſtances of the Action, that if he had been more cautious in expoſing himſelf, he had carried his Point. The Character of this Prince is finely drawn by Xenophon. But not to enter further into the Perſian Affairs, than is neceſſary to my preſent Purpoſe, I will only obſerve of him in general from that Hiſtorian, that no bo⯑dy of his time, whether Grecian or Barbarian, was ſo univerſally beloved. He deſcribes him further, as a Prince born for Empire, and the moſt worthy Succeſſor of Cyrus the Great.
Amidſt the Confuſion the Grecians were in af⯑ter the Battle, they ſent to Ari [...]us as Conqueror, and Commander in chief upon Cyrus's Death, to offer him the Perſian Crown. In the mean time the King, as Conqueror alſo on his ſide, ſent to them to ſurrender their Arms,The Gre⯑cians ſum⯑mon'd to ſurrender their Arms and implore his Mercy; repreſenting to them at the ſame time, That as they were in the Heart of his Dominions, ſurrounded with vaſt Rivers, and numberleſs Nations, it would be impoſſible for them to eſcape his Vengeance, and therefore they had nothing to do, but to ſubmit to the preſent Neceſſity. Upon debating among themſelves what Anſwer they ſhould return, Proxenus de⯑ſired to know of the Heralds,But they refuſe. upon what Terms the King demanded their Arms. If as Conque⯑ror, it was in his Power to take them; if upon any other foot, what would be give them in return? He was ſeconded by Xenophon, who ſaid, They had nothing left but their Arms, and their Liberty; [32] and that they could not preſerve the one without the other. Clearchus ſaid to the ſame effect, That if the King was diſpoſed to be their Friend, they ſhould be in a better Capacity of ſerving him with Arms, than without; if their Enemy, they ſhould have need of them for their Defence. Some indeed ſpoke in Terms more complying, That as they had ſerved Cyrus faithfully, they would alſo ſerve Artaxerxes, if he would employ them, and provided he would at the ſame time put them in poſſeſſion of Aegypt. At laſt it was agreed, that they ſhould remain in the Place where they were, and that if they advanced further, or retreated back, it ſhould be look'd upon as a Declaration of War; ſo that by the Iſſue of the Debate, it appear'd to have been managed ſo, as to avoid giving a di⯑rect Anſwer, but only to amuſe the King, and gain time.
Whilſt this Treaty was on foot, they received Ariaeus's Anſwer, That there were too many powerful Men in P [...]rſia, to let him poſſeſs the Throne; whereſore he intended to ſet out early the next Morning in his Return towards Greece; and that if they had a mind to accompany him [...] they ſhould join him that Night in his Camp [...] Which accordingly they all did,Milthocy⯑tus goes in to the Per⯑ſian King with 340 Horſe. The reſt decamp the next Day. except Milithocy [...]tus a Thracian, who went with a Party of Thre [...] Hundred Men, and Forty Horſe to the King The reſt, in conjunction with Ariaeus's Forces decamp'd by break of Day, and continu'd then March till Sun-ſet, when they diſcovered from [33] the neighbouring Villages the King was in pur⯑ſuit of them: But this Alarm was over the next Day, when he ſent to treat with them. Clear⯑chus return'd Anſwer, That his Men were ſtrait⯑en'd for want of Proviſions; and that his Affairs required him rather to fight, than to enter upon a Treaty. Wherefore the King, to prevent their being deſperate, ſent to conduct them to ſeveral Villages, where they found plenty of every thing; and after Three Days Stay there, Tiſſa⯑phernes came, and inſinuated to them the good Offices he had employ'd with the King, to give him leave to conduct them ſafe into their Coun⯑try; that in return, they ought to acknowledge this Favour, and not ſhew themſelves averſe to ſuch Terms, as he could obtain for them. Cle⯑archus urg'd in their Defence, That they had been engag'd in this Expedition by Cyrus, with⯑out their Knowledge or Intention; that upon his Death, they were now free'd from that En⯑gagement, and had no Deſign upon Artaxerxes, or his Country, provided he did not oppoſe them in their Return. Which Tiſſaphernes agree'd to on the King's part, that he ſhould not, and promis'd further, That they ſhould be furniſh'd with all neceſſary Proviſions in their March, and that he himſelf would return with them to his Government.
Accordingly, in a few Days after, they ſet out ander his Conduct: But in their March, the Barbarians encamping at about a League's diſ⯑tance [34] from the Grecians, created ſome little Diſ⯑truſts and Jealouſies on both ſides. In about fifty Days, being got to the Banks of the River Zabatus, Clearchus, to prevent things coming to an open Rupture, had a Conference with Tiſſaphernes; wherein, among other things, he aſſur'd him of their Fidelity, in regard to the Truce between them, as likewiſe of their future Service, whenever he ſhould have occaſion to employ them, and that they would always look upon him as the Author of their Safety and De⯑liverance.The Trea⯑chery of Tiſſapher⯑nes. To which Tiſſaphernes anſwer'd, That he was glad of this occaſion of coming to a right Underſtanding with him; That indeed it was in their Power to have deſtroy'd the Grecia [...] whenever they had pleas'd, but that he himſelf had prevented it, out of a Deſire to oblige them by his good Offices, as Cyrus had done by hi [...] Mony. The Reſult of their Diſcourſe was That they had been miſrepreſented to each other by ſome of Clearchus his Officers, and that h [...] ſhould bring them all to Tiſſaphernes, in order to [...] detect thoſe who were guilty. He particularly ſuſpected Menon of a Deſign to ſupplant him [...] his Command; and accordingly brought hi [...] the next Day, with three other General Office [...] Proxenus, Agias and Socrates, attended with [...] Guard of Twenty Captains, and about Two Hundred Soldiers, upon a Pretence of buying Proviſions in the Perſian Camp. The Five G [...]neral Officers, upon a Signal given, were imm [...] [35] diately admited into Tiſſaphernes's Tent, and put in Arreſt; the others, who were without, were at the ſame time cut in pieces, and ſome Perſian Horſe ſcouring the Plain, kill'd all the Grecians they met. Amidſt this Scene of Slaughter and Confuſion, the Perſians ſent to them a ſecond time, in the King's Name, to lay down their Arms, pretending that Clearchus was executed, as having been accuſed by Proxenus and Menon of perfidiouſly deſigning to break the Truce; and that his Accuſers were ſent for to be reward⯑ed by the King for their Diſcovery. But Xeno⯑phon ſuſpecting the Treachery, demanded, that Proxenus and Menon, as being innocent, and com⯑mon Friends to both, might be reſtored to them, as the propereſt Perſons to adviſe them in this Exigency. To which the Perſians, not knowing what to reply, went away. Immedi⯑ately after, Nicarchus, one of the Captains who had attended the Generals, came, wounded in the Belly, and holding up his Entrails with his Hand, to the Grecian Camp, and told them all the Particulars of what had happen'd.The Five Grecian Generals executed. The five Generals were ſent back to the King, who caus'd them all to be beheaded, except Menon, who ſuffer'd ſome other way after a Year's Torture. It does not appear, why he was diſtinguiſhed in this manner from the reſt; tho' indeed there was ſome Juſtice in it in regard to his Character, which was as extraordinary as his Treatment.
[36] He was by Birth a Theſſalian, The Cha⯑racter of Menon. covetous and ambitious; but who made his Ambition all along ſubſervient to his Avarice, and had no other View in his Purſuit of Honour, but to get by it. He ſought the Friendſhip of Men in Power, on⯑ly to ſcreen him from Puniſhment. He con⯑cluded the readieſt way to obtain his Ends, was by Perjury, Lying and Fraud; and took Can⯑dor and Openneſs for Stupidity. He loved no body; and wherever he profeſs'd a Freindſhip, it was in order to enſnare. He did not laugh at his Enemies, but always made a Jeſt of his Friends. So neither did he attempt to defraud his Enemies of their Property, as knowing they were too much upon their Guard againſt him: But his Friends, who were not ſo, he fleec'd and plunder'd. And he valued himſelf as much up⯑on his Injuſtice and Falſhood, as others did upon their Religion and Virtue: For he thought none but Cheats were to be look'd upon as Men of Addreſs. He made his way to Great Men by traducing their Favourites. His manner of ſup⯑porting his Authority among the Troops, was by committing the ſame Crimes with them. He endeavour'd to make himſelf fear'd by the Miſ⯑chief he could do you; and you were to take it as an Obligation, that he did not do it, when it was in his Power. He gain'd the Favour of Ariaeus in his Youth, by abandoning himſelf to his unnatural Paſſion; and he prevail'd the ſame way with Ariſtippus for his Command in the [37] Army. Some have imagin'd that he was par⯑don'd by Artaxerxes; and conclude from thence, that he was engag'd in a Deſign of betraying the Grecians to him; which, according to his Prin⯑ciples, might eaſily be ſuppoſed: But however, this Account of him does not appear to be well founded.
Clearchus was a Spartan, Of Clear⯑chu [...]. and eſteem'd one of the greateſt Captains of his Time. He had done good Servie to his Country in the Peloponneſian War, and was intirely devoted to the Love of Arms; inſomuch that he laid out all his Mony in War, and with the ſame Guſt and Appetite, with which others laid it out upon their Plea⯑ſures. Hence it was, that upon the Peace, he deſir'd leave to go and chaſtiſe the Thracians, who had committed ſome Inſults upon the Cher⯑ſoneſe. Soon after he was gone, the Ephori changed their Minds, and recall'd him; and tho' they paſ'd Sentence of Death upon him for diſobeying their Orders, he proceeded on his March, beat the Thracians in a pitch'd Battle, ravaged their Country, and continued the War, till he enter'd into Cyrus's Service; where he was pitch'd upon as the propereſt Man to command the Grecians in this Expedition: And he had Ta⯑lents ſuitable to ſo hardy an Undertaking. He was ſevere in his Looks, and harſh in his Speech; he always puniſh'd ſharply, and ſometimes in Anger, but generally with Diſcretion. He was very ſtrict in his Diſcipline; and it was a Saying [38] of his, That a Soldier ought to be more afraid of his Officer, than of his Enemy. Upon Action, his Men deſir'd no other General; for he then appear'd mild to them, and reſerv'd all his Fierceneſs for the Enemy: But when the Danger was over, he reſumed his Natural Roughneſs, and many of them, as they found opportunity, left him. None of them follow'd him out of Inclination; but lived with him, as Boys do with their School-maſters. However, he did every thing with them by dint of Puniſhment; and the Sum of his Character is, that he was more fit to command, than to obey.
Proxenus was a Boeotian, Of Proxe⯑nus. and of an aſpiring Temper, which had engaged him in this Ser⯑vice; tho' he did nothing in the Purſuit of his Ambition, but what was conſiſtent with Honour and Virtue. He was capable enough of Com⯑mand, but was too much the Reverſe of Clear⯑chus. He had not the way of making himſelf fear'd, where it was neceſſary: For he was more afraid of being ill with the Soldiery, than the Soldiery with him. He thought it ſufficient to commend good Actions, without puniſhing the bad: For which reaſon he was beloved by thoſe who acted upon Principles of Honour; but bad Men took advantage of his Eaſineſs.
Agias was an Arcadian, Of Agias and So⯑crates. and Socrates and Achaean; they had both lived without Reproach, either as to their Military, or their Civil Conduct.
[39] The Grecians had, ever ſince the Battle of Cy⯑rus, been ſo upon their guard, and were withal ſo bold and reſolute, that the Perſians deſpair'd of ſubduing them by open Force, and therefore had recourſe to this treacherous Stratagem, which had ſo far ſucceeded, that the Loſs of the Gene⯑rals was very near breaking and diſperſing the whole Body. The News of it ſtruck them with the utmoſt Conſternation: They expected every Moment when they ſhould be attacked in their Camp: They conſider'd that they were at the very Gates of the King; ſurrounded with great Rivers; in the midſt of many Nations their Enemies; ſix or ſeven hundred Leagues from Greece; without Officers to lead them; in want of all manner of Proviſions, and of Means to get any; beſides that they had no Cavalry; and therefore if they were victorious, could not pur⯑ſue their Enemies; and if they ſhould happen to be defeated, muſt every Man of them be cut off. In theſe perplexing Thoughts they paſs'd the Night without Sleep, deſpairing ever to ſee their Native Country more.
It was upon this Occaſion,Xenophon and others ſucceed in the Com⯑mand. that Xenophon ſig⯑nalized himſelf. He was an intimate Friend of Proxenus, who had invited him into Aſia, and preſented him to Cyrus, who had alſo expreſs'd a particular Eſteem for him; but hitherto he had ſerved only as a Voluntier in the Army. The next Morning he aſſembled the Officers, and re⯑preſented to them the Miſery of their Condition; [40] That they could expect no Mercy from the King, if they fell into his Hands; to prevent which, they had nothing to depend upon, but their own Perſonal Bravery; and that no time ought to be loſt in providing for their Defence. He there⯑fore adviſed to chooſe new Officers in the Place of thoſe who were murther'd, and to reſolve to make their way home in the beſt manner they could. Accordingly, they choſe Timaſion in the room of Clearchus, Xanthicles in that of Socra⯑tes, Cleanor in that of Agias, Phileſius in that of Menon, and Xenophon in that of his Friend Proxe⯑nus. He having encourag'd the Army with a long Harangue in praiſe of their Anceſtors, pro⯑pos'd to them, for the Safety and Expedition of their Return, to burn their Tents, Carriages, and all unneceſſary Baggage, and to march in the form of a hollow Square, that, in caſe they ſhould be attack'd, they might be prepar'd to receive the Enemy with a Front either way. All which being approv'd of, Cheriſophus the Spart [...]n led the Van, and Timaſion and Xenophon brought up the Rear.
They bent their March towards the Heads of the great Rivers,The Gre⯑chians pur⯑ſue their March. in order to paſs them where they were fordable: But they had made very lit⯑tle way before they were follow'd by a Party of the Enemies Archers and Slingers, commanded by Mithridates, which gall'd their Rear, and wounded ſeveral of them, who being heavy⯑arm'd, and without Cavalry, could make no [41] Reſiſtance. To prevent the like Inconvenience, Xenophon furniſh'd two hundred Rhodians with Slings, and mounted fifty more of his Men up⯑on Baggage-Horſes; ſo that when Mithridates came up with them a ſecond time, and with a much greater Body,The Barba⯑rians re⯑puls'd by them. he repuls'd them with this Handful of Men, till he arrived near to the City Lariſſa on the Banks of the Tigris. From thence they march'd to another deſolate City call'd Mepſila; and about four Leagues from that Place, Tiſſaphernes came up to them with his whole Army in Order of Battle; but, [...]fter ſeveral Skirmiſhes, was forc'd to retire. In a few Days after, he ſecured an Eminence, over which the Grecians were obliged to make their way: Which Xenophon perceiving, took a De⯑ [...]achment of the Army, and with great Dili⯑gence gain'd the Top of a Mountain which commanded that Eminence, from whence he ea⯑sily diſlodg'd the Enemy, and made good a Paſ⯑ſage for the reſt of hsi Troops into the Plain, where they found Plenty of Proviſions, tho' Tiſ⯑ [...]aphernes had done what he could before, to [...]urn and deſtroy the Country.
But ſtill they were under as great Difficulties as ever, being bounded on the one hand by the Tigris, and on the other by inacceſſible Moun⯑tains, inhabited by the Carduchi, a ſierce and warlike People, and who, Xenophon ſays, had cut off an Army of Six Score Thouſand Perſians to [42] a Man, by reaſon of the Difficulty of the Ways. However, having no Boats to croſs the River, and the Paſſage through the Mountains opening into the rich Plains of Armenia, they reſolv'd to pur⯑ſue their March that way. Theſe Barbarians ſoon took the Alarm; but not being prepar'd to meet them in a Body, they poſſeſs'd themſelves of the Tops of the Rocks and Mountains, and from thence annoy'd them with Darts and great Stones,They are attack'd by the Cardu⯑chi. which they threw down into the Defiles thro' which they paſs'd; in which they were al⯑ſo attack'd by ſeveral other Parties; and thoug [...] their Loſs was not conſiderable, yet, what with Storms and Famine, beſides ſeven tedious Days March, and being continually forc'd to fight their way, they underwent more Fatigue and Hardſhip, than they had ſuffer'd from the Per⯑ſians during the whole Expedition.
They were now got to the Banks of the Cen⯑trites, which divides the Mountains from Arme⯑nia: And whilſt the Carduchi were ſtill in View of them, and pouring down upon their Backs, they had this deep River before them, with [...] Body of Troops on the other ſide to diſpute their Paſſage. Notwithſtanding which, they forded it with all their Baggage, and fought their way into Armenia; They fight their way [...] Ar⯑menia. where Tyribazus the Go⯑vernor offer'd them free Paſſage and Proviſions upon condition they did not ravage the Coun⯑try. But his Deſign was to cut them off in the Mountains; which they being appriz'd of, fell [43] upon him firſt, defeated him, and took his Tent.Arrive at the Eu⯑phrates. Soon after they arrived at the Euphrates, which they paſs'd near the Source; and continued their March through the Deſart part of Arme⯑nia; where ſeveral of them were loſt in the deep Snows, and the reſt ſuffer'd extremely by Cold and Hunger. After a Stay of ſeven Days to refreſh themſelves in the Villages, they pro⯑ceeded thro' the Countries of the Phaſiani, Ta⯑choi, and Chalybes; which latter were reckon'd the ſtouteſt People of the Barbarians. But the Grecians again forc'd the Paſſes they held in the Mountains, and made good their Deſcent into the Plain. After which they arriv'd at the River Harpaſus; and from thence at a rich populous City call'd Gymnias. They were very well re⯑ceiv'd by the Governour of the Province, who diſmiſs'd them with a Guide, that brought them in five Days within Sight of the Sea;They are within Sight of the Sea. at which they burſt out into Tears and Exclamations of Joy, and embrac'd their Officers for having brought them within reach of ſeveral Grecian Co⯑lonies, by which they might hope to be protected the reſt of their March. And of this they had an Inſtance in the next Province belonging to the Macrones, who at firſt appear'd in Arms againſt them; but finding them to be their Countrymen, brought them Proviſions, and gave them free Paſſage. From thence they advanc'd to the Mountains of Colchis, where they met with ſome Oppoſition, but got the better, and, in two Days [44] more,Arrive at Trapezus, a Grecian Colony. arriv'd at Trapezus, a Grecian Colony of the Sinopeans, ſituate in the Country of Colchis, upon the Euxine Sea.
Here being almoſt beat out with the Fatigues of their long March, they reſolv'd to make the reſt of their Way by Sea, and deputed Cheriſophus to the Spartan Admiral for Ships for that Pur⯑poſe. Whilſt the Army waited his Return, they ſubſiſted themſelves by their Incurſions upon the Barbarians; till at laſt, after thirty Days Stay, hearing nothing of him, and the Country being quite exhauſted, they put their Women, old and ſick Men, and Part of their Baggage, on board ſome Veſſels which they had ſtopt at Trapezus, whilſt the reſt renew'd their March by Land, and in three Days reach'd Ceraſus, another Greacian Colony;They re⯑view their Forces at Ceraſus. where, upon a review of their Forces, they were found to amount to Eight Thouſand Six Hundred, the reſt of the Ten Thouſand be⯑ing dead either of the Fatigue, Sickneſs, or their Wounds.
Upon their Arrival on the Frontiers of the Moſynaeci, Oppos'd by the Moſy⯑naeci, and repuls'd. they were vigorouſly oppos'd, and re⯑puls'd with Loſs; but being encourag'd by Xe⯑nophon, But rally, and are victorious. they rally'd, took the Metropolis, and by that Means became Maſters of the whole Country, from thence they continu'd their March along the Coaſt,Arrive at Cotyora. till they arriv'd at Cotyora. The Diſtance from the Field of Battle to this Place is computed at about Six Hundred and Twenty Leagues; which from the Day of the Battle took [45] them up Eight Months Time; of which they march'd an Hundred and Twenty-two Days. They had hitherto preſerv'd themſelves in an in⯑tire Body; but being a [...]terwards broken and di⯑miniſh'd by their Diviſions, and other Accidents, Xenophon, for that Reaſon, ſeems to finiſh their Retreat at this Place. But as he ſtill proſecutes his Account of them, it may be proper to ſee, what further Difficulties they meet with, till they arriv'd nearer home, and paſs'd again into the Service of their Country.
The Inhabitants of this Place at firſt refuſing them Admittance, they ravag'd the Country, and liv'd at Diſcretion, till, by the Interpoſition of the Sinopeans, to whom Cotyora was tributary, they were ſupply'd from the Town. During their Stay here of Forty-five Days, there was a general Enquiry made, in the Nature of a Court-Martial, into all the Abuſes and Offences that had been committed in the Army, whether by Officers or others, ſince the Death of Cyrus, and Puniſh⯑ments allotted accordingly. Among others, Xe⯑nophon was accus'd of having treated ſeveral of the Soldiers ill;Xenophon accus'd, but he made it appear, he had done nothing but what was neceſſary to preſerve the Diſcipline, and was acquitted with a general Ap⯑plauſe.but ac⯑quitted. He had alſo form'd a Project of ſettling them in theſe Parts, and ſounding a Grecian Co⯑lony; which was approv'd by ſome; but his Enemies repreſenting it to the Army, only as a more honourable way of abandoning them, and [46] to the Inhabitants, as a Deſign to ſubdue and en⯑ſlave the Country, he was forc'd to give over that Enterprize. However, the Noiſe of it had this good Effect, that the Natives did what they could, in a friendly Manner, to procure their Departure, adviſing them to go by Sea, as the ſafeſt Way, and furniſh'd them with a ſufficient Number of Tranſports for that Purpoſe.
Accordingly they embark'd with a fair Wind, and the next Day got into the Harbour of Sinope, where Cheriſophus met them with ſome Gallies; but, inſtead of the Money they had alſo expected from him, he only told them, they ſhould be paid their Arrears, aſſoon as they got out of the Euxine Sea. But this Anſwer occaſion'd a great deal of murmuring and Diſcontent among them;The Army mutiny, ſo that they reſolved to put themſelves under one ſingle General, deſiring Xenophon in the moſt preſſing and affectionate Terms, to accept of that Command; which he modeſtly declined, and procur'd the Choice to fall upon Cheriſophus. But he enjoy'd it not above ſix or ſeven Days; for no ſooner were they arriv'd at Heraclea, than the Army depos'd him for refuſing to extort a Sum of Money from the Inhabitants of that City; which being a Grecian Colony, Xenophon likewiſe refus'd to concern himſelf in that Affair; ſo that the Army being diſappointed in their Hopes of Plunder,and divide fell into a Mutiny, and divided into three Bodies; of which the Achoeans and Arca⯑dians were the principal, conſiſting of Four [47] Thouſand Five Hundred Foot, and commanded by ten of their own Officers. Cheriſophus retain'd another, of Two Thouſand One Hundred; and Xenophon the third, of about the ſame Number, forty whereof were Horſe; which indeed was all the Cavalry they had.
The firſt Body having obtain'd Ships of the Heracleotae, ſail'd to Calpe, a Port of Bithynia. Cheriſophus led his Troops by Land, leaving what Ships he had to Xenophon; who ſet ſail, and landing on the Confines of Bithynia, march'd into the Country. The Arcadians landing in the Night, had plunder'd the Villages; upon which the Inhabitants appear'd in Arms, and almoſt entirely cut off two Regiments, and ſurrounded a Hill where the reſt were encamp'd. Xenophon in the mean time receiving Advice of their Con⯑dition, march'd to their Relief, ſetting on Fire every thing in his Way that was combuſtible; which ſtruck ſuch a Terror into the Enemy, that they decamp'd by Night:Are re⯑united. Upon which the Gre⯑cians were happily reunited, and encamp'd at the Port of Calpe; where they ſettled the Command as before, ſubſtituting Neon in the Room of Che⯑riſophus, who died here; and making it Death for any Man henceforward, to propoſe the di⯑viding of the Army. But being ſtraiten'd for Proviſions, they were forc'd to ſpread themſelves in the Villages; where Pharnabazus's Horſe being join'd by the Inhabitants, cut in Pieces Five Hundred of them. The reſt eſcaping to an Hill, [48] were reſcu'd and brought off by Xenophon; who after this led them thro' a large Foreſt, where Pharnabazus had poſted his Troops to oppoſe their Paſſage;Defeat Pharnaba⯑zus. but they entirely defeated him, and purſu'd their March to Chryſopolis of Chalce⯑don, having got a great deal of Booty in their Way,Arrive at Byzanti⯑um. and from thence to Byzantium.
Pharnabazus, who fear'd they would be ſtrong enough to diſpoſſeſs him of his Government, had been practiſing with Cleander, the Governor of Byzantium, and Anaxibius, the Spartan Admiral, to uſe all poſſible Means to haſten their Depar⯑ture. Accordingly Anaxibius got them out of the City Gate, under a pretence of reviewing them, and told them, They would meet with Plenty of Proviſions in the Thracian Villages, and that they ſhould proceed to the Cherſoneſe, where he would take care they ſhould be paid their Arrears. But they were ſo ill ſatisfied with theſe Promiſes, that they re-enter'd the Gates in a tumultuous Manner, and put the City into the utmoſt Con⯑fuſion. They addreſs'd themſelves to Xenopho [...] telling him,Propoſe to plunder the City, That now was the Time to make himſelf great, and them rich, and that they ought not to ſlip this Opportunity of furniſhing them⯑ſelves with every thing they wanted. To appeaſe them, he ſeem'd at firſt to comply with their Demands; then having drawn them up in a large Square of the City,but are re⯑ſtrain'd by Xenophon he repreſented to them the ill Conſequence of plundering the City, and thereby incenſing the Spartans, who held the [49] Sovereignty of Greece, and had Athens in their Alliance: That this would involve their Country in a dangerous War, and themſelves in inevitable Ruin, ſince it was equally impracticable for them to make their Retreat to the Perſian, or any of the Countries thro' which they had forc'd their Paſſage, or to return home; to which he added, how much it would ſully the Glory of their Re⯑treat, That after having ſpared ſo many of the Barbarian Cities, they had plunder'd the firſt they came to in their own Country, and murder'd ſo many of their Friends and Relations. This Ha⯑rangue had ſo good an effect, that they imme⯑diately chang'd their Reſolution, and march'd out of the City without committing the leaſt Diſ⯑order; which was intirely owing to Xenophon, who to the Courage and Conduct he had ſhewn in every Circumſtance of the Retreat, had added this extraordinary Inſtance of his Mildneſs and Humanity, and the Force of his Eloquence. And this was teſtified of him at large in a Letter from Chio, a Philoſopher then in the Town, to a Friend of his, wherein he tells him, He had been an Eye⯑witneſs of the Skill and Temper, with which Xeno⯑phon had allay'd the Fury of the Soldiers; that he could not forbear going to thank him as the Author of his Deliverance, and was ſtruck with the Sight of a Man, who had nothing terrible or ſevere in his Looks, but entertain'd him in the moſt meek and agreeable Manner on ſeveral Subjects, and who knew ſo well how to reduce Philoſophy to Practice.
[50] The Troops being thus appeas'd,Xenophon leaves the Army, Xenophon took his Leave of them, and retir'd into the City, with a Deſign to embark for Athens: But as they proceeded to the neighbouring Villages, they were divided in their Opinion as to what Courſe they ſhould take.but is pre⯑vail'd upon to return to it. In theſe Uncertainties, he was prevail'd upon to return to the Army, and was receiv'd with all imaginable Demonſtrations of Joy. At the ſame time there was an Overture made to him from Seuthes, He aſſiſts Seuthes in Thrace. King of the Odryſians in Thrace, with a Promiſe of great Rewards both to the Officers and Soldiers, in caſe they would enter into his Service. He accepted the Offer, and led them into the Service of that Prince; who, by their Aſſiſtance, gain'd great Advan⯑tages over his Enemies; inſomuch that the whole Country ſubmitted to him.
They had no ſooner re-eſtabliſh'd him in his Dominions, but Thimbron the Spartan General ſent them Word, he was order'd by the State to declare War againſt Tiſſaphernes; and that they ſhould receive all fitting Encouragement, if they would aſſiſt him. Seuthes not being able to pay them their Arrears, and having no further Occa⯑ſion for them, did what he could to encourage the Propoſal; tho' they were of themſelves deſirous enough to ſerve again in the Cauſe of their Coun⯑try; beſides that they were glad of ſuch an Occa⯑ſion of revenging the Treachery of Tiſſaphernes to them in their Retreat: So that they eaſily gave into it, and were ſo warm upon it, that an Arca⯑dian [51] accuſed Xenophon of having detain'd them ſo long out of that Service,He is again accuſed by the Army, only to enrich himſelf at the Expence of their Lives and Labours; and added, That as to his part, what little he had, he would freely give to ſee him ſtoned to death. Another ſtood up, and ſeconded this Motion; and a third ſpoke to the ſame Purpoſe. He made it appear in his Anſwer to this Charge, that he had acted in every thing for the Good and Safety of the Army; that, as to his own particular, he had not receiv'd the Rewards which were pro⯑miſed him, nor even ſo much as ſeveral of the other Captains; and appeal'd to Seuthes himſelf for the Truth of it. He modeſtly hinted to them his paſt Services, which they had promiſed never to forget, when, in their Dangers and Fatigues, they gave him no other Name, than that of Fa⯑ther, Saviour and Deliverer; and in the end re⯑proach'd them with the rankeſt Malice and In⯑gratitude. They were ſo well ſatisfied with his Defence, that ſeveral ſpoke in his Favour, and nothing more of a Complaint was urg'd againſt him:but is ac⯑quitted. So that they prepar'd for their new Expe⯑dition, and he embark'd with them, and ſail'd to Lampſacus in Myſia. From thence they march'd to Troas, and croſſing Mount Ida, ar⯑riv'd at Antandros; whence coaſting along, they gain'd the Plain of Thebe, His Succeſs at Perga⯑mus. and arriv'd at Perga⯑mus in Lydia; where Xenophon, with a Detach⯑ment of Three Hundred Men, took a Perſian Lord with all his Equipage, and a great Sum of [52] Mony.Thimbron takes the Army un⯑der his Command. The next Day Thimbron arriving there, took them under his Command, and join'd them to his own Troops, in order to carry on the War in Aſia.
Thus in the firſt Year of the Ninety-fifth O⯑lympiad, A. M. 3625. Olym. 95. [...]. ended this memorable Expedition of this Body of Grecians; who, notwithſtanding the many Adventures and Impediments they met with, and which took up ſo much of their Time, perform'd the whole Journey of between Four and Five Thouſand Engliſh Miles forwards and backwards, in the Space of about Nineteen Months, from their firſt ſetting out, till their Ar⯑rival at Pergamus. It is true indeed, that, upon a Review of the Forces at Ceraſus, there ap⯑pear'd to be but Eight Thouſand Six Hundred Men; and after their Service under Seuthes, there is Mention made but of Six Thouſand; which laſt Diminution of them was owing to their Di⯑viſions, and going in ſeparate Bodies in Search of Plunder, as they came nearer home. But yet, that any ſuch Number of them ſhould eſcape, as did actually reach the Confines of Greece, ſeems almoſt incredible. That, after the Death of Cyrus, which ſtruck ſuch a Damp into the reſt of his Forces, they alone ſhould have Courage enough to continue the War, to oblige the Per⯑ſian to ſue to them for Peace, and furniſh them with Proviſions; That, after the treacherous Murder of their Officers, they ſhould be ſtill hardy enough to make their Way in Defiance [53] of a numberleſs Army, that could neither take them by Force, nor circumvent them by Strata⯑gem; That they ſhould traverſe the Body of that vaſt Empire, with ſo many barbarous Nations on all Sides, to diſpute their Paſſage over Rocks and Mountains almoſt inacceſſible, and ſuch Rivers as the Tigris and Euphrates; and all this with the Countenance rather of Conquerors, than of de⯑ſpairing ſucceſsleſs Adventurers, expoſed to the Fury of a powerful incenſed Monarch with a victorious Army: theſe are Circumſtances, which would not eaſily gain Credit, if they had not been deſcrib'd and atteſted by Xenophon, who has done it with ſuch Exactneſs and Fidelity, and at the ſame time with ſuch Modeſty in regard to him⯑ſelf, that the only Doubt remaining, is, whether he gain'd more Honour by the Share he had in the Expedition, or by the Account he has given of it.
But it is time now to return to Greece, which we left chiefly under the Direction of the Spar⯑tans, who contenting themſelves with the Sub⯑miſſion of the ſeveral States to them at home, were meditating other great Deſigns, and reſolv'd to puſh their Conqueſts abroad. The firſt Occa⯑ſion that offer'd, was from the Ionians: They were afraid of the Power of Tiſſaphernes, who, as a Reward for the Service he had done Artaxerxes in the late War with his Brother Cyrus, had the Government of all the Cities he had poſſeſſed in thoſe Parts, conferr'd on him; and therefore [54] they begg'd Aſſiſtance from Sparta to ſupport them in their Liberties. Their Requeſt was eaſily granted; and a Body of Five Thouſand Men, with Three Hundred Athenian Horſe, were ſent to them, under the Command of Thimbron, who appear'd among them, but would not venture to take the Field, till he was join'd by the Re⯑mainder of the Ten Thouſand at Pergamus; with which Forces he took that, and ſeveral other ill-fortified Towns, and then laid Siege to Lariſſa. But before he could take it, he was recall'd by the Ephori, Thimbron recall'd, and ba⯑niſh'd. and baniſh'd, for having ſuffer'd the Soldiers to pillage the Countries of their Allies; and was ſucceeded in the Command by Dercyl⯑lidas.
Athens, during the Time of the Expedition of the Ten Thouſand, and the breaking out of this freſh War in Aſia, was very quiet with its Neigh⯑bours, and endeavouring to recover itſelf from its late Confuſions in the Government at home. But there were ſtill ſome Seeds of Rancour and Ma⯑lice left among the Citizens, which, two Years after the Expulſion of the Thirty, broke out upon Socrates, and occaſion'd his Death. The chief Inſtrument in it was Anytus, who engag'd Melitus and Lycon to join with him in accuſing him to the State. Accordingly Melitus drew up his Accuſa⯑tion,Socrates accus'd containining in Subſtance, That he did not ac⯑knowledge the Gods of the Republick, but introduced new Deities in their room; and further, That he corrupted the Youth. He urg'd in his Defence, [55] That he had aſſiſted,His De⯑fence. as others did, at the Sacri⯑fices and ſolemn Feſtivals, and appeal'd to Me⯑litus himſelf for the Truth of it. He denied his endeavouring to eſtabliſh any new Worſhip: He own'd indeed, he had receiv'd frequent Admo⯑nitions from a Divine Voice, which he call'd his Daemon, that conſtantly attended him, and diſ⯑cover'd to him Things to come; that he had of⯑ten made uſe of this Divine Aſſiſtance for the Ser⯑vice of himſelf and his Friends: But that if he had been thus particularly favour'd from Heaven, it was owing chiefly to the Regularity of his Life and Conduct; and that the Approbation of the Gods, which was given him as the Reward of his Virtue, ought not to be objected to him as his Crime. Then as to the other Article, wherein he was branded with a criminal Paſſion for young Men, he ſaid, He had no other View in his Con⯑verſation with them, than to regulate their Mo⯑rals; that as he could not do this with any pub⯑lick Authority, he was therefore forc'd to inſi⯑nuate himſelf into their Company, and to uſe in a manner the ſame Methods to reclaim, that o⯑thers did to corrupt them.
How far the whole Charge affected him, is not eaſy to determine. It is certain, that amidſt ſo much Zeal and Superſtition as then reign'd in Athens, he never durſt openly oppoſe the receiv'd Religion, and was therefore forc'd to preſerve an outward Shew of it: But it is very probable, from the Diſcourſes he frequently held with his [56] Friends, that in his Heart he deſpis'd and laugh'd at their monſtrous Opinions, and ridiculous Myſ⯑teries, as having no other Foundation, than the Fables of the Poets; and that he had attain'd to a Notion of the One, Only, True God; inſo⯑much that, upon the account both of his Belief of the Deity, and the Exemplarineſs of his Life, ſome have thought fit to rank him with the Chriſtian Philoſophers. And indeed his Behaviour upon his Trial, was more like that of a Chriſtian Martyr, than of an Impious Pagan; where he appear'd with ſuch a compos'd Confidence, as naturally reſults from Innocence, and rather, as Cicero obſerves, as if he were to determine upon his Judges, than to ſupplicate them as a Cri⯑minal.
But how ſlight ſoever the Proofs were againſt him, the Faction was powerful enough to find him guilty. There was the Form of a Proceſs againſt him, and his Irreligion was the Pretence upon which it was grounded; but his Death was certainly a concerted thing. His ſteady uninter⯑rupted Courſe of obſtinate Virtue, which had made him in many Caſes appear ſingular, and oppoſe whatever he thought illegal or unjuſt, without any Regard to Times, or Perſons, had procur'd him a great deal of Envy and Ill-will: Inſomuch that he had, ſeveral Years before, been publickly attack'd upon the Stage in the Play, call'd The Clouds, where he is introduc'd as the Author of many groſs Impieties; which ſome [57] ſay, Ariſtophanes wrote out of a perſonal Pique to him; others, that he did it only according to the Liberty then indulg'd to the Stage, and intended, in the Perſon of Socrates, to expoſe and ridicule the Philoſophers in general. But moſt are of Opinion, that it was at the Inſtigation of Anytus, who look'd upon him as a dangerous Man, and took that Method of preparing the People for his Condemnation, whenever an Opportunity ſhould offer. This agrees with the Terms propoſed to him, even after the Accuſation was given in, when perhaps he was not ſure of carrying his Point a⯑gainſt him: He hinted to him, that if he would talk leſs freely, and not take upon him to cenſure and arraign the Adminiſtration, he would yet en⯑deavour to ſtifle the Affair, and ſave him. It was upon the ſame Account, that he was forbid converſing with the young Men: Thoſe at the Helm were jealous of his tampering with them in relation to the Government; and this ſeems to be the Grounds of that Part of his Accuſation. But he was not to be bought by Bribes, or deter'd by Menaces; in ſhort, he had more Plainneſs and Integrity than the Times would bear; and there⯑fore fell a Sacrifice to the Corruption of thoſe, whom his Honeſty had made his Enemies.
It was a Privilege in Athens, after Conviction, to demand a Mitigation of the Puniſhment: But that, he ſaid, would be owning himſelf guilty; and he choſe rather to defy and incenſe his Judges; ſo that they unanimouſly paſs'd Sentence [58] of Death upon him,He is con⯑demn'd, by drinking the Juice of Hemlock, which was not put in execution till thirty Days after;and exe⯑cuted. during which Time, he con⯑verſed with his Friends with the ſame Evenneſs and Serenity of Mind he had ever done: And tho' they had bribed the Jailor for his Eſcape, he refus'd it, as an ungenerous Violation of the Laws. He was about ſeventy Years old when he ſuffer'd; which made him ſay, he thought him⯑ſelf happy to quit Life at a Time when it begin to be troubleſome; and that his Death was ra⯑ther a Deliverance, than a Puniſhment. This agrees with his laſt Words to his Friend Crit [...] juſt before he expir'd; We owe a Cock, ſaid he, to Aeſculapius, don't fail to pay it him; thereby intimating, that he ſhould ſacrifice for him [...] that God, as if he had recover'd from a Diſeaſ [...] His Innocence ſoon after appear'd in ſuch live [...] Colours, that the Athenians imputed all the Mi [...]fortunes of the Republick to his unjuſt Condem⯑nation; and to avert the Vengeance of Heaven thought themſelves oblig'd to make ſuitable Ex⯑preſſions of Repentance; which they did by re⯑voking his Sentence with a publick ſolemn La⯑mentation, and by condemning his Accuſers From thence their Love and Reſpect to his Me [...]mory roſe even to Veneration; inſomuch tha [...] they erected his Statue, and dedicated a Chap [...] to him.
He was born in the fourth Year of the ſeventy ſeventh Olympiad, His Cha⯑acter. of indifferent Parentage, an [59] [...]as bred to his Father's Buſineſs of a Statuary; [...]ut ſoon quitted it for the Study of Natural Phi⯑ [...]oſophy, wherein he made a good Proficiency. But finding it ſo defective and unſatisfactory, that [...]e could ground no certain Principles upon ſuch [...] Diverſity of Opinions, he turn'd his Thoughts wholly to the Nature of Man; and by diving [...]eep into the Paſſions and Affections, endeavour'd [...]ather to cultivate the Heart, than the Reaſon, [...]nd rather to regulate the Manners, than refine [...]e Wit. It is ſaid of him, that he had natu⯑rally a Diſpoſition to Vice; but he ſo far got the [...]etter of himſelf, as to make Virtue habitual to [...]im, and was therefore the better prepar'd to [...]plant it in others: So that he was the firſt, who ſettled the ſtanding Rules of Good and Ill, [...]nd is to be look'd upon as the Founder of Moral Philoſophy. His Life and Doctrine were one con⯑ [...]nu'd Leſſon of Virtue; which he inculcated [...]ith Candour and Modeſty, Eaſineſs and Affa⯑ [...]ility, and temper'd the Dryneſs of his Maxims with an Air of Humour and Pleaſantry, as know⯑ [...]g that, to pleaſe, was the ſureſt Method to [...]erſuade; and by this Means he took off that [...]gged and unſociable Dreſs that Philoſophy then [...]ore. If he ſometimes went out of his Cha⯑ [...]acter, it was in Oppoſition to the Sophiſts; he [...]ould not bear their deluding all the Youth of [...]hat Time with a ſuperficial Tincture of the Sci⯑ [...]nces; and therefore took all Occaſions of con⯑ [...]ting their falſe Reaſonings, and of mortifying [60] their Arrogance. As to his own way of reaſon⯑ing, it was very juſt, and yet uncommon. He began with doubting, enquiring, and asking of Queſtions, as if he ſought rather to receive In⯑ſtruction, than to give it; and from the An⯑ſwers which muſt be naturally made, his Infe⯑rences were undeniable. He had a way of lead⯑ing People inſenſibly from one Abſurdity to an⯑other, till they came to the Point he aim'd at▪ and, by the moſt familiar Compariſons, mad [...] the Truth ſo plain, as to become in a manner th [...] Object of their Senſes: By which Means he [...]voided the Odium of dictating, and left to ever [...] one the Pleaſure of convincing himſelf. H [...] Studies did not ſo wholly employ his Time, as [...] make him, in other Reſpects, an idle Member [...] the Common-wealth. He made ſeveral Ca [...]paigns in the Peloponneſian War; where being [...] the Actions at Potidaea, Delium and Amphipol [...] he had the good Fortune to ſave Alcibiades [...] Xenophon from falling into the Enemies Hands [...] and he gave ſuch further Proofs of his Courag [...] that when his Party was at laſt forc'd to retre [...] 'tis ſaid of him, He did not fly as others, [...] meaſur'd back the Field by Inches. Some Part [...] his Time he devoted to his Love of Muſick an [...] Rhetorick. He had alſo the Reputation of [...] good Poet; inſomuch that he is ſaid to have [...] a Hand in ſeveral of Euripides's Plays. But [...] had uſed theſe kinds of Study rather as Amu [...]ments, than his Buſineſs, and in Subſ [...]rviency [...] [61] [...]is other great Deſigns. It was upon theſe oc⯑ [...]aſions, that the Oracle ſtiled him the Wiſeſt Man: It was by theſe Methods, that he kept up [...]he Reputation of the City, and, by his nume⯑ [...]ous Followers, eſtabliſh'd in it the Glory of Phi⯑ [...]oſophy, and that at a Time, when it had loſt [...]he Power of Empire.
DERCYLLIDAS had now taken Thimbron's Army under his Command;A. M. 3606. Olymp. 95. 2. and finding [...]e had both Tiſſaphernes and Pharnabazus to deal with at the ſame Time, took Occaſion, from a [...]ique between them, to practiſe ſecretly with the [...]rſt, who was the moſt active, and had the [...]reateſt Intereſt in the Soldiery, and ſtruck up a [...]eace with him, in order to attack the other with more Vigour and Security.Dercylli⯑das his Succeſſes. Accordingly [...]e invaded his Province; and ſeveral of the Aeolian Cities, aſſoon as he appear'd before 'em, [...]pen'd their Gates to him; ſome, after a little [...]hew of Reſiſtance, ſubmitted, and others he gain'd by Stratagem; ſo that in eight Days he [62] took Poſſeſſion of nine Cities. After which, he made a Truce with Pharnabazus, and retir'd to Bithynia, where he ſpent the Winter in deſtroy⯑ing and ravaging the Country for Proviſions.
Being continu'd another Year in his Command,Olymp. 95. 3. he renew'd the Truce with Pharnabazus; and going into Thrace, ſhut up the Iſthmus of the Cherſoneſe with a Wall, to protect the neighbour⯑ing Cities from the Incurſions of the Barbarians. From thence repaſſing into Aſia, he took Atarna, a ſtrong Place in Ionia, in Poſſeſſion of the Ex⯑iles from Chios; but this was a Work of above ſeven Months. Afterwards, underſtanding that Tiſſaphernes and Pharnabazus had joined their Forces againſt him, he march'd with a Deſign to give them Battle; but firſt, in an Interview with them, demanded the Liberty of the Grecian Cities. Tiſſaphernes demanded on his Side, that the Spartan Army ſhould withdraw out of the Country; on which Condition a Truce was con⯑cluded, till ſuch time as they could receive fur⯑ther Inſtructions from their reſpective Maſters.
Whilſt theſe things were doing in Aſia, The Spar⯑tans quar⯑with the Eleans. the Spartans began a Quarrel with the Eleans, for having in their former Alliances conſtantly ſided with Athens, Argos, and other States at War with them; and for not having admitted them, as well as the reſt of Greece, to the Olympick Games. Upon theſe, and ſuch like other frivolous Pretences, they ſent Ambaſſadors to demand of them, That they ſhould reſtore the Cities under [63] [...]heir Juriſdiction to their ancient Rights and Pri⯑ [...]ileges; and, in caſe of a Refuſal, to make a [...]ormal Declaration of War. The Eleans urg'd [...] their Defence, That as they had gain'd thoſe Cities by the Sword, they had the ſole right of [...]ſing and diſpoſing of them, as they thought [...]roper. Whereupon Agis, one of the Spartan Kings, was ſent to haraſs the Country with Fire [...]; who, by appearing in that manner [...]mong them, encourag'd Leptis, and ſeveral o⯑ [...]er Towns, to revolt from them; ſo that meet⯑ [...]g with little Oppoſition, he march'd to Elis; [...]d as he was upon the Point of taking and [...]undering it, the Inhabitants capitulated, and [...]greed to the Terms inſiſted on, of diſmantling [...]heir own City, and of making Cyllene, and all [...]he other Towns, free and independent of them: [...]nd thus the Eleans were taken into the Alliance [...] Sparta. The Grounds of this Rupture were [...] ſlight and trifling, that it plainly appear'd, how [...]duſtriouſly the Spartans had promoted it, and [...]ow greedily they laid hold of every thing that [...]ok'd like a Handle for exerting their Power, [...]ſt they ſhould loſe that Spirit and Diſcipline, [...]y which they had arriv'd to it, and not be able [...] maintain the Title they then enjoy'd of The [...]rotectors and Arbitrators of Greece. But this [...]otion carry'd them ſo far, as to make them [...]uilty of the ſame Injuries and Abuſes they pre⯑ [...]ended to redreſs; and in the end prov'd de⯑ [...]ructive both to themſelves, and their Neighbours.
[64] Agis had made two Campaigns of this Expe⯑dition;Agis the Spartan King dies. after which he return'd home and died, and had a Monument erected for him more ſumptuous and magnificent than any of his Pre⯑deceſſors. He left [...] Son, call'd Leotychides, but his Legitimacy being ſuſpected, his Uncle Age⯑ſilaus diſputed the Succeſſion with him,Is ſucceed⯑ed by Age⯑ſilaus. and being ſupported by Lyſander, carry'd it. His Reign was uſher'd in with a Conſpiracy againſt him [...] an Account whereof being given in to the Eph [...]n they apprehended one Cinadon as the Principal▪ and being ask'd, how he came to be concern'd in this Treaſon, he could give no other Reaſon for it, than that he could not bear any Man [...] the City greater than himſelf; upon which [...] was executed, with ſeveral of his Accomplices.
The Phaenicians were at this time fitting out [...] great Fleet, for the Service of the Perſian [...] which ſo alarm'd the Spartans, that they reſolv'd to ſend a freſh Army into Aſia, upon the old Pretence of freeing the Grecian Cities. The Matter was propos'd by Lyſander, who alſo de⯑ſired the Command of theſe Forces, having [...] Deſign to re-eſtabliſh in thoſe Cities the Decen⯑virate, which was the Form of Government [...] was always moſt fond of. But Ageſilaus inclining to go himſelf, the other deſiſted; tho' it cam [...] to be a long Debate, Whether they ſhould tru [...] him with that Poſt, on account of an Advic [...] the Oracle of Delphi had given them, That [...] Republick ſhould go near to be deſtroy'd, when [...] [65] Regal Government halted; for Ageſilaus was lame of one Leg. This had alſo been made uſe of as an Objection to him in his Pretenſions to the Succeſſion: But at laſt they ſalved the Matter, with this Reſolution, That it was better for the King to halt, than the Kingdom; and accordingly he was ſent with Eight Thouſand Men, and Pro⯑viſions for ſix Months.Who is ſent into Aſia.
Being arriv'd at Epheſus, A. M. 3609. Olymp. 96. 1. Tiſſaphernes amus'd him for ſome Time, under a Pretence of waiting for Diſpatches from the King his Maſter; and having in the mean time got together a great Army,His Suc⯑ceſſes there. let Ageſilaus know he would declare War againſt him, if he did not retire out of Aſia. But he was ſo incenſed at his tricking him in this manner, that he immediately enter'd Phrygia, where he took ſeveral Towns, and met Pharna⯑bazus's Forces; but, for want of Cavalry, did not venture a Battle.
But having ſoon after procured a great num⯑ber of Horſe, which he had demanded of the Cities there, by way of Contribution, he en⯑gaged TiſſapherneS's Army, and gain'd a ſignal Victory near the River Pactolus, where he forced the Enemy's Camp, and found in it a great deal of Mony, and other rich Booty. Tiſſaphernes himſelf not being in the Action, the King ſuſpected his Fidelity, and looking up⯑on him as the Author of this, and ſeveral other Miſcarriages, cauſed him to be beheaded.
[66] The next Year he ſent Tithrauſtes in his room;Olym. 96. 2. who endeavour'd to gain upon Ageſilaus by Treaty. He ſent to let him know, that his Predeceſſor had deſervedly been puniſhed with Death, as being the Author of this War; that, as to his own part, he would purſue other Mea⯑ſures, and would allow the Aſiatick Cities their Liberty, provided they would pay the cuſtomary Tribute, and that the Army withdrew. To which the other anſwer'd, he could do nothing in it, till he received Orders from Sparta. How⯑ever, Tithrauſtes prevail'd with him in the mean time, to draw his Forces towards Phrygia, and gave him Thirty Talents for their Subſiſtence. Upon his March, he received Diſpatches from Sparta, to let him know, the State approved of his Proceedings, and gave him a Power of ap⯑pointing an Admiral, to act in concert with him by Sea. Accordingly he procured from the Iſles, and Maritime Towns, an Hundred and Twenty Gallies, and gave the Command of them to Piſander, He ap⯑points Pi⯑ſander Ad⯑miral. his Wife's Brother, a Man of Fire and Ambition enough, but in other re⯑ſpects not equal to that Charge, eſpecially con⯑ſidering he had ſo experienc'd and vigilant [...] Commander as Conon, to deal with.
However theſe great Preparations from Spar⯑ta, gave a freſh Alarm to the Perſians; who [...] finding they could not prevail upon Ageſilaus, ei⯑ther by Menaces, or Perſuaſions, to quit Aſ [...] reſolved upon a more effectual Expedient, by [67] making a Diverſion, and removing the Seat of the War. They knew how ill affected moſt of the Grecian States were to that of Sparta, on ac⯑count of her late abſolute and tyrannical Treat⯑ment of them, and thought this the moſt pro⯑per time to ſtir them up againſt her, and to rouſe in them a Senſe of recovering their Li⯑berty.The Per⯑ſians in⯑cenſe the Thebans, and other States, a⯑gainſt Sparta. To which purpoſe Tithrauſtes ſent over Timocrates to practiſe with the Orators, and other leading Men of the principal Cities; and, to make his Commiſſion more effectual, gave him Fifty Talents to diſpoſe of among them, as he ſaw proper. It was upon this Occaſion, that Ageſilaus afterwards, upon his Return Home, ſaid, He had been drove out of Aſia by Thirty Thouſand Archers; by which he meant ſo many Pieces of the Perſian Coin, which was ſtamp'd with the Figure of an Archer. Conon is by ſome thought to have been the Author of this Advice. He had, during his Retreat in Aſia, after the Defeat of the Athenians at Aegos-pota⯑mos, made it his Buſineſs to ingratiate himſelf with the Perſians, in hopes, by them, to gain an Opportunity of retrieving the Misfortunes of his Country. With that View, he took all Oc⯑caſions to incenſe them againſt the Spartans, and to traverſe their Deſigns; inſomuch that Nepos aſcribes it to him, that Ageſilaus did not pene⯑trate further into Aſia, and carry his Conqueſts as far as Mount Taurus. And Juſtin makes him ſignalize himſelf by many great Exploits [68] againſt that King perſonally. But the Accounts of both theſe Hiſtorians, in that Reſpect, are too confuſed and inconſiſtent, to be reconciled with others, or even with themſelves: Neither can we, with any Certainty, affirm that he appear'd in Action, till after Ageſilaus had quitted Aſia. We may however conclude, that he was before that, making uſe of his Credit at the Perſian Court, to procure an Armament at Sea, and that he was at leaſt very inſtrumental, if not principally concerned, in forming a Confederacy of the other States of Greece againſt Sparta.
The firſt whom Timocrates treated with upon this Subject, were the Thebans, who eaſily heark⯑en'd to the Propoſal, and received the Preſents. He met with the like Succeſs at Argos, and Co⯑rinth; and theſe States work'd up ſeveral others to accuſe and murmur againſt the Spartans, in order to their uniting againſt them. It is ob⯑ſervable, this is the firſt notorious Inſtance o [...] the Grecians being corrupted with the Perſian Gold. So much did they now begin to ſin [...] from that zealous Spirit of Honour and Integri⯑ty, Concord and Unanimity, by which they were animated in the firſt Perſian Wars. I does not indeed appear, that the Perſians ha [...] before made them any ſuch groſs Overtures, [...] betray and ſell their Country: But it might pro⯑bably be, becauſe they thought it in vain. The [...] knew they were not Enemies to be tamper [...] with in ſuch a manner; they ſound them ever [...] [69] where in earneſt, when they moved againſt them as one Soul and Body, when they laid aſide all domeſtick Diſſenſions, to purſue the com⯑mon Enemy; and, in ſhort, acted upon no other Principle than the Love of Liberty, and the Defence of their Country. This was the plain, hardy and untainted Age of Greece, which might have been of a much longer Du⯑ration, if its Inhabitants had contented them⯑ſelves with the Glory they had acquired at home. But theſe Succeſſes ſoon fired them with an Am⯑bition of making themſelves more formidable, by enlarging their Bounds, and extending their Conqueſts: So that by throwing themſelves out in Colonies, and carrying their Arms abroad, they had a freer Converſe with other Nations: And as by this means they arrived to quicker degrees of Knowledge and Politeneſs; ſo on the other hand, they became more luxurious and ef⯑feminate, and more open to the Charms and Temptations of Riches. They received the firſt Impreſſions of this kind from the Footing they got in Aſia, where they were ſtruck and dazzled with the Pomp, Wealth and Magnificence of the Perſian Governors: And tho' in all the Ac⯑tions they had there, they ſtill behaved like Gre⯑cians, and with a Senſe of Glory; yet they ex⯑preſs'd too great an Eagerneſs to enrich them⯑ſelves with Plunder. In ſhort, the Love of Mony was now rooted in their Affections; and it ſoon after viſibly appeared in the Effects it [70] produced. For as the Grecians had been bribed to quit their Pretenſions in Aſia; ſo others af⯑terwards made uſe of the ſame Methods to in⯑vade Greece: And this will appear in the Sequel of the Story, to be one of the principal Cauſes of its total Subverſion. As the Spartans kept up longeſt to the Rigour of their Diſcipline, and the Force of their Laws, they were a great while proof againſt Corruption and Bribery; but the Contagion ſtill ſpreading, they at laſt yielded to the Example of their Neighbours. It was then Greece became ſo divided and irre⯑ſolute, as to admit of no means for its Preſerva⯑tion; when not only each State, but alſo the leading Men in that State, had ſeparate Views of their own, without any regard to the Good of the Whole.
The Thebans, The The⯑bans en⯑gage the Athenians in the Quarrel. as they were the firſt gain'd over to the Perſian Intereſt, ſo they were the moſt active in promoting it. To ſtrengthen their Alliance, they ſent Ambaſſadors to the Athe⯑nians, with a long Repreſentation of the pre⯑ſent Poſture of Affairs; wherein they artfully inſinuated their Zeal and Affection to their State; from thence they took occaſion to in⯑veigh againſt the Tyranny of Sparta, and con⯑cluded with telling them, That now was the Time to throw off the Yoke, and to recover their former Splendor and Authority. The Athe⯑nians, tho' they had no Share of the Perſian Mony, needed not many Arguments to engage [71] them in a Rupture of this kind, for which they had been ſo long waiting a fit Opportunity.
The firſt Act of Hoſtility broke out between the Locri Opuntii, Hoſtilities begun. and the Phocians, upon a Diſpute about a piece of Ground; and both Sides appeal'd to their reſpective Confederates for Juſtice and Protection. The Locri were the Aggreſſors, at the Inſtigation of the Thebans; and the Spartans eſpouſed the latter, upon a particular Pique they had to Thebes, which they thought it neceſſary to reſent at this time, when they found ſeveral other States arming againſt them. Accordingly, they ordered Pauſanias to march with the Peloponneſian Forces, and ſent Lyſander before to engage other Cities in Boeo⯑tia; where having got together a conſiderable Army, he inveſted Haliartus. The Thebans im⯑mediately marched with their whole Strength; and taking the Advantage of attacking him, before Pauſanias could come up to his Aſſiſ⯑tance, defeated his Army,Lyſander kill'd. and he himſelf was kill'd on the Spot.
Thus fell this great Man,His Cha⯑racter. after ſo many ſig⯑nal Services to his Country, in giving Athens the moſt fatal Blow ſhe had ever received; and in raiſing Sparta upon her Ruins, to a higher Pitch of Power and Grandeur than ſhe ever attain'd, either before or after him. As it was by his means, that Sparta did at this time, in a man⯑ner, give Law both to Greece and Aſia; ſo he himſelf became no leſs abſolute in Sparta, than [72] ſhe was among her Enemies and Allies. The Authority of her Kings was ſufficiently abridged by the Conſtitution: but by his working Ge⯑nius, and the Intereſt he had in the State upon the Reputation of his Services, he made them appear ſtill leſs, and that in the Field too, where they were leaſt ſubject to be controuled. An In⯑ſtance of which we have in his going with Age⯑ſilaus into Aſia, where all the Court and Applica⯑tion was made to him; and in every thing that paſs'd of moment, he had either the firſt hand, or the finiſhing Stroke: Inſomuch that the King found himſelf obliged to take notice of it; and that he might no longer appear a Cypher, ſent him upon other Service to the Helleſpont. Nei⯑ther was it enough for him to eclipſe the Power of the Kings, and to impoſe his own Govern⯑ment of Ten Men upon all the Spartan Con⯑queſts; but he was further endeavouring to al⯑ter the Succeſſion of the Heraclidae, in order to obtain the Sovereignty for himſelf. As a Con⯑firmation of this, there was found among his Papers after his Death, A Diſcourſe concerning the Government, which Lacratidas generouſly ſup⯑preſs'd, ſaying, It would be inhumane to dig Ly⯑ſander out of his Grave. He was undoubtedly a brave experienc'd Commander: But his Diſſi⯑mulation, Craft and Treachery, his Ambition, Arrogance and Oſtentation, make up the great⯑eſt part of his Character; and therefore it may ſeem pretty extraordinary, that he ſhould ſupport [73] himſelf ſo long under ſo jealous and auſtere a Government, as that of Sparta. But he had a great deal of Artifice and Addreſs; and notwith⯑ſtanding the Imperiouſneſs of his Temper, he knew how to curb it upon occaſion, and to ſuit it to his Circumſtances: So that where he found it neceſſary to make his Court, he was, con⯑trary to the Manners of his Country, very mild and tractable, patient and ſubmiſſive, and had all the little Arts of Flattery and Inſinuation. It was with regard to theſe ſupple Qualities, as well as to the Badneſs of his Morals in general, that the Character of his Countryman Callicrati⯑das, has been ſet up in oppoſition to his; and indeed it was quite the Reverſe of it, except in the Military Part; and in that he was no way in⯑ferior to him: But he was otherwiſe open, can⯑did and generous, modeſt, temperate, ſincere and juſt, and was above making uſe of any Trick [...]or Subterfuge. Lyſander was ſo jealous of his Merit, that when he was order'd to give up the Command of the Fleet to him, he did what he could to leſſen and diſtreſs him: He went ſo far as to withold from him the Pay of the Seamen that was remaining in his Hands; which, beſides the Meanneſs of the Action, was betraying the Intereſt of his Country, and hazarding the Safety of it in a very critical Conjuncture. Upon the whole, notwithſtanding his great Atchievements, he is not to be look'd upon as a true Patriot. For it ſeems chiefly owing to him, that the [74] Spartans tranſgreſs'd the juſt Bounds of Power he had put into their Hands. It was his Pride and Inſolence, his cruel and tyrannical Deportment, and that under the Pretence of reſtoring Liberty, which gave their Neighbours the firſt Impreſſions of Rancour and Reſentment againſt them. It was this that made them conceive an ill Opinion of their Government in general, and laid the Seeds of thoſe Alliances, which were form'd a⯑gainſt them, and which at laſt prov'd fatal to them. But they were not yet ſo ſenſible of the Conſequences; and therefore paid all due Reſpect to his Memory. They went ſo far as to fine ſome who were under a Contract of Marriage to his Daughters, but finding, that their Father died ſo poor as to leave them no Fortune, had de⯑ſerted them. It is certain, he had reſerv'd no⯑thing to himſelf out of the Spoils of the Atti [...] War; which to the Spartans was a ſufficient Ar⯑gument of his Merit. A ſtronger Inſtance of the Senſe they had of his Loſs, was, that they could pitch upon nobody but Ageſilaus to ſucceed him; who, notwithſtanding that he was carrying on the War in Aſia with good Succeſs, was immediately recall'd to the Defence of his Country.
After the Action Pauſanias came up, but durſt not make another Attempt. He only demanded the Bodies of the ſlain; and yet could not obtain them upon any other Terms than quitting the Country.Pauſanias condemn'd The Spartans judg'd his Proceedings very diſhonourable, and condemn'd him to Death [...] [75] upon which he made his Eſcape to Tegea, and died there.
Towards the end of the Year Ageſilaus ra⯑vag'd the Government of Pharnabazus, and at Daſcyllum, his Winter Quarters, took and plun⯑der'd his Tent. But that Governor ſome time after manag'd an Interview with him, wherein he remonſtrated, That however he might be oblig'd to act for his Maſter's Honour, and Safety, he had not ſhew'd himſelf an Enemy to the Spartans, but on the contrary had done them many good Offices in their War againſt the A⯑thenians; and that he was now inclin'd to act no otherwiſe againſt them, than as he ſhould be ne⯑ceſſitated to it, in order to ſupport himſelf in his Command; by which Means he prevail'd with Ageſilaus to withdraw his Forces out of the Pro⯑vince. Thereupon he deſcended into the Plain of Thebes; and as he was preparing to march further into the Country, receiv'd News of the War broke out in Greece, with Orders at the ſame time for him to return home; with which he readily comply'd.Ageſilaus recall'd from Aſia. Olymp. 96. 3. And the Regard he therein paid to the Laws of his Country, is particularly taken notice of, that when he was proſecuting the War with great Increaſe of Honour and Ad⯑vantage, and had ſet his Heart upon the entire Conqueſt of the Perſian Empire, he had ſo much Command of himſelf, as to ſtop in his full Ca⯑reer, and abandon all, out of a Deference to the Ephori, who had recall'd him. However, he [76] left Four Thouſand Men in Aſia, to maintain the Footing he had got there, till ſuch time as the Affairs of Greece would permit him to return, and purſue his Conqueſts.
But the Spartans could not wait his Arrival; they found the War thicken on their Hands, and were ready to be attack'd on all Sides. Timolous a Corinthian propos'd the advancing immediately into their Territories, in order to cruſh them ſingly, before they could be join'd by their Auxi⯑liaries. They ſet out, ſaid he, by themſelves only; but in their March they gather Forces as they go, till they grow too numerous to be withſtood: Like Rivers, which are ſmall at their Source, and eaſily to be forded; but as they continue their Courſe, the Acceſſion of other Waters makes the Stream too rapid. This Advice was judg'd reaſonable, and a Reſolution was taken to purſue it. But there being too much Time ſpent in debating the Command, and Order of the Battle, gave the Spartans an Opportunity of being join'd by the Eleans, Sicyonians, Epidaurians, Trezaenians and others, to the Number of about Fourteen Thou⯑ſand Men, and Thirteen Hundred Horſe, under the Command of Ariſtodemus, who was alſo ap⯑pointed Tutor to Ageſipolis, the other Sparta [...] King, during his Minority. On the other Side were the Athenians, Argives, Boeotians, Corin⯑thians and Euboeans, who made up about Two and twenty Thouſand Men, and Two Thouſand Horſe. Both Sides encamp'd near Sicyon, and [77] [...]t ſo ſmall a Diſtance from each other, that it [...]oon came to a regular Battle,The Spar⯑tans gain a Victory near Sicy⯑on. wherein the Spar⯑ [...]tan Allies were almoſt entirely routed; but they themſelves maintain'd their Ground, and bore ſo hard upon the Athenians, who were in the left Wing, oppoſite to their right, that they recover'd the Day, and gain'd the Victory by their own ſingle Valour, and with the Loſs of not above eight of their own Men, which bore no Proportion to that of their Enemies, or Allies.
The News of this Victory reaching Ageſilaus at Amphipolis, he ſent back Dercyllidas with it into Aſia, to confirm the aſſociated Cities there, and purſu'd his March with all poſſible Diligence, but not without ſome Oppoſition, particularly from the Thralli in Thrace, who having formerly ſold the Paſſage thro' their Country to Xerxes, de⯑manded of him an hundred Talents, and as many Women. He ask'd them, by way of Deriſion, Why they did not come to receive their Demands? And proceeding on his Journey, made great Slaughter of them. Then demanding a Paſſage thro' Macedonia, the King ſent him Word, He would conſider of it. So let him, ſaid Ageſilaus; and I'll go on in the mean time. The Macedonians did not much reliſh this Laconick Anſwer; but they were not as yet in a Condition to reſent it, and therefore gave him no Diſturbance. Having afterwards defeated a Body of Theſſalian Horſe, which attack'd his Rear, he arriv'd in Boeotia, where [78] he receiv'd Intelligence of a great Engagement at Sea.
Conon had prevail'd with Artaxerxes to fit out a Fleet,Conon's Victory at Cnidus. and to give the Command of it to him jointly with Pharnabazus. They lay in the Cher⯑ſoneſe with about ninety Sail; where they had Notice, that the Spartan Fleet, conſiſting of an hundred and twenty Ships of their own and their Allies, lay about Cnidus; from whence Piſander, who commanded it, weigh'd Anchor, and bore down directly upon the Perſians. In the firſt Attack he had the better of it; but one Part of the Perſian Gallies came up ſo ſeaſonably to the Relief of the other, that they turn'd the Fortune of the Day; inſomuch that the Spartan Confede⯑rates began to ſecure their Retreat. The Ad⯑miral, tho' he was ſo ill ſupported, charg'd with his Ship in the Front of the Enemy, where he did a good deal of Execution, but at length was over-power'd, and kill'd. After which the Spar⯑tans retiring towards the Continent, Conon pur⯑ſu'd them, and took fifty of their Ships, the reſ [...] having recover'd their Port at Cnidus.
Ageſilaus having privately receiv'd this Ac⯑count, thought fit to ſtifle or diſguiſe it for th [...] preſent, and uſed his utmoſt Endeavours to bring the Enemy to a ſpeedy Battle, before his Army could be more particularly inform'd, and whil [...] they were fluſh'd with their laſt Victory. Ac⯑cordingly he join'd the Spartan Allies, and me [...] the Athenians, with their Allies, on the Plain [...] [79] Coronea. Ageſilaus his Victory at Corone [...] The Thebans began the Attack with great Vigour, but were repuls'd by the extraor⯑dinary Courage of Ageſilaus, who, notwithſand⯑ing that he was dangerouſly wounded, puſh'd the Enemy, till he gain'd a compleat and ſignal Victory, but not deciſive enough to put an End to the Hoſtilities, which were ſtill continu'd by Incurſions into each other's Territories.
The Corinthians complain'd,Olymp. 96. 4. that the chief Seat of the War being among them, they were in⯑feſted on all Sides, being equally diſtreſs'd by their Enemies, and burden'd by their Allies; for which Reaſon they were inclinable to a Peace. This was oppos'd by the Magiſtrates and other Citizens, who had been corrupted with the Perſian Mony. And theſe Debates occaſion'd a great Diſſenſion and Maſſacre in their City;A Maſſacre at Corinth. which the Spartans eaſily improv'd to their Advantage, making uſe of one of the diſcontented Parties to attack the other: By which Means a Body of their Troops, under the Command of Praxitas, got within the Walls. He defeated a great Num⯑ber of the Argives, who came up to the Relief of their Friends in the City, and put to the Sword the Boeotians, who had got Poſſeſſion of the Port call'd Lechoeus. He broke down a great Part of the Walls, which were afterwards repair'd by the Atbenians; and the whilſt he was purſuing his Victory, Ageſilaus ravag'd the Country of the Argives; and his Brother Teleutias, the Admiral, [80] ſcour'd the Gulf of Corinth, taking their Ships and demoliſhing their Arſenals.
The Athenians, Iphicrates ſent with Recruits from A⯑thens. to put a Stop to theſe Succeſſes ſent a freſh Supply to their Army, under th [...] Command of Iphicrates, whoſe Conduct was in finitely above his Age, having, at twenty Year old, arriv'd to ſuch a Degree of Perfection in Mi [...] ⯑litary Affairs, that no Athenian Captain ever ſe [...] out with greater Expectation.
About the Time of his Arrival with a Rein⯑forcement, Deputations were ſent from Boeotia [...] and other Parts, to ſound Ageſilaus in relation t [...] Peace; but he rejected their Propoſals with Di [...] ⯑dain, till hearing ſoon after, that the Forces h [...] left at Lechaeus had been defeated by Iphicrates he was more inclinable to treat:His Sac⯑ceſſ [...]s. But the [...] the Deputies ſtood off, and inſulted him in thei [...] turn, demanding leave of him, by way of De [...] ⯑riſion, to go to Corinth. Whereupon he di [...] ⯑miſs'd them; and after he had reinforc'd th [...] Garriſon of Lechaeus, return'd to Sparta, having by this laſt Action, loſt all the Honour of thi [...] Expedition. Iphicrates, upon his Departure, wen [...] on ſucceſsfully, and recover'd all the Places th [...] had been taken by him, and Praxitas.
The War was continu'd by little Skirmiſhe [...] and Incurſions, which chiefly affected the Ach [...] ⯑ans, as Confederates of Sparta. They were ver [...] much infeſted by the Acarnanians, who were ſup⯑ported by the Athenian Allies: But Ageſilaus en [...] ⯑ [...]er'd [81] their Country with Fire and Sword, and put [...]n end to this Quarrel.
In this manner the Spartans maintain'd them⯑ſelves and their Allies for ſome time without any conſiderable Increaſe or Diminution of Power. But their Affairs at Sea were in a more declining Condition; and the Effects of their Defeat at Cnidus began more viſibly to appear. The Cities in Aſia, over which they claim'd a Juriſdiction, finding them ſo diſabled in their Shipping, and that they had Work enough upon their Hands at home, readily hearken'd to Pharnabazus, who encourag'd them to revolt from the Spartans, The Aſia⯑tick Cities revolt from Sparta. and expel their Governors; which they conſented to, upon Condition they might enjoy their own Laws. He was aſſiſted in this Work by Conon, who ſug⯑geſted to him, that the leaving them in the free Enjoyment of their Liberty, would be the ſureſt Means to keep them in his Intereſt. The like Attempts were made at Seſtos and Abydus; but Dercyllidas lying there, ſecur'd thoſe Parts.
The next Year Pharnabazus and Conon pur⯑ [...]ing their late Victory,Olymp. 97. 1. procur'd another Fleet [...]rom the Towns upon the Helleſpont, with which [...]hey made a Deſcent upon the Maritime Parts of Laconia, and ravag'd the Country. After which Conon deſir'd Leave to ſail with the Fleet to A⯑ [...]hens, with an Intent to repair the Haven of Pi⯑ [...]aeus, Conon re⯑builds the Walls of Athens. and rebuild the Walls; which he repre⯑ [...]nted as a very important Pi [...]ce of Service againſt [...]parta. Pharnabazus not only comply'd with [82] his Requeſt, but gave him fifty Talents to be employ'd in that Work, which was accordingly effected.
The Spartans finding the War brought home to their own Doors,Overtures of Peace. Olymp. 97. 2. and that the Athenians reap⯑ing the Advantage of it, might ſoon wreſt the Sovereignty of Greece out of their Hands, ſent Antalcidas to treat with the Perſians about a Peace. He applied himſelf to Teribazus the Governor of Sardis, and offer'd to give up the Grecian [...] Cities in Aſia, provided the Iſlands, and the o⯑ther Parts of Greece might remain free. An Overture of this Kind was eaſily hearken'd to: But the Athenians and their Allies taking the Alarm, ſent Ambaſſadors on their Part likewiſe, to join in the Negotiations, and to ſupport the Intereſts of their reſpective Principals. But there were ſo many different Pretenſions ſtarted, th [...] they could not come to any Agreement among themſelves; and Teribazus did not think himſel [...] ſufficiently authoriz'd by his preſent Inſtructions to conclude with the Spartans ſeparately. How⯑ever, he was ſo well affected to them, that, tho [...] the Treaty was at a ſtand, he ſupply'd them it the mean time privately with Mony to maintai [...] a Fleet at Sea; wherein he had a further View [...] that they might by that Means awe the othe [...] States into a Compliance with the Terms offer'd by them. The Spartans likewiſe gain'd anothe [...] Point with Teribazus in relation to Conon. [...] ⯑latcidas had it in his Inſtructions to render hi [...] [83] ſuſpected, and to inveigh againſt him as the chief Incendiary of the War, and as having promoted it with no other View, than to aggrandize the Athenians at the Expence of the Perſians. The Charge in fact was true, and it was urg'd ſo ſtrongly againſt him, that as he was then at Sar⯑dis waiting the Event of the Negotiations, Teri⯑bazus thought it proper to ſeize him, and keep him in Cuſtody, till he ſhould receive Orders from his Maſter, how to diſpoſe of him. Some ſay, he ſent him to Artaxerxes, who put him to death; others, that he eſcap'd out of Priſon, with the Conſent or Connivance of Teribazus; the latter whereof does not ſeem very probable, be⯑cauſe we find no further Mention made of him, either in Greece or Perſia. So that we may con⯑clude he died about this Time, and that he fell a Sacrifice to his own ill-tim'd Zeal for the Ser⯑vice of his Country;Conon's Death, and Character. which certainly carried him further than was ſuitable to the Circumſtances he was under. He had lived as a voluntary Exile among the Perſians, who had given him their Protection and Aſſiſtance; he had been favour'd and truſted by them; he had, by intereſting' em in his Quarrel, broke the Power of Sparta at Sea, and repair'd the Ruins of his own City, and both at their Charge and Hazard. But not content with this, he was at the ſame time practiſing a⯑gainſt them, and endeavouring under-hand to withdraw from them ſeveral Cities, and the whole Provinces of Ionia and Aeolia, in order to annex [84] them to the Dominions of Athens; and all this under a Pretence of reſcuing them from the Ty⯑ranny of Sparta, and ſecuring them to the Per⯑ſians. They could not, when they were let into a Diſcovery of theſe Artifices, think he had made a ſuitable Return for what he ow'd them; nor indeed can this Part of his Character be otherwiſe juſtified, than by that falſe Principle, which had generally obtain'd among the Grecians, to give up every thing that interfered with what they call'd the Honour, or Advantage of their Coun⯑try. This was carried ſo far, as, in ſome Caſes, to deſtroy the common Diſtinctions of Right and Wrong; and the Spartans themſelves, notwith⯑ſtanding their ſevere Juſtice in other Reſpects, were ſo looſe in this particular, that nothing was eſteem'd baſe, that was beneficial. Another Motive for his exerting himſelf in ſo extraordi⯑nary a manner, might be in order to redeem his own Honour, which does not ſeem to ſtand quite clear in the Affair of Aegos-potamos. Nepos in⯑deed ſays, he was abſent from his Command at the Time of that Engagement; and aſſigns that as the Cauſe of the Defeat. But the moſt na⯑tural and authentick Account is, that he was preſent in the Action, but that being over⯑power'd by [...]ſander, and ſeeing no Probability of Succeſs on his Side, made his Eſcape with eight or nine Ships, and retir'd to Cyprus. This agrees with what is further ſaid of him, that he was afraid and aſham'd to return to Athens; [85] which it is plain he did not attempt till ſeveral Years after, when he had done enough to wipe off that Stain. The latter Part of his Life was certainly without Reproach, either as to his Courage, or Capacity; of both which he had given ſufficient Proofs, and had made himſelf ſo formidable to the Spartans, that they were glad upon any Terms to get rid of him; and it was by the moſt abject Submiſſion to the Perſians, that they compaſs'd it. The Dread they had conceiv'd of him, ſeems to have been the Grounds of that ſcandalous Peace, which they ſoon after⯑wards concluded: And as they began from that Day forward to decline in their Reputation and Power, we may look upon Conon as having more remotely occaſion'd their DownfaI.
Upon the Offers of Peace made to Teribazus, he went up to Artaxerxes, to give an Account of his Proceedings, and to receive freſh Inſtru⯑ctions. In the mean time Struthas was ſent to command in the Lower Aſia, and to take care of the Sea-Coaſts. He was not ſo well inclin'd to the Spartans as his Predeceſſor, being more exaſperated at what had been done by Ageſilaus. Whereupon they ſent Thimbron with a good Body of Troops to keep him in Action; which he did at firſt with good Succeſs; but ranging about with a ſeparate Party in queſt of Booty, was ſurpriz'd by Struthas, and kill'd. He was ſuc⯑ceeded by Diphridas, Thimbron kill'd. Succeeded by Diphri⯑das. who was a Man of better Conduct, at leaſt of more Caution; and he having [86] gather'd up the Remains of the Army, main⯑tain'd his Ground in the P [...]aces which had ſub⯑mitted to Thimbron.
There were at this Time two contending Par⯑ties at Rhodes, Commoti⯑ons at Rhodes. Olymp. 97. 3. concerning the Form of Govern⯑ment there; and they were ſupported by their reſpective Patrons, thoſe for the Democracy by the Athenians, and the others for the Oligarchy by the Spartans. The latter being over-power'd, and forc'd off the Iſland, made their Complaints at Sparta; and Ecdicus was diſpatch'd with eight Ships to their Relief. But finding himſelf too weak to do any thing to the Purpoſe, Teleutias the Admiral was ſent with twenty-ſeven Sail, with which he reſtor'd the Exiles, and the Oli⯑garchy. This was a Matter of too much Conſe⯑quence to the Athenians to be given up. They were ſenſible how much their Sovereignty in the Iſland (which was truly the Point in Queſtion) depended on the Form of Government, which ſhould prevail in it; and therefore ſent out Thra⯑ſybulus to put Things upon the former footing. Before he durſt attempt any thing at Rhodes, he went into Thrace, where he gain'd over two Perſian Princes to the Athenian Intereſt; he then took in Byzantium, Chalcis, and ſeveral other Cities upon the Helleſpont; and from thence he went to chaſtiſe the Lesbians, who were all of them, except thoſe of Mitylene, in the Spartan Intereſt. Having ſucceeded thus far, he ſail'd towards Rhodes. He had in his Way levied a [87] Sum of Mony for Contribution upon the Inha⯑bitants of Aſpendus: But they being afterwards ill treated by his Soldiers, roſe in a great Fury, and murder'd him in his Tent.Thraſybu⯑lus mur⯑der'd. His Cha⯑racter.
Such was the End of this great Patriot, to whom Athens ow'd as ſignal a Deliverance, as any ſhe had receiv'd in the Perſian Wars. We need only conſider her Condition under the Ty⯑ranny of The Thirty; when of thoſe who had eſcap'd the Fate of a long War, ſome had been murder'd, others baniſh'd, and their Eſtates con⯑fiſcated; when the City was one continu'd Scene of Outrage and Violence; and when thoſe few good Men who ſtill remain'd, and expreſs'd a Senſe of recovering the publick Liberty, yet choſe rather to content themſelves with talking of it, than really to attempt it: Yet even then did Thraſybulus riſe in a manner ſingly againſt the united Power of the Oppreſſors. It having been already related with what Prudence, Zeal and Intrepidity he conducted that Affair, I will here only add an Obſervation which has been made, that the Succeſs of this Enterprize was chiefly owing to its deſperateneſs. For the Con⯑tempt, with which The Thirty treated it in the Beginning, made them neglect the proper Means of providing for their Sa [...]fety. Thraſybulus in the mean time went on with his Deſign, and en⯑creas'd his Followers: And when they ſound him in a Condition to make head againſt them, they thought fit to make him an Offer of ſharing [88] in the Tyranny with them, upon Condition he would deſiſt. But it was not to be ſuppos'd, that one who had the Courage to project ſuch an En⯑terprize, and who had advanc'd it ſo far, would hearken to any other Terms, than the entirely reſtoring the Freedom of his Country. His pub⯑lick-ſpiritedneſs, together with his Fidelity, Con⯑ſtancy and Magnanimity, made him at leaſt equal to the greateſt Men of his Time. There were ſeveral indeed, whoſe Atchievements hap⯑pen'd to make a greater Noiſe in the World: But none of them had a more real Foundation of Merit. And therefore Nepos ſays of him, That if Virtue were to be conſider'd abſtractedly from Fortune, he ſhould be inclin'd to give Thra⯑ſybulus the firſt Place in his Catalogue of War⯑thies.
The Spartans at this Time ſent Anaxibius with a ſmall Supply of Mony and Shipping, to re⯑trieve their Affairs in the Helleſpont. And there⯑upon the Athenians, to ſecure the Places recover'd by Thraſybulus, order'd out Iphicrates, with eight Gallies, and twelve hundred Men, being chiefly thoſe who ſerv'd under him in his Corinthian Ex⯑pedition. Before any conſiderable Action hap⯑pen'd on either Side, Iphicrates intercepted Anaxibius in his Way to Abydus by an Ambuſ⯑cade, and ruſhing out upon him, Here, ſaid the Spartan General to his Men, muſt I die; take care of yourſelves. And accordingly he was kill'd, with a good Number of thoſe about him.
[89] About the Time of theſe Tranſactions abroad,The Aegi⯑netans in⯑feſt the Coaſt of Attica. Olymp. 97. 4. the Coaſt of Attica was infeſted by the People of Eegina. The Athenians made a Deſcent upon them, and had in ſome meaſure block'd them up by Sea and Land; but they were ſoon after repuls'd by them and the Spartans, who aſſiſted them, and who had fomented the Quarrel. Thereupon the Iſlanders renew'd their Inſults, till at length they were humbled by a Victory obtain'd againſt them by Chabrias, But are repuls'd by Chab [...]ias. an Athenian of good Reputation; and thoſe Seas were clear'd for the preſent.
But Chabrias being ſoon after ſent to the Aſ⯑ſiſtance of Evagoras, King of Cyprus, and a Friend to Athens, the Spartans took Advantage of his Abſence, and form'd a Deſign of ſurpri⯑ſing the Athenians Ships in their Harbour. Ac⯑cordingly Teleutias enter'd the Piraeus by Night, where moſt of the Men being on Shore, he took ſeveral Merchant Ships, with three or four Gallies, and ſunk or diſabled as many more as the Time would allow; and having put the City under a general Conſternation, he return'd, and prey'd upon the Coaſt, ſeizing the FiſhingVeſſels, with ſuch other Booty as ſell in his Way.
In this manner did theſe States for ſome time carry on a kind of a pyratical War, with⯑out any regular Engagement, and without bring⯑ing things to any general Iſſue. But the Athe⯑ [...]ians being ſo ha [...]faſs'd on all Sides, the Spartans [90] having more Garriſons than they could maintain and their Confederates revolting from them, and the other States being drain'd and tir'd out, began by mutual Conſent to think of a Peace with the Perſians; which Teribazus, being now re⯑turn'd from his Maſter, had full Power to con⯑clude.The Peace of Antal⯑cidas. The Conditions were, That all the Cities in Aſia, with the Iſland [...]s of Clazomenae, ſhould be under the Juriſdiction of Perſia; That the Iſlands of Lemnus, Imbrus and Scirus, as having from Time imm [...]morial been ſubject to Athens, ſhould ſtill continue ſo; and, That all the other Cities of Greece ſhould be left entirely free. Which Terms were ſubmitted to by all but the Thebans, who refus'd to give up their Juriſdiction over the Towns in Boeotia: But they were afterwards over-aw'd, and forc'd into it.
This Peace was concluded,A. M. 3618. Olymp. 98. 2. according to the moſt general Account, in the ſecond Year of the ninety-eighth Olympiad, and was call'd, The Peac [...] of Antalcidas; if, as Plutarch ſays, that may be call'd a Peace, which was The Reproach and Rui [...] of Greece. It was not only giving up at once all the Footing Ageſilaus had got in Aſia, bu [...] undoing all that had been done there by th [...] Grecians in general, ever ſince they were a Nation. It was what the Perſians themſelves could not have ask'd, or even hop'd for, if the Spar⯑tans had not, to their eternal Infamy, made 'e [...] the firſt Overture; the Grounds of which Over⯑ture was, their Dread and Jealouſy of the A [...] [91] [...]ans, leſt they ſhoulD recover the Power they [...]ad wreſted from them. The Colonies planted [...] Aſia had for many Ages been conſider'd as a Part of Greece; and the ſupporting and protect⯑ [...]ng them as ſuch, was the chief Pretence upon which the laſt War againſt Perſia was founded. Wherefore this Proceeding of the Spartans, in [...]elation to the Peace, was betraying and ſacrificing [...]ne Part of their Country, in order to maintain their Tyranny over the other. This was plainly their Drift; and Antalcidas was a very proper In⯑ſtrument for the Purpoſe.His Cha⯑racter. When he went up to [...]the Perſian Court to ſollicit this Affair, he took [...]are to conform himſelf to their Softneſs and Ef⯑ [...]eminacy; he could join in a Ball upon Occaſion, and went ſo far as to play the Buffoon, and in a wanton Dance to mimick Leonidas and Callicrati⯑ [...]as, whoſe Names were rever'd at Sparta, as hav⯑ [...]ng been the Terror and Scourge of the Barba⯑ [...]ians. However, by thus proſtituting his Cha⯑ [...]acter, and ſacrificing even the Cuſtoms and Manners, as well as the Liberty of his Country, [...]e gain'd ſo far upon Artaxerxes, that he ſhew'd him very uncommon Marks of Favour and Di⯑ſtinction; which was the more remarkable, be⯑cauſe he naturally hated the Perſons of the Spar⯑tans, and look'd upon them as the moſt impu⯑dent of Mankind. But notwithſtanding that he was ſo highly honour'd and careſs'd upon this Negotiation, he afterwards met with the common [...]ate of that Sort of Agents. For the Spartans [92] being reduc'd to an Extremity, and ſending him again to Artaxerxes, to preſs for Supplies, he was treated by the King with great Coldneſs and Con⯑tempt; and returning without Succeſs, he found the ſame Reception at home; inſomuch that fear⯑ing the Power and Severity of the Ephori, he ſtarv'd himſelf to death.
THE Treaty, tho' it was principally between Greece and Perſia, was made to extend like⯑wiſe to the Grecians among themſelves; and i [...] was provided by it, That whatever States ſhould refuſe to accede to it, the other contracting Powers, together with the Perſian King, ſhould compel th [...] to it by Force of Arms. The Spartans affecting ſtill the Sovereignty of Greece, The inſolent Behaviour of the Spar⯑tans after the Peace. diſmember'd as i [...] was, took upon them the Execution of this Par [...] of the Treaty, and, under the Notion of Gua⯑rantees, explain'd it as they thought fit, and ac⯑cording as they were ſway'd by their Paſſion, o [...] their Intereſt.
They began with the Mantineans, and, the Year after the Peace, ſent their King Ageſipoli [...] to throw down their Walls; which he effected [93] by turning againſt them the Courſe of the River [...]hat ran thro' the City; by which Means the Foundation being ſapp'd and weaken'd, the In⯑habitants deſpair'd of making any Defence, and [...]apitulated. This was the ſame Stratagem that Cimon formerly made uſe of, when he took Eion, ſituate upon the River Strymon. They were oblig'd, by the Terms of their Surrender, to [...]anton themſelves into Villages. This Proceed⯑ing of the Spartans, was in Revenge for their having taken Part againſt them in the late Wars; and with a View to reduce them ſo, as that they ſhould not be in a Condition to unite againſt 'em. Some other little States they treated leſs rigo⯑rouſly, but yet with ſuch an Air of Superiority and Controul, as plainly ſhew'd, they expected to be obey'd. In order to keep them under their Dependence, and at the ſame time to make them a little ſanguine in their Intereſt, they would, in ſome Caſes, redreſs their Grievances, reſtore their Exiles, compoſe their Differences, and do ſuch other popular Acts of Juſtice, as to make them think, they were executing the Treaty to their Advantage, and that they were the Authors of their Liberty. And among the greater States, they had oblig'd the Corinthians to withdraw their Garriſon from Argos; which, with their freeing the Boeotian Cities, and ſome other In⯑ſtances of that kind, had rais'd their Reputation for the preſent, and taken off a good deal of the [94] Odium, which they had contracted by the Treaty in other Reſpects.
The People who gave them moſt Diſturbance at this time,They quar⯑rel with the Olyn⯑thians. were the Olynthians, who were ſtarted up on a ſudden, and grown ſo powerful, that they not only held the neighbouring Places in Subjection, but had over-run a great Part of Macedonia, and taken many Towns, with Pell [...] the Metropolis; wherein they copied after the Example of Sparta, and under a Pretence of de⯑livering thoſe Places from the Tyranny of A⯑myntas their King, had in a manner drove him out of his Dominions. the Inhabitants of A⯑canthus and Apollonia Finding themſelves under a Neceſſity of ſubmitting to them, if they were not ſupported againſt them, repreſented their Caſe to the Spartans, who looking upon the O⯑lynthians with a jealous Eye, made no Difficulty of granting their Protection to thoſe Cities, and immediately diſpatch'd Two Thouſand Men, under the Command of Eudamidas, who recover'd Potidaea, and fortify'd ſeveral Parts of Thrace. In the mean time his Brother Phaebidas was ſent to join him with a greater Body of Troops.
But an Incident happen'd in his March,Phaebidas ſeizes the Cadmea at Thebes. Olymp. 99. 3. which prov'd to be of more Conſequence to the Affairs of Greece, than was at firſt apprehended. When he arriv'd at Thebes, he found the City divided into Factions, one Party being headed by Iſ [...] ⯑nias, and the other by Leontiades. They were [95] two of the Polemarchs, or Governors of the City; and the latter being in the Spartan Inte⯑reſt, and finding, that he could not otherwiſe get the better of his Colleague, betray'd the Citadel, call'd Cadmea, to Phaebidas; then ſeiz'd Iſmenias, and forc'd his Party, to the Number of Four Hundred, to fly to Athens for Refuge. This made a great Noiſe there, and in the other Parts of Greece; and even at Sparta they were ſo aſham'd of it, that they pretended to reſent it; for they were ſenſible the Thebans had done no⯑thing in Violation of the Treaty, ſince they had ſubmitted to it; that their domeſtick Diſſenſions did not concern the Publick; and that Phaebidas had no Authority to intermeddle in them. But this Action was excus'd by Ageſilaus, who was ſuppos'd to be at the Bottom of the Deſign. He conſider'd it in no other Light, than as it was of Advantage to the Common-wealth; and de⯑clar'd his Opinion, That if it anſwer'd in that Re⯑ſpect, it matter'd not by what Authority it was done. He added further, in Behalf of Phaebidas, That in an Enterprize of that Nature, Orders were not to be expected. This way of reaſoning ſo far prevail'd with the Spartan Government, that they avow'd and juſtify'd the Action, tho' at the ſame time they puniſh'd the Actor; for they impos'd a Fine of ten thouſand Drachmas on Ph [...]bidas, and depriv'd him of his Command: Which Plutarch takes notice of as a ridiculous Incon⯑ſiſtency. And Polybius, in condem [...]ing the Ae⯑tolians, [96] for a Procedure of the like Kind, com⯑pares them to the Spartans, who, when Phaebidas had, contrary to all Faith and Treaties, ſeiz'd the Cadmea, puniſh'd the Author of the Treachery, but did not withdraw their Garriſon; as if, ſays he, that Puniſhment could wipe out the Injuſtice of the Action, and give full Satisfaction to the Thebans. He makes a further Remark applica⯑ble to the preſent Occaſion, that, upon the Peace they proclaim'd publickly, they would reſtore all the Cities to their Liberties, and yet did not re⯑call any of the Governors, whom they had plac'd in them. He then adds, That 'tis the Heighth of Madneſs, join'd to the moſt conſummate Wickedneſs, to pretend, that a Man needs only ſhut his ow [...] Eyes, to hinder others from ſeeing him.
However the Spartans kept Poſſeſſion of the Citadel, and confirm'd Leontiades in the Govern⯑ment, to whom Archias was join'd in Commiſ⯑ſion, as having been an Accomplice with him in the Treachery. In the next Place they pro⯑cur'd Articles to be exhibited againſt Iſmenias, for having taken Mony of the Perſians, and held Intelligence with them, and for having been a principal Promoter of theſe inteſtine Broils.Iſine [...]s condemn'd. Upon which he underwent a formal Trial before three Commiſſioners deputed from Sparta, and one from each of the other great Cities of Greece, and was condemn'd to Death.
[97] The Spartans having in this manner ſecured Thebes, The War carried on againſt the Olynthi⯑ans. proſecuted the War againſt the Olynthi⯑ans. The Command was given to Teleutias, who, with the Aſſiſtance of Anupetas, defeated them under the Walls of the City; after which he ravag'd the Country, and went into Winter Quarters. The next Campaign prov'd more ſuc⯑ceſsful to the Olynthians, who having defeated a Party of the Spartan Army, Teleutias march'd with the main Body to their Relief, and charg⯑ing furiouſly within Bow-ſhot of the City, his Men were very much gall'd, and himſelf kill'd. Teleutias kill'd. He is charg'd with more Paſſion and Raſhneſs in this Enterpriſe, than was ſuitable to his Poſt. But however he might expoſe himſelf upon this Occaſion,His Cha⯑racter. he had in the main behaved well in the Service of his Country, and acquitted himſelf with Honour in both his Capacities, of General and Admiral. He was alſo rich and liberal, and had endear'd himſelf ſo much to thoſe who ſerv'd under him, that upon his Return home in a for⯑mer Expedition, they flock'd about him, to crown him with Wreaths and Garlands. And Xenophon ſays, His manner of engaging the Affections of the Sol⯑diers, deſerv'd more to be taken notice of, than the Wealth he poſſeſs'd, or the Dangers he underwent. But whatever his perſonal Merit was, he ow'd a great deal to Ageſilaus, who was his half Bro⯑ther, and was chieFly inſtrumental in the raiſing and ſupporting him.
[98] The Spartans, Succeeded By Ageſi⯑ [...]olis, as ſoon as they heard of his Death, ſent their King Ageſipolis in his room. He having collected the Forces, which were much ſhatter'd and diſpers'd by the laſt Action, took Torone a Town in Alliance with the Olynthians, and haraſs'd the Country; but the Fatigue and extreme Heats of the Seaſon threw him into a Fever,his Death. of which he died. Ageſilaus, who had lived in good Friendſhip with him, lamented his Loſs. There had indeed, at his firſt ſetting out, been a ſecret Emulation between them; which A⯑geſilaus perceiving, eaſily got the better of, and moulded him to his Purpoſe. For being natu⯑rally modeſt and tractable, but indolent withal, and averſe to Buſineſs, his Colleague took care to cultivate in him this mild Diſpoſition; and in or⯑der to take off the Edge of his Ambition, enter⯑tain'd him with Dogs and Horſes, and Love-af⯑fairs, and went ſo far as to recommend Boys to him, and aſſiſt him in his Amours.
He was ſucceeded in the Command by Poly⯑biades, Polybiades takes O⯑lynthus. Olym. 100. 1. who beſieged Olynthus, and reduced it by Famine. The Conditions impoſed on the Inha⯑bitants, were, That they ſhou'd have the ſame Friends and Foes with the Spartans; and that they ſhould join with them, as Confederates, in all their Wars.
This War continued near three Years;The Spar⯑tans quar⯑rel with the P [...]ſiaſi⯑ans. and it was no ſooner ended, but the Spartans were call'd upon to chaſtiſe the Phliaſians for having ill treat⯑ed the Exiles, who had lately been reſtored by [99] their Interpoſition. They made their Complaints at Sparta, and were fin'd for ſo doing: But upon their repeated Inſtances for Protection, the Ephori declared War; and Ageſilaus was ſent to do them Juſtice. He required of them to deliver up their Caſtle; which they refuſing to do, he laid Siege to the City. They made a very obſtinate De⯑ [...]ence, even to the impriſoning ſuch as did but mention any thing of a Surrender; 'till at length, their Proviſions failing them,Who are reduc'd by Ageſilaus. they were reduced to the laſt Extremity, and ſent to Sparta to obtain the beſt Terms they could. In the mean time, Ageſilaus leFt a Garriſon in the Town, and re⯑ [...]urned home, after he had ſpent above a Year and an half in this Expedition.
The Spartans had by this time, under colour of putting things upon that equal footing, which was required by the Treaty, gain'd ſuch an In⯑ [...]reaſe of Power and Authority to themſelves, that there was no State in a Condition to make [...]ead againſt them. But in the midſt of this [...]ecurity, they were alarmed from a Quarter, where they leaſt expected it. The Thebans had [...]or four Years, ſince the ſeizing of the Citadel, [...]ubmitted to the Spartan Yoke;The The⯑bans reco⯑ver the Cadm [...]a. Olymp. 100. 2. but they now [...]ook occaſion, by a very deſperate Attempt, to [...]hrow it off. For which purpoſe, there was a ſe⯑ [...]ret Correſpondence carried on between the moſt [...]onſiderable of the Exiles at Athens, and thoſe [...]ho were well affected to them in Thebes; and Meaſures were concerted between them by Phylli⯑das [100] Secretary to the Theban Governors; by whoſe Contrivan [...]e a competent Number of the Exiles were to get into the City; and Charon, a Man of the firſt Rank there, offer'd his Houſe for their Reception. The Day being fix'd, they ſet out from Athens; and Twelve of the moſt active and reſolute among them, were detached to en⯑ter the City, the reſt remaining at a proper Di⯑ſtance, to wait the Event. The firſt who offer'd himſelf, was Pelopidas, who was young and da⯑ring, and had been very zealous in encouraging the Deſign; and by the Share he had in it, gave a ſufficient earneſt of what might be further expected from him in the Service of his Coun⯑try. The next Man of Conſequence, was M [...] ⯑lon, who by ſome is ſaid to have firſt projected the Affair with Phyllidas. Theſe two, with their ten Aſſociates, dreſs'd themſelves like Peaſan [...] and beat about the Fields with Dogs and Hunt⯑ing-poles, as in ſearch of Game. By which means having paſs'd unſuſpected, and convey'd them⯑ſelves into the City, they met at Charon's Houſe as the general Rendezvous, where they were ſo [...] after join'd by Thirty ſix more of their Confe⯑derates. It was concerted, that Phyllidas ſho [...] on that Day give a great Entertainment to [...] chias and Philip, the two Governors, who we appointed by the Spartans; and, to make it [...] more compleat, he had engaged to provide ſo [...] of the fineſt Women in the Town to give th [...] a Meeting. Matters being thus prepar'd, [...] [101] Aſſociates divided themſelves into two Bands; one of which, led by Charon and Mellon, were to attack Archias, and his Company. And hav⯑ing put on Womens Cloaths over their Armour, with Pine and Poplar over their Heads, to ſhade their Faces, they took their Opportunity, when the Gueſts were well heated with Wine, to enter the Room, and immediately ſtabb'd Archias and Philip, with ſuch others of the Company, as were pointed out to them by Phyllidas. A little before this Execution, Ar⯑chias received an Expreſs from Athens, with all the Particulars of the Conſpiracy; and the Courier conjured him in the Name of the Per⯑ſon who wrote the Letters, that he ſhould read them forthwith; for that they contain'd Matter of great Importance. But he laid them by un⯑open'd, and with a Smile ſaid, Buſineſs to mor⯑row; which Words upon that Occaſion grew into a Proverb.
The other Band, headed by Pelopidas and Damoclides, went to attack Leontiades, who was at home, and in Bed. They ruſh'd into his Houſe by Surpriſe; but he ſoon taking the A⯑larm, leap'd up, and, with his Sword in his Hand, received them at his Chamber-door, and ſtabb'd Cephiſodorus, who was the firſt Man that attempted to enter. Pelopidas was the next who encounter'd him, and after a long and difficult Diſpute, kill'd him. From thence they went in purſuit of Hypates his Friend and Neigh⯑bour, [102] and diſpatch'd him likewiſe. After which they join'd the other Band, and ſent to haſten the Exiles they had left in Attica.
The whole City was by this time fill'd with Terror and Confuſion; the Houſes full of Lights, and the Inhabitants running to and fro in the Streets in a wild diſtracted manner, and wait⯑ing impatiently for Day-light, that they might diſtinguiſh their Friends from their Foes, and determine what courſe to take. Early in the Morning the Exiles came in arm'd; and Pe⯑lopidas appear'd with his Party in a General Aſſembly of the People, encompaſs'd by the Prieſts carrying Garlands in their Hands, pro⯑claiming Liberty to the Thebans in general, and exhorting them to fight for their Gods and their Country. For tho' they had made ſuch a proſperous Beginning, the moſt difficult Part ſtill remain'd, whilſt the Citadel was in the Poſſeſſi⯑on of the Spartans, with a Garriſon of fifteen hundred Men, beſides a great Number of Citi⯑zens and others, who had fled to them for Pro⯑tection, and declared themſelves on their Side.
Plutarch, who is very particular in the firſt Part of this Tranſaction, which has been related chiefly from him, paſſes over the taking the Citadel too ſlightly. He only ſays, that Pelopidas, with Charon and Mellon, block'd it up, attack'd it, and got poſſeſſion of it, before any Succours could arrive from Sparta. But it is not probable, that ſhould be the Work of a Day, or that it [103] ſhould have been effected with ſo ſmall a Force: And therefore this Part is to be ſupplied from Diodorus Siculus, who ſays, that the Athenians early the next Morning after, ſent five thouſand Foot, and two thouſand Horſe to Pelopidas's Aſſiſtance, and that ſeveral other Bodies of Troops came in from all the Cities of Boeotia, to the Number of ſeven thouſand; that the Caſtle being beſieged by this Army held out for ſeveral Days, but ſurrender'd at laſt for want of Proviſions. Others ſay, they capitulated more out of Fear than Neceſſity, and that the Com⯑mander, at his Return to Sparta, was put to death for it. However the Citadel, upon which the whole depended, was recovered; and as the gaining that reſtored the Thebans to their for⯑mer Liberty, ſo it was the Foundation of their future Greatneſs.
This Action bore ſo near a Reſemblance to that of Thraſybulus, whether we conſider the Courage of the Actors, the Hazards and Diffi⯑culties of the Undertaking, the Manner in which it was conducted, or the Succeſs and Conſequen⯑ces with which it was attended, that it was called Its Siſter. And Pelopidas propoſed that Enterpriſe as a Pattern to the Exiles, when he exhorted them not to content themſelves with living in a lazy Dependence on the Athenians, and to fawn for fear upon every ſmooth⯑tongu'd Orator, but to exert themſelves like Thraſybulus; and that, as he had advanced from [104] Thebes, to break the Power of the Tyrants at Athens, they ſhould in like manner march from Athens, to ſet Thebes at Liberty.
The Spartans were ſo enraged, and ſo far from giving up their uſurped Dominion, that they ſent their King Cleombrotus in the Depth of Winter to make War upon the Thebans. Whereupon the Spar⯑tans de⯑clare War againſt them. But after he had deſeated ſome ſmall ſtraggling Par⯑ties, he left the Proſecution of his Deſigns to Sphodrias, who commanded in Theſpiae. The Athenians were afraid, by entering into this Quarrel, to draw the Spartans upon them; and therefore withdrew their Protection and Aſſiſtance from the Thebans. The Thebans, on the other hand,The The⯑bans create a Quarrel bet [...]en Athens and Spar⯑ [...]a. not thinking themſelves able ſingly to cope with the Spartans, contrived to create a Miſunderſtanding between theſe two States, in order to bring over the Athenians to them. Ac⯑cordingly they practis'd under-hand with Spho⯑drias, and put him upon a Project of attacking the Piraeus, as a thing that would redound to his Honour, and be very advantageous and agreea⯑ble to his Principals. He was brave and ambi⯑tious, but raſh withal, and indiſcreet; and he was work'd up to it, partly by flattering his Vanity, and partly by Preſents. It was concer⯑ted,Ol [...]mp. 100. 4. that he ſhould march in the dead of Night, ſo as to be able to make his Attack upon the Place by break of Day: But he fail'd in his Time; and when he was got as far as Ele [...]ſis, the Deſign took Air, and miſcarried. How⯑ever [105] he had done enough to alarm and incenſe the Athenians, who thereupon impriſon'd the Spartan Ambaſſadors. But the State diſavow'd this Proceeding of their Officer, and call'd him to an Account for it. Ageſilaus urg'd in his Behalf, That he was an honeſt Man, and that the Common-wealth ſtood in need of ſuch Soldiers, and got him acquitted; which he is ſaid to have done at the Interceſſion of his Son Archidamus, who had a Love-Affair with Cleonymus the Son of Sphodrias. This Attempt made in a profound Peace, and without the leaſt Provocation given, was of the ſame kind with that of the Cad⯑m [...]a, tho' it had not the ſame Succeſs; and it was Matter of great Surpriſe, that the Author of it ſhould go unpuniſhed. It is therefore to be look'd upon as one of thoſe glaring Inſtan⯑ces of the Partiality of the Spartan Government, in Caſes wherein their Intereſt was concerned: And the Athenians reſented it accordingly. For they immediately declared themſelves on the Side of the Thebans, and joining heartily with them, drew to their Confederacy ſeveral of the Cities, which were grown weary of the Spartan Ty⯑ranny.
The Spartans, Olymp. 101. 1. in order to retain thoſe Places which had not yet revolted, abated of their uſual Severity to them;The Spar⯑tans in⯑vade Boeo⯑tia. and ſent Ageſilaus and Cleom⯑brotus by turns, with a good Body of Troops, into Boeotia; where they made ſeveral Cam⯑paigns, but did little more than ſhew them⯑ſelves, [106] and haraſs the Country, with the Loſs of many of their Men; among whom was Phae⯑bidas, who, ſince the Affair of the Cadmea, com⯑manded in the Garriſon at Theſpioe, and after⯑wards in the Army, upon the Abſence of the Spartan Kings.
The Man who ſignaliz'd himſelf moſt againſt the Spartans, Are op⯑poſed by Chabrias. Olymp. 101. 2. was Chabrias the Athenian, who had ſerv'd well at Sea and Land, and was now pitch'd upon as the beſt Officer of his Time to oppoſe to Ageſilaus, who had enter'd Boeotia with eighteen thouſand Foot, and fifteen hundred Horſe; and whoſe Name ſtruck ſuch a Terror into the Thebans, that they propos'd nothing more than ſtanding upon their Defence; and to that end, poſſeſs'd themſelves of an Hill near the City. Ageſilaus detach'd a Party of light-arm'd Men to provoke them to come down, and give him Battle; which they declining, he drew out his whole Forces, in order to attack them. Cha⯑brias, His Suc⯑ceſſes. who commanded the Mercenaries on the Part of the Thebans, order'd his Men to preſent themſelves, and keep their Ranks in cloſe Order, with their Shields laid down at their Feet, and their Spears advanc'd, and with one Leg put forward, and the Knee upon the half-bent. Age⯑ſilaus finding them prepar'd in this manner to re⯑ceive him, and that they ſtood, as it were, in De [...]iance of him, thought fit to withdraw his Army, and contented himſelf with ravaging the Country. This was look'd upon as an extraor⯑dinary [107] Stratagem; and Chabrias valu'd himſelf ſo much upon it, that he procur'd his Statue to be erected in that Poſture.
The Spartans having done nothing conſider⯑able enough to anſwer the Loſſes and Expence of theſe Expeditions, reſolv'd to try their Fortune at Sea; and fitted out a Fleet of ſeventy Sail, under the Command of Pollis, who endeavour'd to intercept a great Quantity of Corn deſign'd for Athens, and had in a manner block'd up the City. But Chabrias having Notice of this Deſign, came up with the Spartan Fleet, and having defeated it, convoy'd the Tranſport Ships ſafe into the Piraeus.
Chabrias acting offenſively in his turn,The Victory at Naxus. ſail'd with the Fleet to Naxus, and laid Siege to it; and Pollis coming up to the Relief of the Iſland, a very ſharp Engagement enſu'd, wherein the Athenians diſpers'd the whole Spartan Fleet, hav⯑ing deſtroy'd twenty-four of their Gallies, and taken eight, with the Loſs of eighteen of their own. Chabrias return'd with his Spoils to Athens, and was highly honour'd, this being the firſt Victory at Sea, that had been obtain'd by the Athenians ſingly, without the Aſſiſtance of the Perſian, ſince the Peloponneſian War: And this had put them upon aſſerting their former Domi⯑nion at Sea.
For this purpoſe they order'd their Fleet to ſail round Peloponneſus, Olymp. 101. 3. under the Conduct of Timo⯑theus, who was the Son of Conon, and inherited [108] his Father's Virtues.The Suc⯑ceſſes of Timotheus He drew ſeveral Towns and Places on the Coaſt, ſome by Force, and others by Management and mild Treatment, into the Alliance with Athens: Whereupon the Spar⯑tans ſent out Nicolochus, with the Command of their Fleet, to put a Stop to theſe Encroach⯑ments. He was hot and daring, and immedi⯑ately fell in with the Athenians, before his whole Number of Ships could join him. But he was defeated, and Timotheus erected a Trophy. This Action happen'd near Leucas.
The Thebans taking Advantage of theſe Diver⯑ſions at Sea, recover'd all the Cities of Boeotia, and invaded Phocis. The Spartans grew every Day leſs terrible to them; ſo that they began now to act offenſively againſt them, and had frequent Encounters with them. And though they were not regular and deciſive Battles, they were ſuch as ſerv'd to raiſe their Courage, and gain them Experience, and were introductory to thoſe greater Actions which happen'd afterwards. The Succeſs of theſe little Engagements was ge⯑nerally on their Side, and was chiefly owing to Pelopidas, and of Pe⯑lopidas. who ſignaliz'd himſelf in moſt of 'em. In one of them, at a Place call'd Ta [...]agra, he ſlew the Spartan Commander with his own Hand. But that which happen'd about the ſame Time at Tegyra, was more remarkable.
He had form'd a Deſign of ſurpriſing Or [...]d [...] ⯑menus, The Battle [...]t Tegyra. which was garriſon'd by the Spartans, and march'd againſt it with three hundred Foot, and [109] [...]ome Horſe: But receiving Intelligence, that a great Body of Spartans were upon their March [...]o reinforce the Garriſon, he thought it adviſeable [...]o retire. In his Retreat, he met this Reinforce⯑ment near Tegyra, and being oppos'd by them, he order'd his Horſe, who were in the Rear, to advance and engage them, relying on his Foot for the main Streſs of the Battle. The Attack was very furious on both Sides: But Gorgoleon and Theopompus, who commanded the Spartans, ſoon ſell; and all who were near them, were ei⯑ther kill'd, or put to Flight; which ſtruck ſuch a Terror into the reſt of their Troops, that they open'd a Paſſage for the Thebans to purſue their March. But Pelopidas would not quit the Field, till he had made a further Slaughter among 'em, and thoroughly routed and diſpers'd them. He acquir'd more Reputation by this Retreat, than he could have got by ſucceeding in his original Deſign againſt Orchomenus: And it was a more ſignal Diſgrace to the Spartans, than they had hitherto met with; for they had at leaſt three times as many Men in the Field. And it was never known before, that in all their Wars, whe⯑ther againſt Grecians or Barbarians, they had been beat by fewer Troops than their own, or even by an equal Number. It muſt indeed be allow'd, that theſe three hundred Foot were the Flower of the Theban Army; and they were di⯑ſtinguiſh'd by the Name of The Sacred Battalion. The Sacred Battali [...]. They were as remarkable for their Fidelity and [110] Affection to one another, as they were for their Courage, and in that reſpect were likewiſe call'd, The Band of Lovers. There are ſeveral fabulous Accounts concerning them: But all that can be reaſonably collected from them, is, that they were a brave determin'd Set of young Men, who had vow'd perpetual Friendſhip, and ſworn to ſtand by one another to the laſt Drop of their Blood. They were ſaid to have been firſt rais'd by Gorgidas, who was one of the Governors of Boeotia, in Conjunction with Pelopidas, and had a conſiderable Share in the Tranſactions of that Time. He us'd them chiefly as a Guard to the Citadel, but employ'd them occaſionally in other Services of the War; and upon an Engagement, he choſe to divide and mix them in the Ranks with the other Troops, in order to animate them by their Example. But Pelopidas found a better Effect in keeping them in one entire Body; and after the Proofs they had given him of their Be⯑haviour in this Action, he conſtantly charg'd at the Head of them, in the ſame manner, without breaking and diſperſing them. They are ſaid to have remain'd invincible till the Battle of Che⯑ronea, which happen'd ſome Years after, when they were every Man of them cut down by the Macedonian Phalanx: And the next Day Philip taking a View of the Field of Battle, look'd on them with Surpriſe, as they lay all together a⯑mong the Slain, and extolling their Virtue, [...]p over them.
[111] It was this Battle of Tegyra, ſays Plutarch, which firſt convinc'd the Grecians, that the Breed of martial Spirits is not confin'd to the Banks of the Eurotas; but that true Courage and Bravery are the Growth of every Country, where the In⯑habitants are brought up with a Senſe of Honour and Juſtice, and are more afraid of the leaſt Diſ⯑grace, than of the greateſt Danger.
Theſe Succeſſes of the Thebans made the Athe⯑nians begin to think they gain'd Ground a little too faſt; and whatever Cauſe of Reſentment they had againſt Sparta, they did not care to carry it ſo far, as to raiſe the Power of one State upon the Deſtruction of the other: Which Conſideration inclin'd them towards an Accomodation. It hap⯑pen'd at the ſame time, that Artaxerxes wanting a Supply of Grecian Troops to aſſiſt him in his Aegyptian War, and which could not eaſily be ſpar'd, without putting an end to theſe inteſtine Broils, ſent his Ambaſſadors into Greece to renew the Peace of Antalcidas, The Peace of Antalci⯑das re⯑new'd. Olymp. 102. 1. which in the preſent Conjuncture met with very little Difficulty, ex⯑cept from the Thebans, who would not give up their Juriſdiction over the Cities of Boeotia. The general Tenor of the Treaty was as before, That all the Cities for the future ſhould be govern'd by their own Laws; with an additional Proviſion, That all the Garriſons ſhould be withdrawn; which was accordingly executed by Commiſſioners ap⯑pointed for that Purpoſe.
[112] During the ſhort Reſpite that was by this Means given to the Grecians, A Body of Grecians employ'd by the Perſi⯑ans againſt Aegypt. Artaxerxes engag'd twenty thouſand of them in his Service againſt Aegypt. Pharnabazus, who had the Charge of the War, and had been two Years in making Preparations for it, had got together an Army of two hun⯑dred thouſand Men, beſides this Body of Grecians, with a proportionable Number of Shipping, to act in concert with the Land Forces. He ſent to Athens to demand that Chabrias, who then ſerv'd as a Voluntier with the Aegyptians, might be recall'd home,Iphicrates commands them. and that Iphicrates might be ſent to command the Grecians; both which Point [...] were readily complied with. The general Ren⯑dezvous was at Ace, afterwards call'd Ptolemai [...]; where it was reſolv'd to attack Peluſium, one o [...] the Seven Mouths of the Nile, as the moſt con⯑venient Paſſage into the Country: But the Ae⯑gyptians had ſo long Notice given them to pro⯑vide for their Defence, that they had made that Place inacceſſible both by Sea and Land. Where, upon Pharnabazus order'd the Fleet to Mende⯑ſium, another Mouth of the Nile, and made a Deſcent with three thouſand Men, who, after a vigorous Reſiſtance, took the Place. Iphicrates took the Fort likewiſe, with thoſe who had retir'd into it; and being fluſh'd with this Succeſs, pro⯑pos'd to go, without Loſs of Time, to a [...]ack Memphis, the capital City of Aegypt. But P [...]ar⯑nabazus choſe rather to ſtay till his whole Forces could come up, in order to make ſure Work of [113] it. The other urg'd the Neceſſity of marching immediately againſt it, and, in order to cut off all further Pretences, offer'd to do it with only his own Troops; which being likewiſe refus'd, it was plainly ſeen,Pharnaba⯑zus is jea⯑lous of him. that Pharnabazus was jealous of his having too great a Share in the Honour of the Expedition. Whilſt this Matter was in Debate between them, the Aegyptians put a ſtrong Gar⯑riſon into Memphis; and drawing down the reſt of their Forces againſt the Perſians, maintain'd their Ground, and haraſs'd them, till at length the Inundation of the Nile oblig'd them to quit the Country. By theſe Means they loſt the Pro⯑ſpect of taking Memphis, the Conſequence where⯑of muſt have been the Reduction of the whole Kingdom. Such was the Fate of moſt of the Perſian Expeditions, which were generally ill concerted, and worſe conducted, and were al⯑ways attended with Delays, which were chiefly occaſion'd by their Generals Hands being tied up, ſo that, upon any ſudden Emergency, they often waited for Inſtructions from their Court, till the Occaſion was over. And this was alledg'd by Pharnabazus in his Excuſe to Iphicrates, who expoſtulating with him upon the Operations of the War, ask'd him, How it came to paſs, that he who was ſo quick in propoſing his Meaſures, was ſo ſlow in the Execution? Becauſe, ſaid he, I am Maſter of my Words; but the King is Maſter of my Actions. But this was not ſo much the Caſe of the preſent Miſcarriage, which was chiefly [114] owing to the Miſunderſtanding between the two Generals. However Pharnabazus, upon his Re [...]turn into Aſia, threw the whole Blame of it upo [...] Iphicrates, who did not think it proper there to juſtify himſelf. He took warning from wha [...] had lately happen'd to Conon under the like Circumſtances; and therefore withdrew himſelf privately to Athens. Pharnabazus ſent his Com⯑plaint after him; and the Athenians promis'd to puniſh him, according as they ſhould find he had deſerv'd it. But they found reaſon to be very well ſatisfied with his Behaviour, and were ſo far from cenſuring it, that ſoon after, as a Mark of their Approbation, they appointed him Admiral.
In the mean time the ſeveral Cities of Greece, eſpecially thoſe in Peloponneſus, were no ſooner put into a Condition of enjoying that Liberty, which was now more fully reſtor'd to them, but they fell into Tumults and Seditions among themſelves, with ſuch Reſentment of former In⯑juries upon thoſe who had acted under the Spar⯑tan Adminiſtration, that they baniſh'd their Per⯑ſons, and confiſcated their Eſtates, and created ſuch further Diſorders, that the two States of Athens and Sparta ſound themſelves oblig'd to in⯑terpoſe in Behalf of thoſe who were beſt affected towards'em, and whoſe Quarrels they had formerly eſpouſed:The Peace broke again in G [...]rerce. And this occaſion'd another Rupture the Year after the Peace was concluded; tho' it was not ſo general a one as before, nor of ſo long Continuance.
[115] The firſt Conteſts were concerning Zacynthus and Corcyra; Commotions at Zacyn⯑thus and Corcyra. which were occaſion'd chiefly by the Spartan Faction. In the former of theſe Places, the People had expell'd their Magiſtrates; who flying to Timotheus for Protection, he re⯑ceiv'd them on board his Fleet, and tranſported them back to the Iſland; where, by his further Aſſiſtance, they got Poſſeſſion of a ſtrong Caſtle, and maintain'd themſelves againſt the Inhabitants. The like Diviſions ſubſiſting in Corcyra, the Spartans ſent out Mnaſippus with a Fleet, under colour of aſſiſting their Friends there. But they knew of what Importance that Iſland was to the Recovery of their Dominion at Sea; and their true Deſign was to ſecure it to themſelves. The Fraud being detected, the Inhabitants in general united againſt them as their common Enemy, and put themſelves under the Protection of Athens. But before they could receive any Relief from thence, the Spartans had landed upon them, and beſieged them. And when they found them⯑ſelves ſtraiten'd for want of Proviſions, they made a deſperate ſally, wherein they kill'd Mnaſippus, with a good Number of his Men. At length Iphicrates and Timotheus coming up with the A⯑thenian Fleet, took nine of the Spartan Gallies, and put an end to theſe Commotions.
About the ſame time the Inhabitants of Plataêa applying to their old Friends the Athenians, for their Protection and Alliance, the Thebans took Offence at it, and demoliſh'd the Town; and [116] ſoon after did the ſame by Theſpiae. The The⯑bans de⯑moliſh Pla⯑taea and Theſpiae. The A [...]he⯑nians were ſo highly incens'd at the Treatment of thoſe two Cities, which had deſerv'd ſo well of the common Cauſe in the Perſian War, that they would act no longer in Conjunction with them; and upon their breaking with them, the Affairs of Greece took a new and unexpected Turn.
Athens and Sparta began now to think in earneſt of enjoying ſome Repoſe themſelves,Athens and Sparta incline to Peace. and of giving it to the leſſer States, whoſe Quarrels had been promoted chiefly by them, and made ſubſervient to their Views of obtaining the Sove⯑reignty of Greece. This was undoubtedly the true Grounds of their Enmity, tho' ſeveral other pretended Cauſes were aſign'd; of which the moſt plauſible was, the ſettling the other Cities and Republicks in a State of Freedom and Inde⯑pendency. This was now in ſome meaſure ef⯑fected; and the Spartans having been forc'd to give up a great Part of the Power they had un⯑juſtly obtain'd, the Athenians contented themſelves with this Mark of their Submiſſion, eſpecially ſince they had recover'd a great Part of what they had loſt at Sea; which had brought things to a pretty equal Balance. The Truth is, they had been at almoſt all the Charge and Hazard of the War, excluſive of their Allies; ſo that not⯑withſtanding they had been ſucceſsful in the main, they had been ſufficiently drain'd and haraſs'd, and were therefore glad of ſo [...]avourable a Con⯑juncture, to renew the former Treaty. There [117] being at the ſame time nothing to apprehend on the Side of Aſia, where Artaxerxes was deeply engag'd in his Aegyptian War, there was a ge⯑neral Diſpoſition for Peace, and the Negotiations were carried on ſucceſsfully by the Athenians; but it was rejected by the Thebans, The The⯑bans aver ſe to it. and in ſuch a manner, as plainly ſhew'd they were now ſetting up for themſelves, and would no longer be con⯑ſider'd as a ſubordinate State.
They were naturally an hardy and robuſt Peo⯑ple, but had the Character of being heavy and ſtupid, even to a Proverb: And yet ſuch Gene⯑rals as Epaminondas and Pelopides, and ſuch Wri⯑ters as Pindar and Plutarch, one would think, ſhould have vindicated them from that Reproach. However it is certain, they had not hitherto ex⯑erted themſelves in any Degree ſuitable to the Fame of their Heroes and Founders, who by their Exploits, partly Fabulous, and partly Hiſ⯑torical, had given a Promiſe of what might be expected from their Deſcendants, eſpecially in a City of ſo great Antiquity and Renown, as to have maintain'd a Siege, even before that of Troy. But they were far from anſwering theſe Expectations. The Thebans were divided in In⯑tereſt from the Boeotians during the Perſian Wars; which is aſſign'd as one Reaſon, why they were ſo long kept under: They baſely deſerted the common Cauſe of Greece at that Time, to join with the Barbarians: And when, contrary to all human Probability, that numerous Army was [118] defeated, they apprehended the Power and Re⯑ſentment of the Athenians, who, as being their Neighbours, might, under a Pretence of puniſh⯑ing their Treachery, poſſeſs themſelves of their Country. This Neceſſity threw them under the Protection of the Spartans, who choſe rather to forgive the Friends of Perſia, than ſacrifice the Enemies of Athens; and accordingly enter'd into a League with them. The Thebans were not un⯑grateful; they did them very great Service in the Peloponneſian War, and continu'd, during the whole Courſe of it, their good and faithful Allies. Upon what Occaſion they afterwards broke with them, and were thereupon oblig'd to have Recourſe to the Athenians, has already been related. It was a conſtant Maxim with them, as they were deſerted by one of thoſe two States, to fall in with the other; and which Side ſoever they inclin'd to, they were generally of Weight enough to turn the Balance: However they had hitherto made no further uſe of that Weight, than to ſecure themſelves. But they had been ſo conſtantly engag'd of late Years on one Side or the other, according to the Exigencies of their Affairs, that it had brought them into Diſcipline, and fir'd their Ambition; and the Spartans had principally contributed to it, by their late ſrequent Expeditions againſt them. It was an eſtabliſh'd Point of Policy in the Spartan Government, to avoid engaging too often with the ſame Enemy, for fear of inſtructing them in [119] the Art of War: And Lycurgus had, for the ſame Reaſon, expreſly forbid it by his Laws. But the Reſentment of Ageſilaus againſt the The⯑bans carried him on beyond any Conſideration of that kind; inſomuch that finding his Colleague Cleombrotus averſe to the Theban War, he lead the Army himſelf, notwithſtanding that he had before claim'd the Privilege of his Age to excuſe his Attendance: And an Action happening, wherein he was wounded, Antalcidas reproach'd him, That he was well requited by the Thebans, for having taught them to fight. In ſhort, they began now to look about them, and enlarge their Views; and finding themſelves too much cramp'd up within their ancient Limits, they laid hold of the preſent Conjuncture, to extend their Domi⯑nion, beginning, as the other States had done, by little Encroachments on their Neighbours.
The Spirit which now appear'd among them,They are encourag'd by Pelopi⯑das and E⯑paminon⯑das. had been rais'd by Pelopidas, their late Deliverer from the Spartan Yoke, and was ſeconded and ſupported by Epaminondas, who, tho' he had all the Qualities neceſſary for the Service of the Publick, yet choſe to lead a private Life, in a conſtant Courſe of Virtue, and the Study of Philoſophy. He had ſeldom appear'd in publick, but in order to get himſelf excus'd from thoſe Employments, which were ſo eagerly courted by others. But his extraordinary Merit no longer ſuffering him to enjoy his Retirement, he was forc'd out of it, and plac'd at the Head of the Theban Army. [120] He had before this contracted an Intimacy with Pelopidas, which was daily improv'd by the Cor⯑reſpondence of their Tempers and Principles, and the ardent Zeal, which they both expreſs'd, for the Good of their Country. And they had upon ſome Occaſions before this Time appear'd toge⯑ther in Action: But Pelopidas having made a more early Figure in the Army, the Succeſs, which the Thebans had hitherto met with, was generally aſcrib'd to him: However Epaminondas had done enough to diſtinguiſh himſelf; and they both now came to be conſider'd in the ſame Light, as Generals abroad, and as Governors at home.
When the Treaty propos'd by the Athenians was upon the Point of being executed, the The⯑bans demanded to be comprehended in it, under the Name of the Boeotians, and to be expreſly ſtiled ſo. But the other contracting Powers would not agree to it: Ageſilaus particularly in⯑ſiſted upon their leaving Boeotia free and inde⯑pendent. He was anſwer'd by Epaminondas, who was there as Ambaſſador on the Part of the Thebans, That they, the Spartans would do well to ſhew them the Example, by ſetting free the Country of Laconia; for that the Pretenſions of the City of Thebes to the one, were as well founded, as thoſe of the City of Sparta, to the other. He urg'd farther, not only in Behalf of the Thebans, but of Greece in general, That Sparta had aggran⯑diz'd herſelf by War, at the Expence of her Neigh⯑bours; [121] That Peace might be obtain'd, and ſuch a [...]ne as might be ſolid and laſting; but that it could not be otherwiſe ſo, than by reducing all to an E⯑quality. Theſe Remonſtrances, however juſt they were, yet ſo incens'd Ageſilaus, that he ſtruck the Name of the Thebans out of the Treaty,Ageſilaus declares War a⯑gainſt the Thebans. and declar'd War againſt them.
The entering into a War in this manner, was thought, both by the Spartans and their Allies, too haſty a Step; and when it was at laſt, and with ſome Difficulty, decreed by the Ephori, it was cenſur'd, as an Act more of Paſſion than Judgment, and as owing to the particular Pique Ageſilaus had to the Thebans, on whoſe Account he had been call'd out of Aſia; and thereupon he laid hold of all Opportunities of being re⯑yeng'd on them. However he took care at the ſame time to conclude a Peace with the reſt of the Grecians; tho' it was couch'd in ſo looſe and general Terms, as if it were intended only to ſerve the preſent Occaſion, leſt any of them ſhould [...]oin againſt him, and that he might afterwards either obſerve, or break it, according as he ſhould find it moſt for his Purpoſe. This agrees with what he ſaid to the other Ambaſſadors upon his diſmiſſing them, That what could be amicably ad⯑uſted, ſhould; and that what was not otherwiſe to be remedied, muſt be determin'd by the Sword, it being too diſſicult a Task to provide for every thing by [...]reaty.
[122] The Thebans were by this means left to them [...]elves; and Cleombrotus lying then in Phocis wit ten thouſand Foot, and a thouſand Horſe, th [...] Ephori ſent him Orders to march immediate [...] into Boeotia; and at the ſame time they order' freſh Levies to be made in Laconia, and amon [...] their Allies. The Thebans, tho' they were unde [...] the utmoſt Conſternation, and that all Greece [...] general look'd upon them as loſt, prepar'd [...] ſtand upon their Defence. Epaminondas was at [...] pointed Commander in Chief; but there we [...] join'd with him, at his own Requeſt, ſix other [...] as his Council, or Aſſiſtants.
Cleombrotus in the mean time purſued h [...] March with great Diligence, and went on [...] to a certain Victory. However, when he a [...] riv'd upon the Frontiers of Boeotia, he ſent un [...]der colour of juſtifying his Proceedings, to d [...]mand of the Thebans, That they ſhould reſtore if [...] Boeotian Cities to their Liberty; That they ſhou [...] rebuild Plataea and Theſpiae, which they had don [...]liſh'd in the laſt War; and that they ſhould make g [...] all the Loſſes the Inhabitants had ſuſtain'd. E [...]minendas return'd an Anſwer ſuitable to the D [...]mand, That the Spartans had nothing to do wi [...] Boeotia, and that the Thebans were not accom [...] table to them for their Conduct.
There now remain'd nothing further to [...] done on either Side, but to prepare for Actio [...] But juſt as the Thebans march'd out of the C [...] they were terrified by Omens and Prodiga [...] [123] which they interpreted to portend ill Succeſs to [...]hem. Epaminodas, by way of Encourage⯑ment, repeated to them a Verſe of Homer, which implied,* That there was one ſure good [...]men to thoſe who fought for their Country. One of theſe unlucky Auguries, was a ſudden [...]reat Clap of Thunder, which they look'd up⯑ [...]n as a Warning from Heav'n, and addreſs'd [...]hemſelves to their General, to know his Senti⯑Ments upon it. But he being more attentive [...] the Incampment of the Spartan Army, than [...] the Thunder, gave them no other Anſwer, [...]han That be wonder'd to ſee the Enemy bad [...]tch'd upon ſo bad a Piece of Ground, when they [...]ight have poſted themſelves ſo much more advan⯑ [...]ageouſly. However, to prevent any further Ef⯑fets of this Superſtition, or Fear, which was [...]mong the Troops, he found it neceſſary to hu⯑ [...]our them a little, and to take them in their own [...]ay. Accordingly he invented other Counter⯑ [...]mens and Auguries, and made uſe of old [...]rophecies and Predictions, which he applied [...] the preſent Occaſion, and took care to have [...]hem explain'd in ſo favourable a manner, that he Soldiers went on in full Confidence of Suc⯑ [...]eſs, and were eager to engage. The next [...]oint in Debate, was among the Generals, [...]hether they ſhould act defenſively, or march [...]p to the Spartans Camp, and offer them [...]attle. The Council of War upon this Occa⯑ſion, [124] conſiſted of Epaminondas, and five of [...] Colleagues; and they were equally divided Opinion. But Pelopidas, as ſome ſay, came afterwards, and by his Vote it was determin to give the Enemy Battle. Accordingly [...] two Armies met in the Plain of Leuctra, Town in Boeotia.
Archidamus the Son of Ageſilaus, having join the Spartans with the new Levies, had increas their Number to four and twenty Thouſan [...] whereas the Thebans had at the moſt but [...] Thouſand. There was alſo a great Diſproporti [...] in their Horſe: But the Thebans had vaſtly [...] Advantage, both in the Quality of their Horſe and in their Management of them.
Epaminondas endeavour'd to ſupply his W [...] of Troops by his Diſpoſition,A. M. 3634. Olymp. 102. 2. The Batt [...] of Leuctra and by the V [...]gour of his Attack. And taking to himſelf [...] Command of the Left Wing, oppoſite to [...] Right of the Enemy, commanded by Cleomio [...]tus, he put the main Streſs of the Battle the [...] concluding, that iſ he could break that Body [...] Spartans, the reſt would eaſily be put to the Ro [...] With this View, he ſtrengthen'd his Wing w [...] his heavy-arm'd Infantry, and the beſt of [...] other Troops; by which Additions, it was [...] M [...]n deep, whereas that of the Spartans was b [...] twelve. He cloſed it with the Sacred Band [...] der the Command of Pelopidas; and his Ho [...] he placed in the Front of it, after the Exam⯑ple of Cleombrotus. Having drawn off ſo ma [...] [125] from his other Wing, he order'd thoſe who re⯑main'd in it, to fall back in a ſlanting Line, as if they declin'd fighting, and were making their Retreat; which he did, that they might not be left too much expos'd, and that they might cover his Flank on the Right, and be a Body of Reſerve to him in caſe of need.
He then advanc'd with his Wing, extending [...]t obliquely, in order to draw off the Right Wing of the Spartans from their main Body. The Enemy perceiving his Deſign, chang'd their Order of Battle, and began to extend their Wing likewiſe, with an Intent to ſurround Epa⯑ [...]nondas. But before they could open and cloſe their Diviſions, he took advantage of their form⯑ing themſelves, and began the Attack with the Horſe: And Pelopidas charging with him at the ſame time, with incredible Speed and Bra⯑very at the Head of his Battalion, they follow'd she Horſe, and preſs'd ſo hard upon the Spar⯑ [...]ans, that tho' they were of all the Grecians, the moſt expert in recovering any Surpriſe or Diſorder of that Kind, their Skill was now quite paſſed. Their Horſe being not able to ſtand the Shock, were forc'd back upon their Infan⯑try, which, by this means, was broke, and thrown into a good deal of Confuſion. The Thebans having made this Impreſſion with their Horſe, puſh'd on to Cleombrotus, and open'd their Way to him with great Slaughter; not⯑withſtanding that the Spartans fought with their [126] wonted Bravery, and held the Victory ſom [...] Time in Suſpence. At length Cleombrotus [...] with Dinon, Sphodrias, his Son Cleonyme and other Officers of Note, who came up [...] defend the Perſon of their King. And [...] he was kill'd, the Fight was renew'd with great⯑er Rage and Obſtinacy, both to revenge [...] Death, and to recover his Body. This la [...] was a point of Honour with the Spartan [...] which they could not for ſhame give up; and Epaminondas choſe rather to gratify them in it than to hazard the further Succeſs of the Battle Wherefore he left them in poſſeſſion of their dead King, and went on to their other Wing which was commanded by Archidamus, and con⯑ſiſted chiefly of the Allies, who had not willing⯑ly been engaged in this Quarrel, but were the more eaſily perſuaded to it from the Weak⯑neſs of the Thebans; ſo that they thought they had little more to do, than to take the Field, and that they were to conquer without fight⯑ing, or, as Diodorus expreſſes it,* without Duſt. But they were ſo diſhearten'd at the Death of Cleombrotus, and the Defeat of his Wing, that they ſoon betook themſelves to Flight, and were follow'd by the reſt of the Army. Ep [...] ⯑minondas purſued them with great Slaughter, 'till having compleated his Victory, he remain'd Maſter of the Field, and erected a Trophy. There fell in the Battle four Thouſand on the Side of Sparta, whereof one Thouſand were Laceda⯑monians, [127] and the Flower of their Army; and four Hundred of them were Citizens of Sparta. The Thebans loſt in the whole but three Hun⯑dred Men.
Epaminondas had ſucceeded in every Part of this Action, according to his Wiſh, and ac⯑cording to the manner in which he had pro⯑jected it. His Skill and Conduct in this Battle, and in that which ſucceeded it at Manitinea, are look'd upon as Maſter-pieces in their kind: And they who are curious that way, may ſee the exact Plans of them, as they are deſcrib'd by a* late Author in his Comments upon Poly⯑bius.
This Battle was fought within twenty Days after the Concluſion of the Peace. And as it was the ſharpeſt of any that had happen'd du⯑ring the Wars of the Grecians among them⯑ſelves, ſo it was more remarkable for the Num⯑ber of the [...]ſlain; there having ſeldom been above four or five hundred kill'd on the Side of the vanquiſh'd, even in the Height of the Rivalſhip between Athens and Sparta, when they fought with the moſt Rancour and Inveteracy. The Thebans acquir'd more Glory by it, than any of the Republicks had ever gain'd by any ſingle Victory in thoſe Wars: And Epaminondas felt ſuch a ſudden Exceſs of Joy upon it, that he went out of his uſual Character, and was hard⯑ly able to contain himſelf. But the next Day, upon cooler Thoughts, he reſum'd the Philo⯑ſopher; [128] and appear'd ſo penſive and melancho⯑ly, that his Friends were very inquiſitive to know the Cauſe of it. He told them, He had ſuffered himſelf to be too much tranſported upon his Victory, and that he was now undergoing a proper Chaſtiſement for it. But his Command of himſelf upon this Occaſion, did not come up to that of the Spartans, whoſe Behaviour after the Battle, was ſo remarkably great, that I que⯑ſtion whether it can be parallel'd in the Hiſtory of any Age, or Country.
If happen'd, that when the News of the Defeat came to Sparta, they were celebrating a Publick Feſtival in the City, where there was a great Con⯑courſe of Strangers from ſeveral Parts of Greece. The Beha⯑viour of the Spar⯑tans after their De⯑feat. The Ephori, who from the Accounts they had al⯑ready received of the Battle, could not but be ſenſible of the terrible Conſequences of it, yet gave Orders, that the Solemnity of the Day ſhould not be interrupted; but privately ſending the Names of the ſlain to each Family, out of which they were loſt, they went on with the Sports and Ceremonies, as if nothing had happen'd. The next Morning, when they were more fully in⯑formed of the Particulars, the Fathers and Re⯑lations of the ſlain came out rejoicing in the Market-place, and ſaluting each other with a kind of Exultation: On the contrary, the Fa⯑thers of thoſe who ſurvived the Battle, conceal'd themſelves in their Houſes; and if any of them were, upon any neceſſary Occaſion, obliged to [129] go abroad, it was eaſily diſcover'd by their Looks, that they were aſham'd to own their Children. The Women carried it ſtill further, the Mothers of the ſlain openly rejoicing, chear⯑fully making Viſits to each other, and aſſemb⯑ling in a triumphant manner in the Temples; whilſt they who expected their Children home, ſat ſilent and dejected.
But the Generality of the People were a⯑waken'd by this Misfortune, and conſider'd it as a Blow, that they ſhould never be able to recover. They began to deſpair, when they found themſelves without Troops, deſerted by their Allies, and, in a manner, at the Mercy of the Conqueror; eſpecially when they were further informed, that he deſign'd to invade Pe⯑loponneſus. This occaſion'd a general Murmu⯑ring and Repining: It brought to their Re⯑membrance the former Predictions of the Oracle, That they ſhould ſuffer under a lame King. They conſider'd further, that they had given the Crown to this lame King, in prejudice to the Right of Leotychidas his Nephew. But notwith⯑ſtanding theſe Reflections, and that he had un⯑doubtedly been the ſole Author of their preſent Calamity, he had ſtill ſo much Credit with them, that they renew'd the Confidence they they had formerly placed in him, and ſubmitted their Affairs entirely to his Determination, ei⯑ther as to Peace or War.
[130] One great Point under their immediate Con⯑ſideration, was concerning thoſe who had fled out of the Battle. They were by the Law in that cafe, to be degraded from all Honours, and render'd infamous, inſomuch that it was a Diſgrace to intermarry with them: They were to appear publickly in mean and dirty Habits, with patch'd and party-colour'd Garments, and to go half-ſhav'd; and whoever met them in the Streets, might inſult and beat them, and they were not to make any Reſiſtance. This was ſo ſevere a Law, and ſuch Numbers had incurr'd the Penalties of it, many of whom were of great Families and Intereſt, that they apprehended the Execution of it might occaſion ſome publick Commotions; beſides that theſe Citizens, ſuch as they were, could very ill be ſpared at this time, when they wanted to re⯑cruit the Army. Under this Difficulty, they gave Ageſilaus a Power even over the Laws, to diſpenſe with them, or to abrogate them, or to enact ſuch new ones, as the preſent Exi⯑gency required. He would not aboliſh, or make any Variation in the Law itſelf, but made a publick Declarntion, That it ſhould lie dormant for that ſingle Day, but revive and be in full Force again on the morrow; and by that Ex⯑pedient he ſaved the Citizens from Infamy.
THE Fugitives being thus re-inſtated in the Army, Ageſilaus made an Inroad into Ar⯑cadia, where he took a ſmall Town belonging to the Mantineans, and waſted the Territory, but avoided engaging in any hazardous Enter⯑priſe, doing no more at preſent, than what was barely neceſſary to keep his Men in Action, and to revive their Spirits, and at the ſame time to ſhew, that the Fortune of Sparta was not quite deſperate.
The Thebans in the mean time were endea⯑vouring to improve their Victory; and ſent an Herald crown'd with a Garland, to communi⯑cate it in Form to the Athenians, and to de⯑mand their Aſſiſtance. But they did not think this a Time to break with Sparta; they found it a fit Opportunity to make themſelves more ab⯑ſolutely Maſters at Sea; and if they could not carry it further, ſo as to obtain the Sovereign⯑ty of Greece; at leaſt they thought it better to ſhare in it with Sparta, than to endanger the letting the 'Thebans into the whole: Upon [132] which Conſiderations they diſmiſs'd the Herald without giving him Audience.
With theſe Views,Olymp. 102. 3. The Athe⯑nians take advanta a of this O⯑verthrow of the Spartans. they gave the Spartans to underſtand, That, as they had loſt their Power, it was expected, they ſhould lay aſide their Haughtineſs and Severity. At the ſame time they took upon themſelves to maintain the Peace, which, by the Deputies of the ſeveral Cities aſ⯑ſembled at Athens, they cauſed to be renew'd and retified, in the Name of them, and their Con⯑federates. The Thebans ſtood out as before; and the Eleans now followed their Example, object⯑ing againſt the Freedom of ſeveral Towns, which they pretended to be immediately under their Juriſdiction. And ſeveral other States afterwards fell in with the Thebans, Several States ſide with the Thebans. ſome by Compulſion, and more out of Inclination and Policy, as they found they were moſt likely to be protected by them. Thebes was now become the common Aſylum for thoſe who apprehended the Power of their Neighbours, and more particularly of the Spartans.
The Mantineans about this time took occaſi⯑on to rebuild their City,The Man⯑tineans re⯑build their City. which, with the Aſ⯑ſiſtance of the Eleans, and ſome Part of the Arcadians, they perfected, and wall'd in, as before. And, according to Pauſanias, the Ar⯑cadians in general, by the Perſuaſion of Epami⯑nondas, out of ſeveral ſmall Towns, built one common City by the Name of Megalopolis; tho' Diodorus places it two years lower, upon [133] their great Overthrow by the Spartans. Thus far the Arcadians had made a right and reaſona⯑ble uſe of Sparta's being humbled: But they, and ſome other States, when they found them⯑ſelves reſtored, according to the Treaty, to the free Enjoyment of their own Laws, and Forms of Government, grew wanton and ca⯑pricious, and fell into ſuch Diſſenſions among themſelves, as prov'd of worſe Conſequence to them, than the Dominion of Sparta.
This was the Caſe of the Tegeans, who had form'd a Scheme of uniting themſelves, with all the reſt of the Arcadians, Commoti⯑ons in Ar⯑cadia. into one Body of a Common-wealth, with a General Council, conſiſting of ten Thouſand; in whom there was to be lodg'd an abſolute Power, to deter⯑mine all Matters relating to Peace and War. But this Project occaſion'd ſuch Factions and Tumults among them, that great Numbers were kill'd, and above fourteen Hundred ba⯑niſh'd; and it ended in bringing the Spartans again upon them, under the old Pretence of reſtoring Exiles, and in making their Country a Seat of War.
Ageſilaus immediately took occaſion from theſe inteſtine Diviſions, to ſend a Body of fifteen Hundred Men among them under the Com⯑mand of Polytropus. He poſſeſs'd himſelf of * Orchomenus, A Battle at Orcho⯑menus. which was well affected to Sparta, and garriſon'd it. Lycomedes the Arcadian Ge⯑neral [134] being about three to one ſtronger, march'd up to him, and offer'd him Battle under the Walls. Polytropus accepted it, and was kill'd, with two hundred of his Men; and the reſt were forc'd back into the City. However Ly⯑comedes, not doubting but the Spartans would come with a greater FoRce to revenge them⯑ſelves, did not think it adviſeable to purſue his Victory without ſome further Aſſiſtance. Accordingly he applied to the Athenians; but they refus'd to join with him, concluding, as they had done before, with regard to the The⯑bans, that Sparta was low enough already, and that it would be wrong Policy in them at this time to ſupport any other State againſt her. Hereupon the Arcadians had recourſe to the Thebans, who receiv'd them with open Arms; and this was a great Addition to the Confe⯑deracy, that was forming againſt Sparta.
About the Time of the civil Diſcord among the Arcadians concerning their new Form of Government, there happen'd a more grievous Inſtance of the ſame kind at Argos; Sedition at Argos. where the Government being in the People, the Orators, or Demagogues, (as they were more properly call'd) ftirt'd them up againſt the Nobility, who, to ſecure themſelves againſt the Inſults and Outrages to which they were expos'd, en⯑ter'd into Conſpiracy to deſtroy the Democra⯑cy. Which being ſuſpected by the Commons, they put ſeveral to the Rack, and extorted [135] from them a Confeſſion of the whole Deſign. Whereupon they murther'd Thirty of thoſe who were principally concern'd, without any Form of Trial: And many falſe Accuſations againſt others, were dreſs'd up and aggravated by theſe Orators; inſomuch that there were above ſixteen hundred of the greateſt and rich⯑eſt Men of the City executed, and their Eſtates confiſcated. At length the Orators, whether they were ſtruck with Remorſe for the Cruel⯑ties they had oceaſion'd, or that they were a⯑fraid of being at laſt involv'd in the general Ruin, began to ſlacken in their Proſecutions; and the People from thence concluding, that they had deſerted their Cauſe, murther'd ſuch of them as they could find remaining in the City. This was the greateſt Maſſacre that had hap⯑pen'd in any City of Greece; and it was di⯑ſtinguiſhed by the Name of The Seytaliſm, from the manner in which it was executed, by the knocking on the Head with Clubs. And this Sedition was a very unlucky Conjuncture for that City, which was ſo rich and powerful, that ſhe was in a Condition to diſpute the Sovereignty of Greece. This Opinion was con⯑firm'd by Jaſon, who putting in his Claim to it in behalf of the Theſſalians, made uſe of it as an Argument to them, that the Ar⯑gives were too much weaken'd with their in⯑teſtine Broils, to appear as Competitors.
[136] This Jaſon had a little Principality at Pherae; Account of Jaſon of Theſſaly. and having ambitious Views, and extraordinary Skill in Military Affairs, got himſelf to be de⯑claR'd General of Theſſaly; with which Authority he had gain'd many of the neighbouring Coun⯑tries into his Alliance; and the Thebans courted him for his Aſſiſtance, when they found them⯑ſelves diſappointed of it at Athens. He appear'd ready to join them with a good Body of Troops; but when it came to the Point, he diverted them from purſuing their Victory, adviſing them to uſe it with Moderation, and not to make the Spartans deſperate. The Spartans, on the other hand, he perſuaded to lie by a little, till they had recover'd Breath, and could fight upon more advantageous Temrs: So that he acted rather as a Mediator, than an Ally; and there is Mention made of a Truce concluded between them by his Means; but the Account of it is ſo differently related, that it does not appear, whether it were before, or after the Battle of Leuctra. Jaſon's Buſineſs was to manage ſo between thoſe States, that neither of them might grow too powerful, and that he might make his Advantage of it in bringing about his own Deſigns; which, by his Mony, Art and Eloquence, he had in ſome mea⯑ſure effected. But notwithſtanding that he was eager in the Purſuit of his Ambition, he endea⯑vour'd to ſave Appearances, and to preſerve a good Character; ſo that when he had injur'd or moleſted any of his Neighbours, he would ſay, [137] by way of Excuſe, There is a Neceſſity for thoſe to be unjuſt in ſmall Matters, who will act juſtly in great Ones. He was at the Head of an Army of ten thouſand Horſe, and twenty thouſand heavy⯑arm'd Foot, without reckoning the light-arm'd Soldiers: And with this Force, he might ſoon have been capable of giving Law to the reſt of Greece. But before he could make any Attempt towards it, he was ſuddenly aſſaſſinated at the Inſtigation of his Brothers Polydore and Polyphron, who jointly ſucceeded him: But the latter kill'd the other, and was ſoon after kill'd himſelf by his* Nephew Alexander, under the Pretence of revenging the Death of his Father Polydore. By this Means Alexander poſſeſs'd himſelf of Pherae, and became very oppreſſive and tyrannical. But as I ſhall have occaſion to mention him more par⯑ticularly, I would here only obſerve, that from the Time of Jaſon's Death, the Theſſalians loſt the Influence they had in the Affairs of Greece, and the Proſpect of obtaining the Sovereignty of it in their turn.
The Thebans in the mean time having, beſides the late Acceſſion of the Arcadians, got the Pho⯑cians, Locrians, Acarnanians, Euboeans, and other neighbouring States, under their Dependence, were preparing to act offenſively againſt the Spartans; Olymp. 102. 4. The Thebans act off [...]nſiverly againſt Sparta. and, under a Notion of aſſiſting the Arcadians againſt them, enter'd Peloponneſus; where, having join'd the Arcadians, and the reſt [138] of the Confederates, they made up an Army [...] forty, ſome ſay, fifty thouſand Men, beſides grea [...] Numbers who follow'd the Camp for Plunde [...] amounting, in the whole, to ſeventy thouſand Epaminondas and Pelopidas having the Command of the Army, divided it into four Bodies, who broke into Laconia at four ſeveral Parts of it a [...] the ſame Time; then made a general Rendezvou [...] at Sellaſia, and purſu'd their March with Fire an [...] Sword towards Sparta. Ageſilous was at this time in purſuit of the Arcadians, after the Defeat of Polytropus: But upon this Approach of the [...] Thebans, he immediately return'd to Sparta, [...] where he found the Inhabitants under the utmoſt Terror and Conſternation; and the more ſo, be⯑cauſe no Enemy had appear'd there in the Courſe of near ſix hundred Years, ſince the Dorians, as Deſcendants of Hercules, firſt got Poſſeſſion of the Country. Hence it was, that Plato ſaid, The City of Sparta was like the Temple of the Furies, which Nobody bad Courage enough to approach. And it was a frequent Saying of Ageſilaus him⯑ſelf, That the Women of Sparta had never ſeen the Smoke of the Enemies Fire; which was now re⯑torted upon him. There was another Saying of Antalicidas to the ſame Purpoſe, who being in Diſpute with an Athenian about the Valour of the two nations, the Athenian bragg'd, That his Countrymen bad often drove the Spartans from the River Cephiſus. Yes, ſaid Antalcidas; but we never had Occaſion to drive you from the Euro [...]s. [139] But this was not the Caſe at preſent: For Epa⯑minondas, at the Head of his Infantry, paſs'd that River, tho' it was then ſwell'd to an unuſual Heighth, and tho' the Spartans taking that Op⯑portunity to fall upon him, cut off a good Num⯑ber of his Men. However he made good his Paſſage, and march'd up to the Suburbs of the City; where the Inhabitants were, with great Difficulty, reſtrain'd from ruſhing out in a con⯑fus'd and deſperate manner upon the Enemy. But Ageſilaus upon this Occaſion ſhew'd more Temper than ordinary; he found it neceſſary to lay aſide his Pride and Obſtinacy, and to play a ſaving Game. He endeavour'd to quiet the Minds of the People, ſo as to keep them within their Bounds, and made the beſt Diſpoſition he could of them, for the Defence of the City. It was thought proper in this Extrernity to pro⯑claim, That as many of the Helots, as would en⯑lift, and form themſelves into Companies, ſhould receive their Freedom; and a thouſand of them accepted the Offer; Xenophon ſays, ſix thouſand; which is not very improbable from the Circum⯑ſtance he adds, that when they were arm'd in a Body, they made ſo formidable an Appearance, that the Spartans themſelves durſt not truſt them, without placing a good Number of Mercenaries and other Troops, as a Guard upon them.
The Thebans being thus far advanc'd, made a ſort of Encampment near the City, and endea⯑vour'd to draw the Spartans out of it, in order to a [140] pitch'd Battle: But Ageſilaus had retir'd to an E [...] minence in the Heart of the Town, and intended nothing more than the Defence of it. Hereupon they reſolv'd to attack it, and endeavour'd to tak [...] it by Storm;And attempt to take the City by Storm. but they found the Avenues ſo wel ſecured, that they met with more Difficulty that they expected. When at length they made at Irruption with their Horſe, the Spartan Horſe oppos'd them; and a Party of three hundred Foot, who lay in Ambuſcade, ſallying out upo [...] them at the ſame time,But are repuls'd. they were repuls'd with conſiderable Loſs, and diſcourag'd from making a ſecond Attempt. They contented themſelves with encamping again without the City, where they bid Defiance to the Spartans, and challeng'd them to come out, and give them Battle; to which they return'd a very cool Anſwer, That they would not decline it, when they ſaw a prop [...] Occaſion. Then they reproach'd Ageſilaus by Name, as the Incendiary of the War, and the Author of all the Miſchief done to his Country. But he reſolv'd not to be provok'd; he over⯑look'd all theſe perſonal Inſults and Reflections, as the Effects of Rage and Diſappointment, and would not ſuffer himſelf to be diverted from the only Point he had then in view, which was the Security of the City; and the Preſervation of it at this Time, was no leſs owing to this Com⯑mand of himſelf, than to his good Conduct in other Reſpects.
[141] The Behaviour of Iſcholas the Spartan upon this Occaſion,Behaviour of Iſcholas. deſerves particular Notice. He commanded one of the Detachments which were order'd out to ſecure the moſt important Paſſes; but finding it too weak to ſtand the Attack of the Enemy, he pick'd out the youngeſt of the Men, and ſent them back as a Reſerve for the future Service of their Country; and with the reſt, devoting himſelf, after the Example of Leo⯑nidas, to the publick Good, he made a long and obſtinate Defence, and fought till they were all kill'd to a Man. The Thebans propoſing nothing further to themſelves there, decamp'd; and, after having plunder'd and laid waſte all the Country, return'd into Arcadia.
This Expedition had not anſwer'd the great Preparations that were made for it:Epami⯑nondas re⯑ſoures the Meſſenians But Epami⯑nondas, to make it the more memorable, pro⯑pos'd the reſtoring the Poſterity of the old Meſ⯑ſeniens, who had near three hundred Years be⯑fore been driven out by the Spartans, and were ſettled in Sicily, Italy, and other Parts; where they retain'd their ancient Cuſtoms and Man⯑ners, and the Dorick Dialect. By a general Con⯑ſent of his Allies, he invited them home to their native Country; and their City was immediately rebuilt and peopled; ſo that in a few Months it recover'd its former State and Grandeur; and a ſtrong Garriſon was leſt for its Defence. The Territory was likewiſe divided by Lot among the new Inhabitants. The re-ſettling a People [142] who had made ſo conſiderable a Figure in to early Times of Greece, did highly redound to th [...] Honour of Epaminondas, and was a freſh Di [...]grace to the Spartans, for having tamely ſuffer [...] the Loſs of a Country of as large Extent as the own, and the moſt fertile of any in Greece; beſides that they had been ſo long in Poſſeſſion of it, and held it as a Barrier againſt any Inv [...]ſion on that Side: And Ageſilaus was ſo piqu'd [...] it, that he made it the Grounds of continuing the War with the Thebans, when they offer'd him Peace; and the Conſequence of his Refuſal was that it very near occaſion'd the Loſs of Spark itſelf.
The Thebans, in their Return home, met with ſome Oppoſition from Iphicrates, who had been ſent with twelve thouſand Athenians, to aſſiſt the Spartans in their Extremity; but having loiter'd at Corinth, he did not come up till the Buſineſs was over: And afterwards he omitted to ſecure an important Paſs call'd Cenchreae, which would have given them a great deal of Diſturbance in their Retreat. His Conduct throughout in this Affair was blam'd; which was the more re⯑markable in him, becauſe he never misbehav'd upon any other Occaſion.
Epaminondas and Pelopidas, Epami⯑nondas and Pelopidas impriſon'd at their Return. at their Return to Thebes, inſtead of receiving the Acknowledge⯑ments due to their Services, were clap'd up as State Priſoners, for having continu'd in their Command four Months longer than the Time [143] [...]dimited by Law, which took in almoſt the Whole of this Expedition, from their firſt Entrance into Peloponneſus: And as the Crime was Capital, they were tried for it. They had nothing to alledge in their Excuſe for ſo manifeſt a Violation of the Law, but the Advantages they had obtain'd for their Country; ſo that they confeſs'd the Charge, and ſubmitted themſelves to their Judges. Their Enemies had uſed great Art and Induſtry to in⯑ [...]cenſe the People againſt them: Which Epami⯑nondas perceiving, and that they were ready to paſs Sentence of Death againſt him, reminded them of the Battle of Leuctra, and his other Ex⯑ploits, by which he had ſaved his Country, and reſtor'd the Liberty of Greece: And he made it his Requeſt to have it inſcrib'd upon his Tomb⯑ [...]ſtone, That for thoſe Services he was puniſh'd with Death. This manner of reproaching them had ſo good an Effect, that they were aſham'd to proceed any further againſt him,They are tried and acquitted. and he was ho⯑nourably acquitted; as was likewiſe Pelopidas, who being of a warmer Temper, and ſpirited up by his Friends, expreſs'd his Reſentment of this Uſage, and reveng'd himſelf upon Meneclides, who was at the Bottom of this Proſecution, and was a very able Speaker, but looſe in his Man⯑ners, ill-natur'd, perverſe and envious. he was one of thoſe who met at Charon's Houſe upon the affair of the Cadmea; and not thinking himſelf conſider'd enough for his Share in that [144] Enterprize, made it his Buſineſs, upon all Occa⯑ſions, to accuſe and calumniate his Superiors. Even after the Trial, he prevail'd ſo far, as to get Epaminondas excluded for a Year from the Government of Boeotia: But Pelopidas being more a Favourite with the People, he went another way to work, and endeavour'd to ſupplant him, by ſetting up Charon againſt him; which he contriv'd in the following manner. There was a famous Painter of Cyzicus employ'd at Thebes in drawing a Battle, but was forc'd away by the Revolt there, before he had put the laſt Hand to it. However the Picture remaining in the City, Meneclides propos'd the hanging it up in ſome publick Place, with an Inſcription to per⯑petuate the Memory of a Victory obtain'd by Charon at Plataea, tho' it was in reality no more than a Skirmiſh, wherein forty Spartan; were kill'd. This Action happen'd a little be⯑fore the Battle of Leuctra; and the magnifying it in this manner, was plainly with a Deſign to eclipſe the Glory of that Day, and to throw a Slurupon the two Generals who commanded. Pele⯑pidas therefore oppos'd the Motion; which yet he did with great Art and Decency with regard to Charon, to whom he gave all due Praiſe; but at the ſame time he expos'd the Abſurdity of the Propoſal, and the Malice and Impertinence of the Author of it; which the People being ſen⯑ſible of, laid ſo heavy a Fine upon him, that [145] he was not able to pay it; and from thence⯑forward he grew a common Diſturber of the Government.
But to return to the Spartans, they had unex⯑pectedly got rid of a very formidable Enemy: But the Terror and Confuſion they had been in, the Senſe of the Loſſes they had ſuſtain'd, and their Apprehenſions of what further might hap⯑pen,Cabals and Con⯑ſpiracies in Sparta. had created a great deal of ill Blood a⯑mong them, and raiſed ſuch a Spirit of mur⯑muring, and caballing againſt the Government, that Ageſilaus found it almoſt as difficult a Task to manage the People in the City, as to keep the Enemy out of it.The Means by which Ageſilaus ſuppreſs'd them. There was an Inſtance of this kind, wherein he ſhew'd extraordinary Addreſs, and Preſence of Mind. Two hundred Malecontents had got into a ſtrong Part of the Town, call'd Iſſorion, where they had ſeized the Temple of Diana. Ageſilaus would not employ Force againſt them, not knowing how deep the Plot might be laid, and how far it might ſpread; but went muffled up in his Cloak, with only one Servant; and be⯑ing come near the Rebels, call'd out, and told them, You have miſtaken my Orders; my Direc⯑tions were not that you ſhould all go in a Body to that Station, but ſome of you ſhould plant yourſelves there, and others there; at the ſame time pointing out to them different Parts of the City. They went off accordingly, without the leaſt Suſpicion, to the Places which he mark'd [146] out to them; and immediately, upon their be⯑ing thus diſpers'd, he order'd ſome of the Troops to poſſeſs themſelves of that Poſt, and cauſed about fifteen of the Conſpirators to be apprehended; and they were put to death the Night following. This Conſpiracy was fol⯑low'd by another of more dangerous Conſe⯑quence, wherein a great Number of the Citi⯑zens were engaged, and had private Conſulta⯑tions every Night, how to introduce a Change in the Government. They were ſo ſtrong a Party, that it was neither ſafe to proſecute them publickly according to Law, nor to let them go on, and connive at them. Wherefore Age⯑ſilaus took another courſe, and, with the Con⯑ſent of the Ephori, put them to death private⯑ly without Proceſs; which had never before been practiſed in Sparta. But the preſent Exigency of Affairs ſeem'd to make it neceſſary; for theſe Seditions happen'd about the Time of the The⯑ban Expedition. And to add to the Conſter⯑nation the City was then under, many of the Helots and Mercenaries at the ſame time deſerted to the Enemy.
But the Spartans having got over theſe do⯑meſtick Difficulties, and repuls'd the Thebans, began now to look abroad, and provide for their future Security. They had got together a good Body of Auxiliaries from Corinth, and other Parts of Peloponneſus: But their chief De⯑pendence was on the Athenians, to whom they [147] had formally given up the Command at Sea, in order to fix them in their Intereſt; but they were not ſo ſanguine in it, as was expected; ſo that what they did, was rather to keep the Thebans under,The Com⯑mand di⯑vided e⯑qually be⯑tween A⯑thens and Sparta. than to aſſiſt the Spartans. They now inſiſted on being upon the ſame Foot⯑ing with them both at Sea and Land, which they call'd, Treating upon equal Terms: And ſince nothing leſs would content them, it was ac⯑cordingly agreed, that each State ſhould com⯑mand five Days alternately.
This Agreement was no ſooner made,The Arca⯑dians re⯑new the War. but the Arcadians renew'd the War. They took Pallene in Laconia by Storm, where they put above three hundred Spartans in Garriſon to the Sword,Olymp. 103. 1. and ravag'd the Country. After which they were join'd by the Argives and Eleans; and the The⯑bans ſent Epaminodas again to them, with ſeven thouſand Foot, and five hundred Horſe. The Athenians being now in earneſt, ſent Chabrias to oppoſe his Paſſage. He join'd the Spartans, with their Allies, at Corinth, where they made up an Army of twenty thouſand Men; to which there was afterwards an Addition of two thou⯑ſand from Sicily, who did good Service. Epa⯑minondas came up to force his Paſſage, as he had done before, into Peloponneſus; but finding it ſhut up with a Wall, and a deep Interechment a-croſs the Iſthmus, as at the Time of the Inva⯑ſion by Xerxes, he endeavour'd to draw the Enemy out into the Field, which they declin'd, [148] altho' they were near three times his number. Whereupon he ſurvey'd the Works, and finding one Part, where the Spartans were poſted, weaker than the reſt, he choſe to make his main At⯑tack there;Epami⯑nondas a⯑gain in⯑vades Pe⯑loponneſus which he did with ſuch Reſolution and Bravery, that, after a very hot Diſpute on both Sides, he open'd the Paſſage, and haraſs'd the Country. Sicyon, and ſome other Places having ſubmitted to him,and aſ⯑ſaults Co⯑rinth. he purſu'd his March to Co⯑rinth; where, after ſome skirmiſhing, he came up with his whole Strength, and made ſo vigo⯑rous an Aſſault, that the Inhabitants were in the utmoſt Deſpair.But is re⯑pulſed by Chabrias. But Chabrias came out, and ſtood the Shock, and by the Advantage of the Ground, and the conſtant freſh Supplies which he receiv'd from the City, repuls'd the Enemy with great Loſs; whereupon they not only re⯑treated from Corinth, but quitted Peloponneſus: And the Honour of this Defence was almoſt en⯑tirely owing to Chabrias.
Epaminodas, by one Part of his Conduct in this Expedition, incurr'd the Diſpleaſure of the State. For notwithſtanding his Bravery in forcing the Paſs, that was defended by the Spartans, he was ſuſpected of Partiality towards them, for not having purſu'd and ſlaughter'd them, when they were judg'd to be in his Power. His Enemies aggravating the Matter, and making it a Charge of Treachery, got him turn'd out of the Go⯑vernment of Boeotia, and reduc'd to the Condi⯑tion of a private Man. This Accuſation was not [149] thought to be well founded enough for ſo ſevere a Cenſure: However an Occaſion offer'd ſoon after, wherein his Service was ſo ſeaſonable, and ſo important, that he eaſily wip'd off the Aſper⯑ſion.
It does not appear, what Effect the dividing the Command between Athens and Sparta had upon this Invaſion; however it produc'd one good Conſequence, as it ſerv'd to weaken the Confederacy againſt them. For it was now made uſe of as a Precedent by the Arcadians, who were grown ſo elated with their Succeſſes, and put ſuch a Value upon their Services againſt Sparta, that they diſdain'd to act any longer in Subordination to the Thebans. This Spirit was rais'd in them by Lycomedes of Mantinea, The Arca⯑dians ſpi⯑rited up by Lycome⯑des. who had been their General in moſt of their late Expeditions. He was of great Birth and Fortune, and being am⯑bitious withal, repreſented to them, That the whole Country of Peloponneſus belong'd properly to them, as the firſt ancient Inhabitants; That they were the moſt numerous of any People in Greece, and ſo ſtout and powerful, that they had always been conſider'd in the firſt Rank of Auxi⯑liaries; inſomuch that the Spartans had never done any thing againſt Athens without them, nor had the Thebans now appear'd againſt Sparta, if they had not ſupported them: That as they had formerly advanc'd the Affairs of the Spartans, they were now doing the ſame for the Thebans; and that in ſhort, if they did not inſiſt upon [150] commanding in their Turn with them, they might in the End find them Spartans too. He had ſo inflam'd them with theſe Remonſtrances, and gain'd ſuch an entire Credit with them, that they eaſily agreed to every thing he propos'd; and there was nothing ſo difficult that they were not ready to undertake. This created a great Coldneſs and Jealouſy on the Part of the Thebans: And the Eleans at the ſame time were inclin'd to break with the Arcadians, for refuſing to de⯑liver up to them ſome of their Towns, which had been taken by the Spartans.
Whilſt theſe Diſputes were on foot,Freſh Overtures of Peace. the King of Perſia ſent to manage the Renewal of the Peace among the Grecians, that they might be able to ſpare him ſuch Succours as he had occa⯑ſion for. The chief Point in debate, was, the reſtoring Meſſene to the Spartans; which the Thebans not agreeing to, the Negotiations broke off; and Philiſcus of Abydus, who was employ'd on the Part of the Perſians, return'd into Aſia, having left behind him two thouſand Merce⯑naries, with Mony to pay them, for the Service of the Spartans. At the ſame time they receiv'd a ſecond Supply of two thouſand Men from Sicily.
Ageſilaus, on account of his Age, got the Com⯑mand of the Army transferr'd to his Son Archi⯑damus, who march'd againſt the Arcadians; and, in Return for what they had done the laſt Year in Laconia, ſtrom'd a Town call'd Caryae, and [151] put the Garriſon to the Sword; from whence he proceeded to Parrhaſia, and deſtroy'd the Coun⯑try about it. The Sicilian Troops being now upon their Return home, were intercepted by the Meſſenians; and Archidamus coming up to their Relief, was oppos'd by the Arcadians and Argives; A ſignal Victory of the Spar⯑tans. but he charge'd them ſo furiouſly, that he broke them at once, and gain'd a Victory not eaſily to be accounted for. It is ſaid there fell above ten thouſand of the Enemy, without the Loſs of one ſingle Man on the Side of the Spartans; and hence it was diſtinguiſh'd by the Name of The Tearleſs Battle. The Joy upon the Arrival of the News at Sparta was ſo great, that the People were not able to contain themſelves. This was the firſt remarkable Succeſs they had met with ſince their Defeat at Leuctra, which had made ſuch an Impreſſion on them, that it is ſaid, The Men were ever ſince aſham'd to look their Wives in the Face. But this had given 'em new Life; they went in Crouds to the Banks of the Eurotas, full of Praiſe and Thankſgiving to the Gods, as having waſh'd off the Stain of that Action, and reſtor'd their City to its ancient Splendor. Plutarch remarks, That this Exceſs of Joy too plainly diſcover'd the preſent Weakneſs of Sparta; for that Victory was formerly ſo common to them, that it was look'd upon as a thing of courſe: The Soldiers did not boaſt of it, nor were the Citizens exalted upon it; ſo that in the moſt extraordinary Caſe, they ſeldom ſa⯑crificed [152] any thing more than a Cock; and the Meſſenger who brought them the News of a ſig⯑nal Victory at Mantinea in the time of the Pel [...] ⯑ponneſian War, had no other Reward than a Piece of Salt Meat. But this was re [...] an the [...] manner; inſomuch that the old King himſelf went out in Proceſſion, to meet and embr [...]ce his Son, and was attended by the Epheri, and the whole Senate, and all with Tears of Joy in their Eyes.
The Thebans and Eleans were far from being diſplea [...]'d at this Diſaſter, which the Arcadians had brought upon themſelves by their iſ [...]-tim'd Vanity and Arrogance: And this Defeat of them was follow'd by a further Train of Miſ⯑fortunes.
The Thebens in the mean time were daily in⯑creaſing in Power,The The⯑bans in⯑creaſe in Power. which gave them great Credit and Influence among their Neighbours; and Pe⯑lopidas was chieſly inſtrumental in it. They were become Modeators of the Quarrels about the Succeſſion in Macedonia, where they had com⯑pos'd the Differences in the Royal Family, and taken as Hoſtages at one time thirty, and after⯑wards fifty young Men of the chief Families, and with the former, the King's Brother, who was afterwards known by the Name of Philip of Macedon, and Father of Alexander the Great.
They were likewiſe applied to by the Theſſa⯑lians for Protection againſt the Tyranny of Alex⯑ander the Pherean; whereupon Pelopidas was ſent [153] as Ambaſſador to expoſtulate with him, and bring him to Reaſon. Upon his Return from Macedonia, he went to Pharſalus in Theſſaly, in order to revenge the Treachery of ſome Merce⯑nary Troops, who had deſerted him in that Expedition. He was no ſooner arriv'd there, but Alexander appear'd before the Place with a great Army. Pelopidas had but a few Theſſalian Troops with him; and imagining that Alexander came thither to juſtify himſelf, and anſwer the Complaints that were made againſt him, he and Iſ [...]menias, who was join'd in Commiſſion with him, went alone, and unarm'd to him, not doubting, but the Power and Authority of Thebes, with their own perſonal Reputation, and the publick Character with which they were inveſted, would protect them againſt any Violence. But the Tyrant finding them in his Power,P [...]lopidas and I ſme⯑ni [...] impri⯑ſ [...]n'd by Alexander of Pherae. ſeiz'd 'em, and ſent them Priſoners to Pherae. Polybius calls [...]it an unpardonable Act of Imprudence and Raſh⯑neſs in Pelopidas, to truſt himſelf ſo far to one whom he knew to be ſo wicked and perfidious. Alexander at firſt permitted every Body to ſee him, with an Intent, by making him a publick Spectacle, to break his Spirit, and humble him. But it had a different Effect: He ſent to tell him in Defiance, That it was abſurd in him, daily to terment and put to Death ſo many innocent worthy Citizens, and to ſpare him, who, he knew, if ever he eſcaped out of his Hands, would certainly make him ſuffer the Puniſhment due to his Crimes. [154] The Tyrant, ſurpris'd at his Intrepidity, anſwer'd, Why is Pelopidas in ſo much baſte to die? Which being reported to him, he ſent him this Reply, It is, that thou may'ſt periſh ſo much the ſooner, by becoming ſtill more hateful to Gods and Men. From that time Alexander allow'd nobody to ſee or diſcourſe with him but Thebe his Wife, whoſe Curioſity was rais'd by the Account his Keepers had given her of his Behaviour. Aſſoon as ſhe was admitted to him, ſhe fell a weeping, and ſaid, I pity your Wife. And I you, ſaid he, who can bear with Alexander, when you are not his Priſoner. This Reply affected her nearly, and rous'd in her ſuch a Senſe of her Husband's ill Uſge of her, that ſhe repeated her Viſits to Pelopidas, and complain'd freely to him of the many Outrages ſhe had receiv'd. He was not wanting, on his Part, to incenſe her ſtill more againſt him, till by Degrees he had work'd her up to the higheſt pitch of Hatred and Reſentment. Theſe frequent Interviews had very much the Appearance of a Love Affair, which ſhe had chiefly promoted: But there is no real Foun⯑dation to ſay, that ſhe went any further, than to compaſſionate his Sufferings, and to commu⯑nicate her own, in order to revenge them; which accordingly ſhe ſome time after accom⯑pliſh'd.
The Thebans reſenting this Inſult upon the Perſon of their Ambaſſador,The The⯑ [...]ans reſent it. immediately ſent an Army into Theſſaly; but the Generals, through [155] [...]ill Fortune, or ill Conduct, being not able to effect any thing, were forc'd to retire. Alexander purſuing them, great Numbers of their Men were kill'd; and it was owing to Epaminondas, that the reſt of them were not totally defeated. He was at this time in Diſgrace with the Govern⯑ment, the Reaſon whereof has before been re⯑lated; and therefore he had no Command in this Expedition, but ſerv'd as a common Soldier. However when the Troops found themſelves un⯑der theſe Difficulties, which they attributed to the Incapacity of their Officers, they oblig'd him to take upon him the Command. He took the Horſe, and light-arm'd Foot, and poſting himſelf in the Rear, repell'd and charg'd the Enemy by turns, till he made good the Retreat. The Thebans, upon the Return of the Generals, fin'd each of them ten thouſand Drachmas; and ſoon after ſent Epaminondas in their room, to repair this Diſhonour, and proſecute their Re⯑venge. Alexander was very much terrified at his ſecond Arrival: But he preſerring the Safety of Pelopidas to all other Conſiderations, avoided puſhing things to an Extremity, for fear of making him deſperate, ſo as turn all his Fury againſt his Priſoner; and therefore lay hovering about with his Army, ſo as to keep him in awe, and yet give him an Opportunity of offering Sa⯑tisfaction; which had the Effect he propos'd. He thought it too diſhonourable a Part to enter into a Treaty of Alliance with one, who was [156] look'd upon as a Monſter of Mankind: But! granted a Truce of thirty Days; in which tin having recover'd Pelopidas and Iſmenias out his Hands,Pelopidas and Iſme⯑nias re⯑leas'd by Epami⯑nondas. he withdrew his Forces. He co [...]ducted the whole of this Affair with ſo muc [...] Courage and Capacity on the one hand, and [...] much Prudence and Temper on the other, th [...] it intirely reſtor'd him to the Favour and goo Opinion of his Fellow-Citizens; and his generon [...] Behaviour, in over-looking their unjuſt Reſent [...]ment againſt him, was not the leaſt Part of hi [...] Praiſe in it.
Pelopidas, notwithſtanding this Accident, ha [...] in the main been very ſucceſsful in theſe Foreign Tranſactions; and he had rais'd ſuch an Opini⯑on of the Juſtice and Integrity of the Thebans, as well as of their Valour, that they were ea⯑ſily tempted to purſue their Deſign of obtain⯑ing the Sovereignty of Greece. The The⯑bans purſue their De⯑ſign of ob⯑taining the Sovereigu⯑ty of Greece. But finding they could not compaſs it by their Confede⯑rates at home, they had recourſe to Perſia. And they had now a good Pretence for it; for the Spartans had before ſent one thither to treat on their purt. Whereupon the Thebans propo⯑ſed it to their Confederates as expedient, that each of them ſhould depute ſome proper Per⯑ſon to aſſiſt there likewiſe, in order to ſupport their reſpective Intereſts. Accordingly the Ar⯑cadians, Eleans and Argives conſented to it; and Pelopidas was named on behalf of the The⯑bans; which the Athenians being inform'd of, [157] appointed Two on their part alſo. But this was a Proof how much they were degenerated from the Virtue of their Anceſtors: For what⯑ever mean Applications had before been made to the Perſians by particular Perſons or States, there had been no Inſtance of a of a Congreſs of this kind, where, by a general Conſent, all the leading States of Greece were, by their Repre⯑ſentatives, aſſembled in Form, to diſcuſs and ſettle their Demands on each other, at the Court of Perſia. But this was the Caſe at preſent; and the Spartans had chiefly contribu⯑ted to it by the Peace of Antalcidas, which had prepared the Grecians in general to receive the Yoke, and to govern themſelves according to the Edicts of that King, whoſe Predeceſſors had been ſo ſhamefully bafled in their At⯑tempts againſt them, and who himſelf was ſo lately diſtreſs'd by thoſe very Spartans, when Ageſilaus was ravaging in the Heart of his Em⯑pire.
Pelopidas being arrived with the other Am⯑baſſadors in Perſia, Negotiati ous in Perſia. ſo far ingratiated himſelf by his Addreſs, and the Fame of his Exploits, that he was particularly diſtinguiſh'd from the reſt of them, and the King received him with moſt extraordinary Marks of Honour and E⯑ſteem. He repreſented to him at his Audience, That the Thebans had conſtantly, from the Bat⯑t [...]e of Plataea to this preſent time, adhered to the Crown of Perſia, and that the Spartans had [158] broke with them, purely becauſe they refuſed to join with them againſt him. From thence he took occaſion to mention their succeſs at Leuctra, with their invading Laconia; and in⯑timated, that the late Overthrow of the Ar⯑cadians and Argives was owing to their not having been aſſiſted by them. The King was ſo well pleaſed with his Perſon and Diſcourſe, and was ſo well affected to the Thebans, as the People on whom he could beſt depend, that he readily granted his Demands: The Sub⯑ſtance whereof was, That the Liberty formerly granted to all the Towns, ſhould be confirmed; That Meſſene in particular ſhould remain free from the Juriſdiction of the Spartans; That the Athenians ſhould lay up their Fleet; and that the Thebans ſhould be look'd upon as the ancient heredilary Friends and Allies of Perſia.
Pelopidas gain'd great Credit by this Nego⯑tiation: And the Thebans upon his return ex⯑pecting to receive the Benefit of it, caus'd the Deputies of all the Towns to be aſſembled at Thebes, in order to their ratifying the Treaty. But when the Oath for confirming it was ten⯑der'd to them, they ſaid, They came to hear the Articles read, not to ſwear to them; which they could not do without conſulting their Prin⯑cipals. And Lycomedes objected, in behalf of the Arcadians, to the Place of their Meeting, which, he ſaid, ought to be where the Seat of the War was. This Method not taking [159] effect, the Cities were applied to ſepartely, in hopes by that means to awe them into a Compliance. But the Corinthians ſaid plainly, They did not ſee any Occaſion there was for the Treaty; and others following their Example, nothing further was done in it; ſo that the Thebans were all at once diſappointed in their Views; and Artaxerxes left them as he found them, without engaging himſelf any further in their behalf; which indeed he could not do at this time, without arming the reſt of Greece againſt him. For his Partiality to the Thebans, was now no leſs viſible, than the Deſigns of the Thebans themſelves, who had rais'd ſo much Jealouſy by what they had already done, that there was a general Diſpoſition to unite againſt them, and to make it a Common Cauſe. The Athenians were particularly diſguſted by that Article of the Treaty, which was to reſtrain their Power at Sea; and they ſhew'd their Reſentment by putting to death Timagoras one of their Ambaſſadors, upon his Return from Perſia. He was charged with having taken part with Pelopidas, and not having act⯑ed in concert with his Colleague: And as he was next to Pelopidas in favour with the King, and had received rich Preſents from him, it was taken for granted, that he had betray'd the Intereſts of his Country.
The Thebans would not yet give over their Deſigns; but finding they could not manage [160] the Arcadians, Olymp. 103. 2. the The⯑ban [...]create freſh Di⯑ſturbances in Pelo⯑ponneſus. and the other Pelopanneſian A lies to their Purpoſe, endeavor'd to reduce ther [...] by means of their Neighbours the Achaean who had not yet taken any Part in the Qua [...]rel. Epaminondas appearing as an Enemy among theſe latter, they eaſily ſubmitted to him and enter'd into an Engagement to act in Al [...]liance with him. By which means the Arca [...]dians being diſtreſs'd on one Side by the Acha⯑ans, and on the other by the Spartans, made their Complaints of this Uſage at Thebes; and from hence aroſe freſh Commotions and Ani⯑moſities in ſeveral Parts of Peloponneſus, but not conſiderable enough to be particularly rela⯑ted. The moſt remarkable Effects of them were at Sicyon; Account of E [...]ph [...]n of S [...]cyon. where Euphron a Man of great Power took this Occaſion to erect a Tyranny, under colour of placing the Government in the People. He had a natural Intereſt among the Spartans, and cultivated the ſame with their Enemies, and manag'd ſo on all Sides, by be⯑traying and ſacrificing one Party to the other, and by murthering and baniſhing the chief of the Magiſtrates and Nobility, that he obtain'd his Ends, and ſupported himſelf for ſome time, 'till the People were afterwards divided againſt him, and he was murther'd at Thebes by a Par⯑ty of thoſe whom he had baniſhed.
They who ſuffer'd moſt by theſe Diſturbances, were the Phliaſians, who were very much ex⯑poſed by their Situation among the Theban [161] Allies. Euphron not only attack'd them him⯑ſelf, but drew the whole Body of Arcadians and Argives upon them, by whom they muſt have been ſwallow'd up, if they had not been timely relieved by the Athenians under the Con⯑duct of Chares. But they had firſt undergone a Siege, and made a vigorous Defence, far beyond what could have been expected from a ſmall City, ſurrounded with ſo powerful Ene⯑mies. The chief Quarrel againſt them was their ſteady Adherence to the Spartans, for whoſe Sakes they had often been reduced to the greateſt Streights and Neceſſities, and yet never could be prevail'd upon, from their firſt engaging with them, to abandon their Inte⯑reſts; inſomuch that their Honour and Fide⯑lity, in this reſpect, is ſaid to be without Pre⯑cedent.
The Athenians had drawn a good deal of Work upon their Hands, in ſupporting this little State; and being diſſatisfied, that none of their Allies had aſſiſted them in it, the Ar⯑cadians took this Opportunity to propoſe an Al⯑liance with them.A League between the Athe⯑nians and Arcadians. It was debated among them, whether the accepting it were conſiſtent with their Engagements to Sparta: But it being conſider'd as of equal Advantage to both States, that the Arcadians ſhould be drawn off from the Thebans, the Treaty was concluded; how⯑ever it was ſo qualified, that the Athenians were to aſſiſt the Arcadians with a Body of Horſe, [162] in caſe they were invaded, without being obli⯑ged to join in the Invaſion of Laconia. This Treaty was ſet on foot and negotiated by Ly⯑comedes, Lycome⯑des [...]vr⯑ther'd. who ſoon after, upon his Return from Athens, was murther'd by a Party of Exiles. He was a Man of great Deſigns, and good Execution; but had engaged his Countrymen in perpetual Quarrels, to ſupport his own Am⯑bition, and was undoubtedly the Author of all their late Misfortunes.
The Athenians, upon this new Acceſſion, act⯑ed a treacherous Part againſt Corinth, which they were endeavouring to poſſeſs themſelves of, even whilſt they had garriſon'd it with their own Troops, as Protectors and Allies. But the Corinthians having notice of their Deſign, im⯑mediately drew all the Athenians out of their Garriſons, and diſcharg'd them. Chares at the ſame time came up with his Fleet, under co⯑lour of aſſiſting them to compoſe Matters in the City: They thank'd him for the Offer of his Service, but would not truſt him ſo far as to admit him into their Harbour. Theſe Pro⯑ceedings diſſolved the Alliance between the two States,The Alli⯑ance diſ⯑ſolv'd be⯑tween A⯑thens and Corinth. and were a kind of Declaration of War on both Sides. Whereupon the Corinthians thought it neceſſary to ſecure themſelves by a Peace with the Thebans, and requeſted of the Spartans to give their Conſent to it; which they readily granted not only to them, but to all ſuch others of their Conſederates, as de⯑ſir'd it; but declared at the ſame time, that, for [163] their own Part, they would never lay down their Arms, 'till Meſſenia ſhould be reſtored to them, in the Condition they received it from their Anceſtors. However the Corinthians, with the Phliaſians and ſome others, concluded a Peace with the Thebans, upon Condition, That every one ſhould enjoy their own. Artaxerxes at the ſame time ſent, as a Mediator, to ſettle once more the Tranquillity of Greece and pre⯑vail'd ſo far, that all Parties, and even the Spartans themſelves were quiet for the preſent: And this was call'd putting an end to the La⯑conick or Boeotian War,Olymp. 103. 3. A general Peace. after it had continued above five Years from the Battle of Leuctra. There is a Diſagreement among the Hiſtori⯑ans of this time, concerning the Date of ſome of the principal Events betwen the Battle of Leuctra, and this Peace; but all the Occurren⯑ces, which have been here related, are general⯑ly allow'd to have happen'd within the Com⯑paſs of theſe five Years.
This laſt Treaty had no more than the Name and Appearance of a Peace; which, according to the preſent Situation of Affairs, was not like⯑ly to be ſincere, or of any long Continuance. The growing Power of Thebes could not but neceſſarily keep up the other Great States in Arms againſt her; and the Leſſer ones were ſo involv'd,Olymp. 103. 4. But is brole the next Year. either as Acceſſaries in their Quar⯑rels, or as Principals in their own, that the very next Year freſh Diſturbances broke out. [164] The Flame was firſt kindled between the Ar⯑cadians and Eleans, who had long conteſted their Right to Triphylia, which belong'd pro⯑perly to the latter; and both Sides, according to the Fortune of their Arms, held poſſeſſion of it by turns. The Eleans being worſted up⯑on this Occaſion, call'd upon the Spartans for Aſſiſtance; and the Arcadians being ſupported by the Athenians, haraſs'd the Country of Elis, and took ſeveral Towns.
In the Year following,Olymp. 104. 1. they encourag'd the Piſaeans, upon ſome old fabulous pretence, to claim a right of preſiding at the Olympick Games; and they accordingly took upon them to manage the Solemnity. The Eleans, to whom this Honour did undoubtedly belong, reſolved not to give it up.The Eleans defeat the Arcadians and Ar⯑gives. In the midſt of the Exerciſes they fell upon the Arcadians with their whole Strength, and with ſuch Fury and Intrepidity, that they ſoon routed them, and then deſeated a Body of two thouſand Argives; but being at length overpower'd, retreated back to their City, tho' with great Honour and Applauſe from the People, who were conven'd from all parts of Greece to the Feſtival, and, during this Action, ſtood as Spectators with their Crowns on their Heads. The Behaviour of the Eleans upon this Occaſion was the more remarkable, becauſe they had a very low Re⯑putation for Arms, and had done nothing like it before. However the Piſaeans remaining [165] Conquerors, went on with the Sports: But the Eleans would not allow this Olympiad to have been duly celebrated, or to be regiſter'd in their Annals.
Epaminodas, during theſe Tranſactions, was wholly intent upon advancing the Honour of his Countrymen;Attempt of Epami⯑nondas to gain the Dominion at Sea for the The⯑bans. and propoſed to them to try for the Dominion at Sea, which he told them, they might eaſily obtain, as they were Sove⯑reigns at Land: And as a Proof of it, he in⯑ſtanced in the Caſe of the Spartans, who, in the War with Xerxes, had but ten Ships at Sea, and yet had the Command over the A⯑thenians, who had two hundred. The People came into his Propoſal; and having immediate⯑ly order'd Preparations to be made for fitting out an hundred Gallies, ſent him to Rhodes, Chios and Byzantium, to ſolicite the Aſſiſtance of thoſe Places, and to fix them further in their Intereſt: Which he eaſily effected, not⯑withſtanding that the Athenians had ſent out a ſtrong Squadron under the Command of La⯑ches, to oppoſe him. But whatever Schemes of this kind they had formed, they were di⯑verted from purſuing them, by the Part they took in the Quarrels among their Neighbours; And the Death of Epaminondas happening ſoon after, they loſt the only Opportunity they ever had of becoming powerful at Sea.
Whilſt he was negotiating theſe Matters abroad, ſome of the Theban Fugitives join'd [166] with the Orchomenians, A Deſign to change the Govern⯑ment of Thebes. in a Deſign to change the Government of Thebes into an Ariſtocracy; which being diſcover'd, three hundred Orcho⯑menian Horſemen, who were to have put it in Execution, were ſeized by Order of the Theban Magiſtrates, and condemn'd to death. They then ſent a ſufficient Force againſt Orchomenus, where the Men were all put to the Sword, the Women and Children ſold for Slaves, and the City razed to the Ground. This was look'd upon as an Act of Cruelty not common among the Grecians, and ſuch as would not have hap⯑pen'd, if either Epaminondas, or Pelopidas had been preſent. They had always ſhewn great Humanity to thoſe who were in their Power, having never ſpilt the Blood of any Man they had conquer'd, or deprived any City of its Liberty, after they had taken it.
The Theſſalians ſtill groaning under the Ty⯑ranny and Oppreſſion of Alexander the Pherean, took up Arms againſt him; but being worſted in ſeveral Battles, they begg'd Aſſiſtance of the Thebans, who order'd ſeven thouſand Men, un⯑ [...]er the Command of Pelopidas, Pelopidas ſent a⯑gainſt A⯑lexander of Pherae. to their Re⯑lief. But juſt as he was ready to march, there happen'd a great Eclipſe of the Sun, from which the People, according to the Ignorance and Superſtition of the Times, apprehended ſuch ſtrange Effects, that Pelopidas thought it not adviſeable to proceed with ſo great a Num⯑ber of his Countrymen, againſt the general [167] Opinion, that the Expedition would prove fa⯑tal. As to himſelf, he was not at all moved at this Phaenomenon, altho' he was ſuppoſed to be principally affected by it: For the Augurs had made it portend his Death, conſidering him as the Sun of Thebes, that was to be eclip⯑ſed. However he reſolv'd to go on, and march'd out with only three hundred Horſemen, who attended him as Voluntiers; and having join'd the Theſſalians, he encamp'd in the Face of the Enemy, who was far ſuperior to him in Num⯑bers, having an Army of above twenty thou⯑ſand Men.The Battle at Cynos⯑cephalae. Near a Place call'd Cynos-cephalae, there were two Hills oppoſite to each other in the midſt of the Plain; and both Sides endeavour'd to get poſſeſſion of them with their Foot. Pelopidas at the ſame time order'd his Cavalry to charge that of the Enemy, which he ſoon routed, and purſued over the Plain. But Alexander having gain'd the Hills, and do⯑ing great Execution upon the Theſſalians, who attempted to force thoſe Aſcents, Pelopidas was obliged to give over his Purſuit, and march up to their Relief; which ſo animated them, that, after two or three Charges, the Enemy began to fall into Diſorder, and give way; which Pelopidas perceiving, caſt his Eyes about in ſearch of Alexander, and having at length diſcover'd him in the right Wing, rallying and encouraging his Men, he was ſo inflamed at the Sight, that he advanced before his Soldiers, [168] crying out, and challenging the Tyrant, who retreated, and ſhelter'd himſelf in the Ranks. Pelopidas there upon grew deſperate, and charg'd the Enemy a [...]r [...]h, great Numbers whereof, as they advanc'd forwards, he cut down with his own Hand: But others at a diſtance ſhot through his Armour, and wounded him, and then they ſtabb'd him in the Breaſt with their Spears.Pelopidas kill'd. The Theſſalians ſeeing him in this Danger, haſten'd down from the H [...]lls to his Aſſiſtance, but came too late to ſave him. However, to revenge his Death, they attack'd the Enemy ſo vigorouſly, both with their Horſe and Foot, that they intirely routed them, and kill'd above three thouſand in the Purſuit: And yet did they not look upon it as a Vi⯑ctory, or think that any Succeſs could compenſate the Loſs of their General. The Thebans, who were then preſent, lamented over him in the tendereſt and moſt affectionate manner, calling him Their Father, Saviour, and Inſtructor in every thing that was great and excellent. The Theſſalians, and other Allies not only ſympa⯑thiz'd, but vy'd with them in expreſſing their Concern, and doing Honour to his Memory: And the whole Army was ſo affected, that they neither put off their Armour, nor un⯑bridled their Horſes, nor even dreſs'd their Wounds; but ran to him, and heap'd up the Spo [...]ls of the Enemy about his dead Body; they cut off their Horſes Manes, and their [169] own Hair; and ſuch as retired to their Tents, neither kindled a Fire, nor took any kind of Refreſhment. In all the Cities through which the Body paſs'd, it was attended by the Ma⯑giſtrates, with the Prieſts and Inhabitants, car⯑ [...]ying Trophies, Crowns and golden Armour. After which the Theſſalians begg'd it as a ſin⯑gular Favour of the Thebans, that they might bury him, and, in the moſt pathetick Terms, urg'd it as a ſort of Right due to them, as the greateſt Sufferers. You indeed, ſaid they, have loſt a great General; and in that we ſhare in common with you: But we have likewiſe loſt in him all the Hopes of recovering our Liberty; and under this heavy Misfortune, our paying the laſt Ho⯑nours to him, may be ſome ſmall Alleviation of our Sorrow. The Thebans granted their Re⯑queſt, and they buried him with great Pomp and Splendor. His Death, as to the Manner of it, was rather to be pitied than commend⯑ed: For he certainly expos'd himſelf more than he ought to have done. But beſides the natu⯑ral Heat of his Temper, which was not eaſily to be reſtrain'd, he was animated with a more than ordinary Zeal in the Cauſe of Liber⯑ty, eſpecially at this Juncture, when i [...] was, in a manner, deſerted by the other Great States. For the Spartans, inſtead of exerting themſelves, as formerly, in behalf of thoſe who were injured, were making a ſervile Court to Dionyſius the Tyrant of Sicily, and ſupplying him with Officers. The A [...]enian [...] [170] were at the ſame time kept in Pay by this very Alexander, and, in Honour to him, had erected his Statue. This therefore Pelopidas thought the faireſt Occaſion of advancing his own and his Country's Honour, and of making it appear to the reſt of Greece, that the Thebans were the only People, who waged War t [...] ſuccour the diſtreſs'd, and to deſtroy all arbi [...]trary and unjuſt Government: And this wa [...] the principal Motive of his entering upon this Expedition. But beſides theſe Conſiderations he was fired with Reſentment againſt the Per⯑ſon of Alexander, by whom he had been ſ [...] injuriouſly treated, and could not forego ſuch an Opportunity of endeavouring as well to re [...]venge himſelf of the Tyrant, as to extirpa [...] the Tyranny.
He was of one of the beſt Families in Thebes, and came early to the Poſſeſſion of a large For⯑tune,His Cha⯑racter. which he employ'd chiefly in the Relief o [...] ſuch as wanted, and deſerved his Aſſiſtance. Among the reſt, he pitch'd upon Epaminondas as: proper Object of his Bounty, but could neve [...] prevail with him to accept a Preſent from him Which had ſuch an Effect upon him, that h [...] choſe to conform himſelf, after his Example, t [...] a plain, frugal and laborious way of living; an [...] there was in his Apparel, and at his Table, a [...] open unaffected Simplicity, which he ever after wards maintain'd in the higheſt Poſts of th [...] Government. But notwithſtanding this Regula⯑rity, [171] and Appearance of Oeconomy, his conſtant Attention to the Buſineſs of the Publick made him neglect his private Affairs, and very much impair'd his Eſtate; inſomuch that having a great Number of Children to provide for, his Friends took Occaſion one Day to tell him, That Mony was a very neceſſary thing. It is ſo indeed, ſaid he; but it is for that Man yonder, pointing to one Nicodemus, who was lame and blind. There was a great Conformity of Manners be⯑tween him and Epaminondas, except that he de⯑lighted moſt in the Exerciſes of the Body, and the other in thoſe of the Mind. But they had the ſame general Diſpoſition to Virtue, and the Love of their Country; and this begat the ſtrict⯑eſt Friendſhip between them. Plutarch dates the Beginning of it from the Siege of Mantinea, ſoon after the Peace of Antalcidas. The Thebans acting then in Alliance with Sparta, Epaminondas and Pelopidas were engag'd together, and their Wing giving way, they kept their Ground, and ſtood ſingly in each others Defence, till Pelopidas being very much wounded, fell among the Slain. Epaminondas concluded him dead, yet would not leave his Body in the Power of the Enemy, but, tho' he was wounded himſelf likewiſe, maintain'd the Conflict, till at length Ageſipolis the Spartan King came up from the other Wing of the Army, and reſcu'd them both, when to all Ap⯑pearance they were loſt. This was an Ac⯑tion that muſt, in all Probability, have happen'd [172] before the Town was beſieg'd; and there is room to collect from Pauſanias, that it did ſo: But it is not generally taken notice of, nor any where particularly deſcrib'd; neither does it elſewhere appear, that either of theſe two Generals had diſtinguiſh'd themſelves ſo early in any En⯑gagement. However this Circumſtance of their Lives, in the manner it is atteſted, may have its Weight, and it is too remarkable a one to be omitted. But however their Friend⯑ſhip began, it was very ſincere and laſting; and the Succeſs of their Atchievements was almoſt in⯑tirely owing to that perfect Union and good Correſpondence, that was always between them, without any Jealouſy of Command abroad, or Rivalſhip in the Adminiſtration at home. This good Agreement between them, has been ta⯑ken notice of, in oppoſition to that Spirit of Diſ⯑ſenſion, Envy and Rancour, which formerly reign'd in Athens between Ariſtides and The⯑miſtocles, Cimon and Pericles, Nicias and Alcibi⯑ades, who, great as they were in other reſpects, were always endeavouring to ſupplant and ruin one another; and their perſonal Enmity was ſaid to exceed that which they bore to the Enemies of their Country. But yet it has been ſhewn, that ſome of them knew how to ſti [...]le their Jealouſies upon Occaſion, and to curb and moderate their Reſentment, when the Affairs of the Publick requir'd it. But there was no need of any Management of this kind, between [173] the two Great Men we are now ſpeaking of. They had no private Views of their own; they were above all Conſiderations of Mony; and they had no Ambitions but for the Pub⯑lick; ſo that provided That were well ſerved, their Intention was anſwer'd; and each of them look'd upon the others Succeſs in it, as his own. As to what relates further to Pelopidas ſingly, he was very ſtrong and active, and of indeſa⯑tigable Induſtry; he was bold and enterpriſing, and ſo ſucceſsful withal, that he never loſt one Battle. He had ſo throughly eſtabliſhed him⯑ſelf in the Favour and Affections of the Peo⯑ple, that he was choſe thirteen times Governor of Boeotia, or (as Diodorus ſays) without Inter⯑uption, from the Time of the recovering the Cadmêa. Upon the whole, he was at leaſt the ſecond Man of Thebes, and in ſome reſpects may be conſider'd as the Firſt, particularly with regard to the Affair of the Cadmêa, which was certainly the Foundation of the Theban Greatneſs. He would indeed have perſuaded Epaminondas to bear a part with him in that Undertaking; but he declin'd it, as an Action of too much Blood and Outrage. He told him, That if the reſt who were concern'd in it, were as moderate as their Chief, he ſhould make no Scruple of joining with them; but that ſome of them he foreſaw, would carry their Paſſion and Revenge too far, and muſt ne⯑ceſſarily involve the Innocent with the Guilty. [174] However, in the main he approv'd the De⯑ſign, as the Cauſe of Liberty, and in ſome meaſure contributed towards the Succeſs, tho' he did not care to be engaged in the deſpe⯑rate Part of it.
The Thebans, as well to revenge the Death of Pelopidas, as to improve the Victory of the Theſſalians, which they were not able to do of themſelves, forthwith ſent to their Aſſiſtance ſeven thouſand Foot, and ſeven hundred Horſe, who ſoon defeated, and broke to pieces the Remainder of Alexander's Army.Alexander defeated, and redu⯑ced to Terms. Whereupon he was compell'd to reſtore the Towns he ha [...] taken from the Theſſalians, and to withdraw his Garriſons out of all the other Places h [...] had unjuſtly ſeized; and he was further obli [...]ged by Oath, to take part with the Theban [...] in their Wars, whenever they ſhould requir [...] it. Upon theſe Conditions, they permitted him to return in peace to his own Domini [...]ons, where he continued about ſeven Year longer, till he was grown ſo inſupportable t [...] every Body about him, that he was murther'd it [...] his Bed by his Wife and his Brothers.Is mur⯑ther'd. H [...] dead Body was dragg'd about the Streets, an [...] trodden under Foot, and left as a Prey ſo the Dogs. Nor were any Indignities of thi [...] kind though too much for him,Account of his Cruel⯑t [...]. who had been wont to bury ſome alive, and to dreſs up other in Bears and Boars Skins, to be baited an [...] ſhot at for his Diverſion; and who had ſurpriſe [...] [175] [...]nd maſſacred the Inhabitants of whole Cities, which were in Friendſhip and Alliance with him. But amidſt theſe Cruelties, there is one Inſtance recorded of him, wherein he diſcover'd ſome little Sparks of Humanity and Remorſe, which yet he was far from valuing himſelf up⯑on. For ſeeing a famous Tragoedian act in the Troades of Euripides, he went abruptly out of the Theatre, but ſent to bid the Actor go on with his Part; for that he did not go out of any Diſlike of his Performance, but be⯑cauſe he was aſham'd, that he, who had never ſhewn any Concern for thoſe he had mur⯑ther'd, ſhould be ſeen to weep for the Suffer⯑ings of Hecuba and Andromache.
But to return to the Thebans, they were ſtill reſtlcſs in their Purſuit of Power, and ſought all Opportunities of advancing themſelves upon the Weakneſs, or Diviſions of the other States. They who furniſh'd them with the moſt plau⯑ſible Pretence for ſtirring at this time,Olymp. 104. 2. Diviſions among the Arcadians. were the Arcadians, who were quarrelling among themſelves about ſome conſecrated Mony, which they had taken out of the Temple of Olympia during their Diſputes with the Eleans, and ap⯑plied to the Payment of a ſelect Body of their Troops, call'd the Epariti. The Mantineans proteſted againſt it as Sacrilege, and brought over ſeveral of The Council of Ten Thouſand, who had at firſt conſented to it, to retract their Opinion, and to agree with them, that [176] it was a wicked thing, which would ſor ever brand them with Infamy, and entail a Curſ [...] upon their Poſterity. The debating this Mat⯑ter was principally between the Tegeans and Mantineans; and it wrought ſuch Confuſion be⯑tween them, and the reſt of the Arca [...]ians, that they thought it neceſſary, for the Peace of the Community, to make it up as well a [...] they could, both with the Eleans, and among themſelves. But the leading Men, who had touch'd the Mony, apprehending they might be call'd to an Account for it, thought the beſt way of preventing ſuch an Enquity, would be to embroil Matters ſtill more; and there⯑ſore ſent to the Thebans to let them know, the Arcadians were upon the point of revolting to the Spartans, if they did not ſpeedily come in, and put a Stop to it. At the ſame time they ſent Directions to a Theban Officer in Tegea, to ſeize ſome of their own People, as Diſtur⯑bers of the Peace: And accordingly great Numbers were apprehended, and conſin'd as Pri⯑ſoners of the State. But this occaſion'd ſuch a ge⯑neral Clamour, that they were ſoon after diſcharg'd [...] and Complaint was made of it at Thebes, as a Matter of Impeachment againſt the Officer, for intermeddling in their Affairs, and attempt⯑ing to interrupt the good Correſpondence be⯑tween the Two States. The more moderate among them, who ſaw the Conſequence of cal⯑ling in a foreign Power to decide their Dif⯑ferences, [177] proteſted againſt the Thebans marching their Troops into their Territories, and did what they could to prevent it.Which the Thebans take ad⯑vantage of. But the The⯑ [...]ans could not be prevail'd upon to let ſlip ſuch an Opportunity of getting once more a footing in Peloponneſus, which was their real Deſign; and Epaminondas made no great Se⯑cret of it; but he told them at the ſame time, by way of Juſtification, That the Thebans [...]had been drawn into the War on their Account; that therefore they had acted treacherouſly with them, in making Peace with Athens without their Conſent; however, that when he ſhould march his Army into Peloponneſus, to aſſiſt his Friends there, he ſhould ſee what Proofs they the Arca⯑dians would then give of their Fidelity. This was deliver'd in ſo magiſterial and menacing a Stile, that they who were beſt afſected to the Thebans, did not like it; and the Manti⯑neans, with ſuch others, as were concerned for the good of the Community, and the general Safcty of Peloponneſus, concluded there was no time to be loſt, in providing againſt the worſt that could happen.
Accordingly they ſent to the Athenians and Spartans to appriſe them of the Danger,Athens and Sparta [...] to aſſiſt the Mantine⯑ [...]. and to ask their Aſſiſtance. They immediately took the Alarm, and enter'd into a ſtrict Conſede⯑racy ſor their common Defence. And to pre⯑vent all Diſputes about the Command in the Army, it was agreed to divide it in ſuch man⯑net, [178] that each State was to have it within their own Territories. This was a point the Arca⯑dians had very much at heart: But the Spar⯑tans being now ſo eaſily perſuaded to give that up to them, which they had ſo long contcſt⯑ed with the Athenians, even till they were re⯑duced to the greateſt Extremity, was a plain Proof, how much they were terrified with the Apprechenſions of another Deſcent into Pe⯑loponneſus.
Epaminondas in the mean time began his March with all the Boeotians, ſome Euboean [...], and a Body of Theſſalian Horſe, expecting to be join'd by the Argives, Meſſenions and many others, upon his appearing among them. Up⯑on his firſt Arrival in Peloponneſus, he lay for ſome time at Nemea, a Town in the Te [...]i⯑tory of Argos, where he might reaſonably hope to intercept the Athenians in their March to join their Conſederates; but receiving Intelli⯑gence, that they were to paſs by Sea, he re⯑moved to [...]; which City, with the great⯑eſt Part of Areadia, immediately declared for him. The Spartans, with their Conſederates, had their general Rendezvous at Mant [...], which they naturally imagin'd would be firſt attack'd, as being the chief Seat of thoſe who had revolted from the Thebans.
But whilſt they were ſecuring themſelves on this Side, Epaininondas conſidering, that the City of Spar [...]a was in a manner drain'd for [179] this Expedition, broke up privately,Epami⯑nondas en⯑deavours to ſurpriſe Sparta. and march'd all Night, in order to ſurpriſe it. But the De⯑ſign being diſcover'd to Ageſilaus as he was upon his March to Mantinea, he ſent imme⯑diate Notice of it to Sparta, with Orders to put the Town in a Poſture of Defence, 'till he could come in to its Relief; which he did with ſuch Expedition, that Epaminondas found him in the City ready to receive him. That which is here related of Ageſilaus, is by Diodo⯑ [...]us Siculus aſcribed to Agis the other Spartan King. However that be, it is certain, that Ageſilaus had a principal Part in the Defence of the City. The few Forces in it were poſt⯑ed to the beſt Advantage, that the Time and other Circumſtances would admit of; and the old Men and Boys were placed on the Tops of the Houſes, to annoy the Enemy with Darts and Stones. Epaminondas, tho' he found by this Diſpoſition, that his Deſign was diſcover'd, yet made an Aſſault at ſeveral Parts of the City, but met with the moſt vigorous Oppoſition. Ageſ [...]ans ſaw there was now no room for that Caution or Cunning,But is [...] Agehlau [...]. which had ſerved him upon other Occaſions: Wherefore putting all upon a deſperate Puſh, he exerted himſelf far beyond what could be expected from his Years, and, by dint of Valour, repuls'd the Enemy. But great Part of the Glory of this Action was due to his Son Archidamus, The [...] who having leſ [...] [...] hundred Men with him, was at all the [180] dangerous Paſſes, where the Enemy preſs'd har⯑deſt. He paſs'd the River in open Defiance of the Thebans; then march'd up an Eminence charg'd and routed thoſe Soldiers, who (a [...] Xenophon expreſſes it)* breath'd Fire, and who ſo lately beat the Spartans, when they had the Advantage both of the Ground, and the Num⯑bers. He who ſignaliz'd himſelf moſt as a pri⯑vate Man,and of Iſa⯑das. was Iſadas the Son of Phabidas. He was a very beautiful, large and well-pro⯑portion'd Youth, ſcarce arrived at the Age of [...] Manhood. He had juſt anointed himſelf at Home, when the Alarm being given, he ruſh'd out without any Arms, and almoſt naked; then ſnatching a Spear in one Hand, and a Sword in the other, he broke into the thickeſt of his Enemies, and bore down all before him. The Ephori, after the Action was over, gave him a Garland as the Reward of his Gallantry; but then, to keep up the Rigour of their Diſci⯑pline, fined him a thouſand Drachmas, for go⯑ing into the Battle unarmed.
The Spartan Forces were now come up from Mantinca, and were follow'd by moſt of the Confederates; [...] ſo that Epaminondas finding no⯑thing more to be done on that Side, drew of his Army, and turn'd towards Mantinea, which he judged to be now quite deſenceleſs. For beſides that the Troops were drawn out of it, the Inhabitants were ſcatter'd about in the Fi [...], having taken that Opportunity, whilſt the War [181] was removed into another Quarter, to get in their Harveſt. Whereſore he reſolved to attack the Town; and firſt order'd the Horſe thither, who found the People diſpers'd in the manner they had been informed, and all things to Ap⯑pearance, as they expected. But it happen'd, that ſix thouſand Athenian Auxiliaries, who coming by Sea, knew nothing of what had paſs'd at Sparta, and having paſs'd the Iſthmus, in order to join the Confederates, as they ſup⯑poſed, in Mantinea, were juſt got into the Town; and without ſtaying to refreſh themſelves, or their Horſes, march'd out, and gave the The⯑bans Battle. After an obſtinate Diſpute, with ſome Loſs on both Sides, the Athenians got the better,Mantinea reliev'd by the A⯑theniens. and took thoſe, who were without the Walls, under their Protection. This Action was a very ſharp one, but not deciſive; and is to be conſider'd rather as a Skirmiſh, and a Prelude to what happen'd afterwards, than as a Victory. However it was of more im⯑mediate Conſequence to the Mantineans, who, without ſuch a ſeaſonable and miraculous Re⯑lieſ, muſt have been loſt. And Hegelochus, who commanded this Body of Athenians, ob⯑tain'd great Honour by making ſuch a Stand againſt the Thebans, who were much ſuperior in Numbers, and were alſo ſupported by the Theſſalian Horſe.
Epaminondas was very much piqu'd at the ill Succeſs of theſe two laſt Enterpriſes, which he [182] was aſraid would leſſen him in the Opinion of his Allies, and ſully the Glory of his former A [...]chievements; and therefore thought himſelf obliged to attempt ſomething further, to ſup⯑port his own and his Country's Honour, and to keep up the Spirits of thoſe, whom he had taken under his Protection. And as the Time allotted him for this Expedition was very near expiring, he had no time to loſe. Beſides he was got ſo far into the Enemies Country, and they were ſo well prepared ſor him, and watch'd his Motions ſo narrowly, that he thought he could not eaſily ſecure his Retreat without fight⯑ing; or that if he did, it would be abandoning and ſacrificing his Allies. Theſe Conſiderati⯑ons determin'd him to proceed immediately to Action, and, by one deciſive Battle, either to make himſelf Maſter of Peloponneſus, or to fall honourably in the Attempt.
Accordingly,A. M. [...] upon the Spartans coming to the Relieſ of the Mantincans, he prepar'd to attack them; and this drew on a general Engagement of both the Armies, with their reſpective Con⯑ſederates. That of the Thebans conſiſted of thirty thouſand Foot, and three thouſand Horſe; which was more by a third Part, both of Horſe and Foot, than the Spartans had, with the Athe⯑nians, and all the reſt of their Aſſociates. The Mantineans, as the War was in their Territori [...], were in the right Wing, with the Spartans next to them; the Athenians in the leſt, and the A⯑chaans, [183] Eleans, and others of leſs Note, made up the main Body. The Thebans, with the Ar⯑cadians, choſe the Left of their Army to oppoſe the Right of the Enemy; the Argives were in the right; and their main Body conſiſted of the Euboeans, Locrians, Sicyonians, Meſſenians, Theſ⯑ſalians and others: And both the Armies were flank'd with their Horſe.
But after this Diſpoſition, Epaminondas took a Compaſs, as if he declin'd fighting; and then made his Troops halt, and lay down their Arms, with a ſhew of encamping at a ſmall Diſtance from the Enemy, hoping, by this Feint, to allay their Heat, and take off the firſt Impreſſion of their Fury, and then to fall upon them by Sur⯑priſe; wich happen'd in a great meaſure as he expected. For when he afterwards advanc'd to⯑wards them, they had quitted their Arms, and their Horſes, and were ſo diſpers'd about, that they had much ado to form themſelves in time. However they recover'd the Surpriſe, and ſtood the Charge with great Reſolution. Epaminondas put the Iſſue of the Battle upon his left Wing, as he did at Leuctra; and his Scheme of breaking in upon the Enemy was much after the ſame manner, by placing the beſt of his Men in Front, then drawing them up cloſe, and narrowing them to a Point, ſo as to penetrate like the Beak of a Gally, as Xenophon expreſſes it. The Engage⯑ment began with the Horſe; and it was very hot and obſtinate, till at length the Athenians, who [184] bore the Brunt of it, were ſo gall'd with the Darts and Slings of the Theſſalians, and ſo over-power'd with the Numbers of the Thebans, that they were forc'd to give Way, and to leave their Foot ex⯑pos'd; but yet they kept themſelves in a Body, ſo as not to break in upon them. And in their Retreat, meeting with a Detachment of the Eu⯑boeans, and other Mercenaries, whom Epaminondes had ſent round to attack their Rear, they fell in among them, and cut them entirely to pieces. The reſt of the Athenians in that Wing, were hard preſs'd by the Argives, and the Theben Horſe; but ſome Elean Horſe, who had been poſted in the Rear as a Body of Reſerve, coming up to their Relief, they maintain'd their Ground. Their Horſe in the other Wing made the ſame vigorous Reſiſtance, but were forc'd at laſt to throw themſelves in among their Foot for Pro⯑tection.
Upon this the Foot join'd Battle, and ſought with incredible Fury, eſpecially the Spartans and the Thebans, who were more immediately con⯑cern'd in the Event of the Action, and were never more in Earneſt. Their Lances being broke with the Violence of the Charge, they clos'd in with their Swords, and ſtood Foot to Foot, neither Side abating of their Rage, or giving back one Inch of Ground. Which Epa⯑minondas perceiving, form'd a Troop of the moſt determin'd Men about him, and putting himſelf at the Head of them, made a very vigorous [185] Charge upon the Lacedaemonian Phalanx, and wounded their General with the firſt Javelin he threw. And his Troop puſhing on with the ſame Ardour, he ſoon broke the Enemy to pieces; and then made ſuch Havock among them, that the Ground about him was cover'd with the Bodies of the Slain. But advancing ſtill forwards, in order to make a thorough Rout of it, the Spartans rallied, and collected them⯑ſelves into a Body, pointing their whole Fury at him, and throwing an infinite Number of Darts at him,Epami⯑nondas kill'd. many of which he drew out of his Body, and retorted at them; till at laſt he was mor⯑tally wounded by a Javelin, which was ſaid to be thrown by Gryllus, the Son of Xenophon, who was afterwards kill'd himſelf in the ſame Battle. But the Death of Epaminondas is by ſome aſcrib'd to Anticrates a Spartan, who, as a Reward for ſo [...]minent a Piece of Service, was exempted from all publick Offices and Taxes; and Plutarch ſays, there was one of his Deſcendants remaining in [...]his Time, who enjoy'd the ſame Immunities. The Thebans, upon their General's falling, re⯑new'd the Attack, in order to reſcue his Body, and, after a very ſharp Reſiſtance on the Part of the Spartans, carried it off. This Misſortune put an End to the Action; and both Sides parted, as it were, by Conſent. Xenophon makes it en⯑tirely a drawn Battle, and ſays, that each Party [...]rected Trophies, and ask'd leave to bury their Dead; that neither of them took any Town, [186] nor gain'd any Acceſſion of Territory, or any En⯑creaſe of Power, and that Things remain'd juſt in the ſame Situation after the Battle, as they were before. But however exact and faithful he may be in the other Parts of his Hiſtory, he is thought upon this Occaſion to have been a little pre⯑judic'd, and to have induſtriouſly avoided ſaying too much to the Advantage of the Thebans, who had manifeſtly the Victory, though they were in too much Concern and Confuſion to purſue it; and the only Grounds upon which the Enemy diſputed it with them, was on account of the Euboeans and others, whom the Athenians, in their Retreat, had cut to pieces.
Epaminondas was carried alive into his Tent, where, aſſoon as he recover'd his Speech, he ask'd his Friends about him, Whether the Enemy had taken his Shield from him: They told him, It was ſafe; and it being brought to him, he kiſs'd it. He then ask'd, Which Side had the Victory: They told him, The Thebans. All then, ſaid he, is well. And ſoon after, upon the drawing the Head of the Javelin out of his Body, he ſell, as it were, in the Arms of Victory, and, congra⯑mlating the good Fortune of his Country, ex⯑pired.
There was ſomething very great and ſolemn in theſe Circumſtances of his Death,His Cha⯑racter. and ſuitable to that juſt and deliberate Firmneſs and Compoſure of Mind, which he had ſhewn in all the Actions of his Life. To conſider him in all Reſpects, as [187] a Soldier, Stateſman and Philoſopher, he was not only, as Cicero eſteems him, the firſt Man of Greece, but the greateſt perhaps that any Age or Country has produc'd. For all the ſeveral Vir⯑tues, which others poſſeſ'd ſingly, were united in him, and in ſo perfect a Degree, as to be without an Allay of any one Vice, or Failing. Beſides his natural good Diſpoſition, he had all the Advantages of Education, and was furniſh'd with the beſt Maſters, not only for Eloquence and Philoſophy, but alſo for his Exerciſes, and all the other lighter Accompliſhments. Hence it was, that Polymnis his Father's Houſe was at that time one of the beſt Schools in Greece, and open to all the learned World. He was indeed more liberal upon this Head of Expence, than his Circumſtancees would allow; for tho' he was of one of the beſt Families in Thebes, he died ſo poor, as to leave his Son no other Fortune, than what he had beſtow'd on him in this manner. It happen'd however, that he neither wanted, nor deſired one: For he had ſuch a thorough Contempt of Riches, that he did not leave enough to bury him. He was in this, as in many other Reſpects, a Philoſoper in Practice and Reality, and was poor upon Choice; and yet without any Affectation, he View of being applauded for it. Juſian ſays, he was no more deſirous of Fame, than he was of Riches. He did not indeed af⯑fc [...] Popularity, or Applauſe; he was ſo modeſt, that all his great Offices were in a manner forc'd [188] upon him; and his firſt Motive in all his Under⯑takings, was the Honour of his Country: But yet he had not an Inſenſibility of Glory with re⯑gard to himſelf, as may appear from the Anſwer he made to his Friends about him when he was dying. Among other Expreſſions of their Grief for the Loſs of him, they lamented his leaving no Children behind him: Yes, ſaid he, I leave two fair Daughters, the Victories of Leuctra and Mantinea, to perpetuate my Memory. Upon another Occaſion, being ask'd, Whether he thought himſeif, or Chabrias, or Iphicrates, the better Ge⯑neral? 'Tis hard, ſaid he, to judge while we live. There are other Inſtances to prove, that he knew what was due to his Merit, and that he did not decline Praiſe, tho' he did not covet it. He was covetous of nothing but his Time, which he em⯑ploy'd wholly in the Improvement of his Mind, or in what he thought might be uſeful to the Publick; and he made even his Diverſions ſub⯑ſervient to that End. His Running, Wreſtling, and other Exerciſes of that Kind, were not uſed by him, as they generally were by others, barely for Amuſement, or the Glory of excelling in them, but as Leſſons of Inſtruction in the Art of War. For which Reaſon he had an Averſion to ſat Men in the Army, and disbanded one, who, he ſaid, would require three or four Shields to cover his Belly. He had an extraordinary Genius for War, and had thoroughly ſtudied the Theory of it, before he enter'd upon Action. It has ap⯑pear'd [189] from his Diſpoſition, and his Manner of attacking, both at Leuctra and Mantinea, that he was particularly well skill'd in the Tacticks. That which has ſet him in a Light above moſt of the Grecian Generals, is the Difficulties and Diſ⯑couragements, which he met with upon his firſt Appearance in the World. He had to do with a People, who were ſunk into a State of Sloth and Idleneſs, and diſpoſed to Slavery. They were very low at that time in their Reputation for Arms: And tho' they had taken ſome Part in the late Wars, it was occaſionally only, and ra⯑ther in order to ſupport themſelves by their At⯑tachment to thoſe who were beſt able to protect them, than with a Senſe of gaining Honour, or aſſerting their Freedom. They had but few Troops, and thoſe were without Spirit, or Diſ⯑cipline, and without Officers to conduct them. This was not the Caſe of the great Captains who went before him, eſpecially thoſe of Athens and Sparta, who had Troops ready form'd and diſ⯑ciplin'd, inur'd to Dangers and Fatigue, ſir'd with Ambition, and the Love of their Country, ſupported by their Fellow-Citizens, and fluſh'd with Victory: So that their Commanders had nothing more to do, than to purſue the Track of Glory they were in, and to carry on the Service in the Way they found it. Epaminondas had none of theſe Advantages: But by his Courage and Zeal, and the Force of his Genius, he ſup⯑ply'd the want of them, and, in effect, created [190] an Army; which being train'd up by his In⯑ſtructions, and animated by his Example, ſoon ſhew'd the Thebans, that they were capable of acting for themſelves, and fighting their own Battles. From hence it was, that from Auxill⯑aries and Dependents, they became Principals, and put in for their Turn of Superiority in Grecce. It muſt be allow'd, that Pelopidas had pav'd the Way for him in effecting this Change, and that he had been aſſiſting to him in moſt of his great Enterprizes. But without Epimanondas, the Work had been left very imperfect. It was his bold Defiance of the Spartans, that brought on the Battle of Leuctra: And he afterwards went fur⯑ther towards the reducing them, than any one Man, or than all the States of Greece together. And tho' he did not throughly ſucceed in it, he had ſo diſabled and diſpirited them, that they never recover'd their former Reputation and Au⯑thority. Among other Marks of their being humbled, he had brought them to lengthen their Monoſyllables, as he himſelf expreſs'd it, in rally⯑ing them upon that aſſected and* deſpotick Bre⯑vity, with which they were wont to expreſ [...] m⯑ſelves in their Anſwers to thoſe who o [...]er'd to treat, or expoſtulate with them. His Military Virtues were ſtill inferior to thoſe which regarded either the Society, or himſelf. His Diſ [...] ⯑edneſs was viſible in every Circumſtance of his [191] Life: And nothing could ever ſhake his Inte⯑grity, or ſlacken his Zeal ſor the Publick. The Perſians knowing of what Conſequence it was to fix him in their Intereſt, ſent Diomedon of Cy⯑zicus to tempt him with a large Sum of Mony. He firſt gain'd Micythus, a particular Favourite of his, and gave him five Talents to ſound him upon it. But Epaminondas rejected the Offer with Diſdain and Indignation, declaring, That he would not put the Riches of the Univerſe in Compe⯑tition with the Good of his Country. You, Dio⯑medon, ſaid he, don't know me; and I am not ſurprized, that you ſhould form a Judgment of me from yourſelf; for which Reaſon I forgive you; but withal adviſe you to make the beſt of your Way home, that you may not have an Opportunity of corrupting others. As for you, ſaid he, addreſſing himſelf to Micythus, if you don't immediately re⯑ſtore him his Mony, I'll deliver you up to the Ma⯑giſtracy. His Generoſity and Friendſhip have ſufficiently appear'd in his Behaviour to Pelopidas. He was judicious and grave, but yet afſable; he was continent, patient of Injuries, and very com⯑paſſionate; and, to crown all, he was ſtrictly juſt, and ſo ſincere a Lover of Truth, that he would not tell a Lye even in Jeſt. He was alſo a very able Speaker, and had gone further in his Search after Knowledge of all Kinds, than moſt of the Pailoſophers of his Time, who were ſo by Pro⯑feſſion: And yet he did not value himſelf upon it, or make any Shew of it; and it was ſaid of [192] him in this Reſpect, That Nobody knew more than he, and ſpoke leſs. Study was indeed his darling Paſſion; and he was ſo devoted to it, that he may be conſider'd almoſt as a ſingle Inſtance of one, who acquitted himſelf ſo well to the Pub⯑lick againſt the natural Bent of his Inclination. It was look'd upon as Matter of Aſtoniſhment, that a Man who was ſo much hid from the World, and buried, as it were, in Books, ſhould break out at once into ſo great, and ſo tumultuous a Scene of Action; that he ſhould negotiate the Intereſts of his Country abroad, manage the Government at home, and lead an Army with ſuch Succeſs againſt the united Powers of Greece. But he had a Capacity for every thing, and applied himſelf to every thing; and when he was once rouſed by a Senſe of what the Publick expected from him, he gave up his belov'd Retirement, and was from thenceforwards in ſuch continual Mo⯑tion, that Nobody every did ſo much in ſo ſhort a Time. When the Thebans were once brought into Action, he reſolv'd to keep them up to it: If I am your General, ſaid he, you muſt be Sol⯑diers. Boeotia, as being an open flat Country, he told them, was the Stage of War; and that they could keep it no longer than they had their Hands upon their Shields. It was by theſe Maxims, and this Conduct, that he became the Support of his Country, and a Pattern to the greateſt Captains of the preſent, and ſucceeding Times. Philopae⯑men, who is call'd the laſt of the Grecians, made [193] it his Study to imitate him; and is ſaid to have come very little ſhort of him in his Valour and Con⯑duct, and his Integrity. But he was more rough and cholerick, and had too much of the Soldier in his common Deportment; whereas Epami⯑nondas was cool and gentle, and had nothing of Fierceneſs, but in the Field. Upon the whole, he rais'd the Glory of Thebes to an Heighth beyond any of her Neighbours at that Time, and that ſo ſuddenly, that it was ſaid to be born with him: And it will appear by the Sequel of the Story, how far it may be likewiſe ſaid to have expir'd with him.
THE Battle of Mantinea was the greateſt that ever was fought by Grecians againſt Gr [...] ⯑cians, the whole Strength of the Country being drawn out, and ranged according to their different Intereſts. And it was fought with an [195] Obſtinacy equal to the Importance of it, which was the fixing the Empire of Greece. And this muſt of courſe have have been transferr'd to the Thebans upon their Victory, if they had not loſt the Fruits of it by the Death of their General, who was the Soul of all their Coun⯑ſels and Deſigns. This blaſted all their Hopes, and put out their ſudden Blaze of Power, al⯑moſt as ſoon as it was kindled. However They did not preſently give up their Pretenſions; They were ſtill rank'd among the Leading States, and made ſeveral further Struggles; but they were faint and ineffectual, and ſuch as were rather for Life and Being, than for Su⯑periority and Dominion. They propoſed no⯑thing further to themſelves at preſent, than an honourable Peace; and this was according to the Opinion of Epaminondas himſelf, who, when he lay wounded in his Tent, inquir'd after thoſe whom he judged moſt proper to ſuc⯑ceed him in the Command; and finding they were kill'd in the Battle, adviſed them to make Peace; which they eaſily concluded; for their Enemies were as weary of the War, as them⯑ſelves. The Conditions were,The Peace renew'd by all but the Spar⯑tans. That every one ſhould retain what they were now in poſſeſſion of, and hold it independent of any other Power. Hereupon all the States of Greece enter'd in⯑to a League Offenſive and Defenſive, except⯑ing only the Spartans, who refus'd to ratify the Treaty, becauſe the Meſſenians were included [196] in it. This Oppoſition was rais'd chiefly by Ageſilaus, Ageſilaus cenſur'd for it. who was therefore look'd upon as ſtubborn and refractory, and an unreaſonable Protracter of the War, eſpecially as he had no Mony to carry it on, but what he was to raiſe by Loans and heavy Taxes. And his Stick⯑ling with ſo much Obſtinacy at this Time for the Country of Meſſenia, revived in the Minds of the People, the great Extent of Territory, and the great Dominion both by Sea and Land, that he had loſt ſince his Acceſſion to the Throne.
But whatever Cenſure he had incurr'd by this Proceeding,Olymp. 104. 3. His Tran⯑ſactions in Aegypt. his next Enterpriſe, which was the laſt Scene of his Life, was ſtill more blameable, at leaſt with regard to himſelf, tho' it did not ſo much affect the Intereſt of his Country. Tachos, who had uſurped the King⯑dom of Aegypt, being at War with the Per⯑ſians, engaged Ageſilaus to aſſiſt him with a Body of Spartans. Accordingly he enter'd in⯑to that Service, expecting to have the ſole Com⯑mand of the Army. Upon his Arrival in Aegypt, all the great Officers of the Crown went to pay their Compliments to him; and the whole Country flock'd down to the Shore to ſee the Man, whoſe Reputation in Arms had made ſo much Noiſe in the World. But they were much diſappointed, when, inſtead of the great and awful Prince they look'd for, they found a little old Man of a contemptible [197] Preſence, lying on the Graſs, his Cloaths thread⯑bare, and his Hair uncomb'd, and rejecting their rich Preſents of Sweetmeats and Perfumes, which he told them, they might give to his Slaves the Helots. He join'd the Aegyptian Army, which conſiſted of eighty thouſand Men, beſides ten thouſand hired Troops, whereof one thou⯑ſand were Spartans. But Tachos deceiv'd him in his Expectations of being General, and would allow him no other Command than that of the Mercenaries at Land, committing to Cha⯑brias, who came in as a Voluntier from Athens, the Charge of his Fleet, and reſerving to him⯑ſelf the chief Command over all. Ageſilaus was otherwiſe treated by him with ſo much Inſo⯑lence, and in a manner ſo much below his Spirit and Dignity, that he took an Opportu⯑nity to fall in with Nectanebus his Son, or ra⯑ther his Nephew, who had revolted from him, and got himſelf to be proclaim'd King in his ſtead. And the People being generally on his Side, Ageſilaus join'd with them, and drove Ta⯑thos out of his Kingdom. He had no ſooner withdrawn himſelf, but another Competitor ſtarted up, and march'd againſt Nectanebus with an Army of an hundred thouſand Men, who ſhut him up in one of his Towns, and laid Siege to it. When the Works were pretty well advanc'd, and the Lines of Circumvalla⯑tion drawn almoſt round the Place, Nectanebus threw himſelf among the Grecians, and ſally⯑ing [198] out by Night at the Gap where the Lines were unfiniſhed, drew up his Forces, and eaſily routed thoſe of the Enemy, who were entang⯑led and encompaſſed by their own Works. This was owing intirely to the Advice and Conduct of Ageſilaus, who improved this Vi⯑ctory by ſeveral others, 'till he had ſettled Nectanebus in full and quiet Poſſeſſion of the Throne. Diodorus relates this Part differently, as if Ageſilaus had reconcil'd himſelf to Tachos, and reinſtated him in the Kingdom. But this reſts ſingly upon his Authority; and the other Account is more natural, as well as more ge⯑neral. Ageſilaus acquitted himſelf extremely well as to the military Part of this Expedition; but it does not in other Reſpects redound much to his Honour. One chief Motive of his un⯑dertaking it, was Gain; which he cover'd un⯑der a pretence of ſupplying the Neceſſities of the State. But the letting himſelf out to hire to a Barbarian, and ſerving under an Aegyptian Rebel, as a Captain only of a Band of Mer⯑cenaries, was thought very unbecoming a Spar⯑tan King, eſpecially of his Age and Character. He firſt made a mean Figure by entering into that Service, and then a ſcandalous one by de⯑ſerting it, and joining with the Enemy of him, whom he came to as an Auxiliary. He en⯑deavour'd to juſtify himſelf by ſeveral falſe Pre⯑tences; and, according to the common Plea of the Spartans in the like Caſes, call'd it Acting [199] for the Benefit of his Country. But whatever Name he gave it, it was certainly a foul Ac⯑tion, and Plutarch calls it downright Treachery. And it was more ſo in him, becauſe it was purely his own Act, without being tied down by any expreſs Orders from the Government of Sparta. The Winter following Nectanebus diſmiſs'd him, with great Marks of Civility and Gratitude for the Services he had done him, and gave him two hundred and thirty Talents of Silver, with which he ſail'd home⯑ward, but was drove by Streſs of Weather up⯑on a deſart Shore of Africa, call'd The Haven of Menelaus; where he ſicken'd and died,His Death. being full eighty four Years old, of which he had reigned forty one.
He was ſo extraordinary a Man,and Cha⯑racter. and had ſo many mixt Qualities, that beſides what has been already obſerv'd of him in the courſe of the Hiſtory, it may be proper to take a more diſtinct View of him. He ſet out in the World with ſtrong Prejudices againſt him, both as to his Perſon and his Pretenſions. The firſt of them he overcame by the Sprightlineſs of his Air, and his Good-humour, with a way he had of jeſting upon himſelf, which prevented others uſing the ſame Freedom with him. However he was ſo ſenſible of his Defects, that he would not ſuffer any Picture or Statue to be made of him in his Life-time, and utterly for⯑ [...]id the doing it after his Death. His Way [200] to the Throne was attended with greater Dif⯑ficulties, which yet he got over by his Spirit and Addreſs, and by the Aſſiſtance of his Friends, particularly of Lyſander, who in effect put the Crown upon his Head. And in that reſpect, it was made a Charge of Ingratitude upon Ageſilaus, that he had afterwards upon a ſlight Pretence thrown him off. But he him⯑ſelf was the Cauſe of it; he valued himſelf too much upon his Services to him; and his Beha⯑viour to him in Aſia has been ſhewn to be ſo arrogant and aſſuming, that it might very well juſtify his ſending him away from him, when he found he could no longer act with him. Lyſander, full of Reſentment, upon his Return form'd a powerful Party againſt him; to break which, he ſingled out the Ring-lea⯑ders, ſome of whom he ſent away upon foreign Services; others he got to be accuſed of Ava⯑rice and Injuſtice in their Employments; and then made it his Buſineſs to bring them off, thereby obliging them to become his Friends; and ſo by degrees he wore out the Faction. As he was a younger Son, he was bred up with more Severity and Subjection, than the imme⯑diate Heirs of the Crown; and by the Obe⯑dience he paid to the Laws as a private Man, he was better fitted for the Government, when he came to it. He made great court to the Ephori, and the Senate, even to a Shew of Reverence, and by the Deference he paid to [201] their Power, he ſecretly advanc'd his own, and by that Means carried the Prerogative higher than any of his Predeceſſors. But his Popula⯑rity grew at laſt ſuſpected; inſomuch that he is ſaid to have been fined by the Ephori for mono⯑polizing the Citizens, who were look'd upon as the common Goods of the Republick. He was re⯑markable for his Continency and Moderation; and kept up the old Spartan Plainneſs and Fru⯑gality even to Affectation, not allowing his Wife and Daghter to diſtinguiſh themſelves by their Dreſs, and living in the ſame Houſe that be⯑long'd to Ariſtodemus his Predeceſſor above ſeven hundred Years before, nor ſuffering ſo much as the Door of it to be repair'd. Yet notwith⯑ſtanding this rigid Appearance, there was no⯑thing of Stiffneſs or Moroſeneſs in his Behaviour; he treated every Body with Candour and Affa⯑bility, and had ſuch a Complacency and Agree⯑ableneſs in his Converſation, as made him ami⯑able to the laſt. He was very ſond of his Chil⯑dren, and would often enter into their little Sports with them. Being one Day ſurpriz'd by a Friend, as he was riding with them on an Hobby-horſe, Say nothing of it, ſaid he, till you are a Father yourſelf. He was generous to his Enemies, not detracting any thing from their due Merit, eaſily forgiving, and never taking any unjuſt Advan⯑tage againſt them. On the other hand he was too partial to his Friends, whom, in all Caſes, right or wrong, he thought himſelf oblig'd to [202] ſupport: Of which there is an Inſtance in a Letter of his to Idrieus, Prince of Caria, where⯑in he ſays, If Nicias be innocent, acquit him; if he be guilty, acquit him upon my account; however be ſure to acquit him. Of the ſame Kind was his interpoſing in Behalf of Phaebidas and Sphodrias; and yet the Conſequence of it was, in a great meaſure, the engaging Sparta in the Leuctrian War. It was a Saying of his, That to be ſtrait⯑laced in Point of Juſtice when one's Friend is con⯑cerned, is only a Pretence for deſerting him. Yet Nobody talk'd more of Juſtice upon other Oc⯑caſions than he did; inſomuch that ſome about him expatiating one Day upon the Grandeur of the King of Perſia, Wherein, ſaid Ageſilaus, does his Grandeur conſiſt? Or how is he greater than I am, if he be not more juſt? By which he would have it underſtood, that Juſtice was the Rule of all his Actions. But he has not given many In⯑ſtances of it, eſpecially in his publick Character; wherein he was ſo different from what he was in his private Life, that he may be conſider'd as two different Perſons. His Failings in the latter were few, and, generally ſpeaking, good-natur'd ones; but in his Regal and Military Capacity, his Paſſions were much ſtronger, and his Faults more unpardonable. The ſame aſ⯑piring Temper which he diſcover'd from his Childhood, and by which he afterwards uſurp'd the Crown, carried him on to the laſt Stage of his Life, and bore down all other Conſiderations, [203] that ſtood in the Way of his Ambition. And yet he manag'd ſo well, that he paſs'd the firſt thirty Years of his Reign in great Honour and Eſteem: But as he advanc'd further in Years, he grew more perverſe and arbitrary, and withal more reſtleſs and impatient, continually forming new Schemes of Action, and never eaſy but in War; and indeed he had admirable Talents for [...]t. He was brave, active and vigilant; he had [...]nur'd himſelf to the Extremes of Heat and Cold, and far'd as hard, in other Reſpects, as a private Centinel. He was very careful to keep up the Courage of his Soldiers; for which Purpoſe he would conceal, or leſſen the News of a Defeat in other Parts, or ſometimes ſubſtitute the Report of a Victory in the room of it. He had a more [...]efin'd way of deceiving his Enemies, by pub⯑liſhing his real Deſign of a March or an Attack, ſo that they might take it for a Feint, and con⯑ſequently be unprepar'd for him. Nobody knew better how to uſe the Advantages of Time and Place, or to effect by Stratagem, what he could not obtain by Force. And notwithſtanding his natural Impetuoſity, he could command himſelf upon Occaſion, and was either cool and tempe⯑ [...]rate, or daring and deſperate, according as the Caſe requir'd; of which he gave ſufficient Proofs in his Defence of the City of Sparta. His Be⯑haviour upon that Occaſion, when the Whole was at Stake, was great and glorious; tho' it muſt be allow'd at the ſame time, that he did [204] nothing more than what he ow'd to his Country whoſe Intereſts he had ſacrificed to his implacable Hatred of the Thebans and Meſſenians, and his inſatiable Thirſt of Revenge. The Spartans were ſo ſenſible of his Abilities, that when he was in Aſia, they conſtituted him Admiral as well as General, which was an Honour they had never before conferr'd on one ſingle Perſon. His Power after that Expedition encreaſing in Pro⯑portion to the Opinion they had of him, he did what he would with them, and brought them into ſuch a Condition, that they were forc'd to rely upon him, and to ſtand or fall with him. And tho' he ſav'd them from immediate De⯑ſtruction, he had ſufficiently drain'd and haraſs'd them, and left them in a miſerable declining State. Lyſander gave the firſt Shock to their Power by his Pride, and Ageſilaus quite broke it by his Obſtinacy; the firſt made them odious to their Neighbours, and the latter made them contemptible. And upon the Whole, it may be ſaid, that Sparta ow'd her Downfal to the two greateſt Men ſhe ever bred.
The Death of Epaminondas, and the Peace which enſu'd upon it, had ſlacken'd the Zeal of the principal Powers of Greece, The indo⯑lent State of Greece. and render'd 'em too ſecure. The Athenians more particularly, when they found themſelves deliver'd from him who kept up their Emulation, grew indolent and remiſs, and abandon'd themſelves to their Eaſe and Pleaſure, being wholly taken up with [205] Shews, Sports and Feſtivals. They were natu⯑rally too much addicted to theſe Sorts of Amuſe⯑ment, and they had formerly been encourag'd in them by Pericles, who knew how to lead them by their Inclinations, and took this Method to ingratiate himſelf with them, and to divert them from inſpecting too narrowly into his Admini⯑ſtration. But they now carried theſe Diverſions to a much higher Pitch of Extravagance. They had ſuch a Paſſion for the Stage, that it ſtifled in them all other Thoughts, either of Buſineſs, or of Glory. Poets and Players were become their only Favourites, and receiv'd the Eſteem and Applauſe, that was due to the Captains who had fought their Battles. The very victualling of their Fleets and Armies was conſum'd upon the Stage. Their Singers and Dancers were pamper'd up with Marrow and other luſcious Food, whilſt the Admiral and the Captains of the Ships had no other Proviſions on board, but Meal, Cheeſe and Onions. In ſhort, the Deco⯑rations, and other Charges attending the Theatre, were ſo exceſſive, that Plutarch ſays, It coſt more to repreſent ſome of the famous Pieces of Sophocles and Euripides, than it had done to carry on the War againſt the Barbarians. And in order to ſupport this Charge, they ſeiz'd upon the Fund which had been ſet apart for the War, with a Prohibition, upon Pain of Death, even to adviſe the applying it to any other Purpoſe. They not only revers'd this Decree, but went as far [206] the other way, making it death to propoſe th [...] reſtoring the Fund to the Uſes, to which had before been appropriated, under the ſam [...] Penalties. By diverting the Courſe of the Sup⯑plies in ſo extraordinary a manner, and enter taining the idle Citizen at the Expence of th [...] Soldier and Mariner, they ſeem'd to have n [...] Remains of that Spirit and Vigour, which they had exerted in the Perſian Wars, when they de⯑moliſh'd their Houſes to furniſh out a Navy, an [...] when the Women ſtoned a Man to death, who propos'd to appeaſe the Great King, (as he was call'd) by paying Tribute, and doing Homag [...] to him.
But whilſt they were wrapt up in this ſlothful Security, and had nothing immediately to ap⯑prehend from their old Enemies, either in Greece or Perſia, they found themſelves on a ſudden engag'd with a People,Which the Macedoni⯑ans take ad⯑vantage of. who were hitherto ob⯑ſcure, and in a manner barbarous. Theſe were the Macedonians; who, tho' they were hardy, and warlike enough, had never yet preſum'd to intermeddle in the Affairs of Greece. The Truth is, they had enough to do at home, to adjuſt the Quarrels about the Succeſſion of their Kings, and to defend themſelves againſt the Illyrians, P [...]o⯑nians, and other powerful Neighbours. But ſe⯑veral Circumſtances concur'd at this Time to raiſe them out of their Obſcurity, and to bring them into a new Scene of Action; which by Degrees wrought ſuch a thorough Change in the State of [207] Greece, that it will be neceſſary to take a curſory View of their Affairs, and to conſider them con⯑nectedly with thoſe of the Grecians, at leaſt ſo far as may ſerve to ſhew, by what Steps this Change was effected.
They may alſo upon another Account ſeem to require a Place in the Grecian Story;How far they may be conſider'd as Greci⯑ans. for their firſt Kings were of Grecian Extraction. But they are not ſo much entitled to it from their Deſcent, as from their Exploits, by which the very Name of Greece was in a great meaſure loſt, and ſwal⯑low'd up in that of Macedonia. Before their later Atchievements, which brought about this great Revolution, they were no otherwiſe conſi⯑der'd as a Part of Greece, than many other Bor⯑derers, who were originally planted from thence, but having afterwards little or no Intercourſe with their Mother-Country, contracted the Habits and Manners of the Natives where they ſettled, and from thence were look'd upon as one and the ſame People with them, and in the ſame Degree of Barbariſm. This was the Caſe of moſt of the Grecian Colonies: And therefore, tho' I have had frequent occaſion to mention them, I have not enter'd further into their Story, than as it has born relation to Greece, either on account of their Wars or Alliances with it, or of their being pro⯑tected by it, or becoming tributary to it, or of ſuch other Engagements and Dependences, as have blended their Affairs with thoſe of the Gre cians, and made the Relation of them a neceſſary [208] Part of their Hiſtory. Thus much may ſuffice to account for my not having treated the moſt remarkable of theſe Colonies ſo fully and diſtinct⯑ly, as might be expected from the Figure they have made in the World; ſuch as Sicily, Crete, and ſome others of the Iſlands, with the Leſſer Aſia, and ſeveral other Parts of the Continent. But it ought to be conſider'd, that where their Fame and Grandeur has been owing more to their Tranſactions with other People, than with the Grecians, moſt of the Particulars concerning them do not fall within the Compaſs of my De⯑ſign, but belong more properly to a ſeparate Hiſtory of their own, or to that of the Nation, which they have had moſt to do with.
The Macedonians were ſo call'd before the Gre⯑cians intermix'd with them:Their Ori⯑ginal. And they were ſome time known by other Names, which they receiv'd from the firſt Planters, or principal Men either of the whole Country, or of ſome particular Parts of it. But the Accounts we have of theſe original Founders, like thoſe of the Grecian States, are very fabulous and imperfect. The firſt who is mention'd, with any Degree of Certainty, to have reign'd in Macedonia, was Caranus, by Birth an Argive, and ſaid to be the ſixteenth in Deſcent from Hercules. It was upon this Foundation, that Philip grounded his Pretenſions to be of the Race of Hercules, and aſſum'd to himſelf Divine Honours; wherein he carried his Vanity a great way, tho' not ſo far as his Son did after him. [209] Caranus therefore is commonly reputed to have led forth a Body of his Countrymen,Their firſt Kings. by the Ad⯑vice of the Oracle, into theſe Parts, where he ſettled, and made himſelf King. And yet He⯑rodotus, contrary to the Opinion of all the later Writers, makes Perdiccas the firſt King. Sir Iſaac Newton reconciles this Difference by a very probable Conjecture, that they were Joint-Found⯑ers of this Kingdom; that they were both con⯑temporary, and of the Royal Family of Argos, from whence they fled about the ſame Time, and at firſt erected ſmall Principalities in Macedonia, which, after the Death of Caranus, became one under Perdiccas: and that this Kingdom was founded about the 46th or 47th Olympiad. From this Time the Macedonians were properly a Gre⯑cian Colony; and, among other Proofs of their being ſo, it is obſervable, that Amyntas, which was the Name of ſome of their ſucceeding Kings, was alſo a common Name among the Argives. Another of their Kings was, by virtue of their Grecian Extraction, admitted to the Olympick Games. But whatever Rights and Privileges this Nation claim'd as Grecians, they were generally treated as Barbarians, till ſuch time as they car⯑ried their Arms into Aſia, and had trampled upon the Liberties of Greece. Caranus having, accord⯑ing to the general Account, reign'd twenty-eight Years, the Succeſſion was continu'd after him to the Times we are now treating of. But there is very little worth Notice recorded of theſe Kings, [210] they being chiefly employ'd in defending them⯑ſelves againſt the Incurſions of their Neighbours: And as to their domeſtick Affairs, they were re⯑markable only for the frequent Murthers and U⯑ſurpations, which happen'd in the Royal Fa⯑mily.
Amynlas the Second,Amyntas Father of Philip. who was the Sixteenth in Deſcent from Caranus, and the Father of that Philip whom we are now to treat of, had much ado to ſupport himſelf in the Throne; he left it in a very tottering Condition, and entail'd a [...] War with the Illyrians and Olynthians upon his Children. By his Wife Eurydice he left three Sons, who all in their turn ſucceeded to their Fa⯑ther, Alexander, Perdiccas and Philip; he had alſo a natural Son, call'd Ptolemy Alorites. Some ſay, he had a ſecond Wife, call'd Gygaea, and by her had three more Sons, Archelaus, Argaeus or Archideus, and Menelaus, who were murder'd by Philip. But this does not ſeem probable, be⯑cauſe Eurydice appears to have ſurviv'd Amyntas, and to have been very active in the ſucceeding Reigns. The Succeſſion of Alexander and Per⯑diccas was ſtrongly oppos'd; firſt by Pauſanias, whoſe Father and himſelf had before uſurp'd the Crown, and then by their Brother Plolemy, who is ſaid to have murder'd Alexander, and to have reign'd three Years upon his Death, till he was afterwards ſlain himſelf by Perdiccas. Pauſanias was drove out by Iphicrates, who at this Time happen'd to be ſent by the Athenians with a ſmall [211] Fleet into thoſe Parts, to make the neceſſary Diſpoſitions for the Siege of Amphipolis. Eury⯑dice, upon this Occaſion, accoſted him in a very moving manner: She brought her two Sons Per⯑diccas and Philip to him, and putting one of 'em between his Arms, and the other upon his Knee, conjur'd him, by the mutual Friendſhip that had paſs'd between the two Nations, and by the per⯑ſonal Kindneſs and Affection that her Husband had born to him, that he would take theſe two Orphans into his Protection, and defend them againſt the Invader. But this Account of her Maternal Affection is by no means conſiſtent with that which Juſtin gives of her, That being in love with her Son-in-law, who is underſtood to be Ptolemy, ſhe caus'd her own two Sons Alex⯑ander and Perdiccas to be murder'd, in order to advance him to the Throne; and that ſhe had before attempted to deſtroy her Husband with the ſame View. But the Hiſtory of theſe two Kings, Alexander and Perdiccas, is ſo confus'd, that not only the Tranſactions of one Reign ſeem to be aſcrib'd to another, but the Tranſactions themſelves are alſo differently related. As to Ptolemy, the moſt plauſible Account given of him, is, that upon his Competition with Perdiccas, they referr'd themſelves to Pelopidas, who ad⯑judging the Crown to the latter, the other quitted his Pretenſions: And Pelopidas, for the better Obſervance of this Agreement, carried Philip with him, among others, as Hoſtage to Thebes.
[212] There are other Occaſions mention'd of his being given as an Hoſtage to the Illyrians, both by his Father, and his Brother Alexander. However that be, it is certain he was at Thebes at the Time of the Death of his Brother Perdiccas, who, ac⯑cording to the moſt general Accounts, was kill'd in a Battle with the Illyrians.
This Accident brought him home,The Riſe of Philip. and gave him an Opportunity of exerting thoſe Talents, by which he not only ſurpaſs'd all his Prede⯑ceſſors, but eclips'd the Fame of all the Grecians of his Time; tho' it muſt be confeſs'd, that he receiv'd his firſt Impreſſions of Glory from 'em, and that he ow'd a great deal to the Improve⯑ments he made under Epaminondas. But beſides theſe Advantages, he had great natural Endow⯑ments, and a Genius equal to the greateſt De⯑ſigns; as may ſuſſiciently appear from the Diffi⯑culties he had to encounter at his firſt ſetting out, when he was ſcarce three and twenty Years old, and the Means he us'd to overcome them. Perdiccas had left a young Son to ſucceed him; ſo that Philip had no immediate Proſpect of coming to the Crown. However, upon the News of his Brother's Death, he ſtole home privately from Thebes, and taking Advantage of the Conſterna⯑tion the People were under, and the Dangers they apprehended from an Inſant-Reign,A M. 3645. Olymp. 105. 1. He is de⯑c [...]'d King got himſelf at firſt declar'd Protector to his Nephew, and ſoon after King in his ſtead. And indeed the preſent Condition of the Macedonians requir'd [213] a Man of his Prudence and Activity: For they were ſurrounded with as many Enemies, as they had Neighbours. The Illyrians fluſh'd with their late Victory, were preparing to march againſt them with a ſtrong Army; the Paeonians were making daily Incurſions upon them; and at the ſame Time the Title to the Crown was conteſted by Pauſanias and Argaeus, the former whereof was ſupported by the Thracians, and the latter by the Athenians, who for that Purpoſe had ſent out a good Fleet, and three thouſand Land Men.
Under theſe Circumſtaces, with ſo many E⯑nemies on his Hands at once, and that before he was ſettled in the Throne, his firſt Part was, to make ſure of his own People, to gain their Affections, and to raiſe their Spirits; for they were very much diſhearten'd, having loſt above four thouſand Men in the late Action with the Illyrians. He ſucceeded in theſe Points by the Artfulneſs of his Addreſs, and the Force of his Eloquence, of which he was a great Maſter. His next Step was to train and exerciſe them, and reform their Diſcipline; and it was at this Time, that he inſtituted the famous Macedonian Phalanx, He irſti⯑tutes the Macedo⯑nian Pha⯑lanx. which did ſo much Execution. It was an Im⯑provement upon the ancient Manner of fighting among the Grecians, who generally drew up their Foot ſo cloſe, as to ſtand the Shock of the Ene⯑my without being broken. The compleat Pha⯑lanx was thought to contain above ſixteen thou⯑ſand [214] Men; tho' it was alſo taken in general for any Company, or Party of Soldiers, and fre⯑quently for the whole Body of the Foot. But this of Philip's Invention, is deſcrib'd by Polybius to be a long Square, conſiſting of eight thouſand Pikemen, ſixteen deep, and five hundred in Front, the Men ſtanding ſo cloſe together, that the Pikes of the fifth Rank were extended three Foot be⯑yond the Line of the Front. The reſt, whoſe Diſtance from the Front made their Pikes uſeleſs, reſted them upon the Shoulders of thoſe who ſtood before them, and ſo locking them together in File, preſs'd forwards to ſupport and puſh on the former Ranks, whereby the Aſfault was ren⯑der'd more violent and irreſiſtible.
In this Year died Xenophon, Xenophon his Death, and Cha⯑racter. and in the nine⯑tieth Year of his Age. Notwithſtanding the Glory he had acquir'd by his Perſian Expedition, he was baniſh'd Athens for having been engag'd in it: For Cyrus having been too great a Fa⯑vourer of the Spartans, the Athenians did not think he ought to receive any Countenance or Aſſiſtance from them in the Quarrel with his Brother Artaxerxes. Thereupon Xenophon choſe to return again into Perſia, where he join'd Age⯑ſilaus; and there they contracted a ſtrict Friend⯑ſhip, which continu'd as long as they liv'd. Up⯑on which of theſe two Expeditions it was, that the Sentence of Baniſhment was paſs'd againſt him, is not determin'd: But he had by both of them incurr'd the Diſpleaſure of his Fellow⯑Citizens, [215] who look'd upon him as not being well affected to the Intereſt of his Country. He has not by his Actions given any Marks of his En⯑mity againſt it: But it is certain, that he was a great Admirer of the Spartan Manners and Con⯑ſtitution, and had a very indifferent Opinion of the Athenian Democracy. Upon his ſecond Re⯑turn into Greece, he reſided at Scillonte, a Town in the Elean Territory, but at that Time under the Dominion of Sparta. But upon the Inva⯑ſion of Laconia by Epaminondas, he quitted that Neighbourhood, and retir'd to Corinth, where he ſpent the Remainder of his Days. It is to the Leiſure he enjoy'd in theſe Places of Retreat, that we owe moſt of his Hiſtorical and other Writings; by which he appears to have poſſeſs'd more different Talents, and to have been more thoroughly accompliſh'd, than any Man of his Time, not only as a Captain, Philoſopher, Ora⯑tor and Hiſtorian, but being likewiſe well skill'd in Politicks, in Horſemanſhip and Hunting, in Tillage and Planting. He had alſo the Advan⯑tage of a very beautiful Perſon, with a pleaſing Aſpect, which beſpoke that Candour and Sim⯑plicity, for which he was ſo remarkable, both in his Manners and his Writings.
His Character as an Hiſtorian having already been deſcrib'd in the Account I have given of the Authors, from whom this Hiſtory is collected, I will here only add an Obſervation, that he was the firſt Philoſopher in Greece, who wrote an [216] Hiſtory. And to this it may be aſcrib'd, that he has expreſs'd Nature better than moſt other Hiſtorians of his Time: His Conceptions were clear, and that made his Diction ſo. This regular way of thinking, and digeſting his Mat⯑ter, he learnt of Socrates, under whom he ſtudied. Nothing is more to be admir'd in him, than the Affection he bore to his Maſter. And in this Part Plato agreed with him; but there was o⯑therwiſe no good Underſtanding between them: Which is the more extraordinary, becauſe they were both equally of a mild and amiable Diſ⯑poſition, and had no Enemies, but ſuch as their Virtue had created them. The Cauſe aſſign'd by Diogenes Laertius for their Diſagreement, was a Rivalſhip in their Writings; and in ſup⯑prot of this Opinion, it is ſaid, that Xenophon wrote his Cyripaedia, as the Picture of a juſt Mo⯑narchy, in Oppoſition to that which Plato had drawn of a perfect Common-wealth. It is a Queſtion among the Learned, how far this Piece of Xenophon will bear being examin'd according to the ſtrict Rules of Hiſtory; and whether it ought not rather to be look'd upon only as a more modeſt and inſtructive Species of Romance. There is likewiſe great Allowance to be made for his Character of Ageſlaus, which is too much in the Stile of Panegyrick. But his cloſe Inti⯑macy with that Prince, had made him partial to his Failings. He extols his perſonal Bravery, and his other private Virtues, and very juſtly: [217] But he does not conſider him enough in his pub⯑lick Capacity, as one, who, upon the Merit of his Services, had got more Power into his Hands, than was uſually allow'd to the Spartan Kings, and, by his Raſhneſs and Obſtinacy, had made an ill uſe of it, almoſt to the Deſtruction of his Country.
When Philip had made ſome proper Regula⯑tion of his Affairs at home, he began to look abroad, in order to divert the Storms which threaten'd him from all Quarters. By Mony and Promiſes he made up Matters, for the pre⯑ſent, with ſuch of his Enemies, as lay neareſt to him, and then turn'd his Forces againſt the Athenians, Philip de⯑feats the Athenians. who were march'd up to Methone, to aſſiſt Argaeus. He gave them Battle, and de⯑feated them; and the Death of Argaeus, who was kill'd in the Action, put an End to that Diſpute: For he permitted the Athenians, when they were in his Power, to return home. This Inſtance of his Moderation gain'd ſo far upon them, that they ſoon after concluded a Peace with him; which yet he obſerv'd no longer, than it ſerv'd his Deſign of ſecuring the other Part of his Dominions.
Accordingly he march'd Northward,Olymp. 105. 2. Subdues the Paeonians, and the Il⯑lyrians. where he broke with the Paeonians, and ſubdu'd them; then fell upon the Illyrains, and having kill'd above ſeven thouſand of them in a pitch'd Battle, oblig'd them to reſtore all their Conqueſts in Macedonia. He had alſo ſhut up the Paſſage of [218] the Thracians; but yet did not think it ſuffici⯑ently ſecur'd, without making himſelf Maſter of Amphipolis, which was very commodiouſly ſitu⯑ated on the River Strymon, and was the Key of that Side of his Dominions.Seizes Am⯑phipolis. He knew the Im⯑portance of it, and therefore poſſeſs'd himſelf of it in the Beginning of his Reign. This was the Grounds of his Quarrel with the Athenians, who claim'd it as one of their Colonies, and made ſuch a Point of it, that their ſetting up Argaeus againſt him, was not ſo much for his own Sake, or for the Credit of impoſing a King upon the Macedonians, as it was with a View to get the City reſtor'd to them by his Means, in caſe he ſhould have ſucceeded in his Pretenſions. Philip was ſenſible of their Drift; and finding it ne⯑ceſſary at that Time to keep ſome Meaſures with them, would neither keep the Place himſelf, nor let them have it, but took a middle Courſe, and declar'd it a Free City, thereby leaving the In⯑habitants to throw off their Dependence on their old Maſters, and making it appear to be their own Act. But the City continu'd no longer in this State, than till he found himſelf at liberty to make a more thorough Conqueſt of it; which at this Time he eaſily effected,Olymp. 105. 3. thro' the Remiſſneſs of the Athenians, who refus'd to ſend any Relief to it, alledging in their Excuſe, that it would be a Breach of the Peace, which they had con⯑cluded with Philip the Year before. But the Truth is, he trick'd them out of it, by a Pro⯑miſe [219] of delivering it up to them: But inſtead of keeping his Word with them, he made further Encroachments, by ſeizing on Pydna and Poti⯑dea; the latter of which being garriſon'd by A⯑tbenians, he drew them out, and ſent them home; but diſmiſs'd them with ſuch Marks of Civility, as ſhew'd, that he avoided coming to an open Rupture with that State, at leaſt till his Deſigns were more ripe for it, tho' at the ſame time he did what he could to weaken them, and drive them out of his Neighbourhood.Pydna and Potidaea, Pydna, with the Territory be⯑longing to it, he gave up to the Olynthians, who were his Father's inverterate Enemies. His Hands were too full at this time to revive the Quarrel againſt ſo rich and powerful a City, whcih, for three Years together, had withſtood the united Forces of Sparta and Macedonia; he therefore choſe to buy their Friendſhip for the preſent, and to amuſe them by the Delivery of this Town, as he had done the Athenians by the Peace, till he could attack them at more Advantage. In this Step alſo he over-reach'd the Athenians, who were at the ſame time courting the Alliance of the Olynthians, in order to maintain their ſooting in thoſe Parts. Which Side ſoever the Olynthians inclin'd to, they were ſtrong enough to turn the Balance; and therefore the gaining them became a Matter of great Contention between Philip and the Athenians.
The next Place he took,and Creni⯑dae, which be called Philippi. was Crenidae, which he enlarg'd, and call'd, after his own Name, [220] Philippi, and which afterwards was famous for the defeat of Brutus and Caſſius. There were near this Town ſome gold Mines, which he work'd, and drew out of them an immenſe Treaſure. The yearly Produce of them amount⯑ed to a thouſand Talents; which was reckon'd at that time conſiderably more than the Re⯑venue of Athens; and yet that was thought the richeſt State in Greece. This was a very lucky Diſcovery for one, who knew the Va⯑lue and Uſe of Mony ſo well as he did. He was by this means enabled to keep up a good Body of mercenary Troops at home, with a great Number of Spies and Penſioners abroad; and it was to this Fund, that he ow'd a great Part of the Succeſſes of his Reign.
Philip, in this Progreſs of his Affairs, met with little Oppoſition from the Athenians, who had enough to do to ſupport their Juriſdiction in other Parts.Factions in Eubaea compos'd by the Athe⯑nians. Euboea being at this time di⯑vided into Factions, one Party had recourſe to them, and the other to the Thebans, who by this means got footing in the Iſland. But the A⯑thenians thought it of too great Importance to them to be given up: For, beſides other Advantages, they had formerly drawn a large Revenue from it. However they did not exert themſelves ſo vigorouſly as the Caſe re⯑quir'd, 'till they were ſpirited up by Timotheus. What? ſaid he, The Thebans in Eubaea, and you ſtill here! They are in Action, and you are [221] deliberating. You have not ſpread the Seas with your Shipping; you are not running down to the Piraeus; you are not under Sail. This Manner of haranguing had the Effect he propos'd: In five Days time they made the neceſſary Prepa⯑rations, and put to Sea; forc'd the Thebans off the Iſland; compos'd the Differences of the Inhabitants, and brought them again under their Dependence. Demoſthenes takes particular no⯑tice of this Speech of Timotheus, and quotes this Part of it, as an Incentive to the Athenians upon a like Occaſion, when Philip was over⯑running their Dominions in Thrace.
The Athenians had no ſooner put an end to theſe Diſturbances, but Byzantium, with the Iſlands of Chios, Cos and Rhodes, The Social War. revolted, and confederated againſt them, and from thence gave riſe to that which was call'd The War of the Allies, or The Social War. They forthwith ſent out Chares and Chabrias, with Men and Shipping, to reduce them. Their firſt Attempt was upon Chios; where Chabrias, who commanded at Sea, forc'd his Entrance into the Harbour;Attempt upon Chi⯑os. but being deſerted by the reſt of the Fleet, which put back to Sea, he was immediately ſurrounded by the Enemy, who beat upon him on all ſides 'till his Ship was quite diſabled, and pierc'd through with the Enemies Beaks. Whereupon the Men on board leap'd into the Sea to ſave themſelves by ſwimming: But he not thinking [222] it conſiſtent with his Honour and the Duty of his Poſt, to quit his Ship, ſtood obſtinately in the Defence of it, 'till he was mortally wounded.Chabrias kill'd: Nepos ſays, contrary to the general Account of this Expedition, that he ſerved in it only as a private Man; which, if it were ſo, would be the beſt Excuſe that could be made for his Conduct in it: For conſidering him as a Commander,His Cha⯑racter. it was certainly too un⯑concerted, and too raſh and deſperate an Enter⯑priſe to be juſtified. But it was agreeable to a Maxim of his own, That an Army of Stags led by a Lion, was more formidable than an Ar⯑my of Lions led by a Stag. He had another Maxim, which ſhew'd more Prudence and Cir⯑cumſpection, That He was the beſt Commander, who knew beſt what his Enemies were doing. However, the Spirit he ſhew'd upon this Oc⯑caſion, with the many other Inſtances of his Bravery and Zeal for the Service of his Coun⯑try, may be ſufficient to rank him with the Patriots of the beſt Ages of Greece.
Chares, with the Land-Forces, had made ſome ſlight Attacks upon the Iſland; but upon the Death of his Colleague he drew them off, and put an end to the Campaign.Olymp. 105. 4. But the next Year great Preparations were made on both Sides for proſecuting the War with Vigour. And the Allies having got together a Fleet of an hundred Sail, haraſs'd and plunder'd ſe⯑veral of the Iſlands under the Dominion of [223] Athens, and then beſieg'd Samos. Samos be⯑ſieg'd by the Allies. The Atheni⯑ans ſent out Chares again with ſixty Gallies, and then reinforc'd them with ſixty more un⯑der the Command of Iphicrates and Timotheus, who were join'd in Commiſſion with him. They united their Forces, and agreed to be⯑ſiege Byzantium; which drew the Allies from Samos to relieve it. Hereupon the two Fleets met in the Helleſpont: But juſt as they were ready to engage, there happen'd a violent Storm; notwithſtanding which, Chares propos'd to pro⯑ceed and join Battle, but could not prevail with his Colleagues to come into it;Chares ac⯑cuſes his Colleagues of Treache⯑ry, whereupon he wrote to Athens to accuſe them of Trea⯑chery; and they were recall'd, and order'd to anſwer it to the State.
Chares was now at liberty to act without Controul; but inſtead of purſuing his Deſigns againſt the Iſlanders,and goes into Foreign Service. he went over to Artaba⯑zus the Perſian Governor of ſome of the Pro⯑vinces of Aſia minor, who had revolted from his Maſter, and was reduced almoſt to the laſt Extremity by an Army of ſeventy thouſand Men which was ſent out againſt him. Chares, upon a Promiſe of being well rewarded, enga⯑ged to aſſiſt him; and having accordingly join'd their Forces, they deſeated the Perſians. But the King was ſo incens'd at it, that he threat⯑en'd to fit out a Fleet of three hundred Sail to ſupport the Iſlanders in their War with the Athenians; which ſo intimidated them, that they [224] clapt up a Peace with the Allies upon their own Terms;Olymp. 106. 1. A Peace with the Allies. which were, That for the future they ſhould remain free and independent. This put an end to the Social War, which had con⯑tinued three Years, tho' with very little Action on either Side, at leaſt not ſuitable to the Pre⯑parations that were made for it.
The News of this Expedition of Chares was at firſt very well receiv'd by the Government of Athens, in regard the Troops which were employ'd in it, were paid by Artabazus; and that indeed was the only pretence that could be made for undertaking it: But when they found in what manner the Perſian King re⯑ſented it, they made it a Charge of Treaſon againſt Chares for having exceeded his Com⯑miſſion,Chares ac⯑cus'd, but acquitted. and deſerted the Service of his Coun⯑try. However he found means to ſecure a Party among the People, who brought him off.
Iphicrates and Timotheus were more hardly dealt with,Iphicrates and Ti⯑motheus tried. and for that which had much leſ [...] the Appearance of a Crime, in refuſing to join with him in ruſhing headlong upon the Enemy in a Storm, and combating the Ele⯑ments. But this Matter was ſo aggravated by Chares, that they underwent a formal Trial for it, and, beſides the revoking their Com⯑miſſions, had an heavy Fine impos'd on them. This is the Account Diodorus Siculus gives of it: But the Fact is by others related differently, [225] and with more remarkable Circumſtances;Timothe⯑us fined. That Timotheus was fined an hundred Talents; which being unable to pay, he withdrew himſelf to Chalcis, where he died. The People ſoon after repenting of their Uſage of him, (as it was generally the Caſe with them, when it was too late) remitted nine Parts of the Fine, but ex⯑acted the other ten Talents of his Son Conon towards the Repair of their Walls. It was an odd Circumſtance, and a Reproach to Athens, that thoſe Walls, which had been rebuilt by Conon the Grandfather, out of the Spoils l [...]e had taken from the Enemy, ſhould now be re⯑pair'd by a Fine unjuſtly rais'd upon Conon the Grandſon.
Iphicrates apprehending the ſame Fate with Timotheus, had introduced a Number of young Men into the Court, arm'd with Daggers, which they every now and then, in the courſe of the Trial, took care to expoſe to the View of his Judges, in order to intimidate them. This Menace had the Effect he propos'd, and accordingly he was acquitted.I [...]hicrates acqu [...]tted. Being after⯑wards reproach'd with ſo violent a Proceeding, he ſaid, It would have been a Madneſs in him, if, after having ſucceeded in War for his Fel⯑low-Citizens, he ſhould not have endeavour'd to do the ſame for himſelf. And certainly, what⯑ever Inſult it was upon the publick Juſtice, it was owing to the People themſelves, who, by their capricious, jealous and ungrateſul Behavi⯑our [226] towards their Generals, had forc'd them to theſe Extremities. For whatever their Conduct were, they never knew when they were ſafe. They were no longer regarded, than they were want⯑ed; and when their Service was over, it was approv'd or cenſur'd, according as the Faction for or againſt them prevail'd: In ſhort they lay at the Mercy of every little deſigning De⯑magogue, who had Art enough to inflame the Multitude. Under theſe Diſcouragements, it is not to be wonder'd at, that many of them engag'd themſelves in Foreign Service, or went into a voluntary Exile; inſomuch that there were ſcarce any left to command at home. This is to be look'd upon as one principal Cauſe of the Decay of the Power of Athens, which began now too viſibly to appear. Ne⯑pos ſeems to fix it to this Period of Time, and obſerves, that Chabrias, Iphicrates and Timo⯑theus were the laſt of the Athenian Captains. However, it muſt be confeſs'd, there were ſeve⯑ral conſiderable Men after them, who occaſio⯑nally ſignaliz'd themſelves in the Defence, or other neceſſary Service of their Country: But it is certain, there was not any Number, or regular Succeſſion of ſuch, as were able to keep up the ancient Spirit and Diſcipline of the Troops, or the Grandeur of the Common⯑wealth.
As to Iphicrates, whether, after his Trial, he declined the Service, or was laid aſide by the [227] State, we hear no more of his being employ'd either at home, or abroad; and yet he is ſaid to have liv'd to a good old Age. However Diodorus ſays, he was dead, when the great Battle of Cehronêa was fought in the hundred and tenth Olympiad, but without mentioning the Time and Circumſtances of his Death; and therefore we may reaſonably ſuppoſe, that he ſpent the Remainder of his Days in ſome [...]bſcure Retirement.Character of Iphicra⯑tes. But whatever became of him, he was at this time a great Loſs to the Publick. He had ſerved on many Occaſions, and generally with Succeſs; which was chiefly [...]wing to his Skill and Prudence; and his Ser⯑vice had been very uſeful and ſeaſonable. He was not ſo much noted for the Fame of his Exploits, as for his Art and Improvements in the military Diſcipline, wherein he was very exact, and withal ſevere. He was always up⯑on his Guard, and left as little room for Ac⯑ [...]idents as poſſible. To this purpoſe, when one ask'd him, why he fortify'd his Camp, which he had pitch'd in a Country belonging to his Confederates, he replied, The worſt Speech a General can make, is, I did not think. His Men were ſo perfect in their Exerciſe, and ſo obe⯑dient to Command, that when the Word was given to engage, they knew their Buſineſs, and did it of themſelves, as if every private Man had been directed by the ableſt Oſſicer. This was particularly experienc'd in the War [228] at Corinth, where he put a ſtop to the Pro⯑greſs of Ageſilaus, who would otherwiſe have over-run the States, which were then in Alli ance with Athens. The Men who ſerved un⯑der him, were known by the Name of th [...] Iphicratenſian Troops, and were in the ſame degree of Eſteem in Greece, as the Fabian Sol [...] diers were in Rome. He compared the ſeve⯑ral Parts of an Army to thoſe of an human Body, making the light-arm'd Infantry anſwer to the Hands, the Cavalry to the Feet, the main Body to the Breaſt, and the General t [...] the Head. He chang'd the Faſhion of th [...] Arms and Accoutrements then in uſe, contri⯑ving them chiefly for Eaſe and Expedition and after ſuch a manner, as ſhould moſt ef⯑fectually anſwer the Ends either of annoying or guarding againſt the Enemy. But notwith ſtanding theſe Proofs of his Diligence and Ap⯑plication, he is ſaid to have been naturally in dolent and impatient; which does not ſeen very conſiſtent with the Character of a Man who had work'd his way into the World, and rais'd himſelf from nothing: For he was of very mean Extraction; ſome ſay, a Shoema⯑ker's Son; and yet he carried it off with good Air, when being reproach'd with it b [...] one of his Adverſaries who was deſcended fro [...] Harmodius, 'Tis true, ſaid he, The Luſtre of [...] Family begins in me, and that of yours ends [...] you. The firſt thing that brought him in [...] [229] Repute, was, that in an Action wherein he was wounded, he caught up one of his Enc⯑mies, and carried him alive, and in his Ar⯑mour, to his own Ship. Beſides the Advance⯑ment he made by his perſonal Merit, he had the good Fortune to obtain in Marriage a Daughter of Cotys King of Thrace, by whom he had a Son call'd Meneſtheus; who yet ſeem'd to value himſelf more upon being the Son of an Alhenian Captain, than of a Thracian Prin⯑ceſs: For being ask'd, To which of his Parents [...]e thought [...]e ow'd the greateſt Obligation; he anſwer'd, To my Mother, for that my Father did what he could to make me a Thracian; but my Mother's Part was to make me an Athe⯑nian. Iphicrates, in addition to his warlike Talents, had the Reputation of a good Speaker: But Plutarch blames him for going out of his Province; and ſays, he made himſelf ridiculous by getting Company to his Houſe to declaim to them. He likewiſe mentions an Inſtance of his being quite overpower'd by the Eloquence of his Antagoniſt: But Iphicrates would not give it up; My Adverſaries, ſaid he, have the better Actor, but mine is the better Play.
Timotheus, Character of Timo⯑theus. in a War againſt this Cotys, ob⯑tain'd great Booty to the Value of twelve hun⯑dred Talents, which he deliver'd into the pub⯑lick Treaſury, without reſerving any Part of it to himſelf. This was afterwards remem⯑ber'd to the Shame of his Accuſers, when he [230] was fined an hundred Talents, and forc'd to fly his Country, becauſe he was not able to pay it. He was the more ſenſibly affected with this Misfortune, becauſe he had hardly known before what it was to ſuffer any. He had generally ſucceeded in every thing he took in hand; inſomuch that ſome who envied him on that Score, painted him aſleep, with Fortune by his Side, and caſting Nets over Cities. He did not underſtand Raillery upon this head, but inſiſted ſeriouſly, That Fortune had no Share with him in his Victories, but that they were owing intirely to his Merit. Hereupon, ſays Plutarch, The Goddeſs grew angry, and forſook him; and adds, That from thenceforward nothing proſ⯑per'd with him. However, in the main he was ſo ſucceſsful, that it is ſaid, the Athenians ow'd to him the Recovery of their Dominion at Sea. He certainly contributed greatly towards it; but his Father Conon had laid the Foun⯑dation of it by the Engagement at Cnidus; after which, there were other Circumſtances concurr'd to the breaking the Power of the Spartans; and it has been ſhewn, in what man⯑ner the Athenians took advantage of the Ne⯑ceſſity of their Affairs, even when they were in Alliance with them againſt their common Enemics. Beſides the military Virtues of Ti⯑motheus, wherein he was equal to his Father, he was better skill'd in the Civil Part of the Adminiſtration. He had, by his Parts and In⯑duſtry, [231] attain'd to a good Degree of Know⯑ledge of all kinds, and excell'd particularly in the Art of ſpeaking.
In this firſt Year of the 106th Olympiad, Alexander the Great was born. On the ſame Day that Philip receiv'd the News of it, he had an Account of a great Victory obtain'd by Par⯑menio his General againſt the Illyrians, and like⯑wiſe of his having gain'd the Prize in the Olym⯑pick Games. Upon the Birth of his Son, he wrote a Letter to Ariſtotle the Philoſopher, to acquint him with it, and to recommend to him the Care of his Education, which he did with the higheſt Compliment that could be made. I return Thanks to the Gods, ſaid he, not ſo much for having given me a Son, as for having given him me in the Age, in which Ari⯑ſtotle lives.
THE Social War was no ſooner ended, but another broke out of a longer Continu⯑ance, and of much greater Conſequence. This was call'd The Phocian, or Sacred War, as be⯑ing [232] rais'd and carried on upon a Motive [...] Religion; and, under that Pretence, Greece be came by degrees univerſally involv'd in it The firſt Occaſion of it aroſe from the Pho⯑cians, Olymp. 106. 2. The Grounds of the Phoci⯑an War. who having plough'd up a Piece of Ground belonging to the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, their Neighbours exclaim'd againſt it as Sacrilege; and it was adjudg'd ſo by the Am⯑phictyons, who were aſſembled, as the States General of Greece, for that purpoſe; and an heavy Fine was impos'd on them: Which be⯑ing unable to pay, they refus'd to ſubmit to the Sentence, alledging, that the Care and Pa⯑tronage of the Temple belong'd anciently to them, and they quoted an Authority for it from Homer.
This Spirit of Oppoſition was rais'd by Phi⯑lomelus a principal Man among them,Philome⯑lus the Phocian General. who en⯑courag'd them to take up Arms, and acted as their General. He firſt applied himſelf to the Spartans, who had likewiſe been fined by the Amphictyons, at the Inſtance of the Thebans af⯑ter the Battle of Leuctra, for having ſeiz'd the Cadmêa. For this reaſon they were very well diſpos'd to join with him, but did not yet think it proper to declare themſelves: However they encourag'd his Deſign, and ſup⯑plied him under-hand with Mony; by which means he rais'd Troops, and, without much Difficulty, got poſſeſſion of the Temple. The chief Reſiſtance he met with in the Neighbour⯑hood, [233] was from the Locrians; but having worſted them, he eraſed the Decree of the Amphictyons, which was inſcrib'd on the Pillars of the Temple. However, to ſtrengthen his Authority, and give a Colour to his Proceedings, he thought it con⯑venient to conſult the Oracle, and to procure an Anſwer in his Favour: But when he applied to the Prieſteſs for that Purpoſe, ſhe refus'd to offi⯑ciate, till being intimidated by his Threats, ſhe told him, The God left him at Liberty to act as be pleas'd; which he look'd upon as a good An⯑ſwer, and as ſuch, he took care to divulge it.
This occaſion'd another Aſſembly of the Am⯑phictyons, the Reſult whereof was a formal De⯑charation of War againſt the Phocians. Greece di⯑vided in this War. And the Quarrel being now become more general, the ſe⯑veral States took Part in it, according to their different Intereſts and Inclinations. Athens and Sparta, with ſome others of the Peloponneſians, declar'd for the Phicians; and the Thebans, Theſ⯑ſalians, Locrians, and other neighbouring States againſt them. Philomelus, at his firſt ſetting out, had made great Profeſſions with regard to the Riches of the Temple, which were immenſe, that he would not touch any Part thereof, and that he had no Deſign in making himſelf Maſter of the Temple, but to reſtore the ancient Rights and Privileges of his Country. But having now form'd his Alliances, and being preſs'd for Mo⯑ [...]ny to ſupport them, he grew leſs ſcrupulous; he broke into the Treaſure, and made it a Fund [234] for carrying on the War. With this Supply he encreas'd the Pay of his Men, and by that En⯑couragement got together a conſiderable Army He march'd with above ten thouſand Horſe and Foot againſt the Locrians, The Tranſ⯑actions of the two firſt Years of it. and beat them, not withſtanding that they were ſupported by the Thebans. He did the ſame by the Theſſalians who were likewiſe join'd by their Neighbours But the Thebans at length coming up with thir⯑teen thouſand Men, put a Stop to his Progreſs As they had been the moſt active in procuring the Decree, both againſt the Spartans and Pho⯑cians, ſo they were now the moſt zealous and inveterate againſt them, and purſu'd them wit [...] all the Rage and Rancour of a Religious War inſomuch that having ſurpris'd a great Party o [...] the Phocian Mercenaries that was foraging, the condemn'd and executed them, as ſacrilegiou [...] and accurs'd: But the Phocians made Repriſal upon them, and treating them in the ſame mar ner, brought them to act more according to th [...] Law of Arms. However the However the Thebans aſterwar [...] had the Advantage of them in a woody Part [...] the Country, and over-powering them with Nur [...] ⯑bers, [...]lome⯑lus [...]. made a great Slaughter among them. Ph⯑lomelus in the Purſuit was forc'd up a Precipic and drove to a Point of it, where, to avo falling into the Enemies Hands, he threw him ſelf head-long down the Rock; tho' Juſtin ſay he was kill'd in the Battle. But however the were, he made ſo vigorous a Defence in tl [...] [235] Action, and had throughout conducted his Af⯑fairs ſo well, that if his Cauſe had been better, he might have been compar'd with the greateſt Men of his Time. But according to the Part he acted, he was no otherwiſe look'd upon, than as a bold and wicked Adventurer, who ſtood in Defiance of Gods and Men, and had involv'd his Country in a War, to ſupport him in his Impieties.
Theſe were the Tranſactions of the two firſt Years of the War; during which time Philip was enlarging and ſecuring his Frontier, by taking in ſuch Places as were either convenient for him, or troubleſome to him.Philip takes Me⯑thone, and other Places Of this latter kind was Me⯑thone; which ſerving as a Refuge to his Enemies, he took it by Storm; and having demoliſh'd it, annex'd the Lands to Macedonia. During the Siege, one of his Eyes was ſtruck out with an Ar⯑row; and the Circumſtance of it affected him more than the Wound itſelf. For one Aſter of Amphipolis having offer'd him his Service as an extraordinary Markſman, who could take a Bird down flying, Well, ſaid Philip, when I wage War with Sterlings, I'll employ you. The Man was ſo nettled with this Anſwer, that he threw himſelf into the Town, and ſhot an Arrow at him with this Inſcription on it, At Philip's right Eye. Philip return'd it to him with another Inſcription, That he would hang up After, if he took the Town; and he was as good as his Word. However he was ſo aſham'd of this Accident, that he did not [236] afterwards care to talk of an Eye, and could no bear the mention of the Word Cyclops.
The Thebans concluding,Olymp. 106. 4. Onomar⯑chus ſuc⯑ceeds Phi⯑lomelus. that the Death [...] Philomelus had deterr'd the Phocians from proſe cuting the War, withdrew their Forces. But h [...] was ſucceeded by Onomarchus, who was perſonally intereſted in carrying it on: For the Amphictyon. had laid ſeveral Fines upon him, which he wa [...] not able to diſcharge. He therefore gather'd up the Remains of the Army, and recruited it. For this Purpoſe he coin'd Mony; with which he alſo confirm'd his Confederates, and bought off ſome of his Enemies. The Theſſalians, who were th [...] moſt formidable of them, he engag'd to ſtand neuter: But Philip ſoon after fix'd them in his Intereſt, by freeing them from their Tyrants Their Caſe was, that Lycophron of Pherae, who ſucceeded his Brother Alexander, after he had aſ⯑ſiſted in his Murther, ſet out at firſt as their Deliverer, and govern'd with Moderation; bu⯑ſoon after treading in his Predeceſſors Steps, the begg'd Philip's Aſſiſtance againſt him. Lyce⯑phron at the ſame time had Recourſe to the Pho⯑cians: And thus by their Quarrel among the [...] ſelves, they were drawn again into the Gener [...] one. Onomarchus therefore, as well in Behalf [...] the Tyrant, as to ſupport the Cauſe of the Ph⯑cians, began the Hoſtilities. He took ſever; Places, and invading Boeotia, the Thebans wet again call'd out to ſtop his further Progreſs which they did with ſome Difficulty, having ju [237] before ſent five thouſand Men, under the Com⯑mand of Pammenes, to the Aſſiſtance of Artaba⯑zus in Aſia, where they had good Succeſs, and did Honour to their Country.
Onomarchus in the mean time gain'd great Ad⯑vantages againſt Philip in two ſeveral Actions,His Suc⯑ceſſes a⯑gainſt Phi⯑lip. and ſtruck ſuch a Terror into his Men, that he had much ado to bring them again into the Field. However being reinforc'd, it came to a general Battle, with twenty thouſand Men on each Side.But at length is defeated. taken and executed. Six thouſand on the Side of the Pho⯑cians were kill'd on the Spot, and three thouſand taken Priſoners. Among the former was Ono⯑marchus, whoſe Body Philip caus'd to be hang'd up; and the Priſoners he order'd to be thrown into the Sea, as guilty of the Sacrilege. This rais'd an Opinion of his Zeal for Religion, which he knew how to make a right uſe of: And it paſs'd likewiſe for a Mark of his Juſtice and Ge⯑neroſity, with reſpect to the Theſſalians, who were by this Means reſtor'd to their Liberty: For Ly⯑cophron went off upon the general Rout; and he and his Brother Pitholaus quitted Pherae, tho' afterwards they appear'd again in Arms, and en⯑deavour'd by Means of the Phocians, to be re⯑inſtated. The Theſſalians very well deſerv'd this Piece of Service: For the Succeſs of the Battle was owing chiefly to their Horſe; which Philip was ſo ſenſible of, that he took care to maintain a conſtant Friendſhip and Alliance with them; [238] and they had a great Part in the ſucceſſive Victo⯑ries of his Reign.
Onmarchus was ſucceede in the Command by his Brother Phayllus, Olymp. 107. 1. Succeeded by his Bro⯑ther Phayl⯑lus. who took the ſame Me⯑thods that his Predeceſſors had done to ſupport himſelf. He had a great Command of Mony, which being diſtributed very liberally, he en⯑creas'd the Number of his Confederates, and eaſily got a freſh Supply of Mercenaries; with which he march'd into Boeotia, but was worſted there in three ſeveral Engagements. From thence he remov'd into Locris, where he had more equal Succeſs; and after he had taken ſome Towns, he was ſeiz'd with a lingering Illneſs, of which he died.
The Courſe of the War had like to have been interrupted by a Quarrel between the Spartans and the Inhabitants of Megalopolis. The Spar⯑tans create freſh Diſ⯑turbances. The latter being unable to defend themſelves, call'd in the Argives, Sicyonians and Meſſenians, to their Aſſiſtance; and the Thebans afterwards joining them, they became an over-match for the Spartans; who thereupon borrow'd three thouſand Foot of the Phocians; and Lycophron, with his Brother Pi⯑tholaus, came in to them with a ſmall Party of Horſe. But notwithſtanding theſe Preparations, after the taking a Town or two, which occa⯑ſion'd ſome ſharp Engagements, wherein the Spartans at length had the better, a Truce was agreed upon, and the Armies ſeparated.
[239] Upon the Death of Phayllus, Phalecus ſucceeds Phayllus. the Command was given to Phalecus, the Son of Onomarchus, who being very young, Mnaſeas was aſſign'd to him as his Director, and was kill'd in the firſt Action that happen'd. However the War was continu'd by Skirmiſhes, and mutual Incurſions and Depredations. The Thebans had in this piqueering way got a good deal of Plunder: But as the Burthen of the War lay chiefly upon them, they were ſo drain'd,Olymp. 107. 2. that they were re⯑duc'd to the laſt Extremity; and ſending to the King of Perſia for a Supply, he readily furniſh'd ther with three hundred Talents.
Philip had not as yet been directly engag'd in this War. For what he had done againſt Ono⯑marchus, was only by Accident, and in Conſe⯑quence of his protecting the Theſſalians againſt their Tyrants. However his Succeſs in that Action, and the general Eſteem he had gain'd by his other Exploits, had now enlarg'd his Views, and put him upon endeavouring to gain a footing in Greece. Philip pre⯑vented in his Deſign upon Thermopylae In order to it, under a Pretence of marching againſt the Phocians, he attempted to poſſeſs himſelf of the famous Paſs in the Streights of Thermopyl [...]e, which he call'd, The Key of Greece. But the Athenians, who were more immediately expos'd by this Paſſage, took the Alarm, and prevented him; ſo that he was forc'd to wait a more fit Opportunity. In the mean time he purſu'd his Conqueſts at home, enlarging his. Frontier towards Thrace, taking [240] Towns upon the Helleſpont, and making ſuch fur⯑ther Encroachments on all Sides, as might facili⯑tate his great and principal Deſign of invading Greece.
The ſtopping his Progreſs at Thermopylae, The Riſe and Cha⯑racter of Demoſthe⯑nes. was owing chiefly to Demoſthenes, who had began to diſtinguiſh himſelf ſoon after the Concluſion of the Social War, when the Athenians were alarm'd at the great Preparations which were making in Perſia. He afterwards appear'd in Behalf of the Megalopolitans and Rhodians, that they might be protected and ſupported againſt Sparta or Thebes; or any other State, which might, by ſuch an Ac⯑ceſſion, give Umbrage to Athens, and deſtroy the Balance of Power. But he began now to exert himſelf in a more extraordinary manner; and he had from this time forwards ſo great a Share in the Affairs of the Publick, that a particular Account of him, beſides the doing Juſtice to the Character of ſo wonderful a Man, may ſerve, in a great meaſure, to explain and illuſtrate the Hiſ⯑tory of the Times he liv'd in. The chief Re⯑gard that has been paid to his Memory, has generally been on account of his Eloquence. But he was likewiſe a very able Stateſman, and a good Patriot; and conſidering the Embaſſies and Ex⯑peditions, the Treaties and Alliances, and other various Negotiations wherein he was employ'd together with the Zeal and Integrity with which he acted in them, it may be queſtion'd whether he did not excel as much in thoſe Capacities, a [241] in that of an Orator; tho' it muſt be confeſs'd, that his Art of Speaking was the Foundation of his other Merit, or at leaſt the Means of pro⯑ducing it to Advantage, and improving it. But notwithſtanding that he arriv'd to ſuch a Per⯑fection in this Art, he ſet out under great Diſ⯑advantages: For he had an Impediment in his Speech, with a weak Voice, and a ſhort Breath, and a very uncouth and ungracious Manner; however by Dint of Reſolution, and infinite Pains, he overcame all theſe Defects. He would climb up ſteep and craggy Places to help his Wind, and ſtrengthen his Voice; he would declaim with Pebbles in his Mouth, to remedy the Imperfection in his Speech; he would place [...] Looking-Glaſs before him, to correct the Aukwardneſs of his Geſture; and he learn'd of the beſt Players the proper Graces of Action and Pronunciation, which he thought of ſo much Conſequence, that he made the whole Art of [...]ratory in a manner to conſiſt of them. But whatever Streſs he laid upon the exterior Part of [...]peaking; he was alſo very careful about the [...]atter, and the Stile; the latter of which he [...]orm'd upon the Model of Thucydides, whoſe Hiſtory, for that Purpoſe, he tranſcrib'd eight ſe⯑eral times. He was ſo intent upon his Study, [...]at he would often retire in [...]o a Cave of the [...]arth, and ſhave half his Head, ſo that he could [...]ot with Decency appear abroad, 'till his Hair [...]s grown again. He alſo accuſtom'd himſelf [242] to harangue at the Sea Shore, where the Agita tion of the Waves form'd to him an Idea of the Commotions in a popular Aſſembly, and ſerv'd to prepare and fortify him againſt them.
From theſe ſeveral Kinds of Hardſhip, which he impos'd upon himſelf, it is plain that he was not born an Orator, but was rather an Inſtance how far Parts and Application may go, towards the forming a great Man in any Profeſſion. To add to which, he had a great deal of Ambition to ſpur him on; and that which heighten'd it or rather gave the firſt Riſe to it, was a famous Cauſe in a Matter of Diſpute concerning Or [...] pus, whether that City belong'd to the Attick of [...] the Theban Frontier. Calliſtratus, who pleaded in Behalf of the Athenians, ſucceeded well, and receiv'd extraordinary Applauſe; which ſo af fected Demoſthenes, that from that Inſtant, tho [...] he was then but ſixteen Years old, he fix'd hi [...] Reſolution, and turn'd his Thoughts wholly th [...] way. And indeed the Study of Oratory was a that Time the readieſt, and almoſt the only Means of riſing in the State. His firſt Eſſay at the Bar, was two Years after this Incident when he call'd his Guardians to account for im bezzling his Patrimony, and recover'd ſome Par of it. This encourag'd him ſome time after a harangue before the People in their publick Aſſem bly; but he acquitted himſelf ſo ill, that they hiſs'd him. However he ventur'd a ſecond time but with no better Succeſs than before; ſo th [...] [243] [...]he went away aſhamed and confounded, and quite in Deſpair. It was upon this Occaſion that Satyrus the Player accoſted him, and in a friendly way encourag'd him to proceed. With this View, he ask'd him to repeat to him ſome Verſes of Sophocles or Euripides, which he ac⯑cordingly did; the other repeated them after him, but with ſuch a different Spirit and Ca⯑dence, as made him ſenſible, that he knew very little of Elocution. But by his Inſtructions, and his own Perſeverance, he at length made himſelf maſter of it; and by the Methods before-men⯑tion'd, he corrected the Imperfections which were born with him, as well as the ill Habits which he had contracted. It is not very clear, wheter this Paſſage be rightly aſcrib'd to Saty⯑ [...]us, who ſeems to be confounded with Neoptole⯑mus and Andronicus, who were likewiſe famous Comedians; and Demoſthenes is ſaid to have been inſtructed by all three of them.
With theſe Advantages and Improvements, he appear'd again in publick, and ſucceeded ſo well, that People flock'd from all Parts of Greece to hear him. From hence he was look'd upon as the Standard of true Eloquence; inſomuch that none of his Countrymen have been put in Com⯑pariſon with him; nor even among the Romans, any but Cicero: And tho' it has been made a Queſtion by the ancient Writers, to which of the two they ſhould give the Preference, they have not ventur'd to decide it, but have contented [244] themſelves with deſcribing their different Beauties and ſhewing that they were both perfect in their kind. But to confine myſelf to Demoſthenes, hi kind of Eloquence was grave and auſtere, lik [...] his Temper, but withal maſculine and ſublime bold, forcible and impetuous; abounding with Metaphors, Apoſtrophes, and Interrogations which, with his ſolemn way of invoking and ap⯑pealing to the Gods, the Planets, the Elements, and the Manes of thoſe who ſell at Salamis and Marathon, had ſuch a wonderful Effect upon his Hearers, that they thought him inſpir'd. If he had not ſo much Softneſs and Inſinuation, as is often requiſite in an Orator, it was not that he wanted Art and Delicacy, when the Cafe requir'd it; he knew how to found the Inclinations of the People, and to lead them to the Point he aim'd at, and ſometimes by ſeeming to propoſe that which was directly contrary to it. But his chief Characteriſtick was Vehemence, both in the Ac⯑tion and Expreſſion; and indeed that was the Qualification of all others moſt wanted at this time. For the People were grown ſo inſolent and imperious, ſo factious and divided, ſo jealous of the Power of the Democracy, and withal [...]e [...]n k into a State of Pleaſure and Indolence, that no Arts of Perſuaſion would have been ſo effectual. as that Spirit and Reſolution, that Force and E⯑nergy of Demoſthenes, to humble them, to unite them, and to rouſe them into a Senſe of their common Danger.
[245] But neither could Demoſthenes himſelf have made ſuch Impreſſions on them, if his Talent of ſpeaking had not been ſupported by their Opi⯑nion of his Integrity. It was that which added Weight and Emphaſis to every thing he ſaid, and animated the Whole. It was that which chiefly engag'd their Attention, and determin'd their Counſels, when they were convinc'd that he ſpoke from his Heart, and had no Intereſt to manage, but that of the Community. And this he gave the ſtrongeſt Proofs of in his Zeal a⯑gainſt Philip, who ſaid, He was of more Weight againſt him, than all the Fleets and Armies of the Athenians; and that he had no Enemy but De⯑moſthenes. He was not wanting in his Endea⯑vours to corrupt him, as he had moſt of the leading Men in Greece; but he withſtood all his Offers, and Plutarch ſays, all the Gold of Macedonia could not bribe him. And yet as inflexible as he was to Philip, he became more pliable in the Reign of his Succeſſor, and gave occaſion to his Enemies to accuſe him of Bribery; for which he was fin'd and impriſon'd, and afterwards baniſh'd. This Charge againſt him has by ſome been thought a malicious and groundleſs Calumny, and the rather, becauſe he was not allow'd to juſtify himſelf. But the Fact is ſo generally related by others, and with ſo many Circum⯑ſtances, that it is not eaſily to be reſuted. The Caſe in ſhort was, That Harpalus, an Officer of Allexander's, having imbezzled a great Part of [246] the Treaſure that he had been entruſted with, made up a Purſe, and retir'd with it to Athens for Protection. It was debated by the People, whether they ſhould admit him, for fear of in⯑curring his Maſter's Diſpleaſure, and involving themſelves in a War; and Demoſthenes conſider⯑ing it in that Light, oppos'd it. Harpalus, to remove all Difficulties, diſpers'd his Mony pretty liberally among the Orators; and as he was diſ⯑playing his Wealth, Demoſthenes happen'd to fix his Eyes on a rich Gold Cup of the King's, and admiring the Sculpture and Faſhion, ask'd the Price of it. Harpalus took the Hint, and at Night ſent it home to him, together with twenty Talents in Mony. The next Day he appear'd in the Aſſembly muffled up about his Throat; and when he was expected to ſpeak to the Point in Queſtion, he made Signs that he had loſt his Voice. But his Tranſaction with Harpalus had taken Wind; and when he found himſelf detected, he roſe up to excuſe it; but the People were ſo enrag'd, that they would not hear him: Whereupon a certain Wag ſtood up and ſaid, What, will ye not hear the King's Cup⯑bearer? Others ſaid, Surely, the Orator had not been ſeiz'd that Night with a Silver Squinzy; and they had coin'd a* Word on purpoſe to expreſs it. Demoſthenes could not ſtand this Contempt and Raillery of his Fellow-Citizens, who had hitherto eſteem'd and reſpected him, even to a Sort of Reverence; and it affected him the more, [247] becauſe he had piqu'd himſelf ſo much more than others upon the Rigidneſs of his Virtue, which indeed was the chief Foundation of that extraordinary Reſpect which had been paid him. But the Itch of Mony had infected him; and this was not the only inſtance of his receiving Preſents in a clandeſtine and unwarrantable man⯑ner. As a further Argument that he did not deſpiſe Mony, he was reproach'd with dealing in Bottomry, which in thoſe Days was look'd upon as a ſcandalous way of Traffick: And therefore Zeno, who likewiſe practis'd it ſome time after him, gave it up as a thing that would hurt the Credit of his Philoſophy. But however Demoſthenes was in ſome Degree tainted with the general Corruption of the Times, he does not ſeem to have lov'd Mony ſo much for its own Sake, as to ſerve the Ends of his Ambition: Wherein he copied after Pericles, whom he like⯑wiſe choſe to imitate in his manner of ſpeaking. He had not the Command as the other had of the publick Mony, and therefore was not in a Capacity of doing ſo many great and popular Acts: But he repair'd the City Walls, ſitted out Ships, ranſom'd Slaves, married poor Maidens, entertain'd the People with Shews and Sports, and did ſuch other things of that kind, as were within the Compaſs of his private Fortune. And this ſeems the moſt plauſible way of accounting for the Methods he took to get Mony, and to improve it.
[248] But whatever might be alledg'd in his Excuſe as to Mony Matters, he had another Failing, which, by his own confeſſion, he was guilty of, and that was want of Courage, as will be more particularly related in its proper Place. In the mean time, I would only obſerve the ſtrange Inconſiſtency in the Compoſition of this Great Man, who, with ſuch Conſtancy and Intrepidity, oppos'd all the Meaſures of the Foreign and Domeſtick Enemies of his Country, and who ſo often, at the Hazard of his Life, brav'd the Madneſs of the People in their Aſſemblies, and yet could not ſtand an Enemy in the Field. He choſe, ſays Plutarch, to ſwear by thoſe who fell at Maratnon, tho' he could not follow their Example. And what is ſtill more extraordinary, he after⯑wards refus'd Life when it was offer'd him; and Nobody died with greater Fortitude. Theſe Frailties which I have mention'd, could not but take off a great deal from the Luſtre of his Cha⯑acter; inſomuch that Phocion, who ſucceeded him, tho' in ſeveral Reſpects he was not equal to him, beſides that he was ſuſpected to favour the Macedonian Intereſt, yet being more re⯑markable for his perſonal Juſtice and Valour, he was therefore look'd upon as the greater Man. However Demoſthenes, ſuch as he was, did more Service to the State than any of his Contempo⯑raries: He was the chief Bulwark, not only of Athens, but of Greece in general, and almoſt the only Obſtacle to Philip's Deſigns of enſlaving [249] it. Which leads us now into an Enquiry how thoſe Deſigns were laid, and how far they ſuc⯑ceeded.
The two next Years of the Phocian War paſs'd without any memorable Action, tho' it was ſtill continu'd by Skirmiſhes and mutual Depreda⯑tions. Philip had now no Part in it. But when he found himſelf ſhut out of Greece by the Athenians, he turn'd his Arms againſt thoſe re⯑mote Places, which depended on them, either as Colonies, or as Conqueſts: and particularly a⯑gainſt the Olynthians, whom he had long look'd upon with an evil Eye, but had courted and ca⯑joled them whilſt he was otherwiſe employ'd. But he came now reſolv'd entirely to reduce 'em;Olymp. 108. 1. Philip's Deſign upon Olynthus. and advancing towards the City, only ſent them a ſhort Meſſage, to let them know, That one of theſe two Points was become neceſſary, either that they muſt quit Olynthus, or he Macedonia: Where⯑upon they ſent immediately to Athens for Relief. The Matter was debated there with great Solem⯑nity; and Demoſthenes was very earneſt in ſup⯑porting their Demand:Demoſthe⯑nes preſſes the Athe⯑nians to re⯑lieve it: In the doing whereof, he took occaſion to lay open the Deſigns and Practices of Philip, inveighing againſt him with great Bitterneſs, and urging every thing that might ſerve to incenſe the People againſt him. He deſcrib'd him as a proud tyrannical Uſur⯑per,Deſertbes Philip. and a common Diſturber of Mankind; without Faith or Confidence; without any Prin⯑ciple of Honour or Juſtice, or any Regard to [250] Laws, Human or Divine. Then as to the Dan⯑ger they might apprehend from him, he repre⯑ſented him likewiſe as politick, vigilant, inde⯑fatigable, intrepid and fortunate, who fought as ſucceſsfully with his Mony as his Sword, and knew how to corrupt where he could not con⯑quer. But leſt, from this Account of him, he ſhould appear ſo formidable to the People, that they might be diſcourag'd from endeavouring to ſtop his Progreſs, he ſhew'd him in another Light, as vain, preſumptuous, raſh and impru⯑dent, forming Schemes without any Founda⯑tion; and meaſuring the Vaſtneſs of his Deſigns only by the Standard of his Ambition. From theſe different Views of him, which were varied according to the different Impreſſions that were to be made upon the People, we may collect al⯑moſt the whole of his Character: But the Orator, in framing this Picture of him, muſt be ſaid to have drawn the Lines a little too ſtrong, and to have heighten'd the Colours too much by the Warmth of his Zeal, and the Force of his Elo⯑cution. And yet theſe Exaggerations were ne⯑ceſſary at this Time, in order to inflame the People: For Philip had his Partizans among the Orators, who combated and oppos'd every thing that was urg'd againſt him.
One of the ableſt and moſt zealous of them,Character of Dema⯑des. was Demades, who was very ready and acute, and remarkable for ſpeaking extempore, as any Occaſion offer'd. Herein he had manifeſtly the [251] Advantage of Demoſthenes, whoſe Works were ſaid to ſmell of the Lamp. And hence it was, that Theophraſtus being ask'd his Opinion of the two Orators, anſwer'd, That Demoſthenes was worthy of the City of Athens; but that Dema⯑des was above it. However Demoſthenes had, upon ſome very important Occaſions, ſucceed⯑ed well in the unpremeditated way of haran⯑guing; but it being not his uſual Method, nor his natural Talent, he diſcouraged the Practice of it. And therein he made uſe of an artful Argument, That to ſpeak before the People in an abrupt manner, and without due Prepa⯑ration, was not treating them with Reſpect; that it had ſomewhat of an Oligarchical Prin⯑ciple in it, and was rather bearing them down by Force, than winning them by Perſuaſion. As to Demades, whatever his Wit and Parts were, he was very mercenary and corrupt: And when he was charg'd with it, he ſaid, He had often ſpoke againſt himſelf, but never againſt his Coun⯑try. But there is an Inſtance recorded of him, wherein he ſeem'd rather to value himſelf up⯑on it, than to excuſe it: For meeting one day with a Player, who had receiv'd a Talent as a Reward for a Part that he had excell'd in, It is not ſo extraodinary, ſaid Demades, to have one Talent given you for ſpeaking; I had Ten given me for hold⯑ing my Tongue. His proſtituting himſelf in this manner, was chiefly to ſupport his Luxury: For he was naturally profuſe and gluttonous; and [252] hence it was, that when he was grown old, Antipater compar'd him to a ſacrificed Beaſt, of which all the Parts were conſum'd, but the Tongue and the Paunch. He was ſome⯑times upon good Terms with Demoſthenes ac⯑cording as it ſerv'd his preſent Purpoſe: but the Rivaiſhip in their Profeſſion, with the dif⯑ferent Caſt of their Tempers and their Poli⯑ticks, made it impracticable for them to live in any real Friendſhip. On the contrary, they were generally at Variance; and at length it came to an open Enmity, which in the Sequel will appear to have coſt Demoſthenes his L [...]e.
Another of the ſame Stamp with Demades, and of Hyperi⯑des. was Hyperides, both as to his Parts and Prin⯑ciples, and his riotous Manner of living. He had a more premeditated way of ſpeaking; but with the ſame kind of Wit and Acrimony, tho' he was not ſo quick. He is generally rank'd with Demoſthenes, and is mention'd as one of the Ten Principal Orators of that Age, tho' Plutarch does not reckon him in that Number. He took a great deal of pains to ingratiate himſelf with the People, and had no Ties of Faith or Friendſhip, but as they ſerv'd that End. However he was not much in the Ad⯑miniſtration of Affairs 'till the Reign of Alex⯑ander: And then he acted ſuch a double Par [...] between the Patriot and the Traitor, that he was at laſt enſnar'd by his own Politicks, and ſell a Sacrifice to the Reſentment of An [...]pater [253] Such were moſt of the leading Men in the Aſſemblies, and ſuch was generally their End. To carry on their own private Views, they inflamed the People, and deluded them with falſe Colours, 'till they had drawn them either into an unneceſſary War, or a bad Peace: But ſooner or later they ſuffer'd for it, and were either made particular Marks of Vengeance, or involved in the common Ruin of their Coun⯑try. This was more remarkably the Caſe at Athens, which had been always look'd upon as the chief Seat of Eloquence, and never a⯑bounded with ſo many eminent Speakers as at this time. But that which was the Glory of this Common-wealth, muſt at the ſame time be conſider'd as one principal Cauſe that haſt⯑en'd its Downfall, and drew along with it that of the other Grecian States.
But to return to Demoſthenes, his ſteady and uniform Conduct ſupported him for many Years againſt Demades, and the reſt of his Antago⯑niſts; and he got the better of them in the preſent Caſe of the Olynthians; tho' he was not able to obtain ſuch ſeaſonable and effectual Relief for them, as the Neceſſity of their Af⯑fairs required, notwithſtanding that he preſs'd it with all the Skill and Arguments that he was Maſter of.Demoſt⯑henes ſtill preſſes the R [...]l [...]ef of Olynthus. He told the People how much they were oblig'd in Juſtice and Honour to ſupport their Allies; and how much their own Safety depended on it; for that if Olynthus [254] ſhould be taken, the next Attempt would be upon Athens. He reproach'd them with their In [...] ſenſibility and Sloth, to which he chiefly aſcrib' [...] all Philip's Greatneſs; and caution'd them againſ [...] the Treachery and Enchantment of their Ora tors. He advis'd them to reform Abuſes; to reſtore the Ancient Order and Diſcipline; to ſerve in the Wars in perſon, as they had for [...] merly done; to lay aſide their private Ani [...] moſities; to unite againſt Philip as their com [...] mon Enemy, and to furniſh the neceſſary Sup⯑plies.
But this latter was the great Point in que⯑ſtion, and that which had occaſion'd moſt of their late Diſſenſions, the Fund for the Wa [...] (as has before been obſerv'd) having been ap [...] plied to the Uſe of the Stage. The Mony ariſing from this Fund was computed at a thou [...] ſand Talents a Year; and a certain Proportior of it was allotted to the Citizens, to defra [...] the Charge of their Admittance into the The atre. This Diſtribution having been continue [...] to them from the Time of Pericles, they claim' [...] it now as their Right, eſpecially ſince they ha [...] lately obtain'd a Law, which made it capital t [...] propoſe the reſtoring the Fund to the Uſes ſo which it was originally granted. Hence it was that upon any preſſing Emergency, extraordi [...] ⯑nary Taxes were to be rais'd; and they wer [...] laid ſo unequally, and collected with ſo muc [...] Difficulty, that they ſeldom anſwer'd the Se [...] [255] vice for which they were intended. The wealthier Sort complain'd, that the Burthen lay wholly upon them, and that the Publick Mony was ſquander'd away in Shews and Feſtivals, for the Entertainment of the lower Rank of the Citizens, who fat at their Eaſe, and contribu⯑ted nothing to the Support of the Publick, either in their Purſe, or their Perſons. They retorted upon the Rich, that they enjoy'd all the Honours and great Offices of the State, excluſive of the common People; and as they had the Law on their Side, with Numbers to ſupport it, they gave little Attention to any Remonſtrances that were made upon this Head. Demoſthenes, who had nothing in view but the General Good, thought it neceſſary to ſound the People upon this Subject, and enter'd as far into it as he could with Safety; He pro⯑pos'd, that Commiſſioners ſhould be appointed to inſpect the Laws in general, not in order to make new Ones, for that there were already too many; but that ſuch of them, as ſhould be ſound prejudicial to the Publick, might be a⯑boliſhed. At the ſame time he urg'd the pre⯑ſent Neceſſity of raiſing Forces, and mention⯑ed the Theatrical Mony as the only proper Fund for it. In Concluſion he told them plain⯑ly, that the Law relating to it ought to be repeal'd. However he took care to deliver it only as his Opinion, without propoſing it in form, ſo as to ſubject himſelf to the Penalty.
[256] This was the Subſtance of the three famous Orations of Demoſthenes, upon occaſion of three ſeveral Applications that the Olynthians made to Athens for Succours. The firſt of them pro⯑duced no Effect in their behalf. Upon the ſe⯑cond, Chares was diſpatch'd to them with thir⯑ty Gallies and two thouſand Men. But theſe being Hirelings and Strangers, did them very little Service: Which occaſion'd theird Ap⯑plication, wherein they deſired true Athenian Troops, whom they could better depend on. And accordingly Chares was ſent out again with ſeventeen Gallies, and a Body of two thouſand Foot and three hundred Horſe, com⯑pos'd intirely of the Citizens of Athens.
But the Olynthians continued block'd up; and whatever Benefit they might have received from this laſt Sapply, they were prevented by Philip, who, by the Correſpondence he held in the Town, had corrupted Euthycrates and La⯑ſthenes the two chief Magiſtrates,Olynthus be [...]ay'd to Philip. who betray'd it into his hands. He enter'd and plunder'd it, and ſold the Inhabitants among the reſt of the Booty. He alſo found in it his two Ba⯑ſtard Brothers, whom he put to death, as he formerly had the other of them, being jealous of their ſupplanting him in the Throne. This Circumſtance of his Brothers is related only by Juſtin, who alſo makes the harbouring them in the Town, the Pretence for Philip's inveſt⯑ing it. He found in it Abundance of Trea⯑ſure, [257] which he reſerv'd as a Fund for the gain⯑ing other Places in the ſame manner. In the mean time he ſhew'd extraordinary Marks of Joy for the taking Olynthus, as a Place of the greateſt Importance: He celebrated publick Games, gave Shews and Feſtivals, and made Preſents to thoſe who aſſiſted at them.
One of the remarkable Occurrences of this firſt Year of the 108th Olympiad, Death and Character of Plato. was the Death of Plato, which happen'd ſuddenly in the midſt of an Entertainment, that he had made for his Friends upon his Birth-day, which compleated the Eighty firſt Year of his Age. By his Fa⯑ther's Side, he was of Royal Extraction, and by his Mother he was deſcended from Solon: But he is not ſo much taken notice of for his high Birth, as for the Figure he made in the World by his Philoſophy. He was a Scho⯑lar of Socrates; but was more lively and fer⯑ [...]le in his Imagination, more ſublime and flo⯑ [...]d in his Diction, and more copious and ex⯑tenſive in his Matter. Inſtead of conſining him⯑ſelf, after his Example, to the Study of Mo⯑ [...]ality only, he took in the whole Compaſs of [...]hiloſophy, and had diſtinct Maſters for each [...]rticular Branch of it. To add to the Im⯑ [...]rovements he made under them, he travell'd [...]nto Italy, Sicily, Aegypt and Perſia. In In Aegypt he [...] ſuppos'd to have been made acquainted with the [...]ooks of Moſes, by means of the Jews, who were [...]try numerous there after the Captivity. Hence it [258] was, that Clemens Alexandrinus call'd him the Attick Moſes. And he appears, in ſeveral Part [...] of his Works, to have had ſome diſtinct No [...] tions of a ſupreme Being, and of the Immor [...] tality of the Soul. Some have pretended, bu [...] upon a very ſhallow Foundation, to diſcove [...] in him an Idea of the Trinity, and other My [...] ſteries of Chriſtianity. But whatever Senti [...] ments he had above the common receiv'd No⯑tions of the Religion of his Country, the Ex⯑ample of Socrates had deterr'd him from de [...] claring himſelf too planly; and therefore h [...] choſe, in the way of Dialogue, to couch hi [...] Opinions under the Names of others. But ſome ſay, it was his extreme Modeſty and Diff [...] dence of himſelf, and the great Veneration he paid to his Maſter, that made him imitate him in this Manner of writing, and that for theſe Rea⯑ſons it was, that Socrates is made to ſpeak wha [...] Plato thought. His Method of explaining thing [...] by Numbers, he learnt in the Pythagrorean School in Italy; and his manner of expreſſing him [...] ſelf by Allegories and Symbols, he took from the Aegyptians. But thoſe Parts of his Wri [...] tings appeear too myſterious and refined; as doe [...] likewiſe his Doctrine of Ideas; which, notwith ſtanding the many long Diſſertations of th [...] Learned upon it, ſeems to have been very littl [...] underſtood. Upon his Return from his Tra [...] vels, he was courted to take a part in the Go [...] vernment; but he choſe to lead a quiet and [259] contemplative Life, and he purſued his Studies to the laſt Day of it. The teaching Philoſo⯑phy being at this time eſteem'd very honour⯑able, he ſet up his School in the Academy juſt without the City, and from thence he was ſti⯑led The Founder of the Academick Sect. That he had no regard to the gainful Part of his Profeſſion, is plain from his Contempt of Riches: For he divided his Eſtate, which was very con⯑ſiderable, among his Brothers, reſerving to him⯑ſelf only a little Country-Seat, with a ſmall Garden. Notwithſtanding his Application to Study, he had none of that Gloomineſs and Auſterity in his Temper, which was common to moſt of his Profeſſion. On the contrary, he was chearful and facetious, and ſometimes lov'd Raillery; but it was always inoffenſive and with good Manners, and only to enliven the Converſation. He preſcrib'd the ſame Rules of Behaviour to his Scholars; and hence it was, that he recommended it ſo ſtrongly to them, To ſacrifice to the Graces. He was as univerſally belov'd and careſs'd for his engaging Manner, and the Eaſineſs of his Temper, as he was eſteem'd and admir'd for his Knowledge. Af⯑ter his Death, Kings and Common-wealths ere⯑cted Statues, and dedicated Altars to him; ſo that his Memory became ſacred, his Doctrine was eſtabliſh'd, and he has paſs'd, both with Pa⯑gans and Chriſtians, under the Name of The Divine Plato.
[260] During the Tranſactions at Olynthus, the Pho⯑cian War was continued: But ſuch a terrible Havock was made of the Treaſure of the Tem⯑ple, that the Phocians themſelves being at length grown aſham'd of it, appointed Commiſſarie [...] to inquire into it, and turn'd Phalecus out o [...] the Command; however he was reſtor'd to i [...] again after Juſtice had been done on thoſe wh [...] had been employ'd as his Agents.Olymp. 108. 2. The Pu⯑niſhment of thoſe who had rifled the Tem⯑ple. The Bull of the Mony had been entruſted with one Phil [...] who was condemn'd, and rack'd to death. I [...] the Extremity of his Torture, he named man [...] of his Accomplices, who were likewife put t [...] death, notwithſtanding that they had given u [...] what was remaining in their Hands. The Va [...] lue of what had been riſled in the Courſe o [...] the War, in Mony and rich Preſents, with o [...] ther things dedicated to the Uſe of the Tem [...] ple, amounted in the whole to above ten thou [...] ſand Talents; which was an immenſe Sum, and is ſaid to be more than Alexander afterward found in the Treaſury of the Perſians.
Philip had for the moſt part affected to ob [...] ſerve a Neutrality in this Quarrel: But by th [...] ſmall Part he had already acted in it, it wa [...] eaſily ſeen that he intended to do more. I [...] the mean time he left the contending Parties t [...] haraſs and weaken one another, that he migh [...] afterwards fall in with thoſe who could be [...] moſt uſe to him; and the Caſe happen'd no [...] according to his Expectations. For the Theban [261] were ſo exhauſted with the War, that they were not able to carry it on to any Advantage, and therefore had recoſe to him for his Aſſiſtance;The The⯑bans call in Philip to their Aſſiſtance. which he made no Difficulty of granting them. This was a very lucky Circumſtance for the promoting his Views; but it was the moſt fatal Step the Thebans could have taken, both with re⯑gard to themſelves, and the reſt of Greece. The ill Conſequen⯑ces of it. Their calling in one who was as yet to be look'd upon as a Foreigner, and who only waited ſuch an Opportunity, was ſacrificing every thing to their Obſtinacy and Inveteracy againſt the Pho⯑cians; it was giving up all thoſe Marks of Su⯑periority, which they pretended to upon the Credit of their Victories under Epaminondas; in ſhort, it was conſigning themſelves over to Slavery, and forging their own Chains. And with regard to the Publick, the Conſequences will appear to be ſtill worſe. The Theſſalians who had been inveigled by Philip ever ſince his Acceſſion to the Throne, were prevail'd up⯑on to join in this new Confederacy. And af⯑terwards ſeveral other Grecian States, when they ſound themſelves oppreſs'd by their Neighbours, applicd to Philip for Relief, as to a common Friend and Protector: But this was not 'till he had a more immediate Influence in their Affairs, by being admitted into the Aſſembly of the Ampictyons; beſides it was the Thebans who ſet them the Example, and who are there⯑fore [262] to be look'd upon as the principal Be⯑trayers of the Liberties of Greece.
But tho' Philip had enter'd into theſe En⯑gagements with the Thebans, he conſider'd, that the Phocians were ſupported both by Athens and Sparta, and therefore proceeded with Caution and Secrecy, and took time to form his Mea⯑ſures accordingly. Amidſt theſe Deliberations, it happen'd juſt as he could have wiſh'd, that the Athenians being grown weary of a War, which was ſo far from turning to their ac⯑count, that it only gave Philip a better Op⯑portunity of wreſting from them their Poſſeſ⯑ſion in Thrace, had therefore ſent to ſound him upon a Peace.Athens ne⯑gotiates a Peacewith Philip, Cteſiphon and Phrynon, who were employ'd in this Commiſſion, made their Report, that he was not at all averſe to it; and thereupon Demoſthenes, with nine others, were ſent as Ambaſſadors to negotiate it. They went as far in it as they were authoriz'd by their Inſtructions, and return'd with Antipater, par⯑menio and Eurylochus on the Part of Philip. Soon after, the Ten were diſpatch'd back again with full Powers to put the laſt Hand to the Treaty. Demoſthenes, in the firſt of theſe Em⯑baſſies, had met with ſome Athenian Priſoners in Macedonia, whom he had promis'd to re⯑deem at his own Expence; and he took the preſent Opportunity for it. In the mean time his Colleagues were to proceed with all Expe⯑dition, in order to conclude with Philip: but [263] they loiter'd by the way, and were three Months in Macedonia, before they had Acceſs to Philip, who was all that time ravaging the Athenian Dominions in Thrace. When at laſt they got up to him, he agreed to the Terms of the Treaty; but ſtill, upon one Pretence or other, deferr'd the Execution of it, 'till at length being advanc'd with his Troops into Theſſaly, in order to proceed againſt the Phocians, he found it neceſſary to conclude with the Athe⯑nians, which at laſt is concluded. and accordingly ratified the Treaty.
By theſe Delays, which he gain'd by bri⯑bing all the Ambaſſadors in general, except Demoſthenes, he had kept the Athenians in ſuſ⯑pence, 'till his other Deſigns were ripe for Exe⯑cution. However, as the Peace was at laſt concluded, the Generality of the People were well ſatisfy'd with it, and the Ambaſſadors, at their Return,Aeſchines vouches for Philip's Promiſes. valued themſelves upon the Suc⯑ceſs of their Negotiations. Aeſchines in parti⯑cular, who was one of them, and was intirely devoted to Philip, expatiated largely upon his Candour and Sincerity, and vouch'd for his Performance of ſeveral things which he had promis'd in behalf of the Republick, altho' they were not ſtipulated by the Treaty; as that Theſpiae and Plataea ſhould be repeopled; that, in caſe he ſhould ſubdue the Pho⯑cians, he would not deſtroy them; that he would put the Thebans upon a reaſonable foot⯑ing; that Oropus ſhould be ſecured to the A⯑thenians; and that Euboea ſhould be given up [264] to them as an Equivalent for Amphipolis. Demo⯑ſthenes gives no Credit to them. De⯑moſthenes endeavour'd, with his uſual Frankneſs, to convince the People how little Streſs there was to be laid upon theſe Promiſes of Philip, which, he ſaid, were made only to amuſe them, and to divert them from his real Deſign, which was to make himſelf Maſter of Phocis; and that their ſuffering him to ſucceed in that, would be giving up every thing. But all that he could ſay upon this Occaſion had no weight with them. They were willing to be deceiv'd; and Aeſchines knew how to work upon their Credulity. He was in the firſt Rank of Ora⯑tors, and diſputed the Prize even with Demo⯑ſthenes; Account of the Conteſt between him and Aeſchines. of which there was a famous Inſtance in the Conteſt concerning the Crown, wherein the Abilities of theſe two great Men were diſplay'd in their higheſt Luſtre, and engaged the Attention of all the learned Men of Greece. The Caſe in ſhort was, That Demoſthenes, among other neceſſary Works that were committed to his Charge, had the care of repairing the City Walls, which he did partly at his own Expence; and the People, in Teſtimony of their Gratitude, decreed him a Crown of Gold. Aeſchines being jealous of his Rival's Glory, brought an Action againſt Cteſiphon, as being the Author of the De⯑cree, and founded it upon a Pretence, that De⯑moſthenes had not paſs'd his Accounts to the Pub⯑lick, and therefore was not capable by Law of receiving any Reward for his Services. This [265] Fact happen'd in the hundred and tenth Olym⯑paid, about the Time of the Battle of Cheronêa, and the Suit was commenc'd ſoon after; but it was not heard till ſeveral Years after Philip's Death, when Aeſchines taking Advantage of De⯑ [...]moſthenes, whoſe Credit was then at a very low Ebb, brought it on. However Demoſthenes pre⯑vail'd, as well by the Juſtice of his Cauſe, as by the Force of his Eloquence; and Aeſchines was ſo aſham'd, that he ſpent the Remainder of his Life in a voluntary Exile.
Another famous Man,Character of Iſocrates who encourag'd the People in this peaceable Diſpoſition, and con⯑firm'd them in their good Opinion of Philip, was Iſocrates; who yet did it with an honeſt Intention. He was a great Maſter of the Rules of Oratory, and moſt of the great Men of his Time had been inſtructed by him: But he de⯑clin'd ſpeaking himſelf in publick, having a weak Voice, and a natural Diffidence and Timi⯑dity. However he was not wholly unconcern'd in the Affairs of the Publick; but his way of de⯑ [...]ſivering his Sentiments upon them, was in Wri⯑ [...]ting, and in the Form of an Oration. And in this manner he now addreſs'd himſelf to Philip, with whom he was upon ſome Terms of Friend⯑ [...]hip and Confidence, but not otherwiſe than he thought conſiſtent with the Duty of a good Ci⯑ [...]zen. He explain'd to him the ſeveral Advan⯑ [...]ages that might be drawn from the Peace he [...]nd concluded with Athens; His Ad⯑vices to Philip. and told him, that [266] in order to make a right uſe of it, he ſhould endeavour to compoſe the Differences ſtill ſub⯑ſiſting between the other States, and to reſtore the general Tranquillity of Greece. That the re⯑conciling them to one another, and then leaving them to the free Enjoyment of their Laws, and their Liberty, would endear him to them, and would redound infinitely more to his Honour [...] than all the Conqueſts he could make. He then advis'd him to turn his Arms againſt Perſia, as the proper Object of his Ambition; intimating to him, that the Grecians would readily act in Conjunction with him againſt their common and inveterate Enemy; and that in that Caſe, there would be no room to doubt of the Succeſs: For Proof whereof he inſtanc'd to him the Expedi⯑tion of The Ten Thouſand, with the glorious Cir⯑cumſtances of their Retreat; and that of Ageſ [...] laus afterwards, who, with a Body of Spartan [...] only, would have ſubdu'd the whole Perſia [...] Empire, if he had not been diverted from it b [...] the Diviſions of his Country. He told him fur⯑ther, that many who were prejudic'd againſt him [...] gave him the Character of an artful and deſig [...]n⯑ing Prince, and were of Opinion, that whatever ſpecious Pretences he made uſe of, to diſguiſe h [...] Approach towards them, his real Intention w [...] to make himſelf Maſter of Greece. He men⯑tion'd theſe things only as Reports, and ſuc [...] as were injurious, and without Foundation; a [...] would not ſuffer himſelf to ſuppoſe, that a Prin [...] [267] who valu'd himſelf ſo much upon his being de⯑ſcended from Hercules, the Deliverer of Greece, would ever make an Attempt to enſlave it. However he exhorted him, by a generous and diſintereſted Proceeding, to contradict theſe Re⯑ports; to govern his Subjects with Juſtice and Prudence, and to give Peace to his Neighbours; in ſhort, to ſet Bounds to his Ambition at home, and to extend his Conqueſts in Perſia. The main Scope of this Oration, was to divert him from attempting any thing that might give Um⯑brage to Greece; and Iſocrates choſe this way of gaining upon him by Mildneſs and Complaiſance; but he was too eaſy and credulous. Demoſthenes was more a Man of Buſineſs, and knew the World and Philip too well to imagine, that one of his aſpiring and intriguing Temper, who had, during his whole Reign, fomented Diviſions in Greece, in order to reap the Benefit of it to himſelf, would be prevail'd upon by any Rea⯑ſoning of this Kind, to give up his favourite Deſign, which he had ſo long projected, and which was now ſo near taking Effect. However the Sincerity and long Experience of Iſocrates, who was now eighty-eight Years old, added great Weight to his Opinion; which, with the Im⯑preſſions that Aeſchines, and the other Penſioners had made upon the People, together with their own natural Averſion to War, determin'd the Point ſo far in favour of Philip, that he was ſuf⯑fer'd [268] quietly to purſue his March into Phocis, Philip ſuf⯑fer'd to gain the Streights of Thermopylae. and to gain the Streights of Thermopylae.
He did not immediately diſcover what uſe he intended to make of his Entrance into Greece, but went on, according to his Agreement with the Thebans, A. M. 3658. Olymp. 108. 3. He puts an End to the Phocian War. to put an End to the Phocian War, which he eaſily effected. His Name and Ap⯑pearance ſtruck ſuch a Terror among the Pho⯑cians, that tho' they had lately receiv'd a Rein⯑forcement of a thouſand heavy-arm'd Spartans, under the Command of their King Archidamus, they declin'd giving him Battle, and ſent to treat with him, or rather to ſubmit themſelves to any Terms, that he would give them. He allow'd Phalecus to retire with eight thouſand Men, being Mercenaries, into Peloponneſus; but the reſt, who were the Inhabitants of Phocis, were left at his Mercy. As the diſpoſing of them was a Matter wherein Greece in general was concern'd, he did not think fit to act in it by his own pri⯑vate Authority, but referr'd it to the Amphictyons, whom he caus'd to be aſſembled for that Purpoſe. But they were ſo much under his Influence, that they ſerv'd only to give a Sanction to his Deter⯑minations. They decreed, That all the Cities of Phocis ſhould be demoliſh'd; That they who had fled, as being principally concern'd in the Sacrilege ſhould be ſtigmatiz'd as accurs'd, and proſcrib'd a Out-laws; That they who remain'd as Inhabitants ſhould be diſpers'd in Villages, and oblig'd to pay [269] out of their Lands, a yearly Tribute of ſixty Ta⯑lents, till the Whole of what had been taken out of the Temple, ſhould be reſtor'd. They were likewiſe adjudg'd to loſe their Seat in the Council of the Amphictyons, wherein they had a double Voice. This Philip got transferr'd to himſelf;He obtains a Seat a⯑mong the Amphic⯑tyons, which was a very material Point, and may be look'd upon as the principal Step towards his gaining that Authority, which he afterwards exercis'd in the Affairs of Greece. At the ſame time he gain'd, in Conjunction with the Thebans and Theſſalians, and the Su⯑perinten⯑dency of the Pythian Games. the Superintendency of the Pythian Games, which the Corinthians had forfeited for their having taken Part with the Phocians.
Thus did Philip, without ſtriking a Stroke, put an End to this War, after it had for ten Years together divided Greece againſt itſelf. And beſides the other Advantages that he had drawn from it, he gain'd an univerſal Eſteem and Ap⯑plauſe, for having vindicated the Honour of Religion. Diodorus Siculus, who generally a⯑bounds with Sentiments of Piety towards the Gods, but with a great Mixture of Credulity and Superſtition, aſcribes all the Succeſs of his Affairs afterwards, to this ſingle Inſtance of his Zeal for Religion, which in reality was nothing but Artifice and Hypocriſy. He goes on to de⯑ſcribe the ſeveral Judgments which befel thoſe who were concern'd in the Sacrilege, and de⯑ſcends even to their Wives, who, he ſays, were made Examples of the Divine Vengeance, for [270] having adorn'd themſelves with Necklaces and o [...] ther Trinkets taken out of the Temple. H [...] carries his Reflexions ſo far, as to impute th [...] Loſs of the Power and Liberty of the principa [...] Cities of Greece, which happen'd afterwards un [...] der Antipater, to their being engag'd in this Ac [...] of Profanation with the Phocians.
PHILIP having by theſe plauſible Methods ſucceeded in this Expedition, did not think it adviſeable, by attempting any thing further at preſent, to fully the Glory he had acquir'd by it, or to incenſe the Body of the Grecians againſt him. Wherefore he return'd in a triumphan [...] manner to his own Dominions; where we will leave him employ'd againſt his old Enemies the Illyrians, to relate ſome remarkable Occurrence [...] which happen'd at this time in Sicily. Affairs in Sicily. For tho [...] that Iſland be not ſtrictly to be look'd upon as [...] Part of Greece; yet the Tranfactions we are now ſpeaking of, as they were owing chiefly to th [...] Grecians, will naturally fall in with their Story And here it may be neceſſary to take a ſummary [271] View of the State of that Iſland,The firſt In⯑habitants. without enter⯑ing into the fabulous Accounts of the firſt Ages of it: For Sicily, like moſt other Nations, had its Giants and Monſters. Such were the Cyclopes and Laeſtrigones, who are mention'd as the firſt Inhabitants. To them ſucceeded the Sicani; but whether they were Natives, or tranſplanted from Spain, is not clearly determin'd. The next were the Siculi, who being drove by the Pelaſgi from that Part of Latium whereon Rome was built, and finding no proper Seat on the Continent, tranſported themſelves as Adventurers to this Iſland, where they became ſo far Maſters, as to give the Name to it, which it has ever ſince re⯑tain'd.
About three hundred Years after they were in Poſſeſſion of the Iſland, a conſiderable Number of Grecians ſettled themſelves in it.The Gre⯑cians get footing three. Theſe were the Chalcidians of Euboea; and they were ſoon followed by a Body of Corinthians, who poſſeſs'd themſelves of Syracuſe; which, from the Extent of its Buildings, and the Conveniency and Capa⯑tiouſneſs of the Harbour, became the Metropolis of the Iſland, tho' it was rivall'd by ſeveral other great Cities, which were independent of That, and of one another. Theſe Cities were origi⯑nally govern'd by the People; but as the Power of the leading Men among them encreas'd, they fell by Degrees into Ariſtocracies, and were after⯑wards erected into little Principalities and Ty⯑rannies, under the Command of ſingle Perſons. [272] And it frequently happen'd, that ſome one of theſe Tyrants, of a more enterpriſing Genius than the reſt, aſpir'd to the Conqueſt of the Whole.
Such was the confus'd State of Sicily for ſeveral Ages before and after the Grecians had any foot⯑ing in it;Summary Account of Syracuſe. and the Syracuſians underwent the ſame Changes and Interruptions in the Courſe of its Government, as the other Parts of the Iſland. Their firſt Tyrant was Gelon, Gelon the firſt Tyrant. who taking Ad⯑vantage of the Diſſenſions between the Magiſ⯑trates and the People, fell in with the former, and, under a Pretence of reſtoring them to their Dignities, obtain'd the Sovereignty for himſelf. However he made no ill uſe of his Power. He ſignaliz'd himſelf by many great Actions both in Peace and War. He not only ſtrengthen'd and adorn'd the City, and enlarg'd the Territory, but ſav'd the whole Iſland from falling into the Hands of the Carthaginians, who had ſet their Heart upon the Conqueſt of it, as lying ſo con⯑venient for their Shipping, and were further tempted by the Fruitfulneſs of the Soil, and the Riches of the Inhabitants. Accordingly, under the common Pretence of aſſiſting to com⯑poſe the Differences among them, they threw a vaſt Number of their own, and other African Troops into the Iſland. But their Deſigns were ſeen thro'; and the ſeveral Cities uniting in their common Defence, the Carthaginians were attack'd and defeated, and are ſaid to have loſt an hun⯑dred [273] and fifty thouſand Men in this Expedition. The Honour of this Victory was aſcrib'd chiefly to Gelon, who had by this, and many other In⯑ſtances, ſo far endear'd himſelf to the People, that they ſuffer'd his Brothers Hiero and Thraſy⯑bulus to ſucceed him in their turns as lawful Princes.Is ſucceed⯑ed by his Brothers Hiero and Thraſy bu⯑lus. The former held it eleven Years, and the latter ten Months: But their Government became ſo odious to the People, that they forc'd them to quit it; and by this Means they re⯑cover'd their former Liberty; which they en⯑joy'd near ſixty Years,Another U⯑ſurpation by Dionyſius the elder. till the elder Dionyſius by his Bravery and Cunning uſurp'd again upon them, and ſupported himſelf for thirty-eight Years, notwithſtanding his many Acts of Vio⯑lence and Cruelty.His Cha⯑racter. But he had ſome Qualities which were vere very uſeful to the Publick. He greatly increas'd the Naval Force, and was very zealous in proſecuting the War againſt the Car⯑thaginians. He had ſtudied the Art of Speak⯑ing, and found his account in it, eſpecially at his firſt ſetting out upon the foot of a Patriot. But that which he chiefly apply'd himſelf to, was Poetry, which he affected to a Degree that made him ridiculous. He was ſo full of his Perfor⯑mances of this kind, that he not only courted Applauſe, but extorted it by Rewards and Pu⯑niſhments. In ſhort, he valu'd himſelf more upon his writing bad Verſes, than upon his gaining a Victory againſt the Enemies of his Country.
[274] He was ſucceeded by one of his Sons of the ſame Name,He is ſuc⯑ceeded by his Son Dionyſius. who inherited his Father's Vices, but without his Spirit or Capacity. However being of a milder Temper, his Friends had Hope [...] of reclaiming him, and of correcting thoſe Fail⯑ings in him, which they look'd upon only as the Effects of a bad Education. They who were principally employ'd in this Work,The Cha⯑racter of Dion. were Dio [...] and Plato: The former was his Brother-in-law [...] and was ſo remarkable for his Honour and Vir⯑tue, and Zeal for his Country, that he was not only the greateſt Man in Sicily, but might be rank'd with the beſt Men in the beſt Age of Greece. But he had a Rigidneſs and Auſterity of the Spartan kind, which was not very well ſuite [...] to the Task he had undertaken. However be [...] ing aſſociated with Plato, who had a more en [...] gaging manner, they us'd their joint Endeavour to give the young Prince a Tincture of Science and Literature, and to inſtill into him Principle of Juſtice and Moderation; and they had i [...] ſome meaſure ſucceeded in their Deſign. B [...] his Flatterers and his own natural Diſpoſition g [...] the better of all their Inſtructions; and he ſoo [...] relaps'd into his former State of Indolence an [...] Senſuality. The Conſequence was, that Di [...] was diſgrac'd and baniſh'd:who drives Dionyſius into Italy. But he return'd, ar [...] drove the Tyrant into Italy; and by this Means p [...] the Syracuſians into a Condition of re-eſtabliſ⯑ing themſelves in their Freedom. But inſtead improving this Opportunity, they quarrelled wi [...] [275] their Deliverer, and, upon an ill-grounded Jea⯑louſy of his aſpiring to the Government, treated him with great Inhumanity and Ingratitude; which he generouſly over-look'd, and endeavour'd ſtill to extricate them out of their Difficulties. But he was ſoon after kill'd by means of Calippus an Athenian, Dion is killed by Calippus, who came over with him to aſſiſt him againſt Dionyſius, who ſuc⯑ceeds in the Tyranny. but began now to ſet up for himſelf; and by getting rid of Dion, who was the chief Obſtacle in his way, ſucceeded in the Tyranny, and held it about a Year.
Dionyſius, after ten Years Abſence,Dionyſius is reſtored. found Means to reinſtate himſelf in the Government; but he did not hold it long: For his Sufferings, inſtead of making him wiſer and better, had harden'd and exaſperated him, and he became more fierce and cruel than before. Hereupon the People had Recourſe to Icetes, who was a Native of Sy⯑racuſe, but at that time govern'd the Leontines. He readily eſpous'd their Quarrel againſt the Tyrant, but it was in order to ſucceed him; and with that View he enter'd into a ſecret League with the Carthaginians, who lay hovering about the Iſland with a numerous Fleet. This gave the Syracuſians a freſh Alarm; ſo that between their Oppreſſions and Diviſions at home, and their Appehenſions of an Invaſion from abroad, they knew not who to apply to, nor who to truſt; and they had brought themſelves into theſe Streights by their own ill Conduct. For they did not diſtinguiſh between their Friends [276] and their Foes; they had all the Capriciouſneſs and Inſolence of a Free State, without the Power; in ſhort, they knew neither how to govern, nor to obey.
In this diſtracted State of their Affairs, they turn'd their Thoughts towards Greece, and ap⯑plied for Relief to Corinth, as being their Mo⯑ther-Country, and a common Patroneſs of Li⯑berty. The Corinthians ſent them a favourable Anſwer, and order'd a Body of Troops to be diſpatch'd to them under the Command of Timo⯑leon, Timoleon ordered to the Relief of the Sy⯑racuſians. who was of one of the beſt Families in Corinth, and who, beſides his many other great Qualities, had given a very extraordinary In⯑ſtance of his Averſion to Tyranny.
He had an Elder Brother named Timopha⯑nes, Account of his former Conduct. whom he lov'd paſſionately, and had reſ⯑cued him in an Engagement againſt the Ar⯑gives with the utmoſt Hazard of his own Life. This Brother having afterwards the Command of the City-Guards, made uſe of them to ſub⯑vert the Government, and declared himſelf King of Corinth. Timoleon endeavour'd by all poſſi⯑ble means to diſſuade him from theſe violen [...] Meaſures; and not being able of himſelf to bring him to Reaſon, engag'd two of his Friends to aſſiſt him in it. Upon their expoſtulating wit [...] him, he firſt laugh'd at them, and then, a [...] they preſs'd him further, he grew angry; up [...] on which, Timoleon finding, that neither the Prayers and Entreaties, nor their Arguments an [277] Menaces had any effect upon him, retired at a little diſtance from him, and ſtood weeping with his Face cover'd, whilſt the other Two drew their Swords, and diſpatch'd him. Dio⯑dorus Siculus ſays, Timoleon kill'd him with his own Hands in the Market-place. He relates this Story with ſeveral other different Circum⯑ſtances: But the Account which Plutarch gives of it from the Hiſtorians, who liv'd at the time when the Fact was committed, is more probable, and more conſiſtent and uniform, as well as more to the Honour of Timoleon. This Action was by ſome extoll'd and applauded as the higheſt pitch of human Virtue, and by others condemn'd as a baſe and unnatural Parricide. And Timoleon himſelf, when he came to cool, felt ſuch a Remorſe for it, that he abandon'd himſelf to Deſpair, and reſolv'd to ſtarve him⯑ſelf to death. His Friends with great Impor⯑tunity, and even by Force, prevail'd upon him to take ſome Suſtenance; and at length he promis'd them he would live, but upon con⯑dition that he might quit the Service of the Publick, and retire to ſome remote and deſart Corner of the Country; which he accordingly did, and for near twelve Years together, wan⯑der'd up and down the Fields by himſelf in this anxious and ſorlorn Condition.
He was return'd to Corinth when he was pitch'd upon for this Command; and as he liv'd ſtill in a retir'd way, he would gladly have [278] declin'd it, but that he did not think it con⯑ſiſtent with the Duty he ow'd to his Coun⯑try. Before he ſet out, he was told, That as to the Affair of his Brother, the World would judge of it according to his Behaviour in this Expedition; That if he acquitted himſelf well in it, he would be ſaid to have freed his Country from a Tyrant; if otherwiſe, he would be look'd upon as his Brother's Murtherer.
Whilſt he was preparing to embark, there came Letters from Icetes to diſſuade him from it,Icetes en⯑deavours to prevent his landing in Sicily. as a dangerous and fruitleſs Attempt; for that he would be intercepted in his Paſſage by the Carthaginians, whom, for want of re⯑ceiving Succours in due time from Corinth, he had been forced to call in to his Aſſiſt⯑ance againſt the Tyrant: Whereupon Timoleon was forthwith order'd away with ten Gallies.
Being arriv'd on the Coaſt of Italy, Olymp. 108. 4. He arrives on the Coaſt of Italy. he re⯑ceiv'd advice, that Icetes had made himſelf Maſter of the greateſt Part of Syracuſe; that he had forced the Tyrant into the Citadel; and that the Carthaginians had orders to prevent his landing: And accordingly at Rhe⯑gium he found twenty Gallies, which had been detach'd from their Fleet for that purpoſe. They had likewiſe Deputies on board from Ice⯑tes to acquaint him, That the Affairs of Si⯑cily being in a manner ſettled, there would be no Occaſion for his Aſſiſtance; but how⯑ever, that, in caſe he would ſend home his [279] Gallies, with the Troops, he might come up himſelf to Syracuſe, and ſhare with him in his Conqueſts. Timoleon had no Views of this kind; but finding himſelf over-power'd, he ſeem'd to hearken to their Propoſal, and to ſubmit to it as a Caſe of Neceſſity.He lands in Sicily by a Stra⯑tagem. However he deſir'd for Form ſake, and in order to juſtify his Conduct at his Return to Corinth, that what had paſs'd privately between them, might be declared in a more open manner before the People of Rhegium, as being common Friends to both Parties. But the leading Men among them were in his Intereſt; and this Demand of his was a concerted thing between them, as a Project for his eſcaping out of their Hands. To carry on this Deſign, an Aſſembly was call'd, and Timoleon, and the Ambaſſadors, to⯑gether with the Captains of the Carthaginian Gallies, were admitted to it. But the People, inſtead of entering upon the Buſineſs for which they were conven'd, fell into tedious and tri⯑fling Debates about other Matters, and ſpun out the Time, 'till nine of the Corinthian Gal⯑lies got clear of the Harbour, and put to Sea; which Timoleon having ſecret notice of, found means to ſlip unobſerv'd through the Croud, and having got on board the remaining Gal⯑ly, join'd the reſt of his Squadron, and he land⯑ed at Tauromenium in Sicily, where Andromachus the Governor receiv'd him with open Arms, and [...] with him in his Deſign of freeing the [280] Iſland. But few of the other Towns as yet came in to him. They had a general Diſtruſt of all Foreign Commanders, having found by Experience, that they had been allured by them with fair Promiſes, and afterwards been more oppreſs'd by them, than by thoſe from whom they pretended to deliver them. The Syracu⯑ſians had a better Opinion of him; at leaſt they had no body elſe to depend on: And yet they had very little Hopes of Relief from him, whilſt Icetes was in poſſeſſion of the Town, Dionyſius of the Citadel, and the Carthaginians of the Harbour.
His firſt Scene of Action was at Adranum a ſmall City below Mount Aetna; His Suc⯑ceſs at A⯑dranum. where the In⯑habitants being divided, one Party call'd in Ti⯑moleon to their Aſſiſtance, and the other, Icetes. The former was glad to take this Opportunity of advancing further into the Country; and the latter thought it ſo neceſſary to prevent him, that he immediately march'd thither with a Detachment of five thouſand Men. Timoleon arriv'd there at the ſame time with his whole Strength, which amounted to no more than twelve Hundred. However taking advantage of the Enemy, whilſt they were fixing their Tents, he fell upon them with great Fury, and put them to flight, having kill'd three hundred of them, and taken double that Number of Pri⯑ſoners, together with their Camp, and all their Baggage.
[281] This proſperous Beginning gave him great Credit,Olym. 109. 1. Other Pla⯑ces ſubmit to him. and increas'd his Followers; ſo that not only Adranum, but moſt of the other neigh⯑bouring Towns ſubmitted to him. Mamercus Tyrant of Catana, a Man of great Wealth and Power, enter'd into Alliance with him; and the City of Meſſina at the ſame time declared for him. It likewiſe advanc'd his Affairs at Syracuſe; where Dionyſius finding his Caſe deſ⯑perate,Dionyſius ſurrenders himſelf. choſe rather to give up himſelf and the Citadel to him, as a Man of Honour and Bra⯑very, than to become a Prey to Icetes, whom he deſpis'd for his Behaviour in the late Action. Accordingly Timoleon ſent four hundred Men to take poſſeſſion of the Citadel; and they gain'd their Entrance by Stealth, and in ſmall Companies. They found there two thouſand Soldiers, whom Dionyſius likewiſe gave up to them, together with a vaſt Magazine of Stores, and Arms for ſeventy thouſand Men.
As to Dionyſius himſelf, he was conducted out privately,Olymp. 109. 2. and is ſent to Co⯑rinth. and carried to Timoleon's Camp; from whence he was tranſported to Corinth, where he became a publick Spectacle. People flock'd from all Parts, to ſee the Man who had made ſo much Noiſe in Sicily, and whoſe Name was become formidable even to Greece. But he appear'd very eaſy and compoſed, and without any Marks either of Terror, or of Dignity. Inſtead of endeavouring to retrieve his Affairs, he fell into a mean way of Life, [282] ſauntering about in the Shops and the Shambles, drinking in Taverns, or ſquabbling with lewd Women in the Streets. And at length being reduced to great Neceſſity, he is ſaid to have taught School for Bread.
Timoleon having met with ſuch Succeſs,Timole⯑on's fur⯑ther Suc⯑ceſſes. Ice⯑tes was ſo terrify'd, that he had ſent for a further Supply of Forces from Africa; and Ma⯑gon the Carthaginian came over to him, with an hundred and fifty Sail of Ships, and ſixty thouſand Men. Whereupon he block'd up the Citadel, and march'd in order to beſiege Ca⯑tana likewiſe, where Timoleon then lay. But be⯑fore he had made any Progreſs there, he re⯑ceiv'd advice, that Leon a Corinthian, who com⯑manded in the Citadel at Syracuſe, had made a ſucceſsful Sally, that he had kill'd one part of the Beſiegers, and put the reſt to flight; and that having taken Acradina, the ſtrongeſt Quarter of the Town, he had added Works to ſecure it, and to join it to the Citadel. lce⯑tes immediately return'd to Syracuſe; and Ti⯑moleon having lately receiv'd a Supply of two thouſand Foot and two hundred Horſe from Corinth, ſoon follow'd him.
However, he had as yet no more than four thouſand Men to oppoſe to a numerous Army: But there happen'd a lucky Incident, which gave him great Encouragement. Whilſt he lay before the Town, ſome of his Corinthians falling into company with a Party of Mercenaries [283] who ſerv'd under Icetes, took occaſion to expoſtulate with them upon their preſent Alliance with the Carthaginians. They told them, That as they were of the ſame Grecian Extraction with themſelves, they ought to be engaged in the ſame Intereſt; and reproach'd them with endeavouring to put Syracuſe and all Secily into the Hands of thoſe, who were not only Barbarians, but the vileſt and moſt inhu⯑man Sort of them, and ſuch as they ought to [...]nite againſt, as their common Enemy. The Rumour of this Diſcourſe was ſoon ſpread about the Camp; and it had ſuch an Effect upon Magon, that, for fear of being betray'd and ſa⯑cificed, he forthwith embark'd his Troops,The Car⯑thaginians quit Sicily. and was gone ſo ſuddenly, that Timoleon's Men, in a way of Pleaſantry, caus'd Proclamation to be made, offering a Reward to any who ſhould bring Tidings of the Carthaginian Fleet. Magon, at [...]is Return home, being conſcious of his Miſ⯑ [...]ehaviour, kill'd himſelf; and the People were [...]o incens'd at him, that they nail'd his Body upon a Croſs.
Timoleon, to improve this Advantage,Timoleon attacks Syracuſe, made his Diſpoſition for attacking the Town in three ſeveral Parts of it; which he accordingly did the next Day, and with ſuch Vigour and Suc⯑ceſs, that Icetes's Troops giving way,and gains it. he carried [...]t at the firſt Aſſault; and Plutarch ſays, there was not one Corinthian either kill'd or wounded [...] it. The firſt thing he did upon this Victory, [284] was to ſummon in the Inhabitants to demoliſt the Citadel,Demoliſh⯑eth the Ci⯑tadel, which he call'd, The Neſt of Tyrants They ſoon levell'd it with the Ground; and from thence proceeded to pull down the Palace of their Uſurpers; to tear up their Tombs, and to deſtroy every thing that might preſerve an [...] Memorial of them. In the Place where the Ci [...] tadel ſtood, Timoleon order'd Courts of Juſtic [...] to be erected. But whilſt he was thus endea [...] vouring to give free Scope to the Laws, and t [...] put the Government upon the ancient footing he found there were very few Inhabitants left t [...] enjoy the Benefit of it. For what with the Diviſions among themſelves, their Wars with th [...] Carthaginians, and the Oppreſſion of their Go [...] vernors, ſuch Numbers of them had been de [...] ſtory'd and forc'd away, that the City was in manner become a Deſart, and the Graſs grew i [...] the Streets. And this was the Caſe of moſt [...] the great Towns in Sicily. But as to Syracuſ [...] the Corinthians, at the Inſtance of Timoleon, an [...] thoſe few who remain'd there, re-peopled i [...] They ſent to all the publick Aſſemblies of Greec [...] and into Aſia, re-peoples the City. and the Iſlands, to notify, Th [...] Syracuſe having recover'd its Liberty, all ſuc [...] as were willing to go and ſettle there, ſhould [...] tranſported thither, and ſhould have the Lan [...] equally divided among them. By this Enco [...] ragement they got together a Body of ten tho [...] ſand; which, with thoſe who had fled, and we baniſh'd, and others who flock'd in from [285] Parts to Timoleon, amounted in the whole to ſixty thouſand. This generous Proceeding of the Co⯑rinthians is taken particular notice of, that when they had it in their Power to make themſelves in⯑tire Maſters of Syracuſe, they contented themſelves with the Glory of ſaving and repleniſhing it, and of being a ſecond time the Founders of it.
Timoleon having thus far re-eſtabliſh'd the Af⯑fairs of Syracuſe, Olymp. 109. 3. He proceeds to free the reſt of the Iſland: march'd to the other Parts of the Iſland to free them likewiſe. At Leontium, be oblig'd Icetes to renounce his League with the Carthaginians, and to demoliſh his Forts, and then reduc'd him to the Condition of a private Man. And Leptines of Appollonia ſurrendering himſelf up to him, he ſpared his Life, but ſent him after Dionyſius to Corinth.
But before he could root out all the Remains of arbitrary Government, the Carthaginians, to ſecure thoſe Places which were ſtill in their In⯑tereſt,Is oppoſed again by the Cartha⯑ginians. and to retrieve the Diſgrace of their laſt Expedition, ſent an Army of ſeventy thouſand Men, with a Fleet of two hundred Sail, beſides [...] thouſand Tranſport Ships, laden with Chariots, Engines of Battery, and all kinds of Proviſions. Theſe Forces landed at the Promontory of Lily⯑ [...]aeum, under the Command of Aſdrubal and Ha⯑milcar, and occaſion'd ſuch a general Conſterna⯑tion, that Timoleon could raiſe but twelve thou⯑ſand Men to make head againſt them. Plutarch reduces them to ſeven thouſand; and ſays, that [286] even of that Number, one thouſand deſerted him in their March.
However he went on to give the enemy Battle before they had got a thorough footing in th [...] Iſland; and coming up with them in their Pa [...] ſage over the River call'd Crimeſus, Olymp. 110. 1. The Battle at the Ri⯑ver Crime⯑ſus. he order'd his Horſe to break into their Ranks before they were well form'd. But they were ſo expos'd to the Chariots which were plac'd in the Front, tha [...] Timoleon drew them off; and taking a ſide Com⯑paſs with his whole Strength, attack'd the Enemy in the Flank. After the firſt Onſet, ther [...] happen'd a ſudden Storm of Thunder and Lightning, Wind, Rain and Hail, which drove full i [...] the Face of the Carthaginians, and beat ſo fu⯑riouſly upon them, that they could neither ſe [...] nor hear, nor ſtand in their Ranks. And Ti⯑moleon's Troops pouring in upon them whilſt they were thus diſorder'd, made a great Slaughter a⯑mong them, and put the main Body to flight Some who had gain'd the Plain, were overtaken and put to the Sword. Great Numbers wer [...] cut to pieces, as they were climbing the Hills They who made back to the River, [...]ell in among others who were coming over to them, and wer [...] promiſcuouſly carried with them down the Current. And others were plung'd into little Torrents and Rivulets, which were occaſion'd by th [...] Violence of the Storm, and the over-flowing o [...] the River; where they roll'd about in the Mire [...] [287] and were ſo encumber'd with their heavy Ar⯑mour, that they were not able to diſengage them⯑ſelves, or to make any Defence. In this manner their whole Army was diſtreſs'd on all Sides; and every thing conſpir'd to make it an entire Defeat.Timoleon gains the Victory. There is ſome Variation in the Ac⯑counts that are given of this Action, but not in the moſt material Circumſtances of it. There is likewiſe ſome Difference as to the Number of thoſe who were kill'd and taken. According to the higheſt Accounts of them, there were above ten thouſand ſlain, beſides three thouſand who were Natives of Carthage, of the beſt Families and Fortunes, and of the moſt approv'd Valour: They were look'd upon in the ſame Light as the Sacred Band of Pelopidas, and went under the ſame Appellation. There were alſo above fifteen thouſand taken Priſoners, together with the Camp and Baggage, and a great Quantity of Gold and Silver Plate, and other rich Booty.
Timoleon, upon this Victory, return'd to Syra⯑ [...]uſe. But whilſt he was endeavouring to perfect his Scheme of Government there,Further Attempts to reſtore the Tyranny. the Seeds of Tyranny, which had not been thoroughly rooted out in the other Parts of the Iſland, began to ſhoot up again. The Cities of Catana and Meſ⯑ſ [...]a, with their Tyrants Mamercus and Hippo, had revolted from him; and Icetes, tho' he had been ſufficiently humbled, took this Occaſion to join with them; and they invited the Carthagi⯑nians to come, and make another Effort. Ac⯑cordingly [288] ſeventy Sail of Ships were diſpatch'd, under the Command of Giſco, who likewiſe de⯑bauch'd ſome of the Grecians into his Service. But this Expedition had no better Succeſs than the former, and ſerv'd only to haſten the putting an End to theſe Wars.but defeat⯑ed by Ti⯑moleon. For Icetes, Mamercus and Hippo appearing again in Arms upon this Reinforcement, Timoleon purſu'd them one after another; and after he had kill'd ſeveral thou⯑ſands of their Followers, they were all three taken and executed. The Wives and Children of Icetes were likewiſe condemn'd and executed by the Syracuſians; which was look'd upon as an ungenerous Part in Timoleon, that he did not in⯑terpoſe in their Behalf. But it was the Act of the People, and was ſaid to be done by way of Retaliation for the like Treatment of the Family of Dion, whoſe Wife and Siſter, and Infant Son Icetes had caus'd to be thrown alive into the Sea.
During theſe Tranſactions of Timoleon, the Carthaginians ſued to him for Peace, and agreed, among other Conditions, to renounce all Leagues and Aſſociations with any of the Sicilian Tyrants; which he conſider'd as the moſt effectual Means of ſuppreſſing them; and it ſucceeded accord⯑ingly.Olymp. 110. 2. The publick Liberty re⯑ſtored. For ſoon after this Treaty, they were ut⯑terly deſtroy'd, and the publick Liberty was re⯑ſtor'd.
Timoleon having finiſh'd this great Work, di⯑veſted himſelf of his Authority, and choſe ra⯑ther [289] to live as a private Man at Syracuſe, Timoleon retires, and lives pri⯑vate in Syracuſe. with the Pleaſure of ſeeing ſo many thouſands made happy in the Enjoyment of the Bleſſings he had procur'd for them, than to graſp at any fur⯑ther Power in Sicily, or to return in Triumph to Greece. He was infinitely belov'd and ho⯑nour'd by the Syracuſians, who, in Memory of what he had done for them, made a Decree, That in all their future Wars, they ſhould have a Corinthian Commander. And ſo long as Timoleon liv'd, they made no Law or Treaty, nor did any extraordinary Act of Government, wherein he was not conſulted. As to what remains to be ſaid concerning him, it will fall in more pro⯑perly with the Account of his Death, which happen'd two Years later.
During the former Part of theſe Commotions in Sicily, Philip was gaining Ground upon the Illyrians, and ſettling his Conqueſts at home: But before the re-eſtabliſhment of Affairs in that Iſland, he had carried his Arms into Thrace and the Helleſpont, among the Athenian Colonies and Confederates, and thereby given occaſion to freſh Diſturbances, which ſhould have been related in their due Order of Time; but I have choſe ra⯑ther to do it now by way of Retroſpect, than to break into the Narration of what paſs'd at Sy⯑racuſe. In the firſt Year of the 109th Olympiad, he march'd into Theſſaly; and having clear'd out the Remains of Tyranny in the ſeveral Cities there, he not only confirm'd the Theſſalians in [290] his Intereſt, but gain'd over many of their Neigh⯑bours.
Having ſtrengthen'd himſelf in theſe Parts, he went the next Year into Thrace, where he had form'd a Deſign againſt the Cherſoneſe. Philip's Deſign a⯑gainſt the Cherſoneſe of Thrace. This Peninſula had, with ſome little Interruption, been for many Years in the Hands of the Athenians: But Cotys, as being King of the Country, had lately wreſted it from them, and left it in Succeſſion to his Son Cherſobleptes. He not being able to defend him⯑ſelf againſt Philip, gave it back to the Athenians, reſerving to himſelf only Cardia the capital City. But Philip having ſoon after routed him of the reſt of his Dominions, the Cardians, for fear of falling again under the Power of the Athenians, threw themſelves into his Protection.He is op⯑poſed by D [...] ⯑ [...]pithes, Diopithes, who was the Chief of the Athenian Colony lately ſent to the Cherſoneſe, conſider'd this Proceeding of Philip in ſupporting the Cardians, as an Act of Hoſtility againſt Athens. Whereupon he in⯑vaded the Maritime Part of Thrace, and carried away a great deal of Botty. Philip being at this time in the upper Part of the Country, was not in a Condition to do himſelf Juſtice: But he wrote to complain of it at Athens, as an In⯑fraction of the Peace; and his Creatures there were not wanting on their Part, to aggravate the Charge againſt Diopithes, as having acted without Orders, [...]. and taken it upon himſelf to renew the War. They likewiſe accus'd him o [...] committing Acts of Pyracy, and of laying their [291] Allies under Contribution. But whatever Grounds there were for this Part of the Accuſation, the Government of Athens was principally to blame in it: For having no proper Fund for the War, they ſent out their Generals without Mony or Proviſions, and left them to ſhift for themſelves, and yet made them anſwerable for any Miſcar⯑riages that ſhould happen for want of their being better ſupply'd. This was a great Diſcourage⯑ment to the Service, and put thoſe who were employ'd in it, upon pillaging and plundering in ſuch a manner, as they would otherwiſe have been aſham'd of. Demoſthenes, in an Harangue that he made upon the State of the Cherſoneſe, undertook the Defence of Diopithes. Demoſthe⯑nes defends him, And altho' that might be the principal Deſign of his Speech; yet he enter'd into a great Variety of other Mat⯑ter, and laid open ſo much of the preſent Situa⯑tion of Affairs both in Athens, and ſeveral other States of Greece, that it may be proper to give the Reader a ſhort Account of it; and the ra⯑ther, becauſe it contains the Subſtance of what Demoſthenes has ſaid in ſome of his other Ora⯑tions, in the ſame manner, and almoſt in the ſame Terms, againſt Philip, and his Partizans in the Athenian Aſſembly.
He urg'd to the People in Behalf of Diopithes, that he had done nothing but what his Neceſſities had forc'd him to, and that he had only follow'd the Example of his Predeceſſors, who had con⯑ſtantly laid the Iſlanders, and other Aſiatick [292] Allies under Contribution; and that they who paid it, found their Account in it, in having Convoys to ſecure them from Pyrates, and o⯑therwiſe to protect their Trade. That inſtead of being queſtion'd, for uſing his Induſtry to procure that Subſiſtence for the Troops, which he could not obtain from the Government, they ought forthwith to ſend him a Reinforcement, and to provide better for their Pay. However he told them, That whatever Exactions or Vio⯑lences he had been guilty of, he was their Offi⯑cer, and it was always in their Power to ſend for him home, and to puniſh him, as they found he deſerv'd. But he told them at the ſame time, that this Accuſation was made uſe of only as an Handle to divert them from inquiring into the Motions and Deſigns of Philip, and in⯑veighs a⯑gainſt Phi⯑lip. who, with a powerful Army in Thrace, and upon the Helle⯑ſpont, was ravaging their Poſſeſſions, debauching their Allies, and ſtirring up againſt them both the Grecians and Barbarians. That whilſt he was engag'd in theſe Practices, he was to be look'd upon as the firſt Aggreſſor; and that they were not to think themſelves ſecure, becauſe he was not come up to the Piraeus, nor was at⯑tacking them in Attica.
Among other Arguments to induce them to make head againſt him, he told them, they had more to apprehend from him, than their Neigh⯑bours had; and he explain'd it to them by an artful Piece of Flattery: You muſt not imagine, [293] ſaid he, that Philip will treat you in the ſame manner with the reſt of the Grecians, and that he will content himſelf with barely making Slaves of you. No; his Deſign is to deſtroy and extirpate you. For he is ſenſible, that a People, who have ſo long known what it is to command, will never bear Servitude, and that you are incapable of doing it, if you would: He knows, that you would be always ſtruggling to break your Chains, and that you would give him more Diſturbance than all the reſt of the World. And therefore you may look upon it as an undoubted Maxim, that he can intend nothing leſs than you total Ruin and Deſtruction.
From thence he proceeded to inveigh againſt the Orators,and the Orators. for the treacherous Part they had acted upon theſe Proceedings of Philip; and he did it with great Boldneſs and Acrimony, by expoſing their falſe Reaſoning, their falſe Zeal, and their falſe Courage. He told the People, it was in vain to think of their being victorious abroad, ſo long as they nouriſh'd in their Boſom theſe Penſioners and Creatures of their Enemy; theſe domeſtick Foes, who were as ſo many hidden Rocks and Shelves, upon which they muſt one Day unavoidably ſuffer Shipwreck. He went on to ſhew them, that the inſolent Behaviour of Philip towards them, was wholly owing to theſe Haranguers, who ſav'd him the trouble of ma⯑naging and undermining them, as he did the other States, with an Appearance at leaſt of bearing them Good-will, and doing them good [294] Offices. He inſtanc'd in the Theſſalians, tha tho' he had brought them under Subjection, h [...] had taken ſome Pains to inveigle them into it and had ſtrow'd the Way to it with Flowers by freeing them from their Tyrants, and by re [...] ſtoring them to their Seat among the Amphictyons That he had drawn the poor Olynthians into hi [...] Snare, by heaping his Favours upon them, and had lull'd them aſleep by his Ceſſion of Potidae [...] to them. That he had at preſent got the The⯑bans under his Dependence; but that he had thought it proper to gild their Chains, by put⯑ting them in the Poſſeſſion of B [...]eotia, by laying waſte the Country of their Enemies the Phocians, and by delivering them from a long and bur⯑thenſome War. But why, ſays Demoſthenes, does he not think it worth his while to amuſe you with ſome ſuch Marks of his Complaiſance and his Bounty? Why does he not endeavour to gain upon you by ſome real or pretended Benefits? On the contrary, he infringes your Treaties, breaks into your Alliances, and ſeizes your Poſſeſſions; and does it with an high Hand, without ſo much as at⯑tempting to excuſe, or diſſemble it. He tells them the Reaſon of this Difference in Philip's Conduct with regard to them, was, becauſe he had no need of keeping any Meaſures with them, or of ſaving Appearances: For that he knew he had a Party among them, who were always ready to plead his Cauſe, and to juſtify all his Proceedings. Athens, ſays Demoſthenes, is the only City of [295] Greece, where a Man may, with Impunity, diſplay his Eloquence in Defence, and even in Praiſe of the common Enemy.
He expatiated further upon the baſe and un⯑generous Artifices of the Orators, in perſecu⯑ting their Fellow-Citizens. They, ſaid he, who have no real Concern for the Welfare of the Publick, may with Eaſe and Safety cenſure, ar⯑raign and condemn. They can always ſecure them⯑ſelves from Danger by their inexhauſtible Fund of Flattery and Diſſimulation; by their daily ſhifting and changing their Opinion, according to the dif⯑ferent Taſte and Humour of the People; and by diſguiſing and concealing from them the weak and diſorderly State of their Affaris. The truly brave and zealous Citizen he deſcribes in another manner: That the only thing he has in view, is the Peoples Intereſt; that, in order to promote it, he oppoſes their Inclinations, combats their Opi⯑nion, and makes no Conceſſions to them out of Complaiſance; that he delivers his Mind freely and openly, according to the beſt of his Judg⯑ment; and makes himſelf accountable to them not only for the Reaſonableneſs of his Advice, but like⯑wiſe for the Succeſs of it. Demoſthenes does not directly apply this Character to himſelf; but it may be eaſily collected from what follows, that he thought it belong'd to him. I know, ſays he, Fellow-Citizens, as well as others, how to flatter, to accuſe, to proſcribe, and to practiſe all thoſe other little Arts of gaining Credit with [296] you; but I have a Soul above it. I have no Avarice, nor Ambition; my chief Aim is to re⯑peat and inculcate thoſe Truths, which, becauſe they are diſtaſteful to you, muſt therefore give my Rivals the Preference in your Favour; and yet they are ſuch, as, if you would hearken to them, would give you the advantage over your Enemies. It is to me a Part unworthy of a good Citizen, to ſtudy ways of riſing on a ſudden to the higheſt Rank of Men in Athens, when you are at the ſame time ſinking to the loweſt Rank of Men in Greece.
When he had thus endeavour'd to open their Eyes, and to free them from their Dependence on the other Orators, he preſs'd them to pro⯑ceed forthwith to Action. It is my part, ſays he, to propoſe; it is yours to reſolve, and to exe⯑cute. He concludes with exhorting them to ſup⯑ply the Neceſſities of the State; to keep their Troops on foot, and in good Diſcipline; to diſpatch Ambaſſadors to all Parts, with Inſtru⯑ctions to communicate their Reſolutions, and to give notice of the common Danger that threaten'd Greece; and thereupon to negotiate and conclude whatever ſhould be thought re⯑quiſite for the Service of the Common-wealth. And above all, he advis'd them to ſhew no Mercy to thoſe who proſtituted themſelves for Gain to the Enemy of their Country.
Whatever effect theſe Remonſtrances had for the preſent, Philip was not diſcourag'd from [297] making further Attempts:Philip takes ad⯑vantage of the Diviſi⯑ons in Pe⯑loponne⯑ſus. And he was fur⯑niſh'd with a Pretence for it by the Diviſions which were now in Peloponneſus; and they were owing chiefly to the Spartans, who having lit⯑tle to do in the late Foreign Tranſactions, were recovering their Strengh at home, and, accord⯑ing to their uſual Practice, as they increas'd in Power, made uſe of it to inſult and op⯑preſs their Neighbours. The Argives and Meſſenians being at this time perſecuted by them, put themſelves under the Protection of Philip; and the Thebans joining with them, they all together form'd a powerful Confede⯑racy. The natural Balance againſt it, was an Union between Athens and Sparta, which the Spartans preſs'd with great Earneſtneſs, as the only means for their common Security; and Philip and the Thebans did all in their Power to prevent it.Demo⯑ſthenes ſpi⯑rits up the Athenians againſt him. But Demoſthenes exerting him⯑ſelf upon this Occaſion, rous'd up the Athe⯑nians; and put them ſo far upon their Guard, that, without coming to an open Rupture with Philip, they oblig'd him to deſiſt.
This Storm in Peloponneſus was no ſooner blown over, but another happen'd, which fell more immediately upon the Athenians; and that was an Attempt upon Euboea. Philip's Attempt upon Eu⯑boea. Philip had long form'd a Deſign againſt this Iſland, as being not only a rich Acquiſition, but an eaſy Paſ⯑ſage into the Continent of Attica; and in or⯑der now to execute it, he had gain'd ſome of [298] the principal Men, who ſuffer'd him to throw in a Body of Macedonians; by means where⯑of he demoliſh'd ſome Places, and fortified others, and erected ſeveral petty Tyrants, who acted in his Name, and under his Authority. Plutarchus of Eretria, or Clitarchus (as he is otherwiſe call'd) ſent to let the Athenians know, That the Iſland muſt be loſt, if it were not immediately reliev'd: Whereupon they diſpatch'd ſome few Troops thither under the Command of Phocion. This Plutarchus, upon their Arri⯑val, chang'd his Opinion, and made head againſt them. However Phocion was not diſcourag'd; he gave him battle, and routed him, and ha⯑ving gain'd a ſignal Victory, return'd home. He was ſucceeded in the Command by one Moloſſus, who was not equal to it, and ſuffer'd himſelf to be taken Priſoner. But it does not appear, that Philip proſecuted this War to any further Advantage;The Iſland preſerve'd by Phoci⯑on. ſo that the Recovery of the Iſland may be aſcrib'd to Phocion.
He had, before this Action, given ſeveral. Proos of his Courage and Capacity;His Cha⯑racter. but he began now to diſtinguiſh himſelf as a General, and to bear a principal Part in the Affairs of the Government. As he had Talents very well ſuited to both theſe Capacities, he did not ap⯑prove the modern Practice of allotting the Civil Power to one Sett of Men, and the Military to another, but was for having them united in the ſame Perſons, as they formerly were in Solon, [299] Ariſtides and Pericles. He had ſtudied Philoſo⯑phy under Plato and Xenorates: and in Ora⯑tory he was upon a level with the beſt Speak⯑ers of his time. He was not ſo pompous and diffuſe as they; but was better heard than moſt of them. His Manner was plain and conciſe, ſtrong and pointed, full of Matter and good Senſe, and always to the purpoſe. When he was one Day in the Aſſembly obſerv'd to be very penſive, and his Friends ask'd him the Reaſon of it, I am conſidering, ſaid he, how to contract what I have to ſay. And Demoſthenes, who had a ſecret Jealouſy of him, was wont to call him, The Pruning-book of his Periods. This Brevity and Simplicity in his Diction, was of the Spartan kind; and he had ſtill more of the Spartan in his manner of Deportment. He had ſuch a ſettled Compoſure in his Coun⯑tenance, that he was never ſeen either to laugh or cry. He was grave and auſtere even to Moroſeneſs; inſomuch that they who were Stran⯑gers to him, did not care to accoſt him. But this Severity was more in his Appearance than in his Temper: For he was naturally very eaſy and converſable; humane and beneficent; and a great Patron of the diſtreſs'd, even of thoſe who had moſt oppos'd him. His Friends re⯑proving him for pleading in behalf of an ill Man, He told them, The Innocent had no need of an Advocate. In the Camp he went very thinly clad, and generally barefoot; and he lived [300] at home with his Family much in the ſame coarſe hardy way. There is upon this occaſi⯑on a remarkable Saying of his Wife, who was noted for her Virtue and good Houſe-wifery; and being viſited by an Ionian Woman of Di⯑ſtinction, who ſhew'd her all her Jewels, Em⯑broidery, and other rich Ornaments, For my part, ſaid ſhe to her, My only Ornament, is my good Man Phocion, who has commanded the Athe⯑nians now theſe twenty Years. He was not ſo happy in his Son, who being inclined to Luxu⯑ry and Exceſs, he ſent him to Sparta to be put into a ſtricter way of Education; and Demades repoarch'd him with it publickly, as an Attempt to introduce the Spartan Manners and Diſci⯑pline. He certainly had a very bad Opinion of the Manners of his Country, and would glad⯑ly have reform'd them; but he could not do it otherwiſe than by his Example; and that was of ſmall Force againſt ſo general a Corruption. However as to his own particular, it gain'd him an Awe and Attention from thoſe who would not imitate him. It created ſuch an Opi⯑nion of him, that he was choſen General up⯑on Forty five ſeveral Expeditions, and always in his Abſence: For tho' he did not decline the Service when he was call'd to it, he never put himſelf in the way of it. He was ſo far from making a ſervile court to the People, or ſoothing them in their Follies, that he took all Occaſions of thwarting and oppoſing them [301] and he would never give up a point which he thought neceſſary for the Good or Safety of the Publick. The Oracle having, upon a certain Occaſion, told the Athenians, That there was one Man in the City of a different Opinion from the reſt, and Enquiry being made who this ſhould be; I, ſaid Phocion, am the Man; I am pleas'd with nothing that the Common People ſay, or do. Another time, when he had deliver'd his Opi⯑nion to them, and found that it was generally approved, I wiſh, ſaid he, turning to his Friend, That what I have propos'd, be not wrong. He was ſo tenacious in what he thought moſt adviſeable, that he would rather ſuffer himſelf to be treated as a Coward, than enter into a War, which did not appear to him to be juſt and neceſſary. There is an Inſtance of this kind, when being preſs'd to engage the Enemy at a diſadvantage, No, ſaid he, You cannot at this time make me valiant, nor I you wiſe. The truth is, he was naturally inclin'd to Peace, and con⯑ſider'd War no otherwiſe than as the means of procuring it. He endeavour'd, by ſeveral pri⯑vate Negotiations, to put an end to the War with the Macedonians; and herein he ſeem'd to act the Part of a Mediator: But the Modera⯑tion and Complaiſance, which he ſhew'd in this Correſpondence with the Enemies of his Coun⯑try, created a Suſpicion of his being too well affected to them; and at laſt it coſt him his Life. He certainly was upon good Terms with [302] Philip, Alexander and Antipater, who all ſuc⯑ceſſively eſteem'd and careſs'd him, and would have loaded him with Preſents; but he could not be prevail'd upon to accept any. Upon this occaſion Antipater was wont to ſay, I have two Friends at Athens, Phocion and Demades; of whom the former will not ſuffer me to gratify him at all, and the other is never to be ſatisfy'd. Phocion, upon the whole, was one of the wiſeſt and beſt ſort of Men that Athens ever bred. But the Steadineſs of his Virtue, and the Sin⯑gularity of his Manners, would not let him drive on with the Current of the Times he liv'd in; and Plutarch mentions it as his Misfortune, That he came to the Helm, when the Publick Bot⯑tom was juſt upon ſinking.
When Philip found his Affairs advance ſlow⯑ly in Euboea, he thought fit to retreat, and march'd back to Thrace, in order to diſtreſs the Athenians in thoſe Parts, from whence they receiv'd a great Part of their Proviſions. With this View, in the laſt Year of the 109th Olympiad, he laid Siege to Perinthus, Philip be⯑ſieges Pe⯑rinthus, and firmly attach'd to the Athenians. He inveſted it with an Army of thirty thouſand Men; and having rais'd his Works to a great heighth, ſo as to command thoſe of the Enemy, he made his Aſſault with all kinds of battering Engines. The Inhabitants were no leſs active and reſolute on their Part; ſo that when Philip had made a Breach in the Wall, which he thought [303] ſufficient to gain his Entrance into the Town, he found they had run up another Wall within ſide; by means whereof, together with the natural Ad⯑vantage of the Place, which roſe up gradually in the Form of a Theatre, they made a vigorous Defence, and held out till they were reliev'd from Byzantium.
Philip, to cut off this Communication, divided his Army, and march'd with one half of it to form the Siege of Byzantium, leaving the other to carry on that of Perinthus. and Byzan⯑tium. Theſe violent Proceedings gave a general Alarm both in Greece and Perſia. The Lieutenants of the Provinces near the Coaſts, were order'd to aſſiſt the Be⯑ſieg'd with what Forces they could ſpare. The Iſlands of Chios, Cos and Rhodes, united in the ſame Deſign; and the Athenians began now to exert themſelves in earneſt. Demoſthenes had be⯑fore endeavour'd to awaken them out of their Lethargy, and to convince them, that the firſt Attack againſt Perinthus was an open Violation of the Peace: And they ſo far gave Attention to him, that Chares was ſent out with a Fleet. But he was a bad Man, and of a mean Capacity; and as ſuch, he was pitch'd upon by the Creatures of Philip for this Service. He behav'd accord⯑ing to their Expectations, and had ſo little Credit with the Allies of Athens upon the Helleſpont, that they did not care to admit him into their Ports. But the People now being grown more ſenſible of their Danger, thought it neceſſary to [304] appoint ſome other Commander, on whom they could better depend; and accordingly Phocion [...] was order'd out with a freſh Supply of Forces.
Philip had hitherto endeavour'd, by many ſpe⯑cious Pretences, to cover his Deſigns, and to keep Meaſures with the Athenians: But when he found they had taken the Alarm, and were arm⯑ing ſo many others againſt him, he wrote them an expoſtulatory Letter,He endea⯑vours to juſtify his Proceedings wherein he charg'd them with the Infraction of their Treaties, and with many other Injuries, which he pretended to have receiv'd from them. It was full of Complaints, Reproaches and Menaces, and was drawn in a very maſterly manner, with ſo much Art and Delicacy, with ſuch a Variety of Facts, and ſuch plauſible Reaſoning upon them, and with ſuch a Spirit of Majeſty throughout the Whole, that it may be look'd upon as one of the fineſt Pieces of Antiquity. It was calculated for the Uſe of the Partizans at Athens, ſo as to furniſh them with Materials for pleading his Cauſe in the Aſſembly; and the Intent of it was, to try if it were yet too late to divert the People from puſh⯑ing things to an Extremity. The Point that he laid the greateſt Streſs upon, was the engaging the Perſians againſt him; and this he imputed to the Athenians. It does not clearly appear how far they were concern'd in it: But it is certain, that, in order to check the Growth of his Power. Demoſthenes had prepar'd the People for an Al⯑liance with Perſia, and ſtill preſs'd it; and Pau⯑ſanias [305] ſays, that the Perſian Troops, which were employ'd on this occaſion, were commanded by Apollodorus an Athenian. From ſuch Circum⯑ſtances as theſe, Philip thought himſelf ſuffici⯑ently warranted to remonſtrate in the manner he did to the Athenians. He told them, That by this Inſtance of their calling in the Perſians, and that at a time when he was in peace with them, they had ſhewn more Hatred and Rancour againſt him, than in caſes of the moſt open and declared En⯑mity between them; That they had acted in it contrary to all the Rules of Prudence and Poli⯑cy, and to the conſtant Practice not only of their Anceſtors, but of themſelves likewiſe. And to this purpoſe, he reminded them, that they had ſome time ſince paſs'd a formal Reſolution, to invite him to act in conjunction with them and the other Grecians, againſt the Perſians, as Barbari⯑ans, and as their common Enemy. His ap⯑plying theſe Appellations of Barbarians and Fo⯑reigners to the Perſians, was an artful way of diſclaiming them with regard to himſelf, and of blending together the Intereſts of Greece and Macedonia, as if they were inſeparable. Demo⯑ſthenes, to prevent the Impreſſions this Letter might make upon the People,Demo⯑ſthenes re:futes him. endeavour'd, by way of Anſwer, to expoſe the Fallacy of the Arguments contain'd in it. They were found⯑ed wholly upon a Preſumption, that the Athe⯑nians were the Aggreſſors: But it was noto⯑rious, that Philip was taking their Places, in⯑tercepting [306] their Proviſions, attacking their Allies, and making every Day freſh Incroachments upon them, and that in a time of profound Peace [...] as he calls it, and before any Meaſures had been taken by the Athenians to oppoſe him This was the Truth of the Caſe; and tha [...] which Demoſthenes thought it more neceſſary to convince the People of, than to go about to juſtify, or to refute the Facts they wer [...] charg'd with. He told them, The Lette [...] was wrote in a ſtile not ſuitable to th [...] People of Athens; That it was a plain De [...] ⯑claration of War againſt them; That Philip ha [...] long ſince made the ſame Declaration by his Ac [...] ⯑tions; and that by the Peace he had conclude [...] with them, he meant nothing further than a bar Ceſſation of Arms, in order to gain time, and t [...] take them more unprepared. From thence h [...] proceeded to his uſual Topick of reproving them for their Sloth, and for ſuffering them ſelves to be deluded by their Orators, who wer [...] in Philip's Pay. At the ſame time he advis' [...] them to change their Generals; for that the who had ruin'd their Affairs, were not ver [...] likely to retrieve them. Phocion declar'd h [...] Opinion to the ſame effect concerning the Ge [...]nerals;Phocion ſucceeds Chares in the Com⯑mand. and it was upon this Occaſion, that h [...] was appointed to ſucceed Chares.
The Byzantines receiv'd him with great Mark [...] of Confidence and Friendſhip; and he, by act [...]ing in concert with them, ſoon oblig'd Philip [...] [307] abandon his Deſign both upon Byzantium and Perinthus. He raiſes both the Sieges, He alſo took ſome of his Ships, re⯑cover'd ſeveral Places which he had garriſon'd, ravag'd the flat Part of the Country,and drives Philip out of the Hel⯑leſpont. and drove him out of the Helleſpont. It is ſaid, that the Siege of Perinthus was rais'd before by the Per⯑ſians; but whatever hand they had in it, the Inha⯑bitants of that Place, as well as of Byzantium, aſcribed their Deliverance wholly to the Athenians, and teſtified it in the moſt ſolemn manner, giv⯑ing them liberty to ſettle among them, and in⯑termarry with them, and granting them great⯑er Privileges and Immunities, than their own Citizens enjoy'd. They alſo conſecrated Crowns, and erected Statues to them. The Inhabitants of the Cherſoneſe, in token of the like Deliver⯑ance, rais'd Altars to the Athenians, and decreed to them a Crown of Gold. So terrible was the Name of Philip grown to the People in theſe Parts, that they thought they could ne⯑ver give ſufficient Proofs of their Gratitude to thoſe who had freed them from him. And as to himſelf, his Diſappointment in this Ex⯑pedition, with the Loſs of a good Number of his Men, was the greateſt Mortification he had hitherto receiv'd. This reduced him to his old Artifice, of endeavouring to renew the Peace with Athens: And he kept up the Appearance of negotiating it for the next two Years after the Siege of Perinthus. But he was arming all the while, and making new Infractions; and [308] the ſubſequent Account of his Proceedings will ſhew, that there was no way left of bringing things to a Determination, but by the Sword.
Without waiting the Reſult of his laſt Over⯑ture of the Athenians, Philip's Expedition into Scy⯑thia: he march'd againſt Atheas King of Scythia, upon a pretence, that he had not gratified him for the Aſſiſtance he had giv⯑en him in his Wars againſt the Iſtrians. The Scythians gave him battle; but tho' they were far ſuperior in Number, he defeated them, and carried off a great deal of Booty, which con⯑ſiſted chiefly of Women and Children, and Cattle; and among the latter, there were twenty thouſand Mares for breeding. In his Return, the Triballi of Moeſia pretending to a Share of the Spoil, diſputed his Paſſage; and thereupon enſued a ſharp Conflict, wherein his Horſe was kill'd under him, and himſelf ſo wounded, that he muſt have fallen into the Enemies hands, if he had not been reſcued by his Son Alex⯑ander, who was with him in this Expedition, and gave this early token of what might one Day be expected from him.
The Peace in the mean time was under conſi⯑deration at Athens; His Over⯑tures of Peace re⯑jected at Athens; and the People were divided concerning it, according to the different Senti⯑ments of their Leaders. Phocion was for ac⯑cepting it, but was ſtrongly oppos'd by De⯑moſthenes; and his Advice for rejecting it pre⯑vail'd. When Philip ſound the Athenians would not treat with him, and that they were acting [309] offenſively againſt him, eſpecially at Sea, where they block'd up his Ports, and put an intire ſtop to his Commerce,whereupon he forms new Alli⯑ances, he began to form new Alliances againſt them, particularly with the Thebans and Theſſalians, without whom he knew he could not keep open his Paſſage into Greece. At the ſame time he was ſenſible, that his en⯑gaging theſe Powers to act directly againſt A⯑thens, and in his own perſonal Quarrel, would have ſo bad an Aſpect, that they would not eaſily come into it. For which reaſon, he en⯑deavour'd underhand to create new Diſturban⯑ces in Greece, and creates freſh Di⯑viſions in Greece. that he might take ſuch a part in them, as would beſt anſwer his Views: And when the Flame was kindled, his Point was to appear rather to be call'd in as an Aſſiſtant, than to act as a Principal.
Theſe freſh Commotions took their Riſe from the Locri Ozolae, who border'd upon the Pho⯑cians, and were accus'd of the ſame Act of Pro⯑fanation which they had committed in breaking up a piece of Ground belonging to the Temple of Apollo at Delphi: And this Caſe was referr'd, in the ſame manner as the former was, to the Amphictyons, who, in order to form their Judg⯑ment upon the Matter in diſpute, went to take a view upon the Place, but were ſo inſulted and attack'd by the Locrians, that they were forc'd to fly for it. Hereupon both Sides had recourſe to Arms, and there was all the Ap⯑pearance of a ſecond Holy War. But it was [310] not carried on with the ſame Zeal as the for⯑mer; it was ended almoſt as ſoon as it began and ſerv'd only to advance Philip's Authority in Greece. His De⯑ſigns pro⯑moted by Aeſchines. This was owing chiefly to Aeſchines who was ſecretly his Agent, and had, by his means, got himſelf to be deputed on the part of Athens, as one of the Members in the pre⯑ſent Aſſembly of the Amphictyons. When he found the War went on ſo heavily, and that they, who were to contribute towards it, were very backward in ſending in their Quota's, he pro⯑pos'd to the reſt of the Deputies, that the ſeve⯑ral States which they repreſented, ſhould either hire Foreign Troops, and tax themſelves to pay them, or that, in order to ſave that Trouble and Expence, they ſhould chooſe Philip for their General. They readily ſwallow'd the Bait that was laid for them, and agreed to the latter of theſe Propoſals. Hereupon a formal Em⯑baſſy was ſent to Philip, to demand his Aſſi⯑ſtance in avenging the Honour of the Deity; and to notify to him, That the Grecians had, by their Repreſentatives in the Council of the Amphictyons, Philip cho⯑ſen Gene⯑ral againſt the Locri⯑ans. choſen him their General for that purpoſe, with full Power to proceed in the man⯑ner he ſhould judge moſt proper.
Philip did not want much Perſuaſion to ac⯑cept the Offer of that, which he had ſo eagerly purſu'd, and which was, in effect, the Completion of all his other Deſigns. He unmediately got his Troops together, and began [311] his March: But inſtead of going on to cha⯑ſtiſe the Lorcrians, He ſeizes upon Ela⯑têa. he made a ſudden turn, and ſeiz'd upon Elatêa a capital City of Phocis, which was very well ſituated for awing the The⯑bans, of whom he began to grow jealous, and for preparing his way to Atheans. But by ſo extraordinary a Step as this, he fairly threw off the Mask, and bad defiance to the whole Body of the Grecians. The Athe⯑nians a⯑larm'd at it.
The News of it arriving at Athens in the Evening, the Trumpets ſounded the Alarm, and the City was fill'd with Terror and Amazement. The next Morning the Aſſembly met, and all the Generals and Orators aſſiſted at it: But when it was expected, that ſome of the Mem⯑bers ſhould riſe to offer their Advice upon the preſent Exigency, every body ſat mute and con⯑founded. The Crier made Proclamation, and demanded, according to the uſual Form, Who of them was diſpos'd to ſpeak? No body yet of⯑fering, the ſame Queſtion was ſeveral times re⯑peated; but ſtill to no purpoſe. At length,They are animated by Demo⯑ſthenes. in this general dead Silence, Demoſthenes roſe up, and endeavour'd to diſpel their Fears, and to animate them for their Defence. The moſt im⯑mediate Danger they apprehended from Philip, was his late Alliance with the Thebans; and this was the point that Demoſthenes labour'd chiefly to clear up to them, and to make it appear, that the Thebans were not ſo ſtrong⯑ly attach'd to him as they imagin'd. For [312] if it were ſo, ſaid he, we ſhould not now have heard of his being at Elatêa, but in Attica. To which he added, That however the Thebans might before have been deluded by him, this laſt Proceed⯑ing of his had more fully open'd their Eyes. It is true, ſaid he, ſome part of them he had gain'd by Mony and Artifice; and he has drawn down his Troops to keep them in heart, and to intimidate the reſt, who are the greateſt Part, and who have hitherto oppos'd him, and would ſtill continue to do ſo, if they had any Proſpect of being ſupported. Wherefore he propos'd, That all who were able to bear Arms, ſhould march out of the City, and make a general Rendezvous at Eleuſis, as well to ſet an Example to the reſt of Greece for aſſerting the common Liberty, as to ſhew the Thebans in particular, that they were ready to protect and aſſiſt them. And in regard to that inveterate Enmity and Rancour, which had ſo long ſubſiſted between Athens and Thebes, he advis'd the People to ſuppreſs it for the pre⯑ſent, and not to revive the Memory of paſt In⯑juries, which, he told them, would only ſerve to hinder, or retard that Union and good Corre⯑ſpondence, which were now become ſo neceſſary for their mutual Preſervation. He further pro⯑pos'd, That Ambaſſadors ſhould be ſent to the ſeveral States of Greece, to make it a common Cauſe; but eſpecially, and in the firſt place to the Thebans, as they were more immediately ex⯑pos'd, and as they were the Barrier to Athens. [313] The Aſſembly readily agreed to this Advice of Demoſthenes; and purſuant thereto, a Decree in form was drawn up, with an additional Clauſe, That a Fleet of two hundred Sail ſhould be fitted out, to cruize near Thermopylae.
There being no time to be loſt in this Ne⯑gotiation with the Thebans, His Nego⯑tiation with the Thebans. Ambaſſadors were forthwith diſpatch'd to them, with Demoſthenes at the head of them; and they were met by others on the part of Philip. Python op⯑poſes him. The principal of them was Python, who was a Byzantine by Birth, and had been made a free Citizen of Athens, but was now in Philip's Intereſt. He was a very able and forcible Speaker, and therefore was upon this occaſion oppos'd to Demoſthenes. The Macedonians were heard firſt, the Prefe⯑rence being given to them as Friends and Allies. They ſet out with large Encomiums upon Phi⯑lip, and after a long Recital of the many Bene⯑fits and Advantages the Thebans had receiv'd from him, and the many Injuries and Provo⯑cations they had receiv'd from Athens, they endeavour'd to excite their Gratitude on the one hand, and to fire their Reſentment on the other. They alſo tempted them with the Hopes of Booty, which, they told them, they ſhould find in great abundance in Attica, and that they would at the ſame time prevent the ravaging their own Country, and making it the Seat of the War, which would be the neceſſary Conſe⯑quence of their entering into an Alliance with [314] Athens. Upon the whole, they propos'd to them in the alternative, either that they ſhould join with Philip in the Invaſion of Attica, or that they ſhould ſit ſtill, and give him a free Paſſage thorugh Boeotia.
Demoſthenes, by way of Reply, uſed the ſame king of Reaſoning with the Thebans, as he had done with the Athenians, to convince them of the Neceſſity of proceeding againſt Philip as their common Enemy: For that whatever Words or Pretences he made uſe of, his Deſigns were too viſible from his Actions. He inſtanc'd particularly in the manner of his ſeizing upon Elatêa. He told them, That in caſe he ſhould ſucceed ſo far as to conquer Attica, Thebes would ſuffer in its Turn; That he would go on from one City, and one Province to another, and would never ſtop 'till he had made himſelf Maſter of the whole.
The Thebans were not very inclinable to enter into any Engagements on either ſide: They had too lively a Senſe of the Miſeries they had un⯑dergone, eſpecially whilſt the Wounds they had receiv'd in the Phocian War were ſtill freſh up⯑on them. But Demoſthenes fired them to ſuch a degree, that they were no longer Maſters of themſelves. The Force of his Eloquence, upon this Occaſion, is ſaid to have caſt a Miſt over their Underſtanding, to have carried them away like a Whirlwind, and to have work'd them up to a ſort of Enthuſiaſm: Inſomuch that, laying aſide all [315] Fear and Gratitude,The The⯑bans enter into an Alliance with A⯑thens. and other prudential Con⯑ſiderations, they declar'd themſelves for the Al⯑liance with Athens.
That which animated Demoſthenes, next to his Zeal for the publick Safety, was his having to do with a Man of Python's Abilities; and he ſome time after, took occaſion to value himſelf upon the Victory he had obtained over him. I did not give way, ſaid he, to the boaſting Python, when he would have bore me down with a Torrent of Words. Demoſthe⯑nes values himſelf upon his Succeſs. He gloried more in the Succeſs of this Negotiation, than of any other he had been employ'd in, and ſpoke of it as his Maſter⯑piece in Politicks. It was certainly of the great⯑eſt Importance to Athens at this time, when Philip ſeem'd fully bent on her Deſtruction, and when ſhe had no other immediate Proſpect of Relief, but from the gaining the Thebans. De⯑moſthenes therefore, to do himſelf Juſtice, put the People in mind of the Danger they had eſcap'd. He told them, It was he, who had diſperſed that Cloud which hung over the City, and that, by this Inſtance of his unwearied Diligence and Zeal for the Publick, he had exceeded all that had been done by the greateſt Orators of former Ages. He was generally more modeſt than he appears to have been in this Caſe: But it muſt be conſider'd, that what he ſaid upon this Occaſion, was ſome time after, in his Defence againſt Aeſchines, who, by his artful and invidious inſinuations, had put him under a Neceſſity of enumerating his Ser⯑vices [316] to the Common-wealth, and of ſet⯑ting them in the ſtrongeſt Light they would bear.
When Philip found himſelf thus diſappointed of the Thebans, Philip's Artifices to avoid fighting. he ſued again to the Athenians for Peace: but they ſaw his Drift too plainly to truſt him, and were too much exaſperated to hearken to any Terms of Accommodation. However, he reſolved to ſtand it out with them, and both Sides prepared for Battle. But before it came to Action, he try'd another Stratagem; which was, by bribing the Oracle, to terrify them with fatal Omens and predictions concerning the Event of it. Demoſthenes, to prevent theſe Warnings making any deep Impreſſion, treated them with the utmoſt Contempt; and it was upon this Occaſion, that he charged the Prieſteſs with Philippizing. He put the Thebans in mind of their Epaminondas, and the Atheni⯑ans of Pericles, who, he told them, were go⯑vern'd by Reaſon and good Senſe, and would not ſuffer themſelves to be carried away by ſuch idle ſuperſtitious Fancies, which they look'd upon only as a Cloak for Cowardice. The Athenians were ſo eager for the War, that they eaſily got the better of theſe frightful Appre⯑henſions; and Demoſthenes had, by his laſ [...] Treaty, gain'd ſuch an Aſcendant both ove [...] them and the Thebans, that they ſubmitted them⯑ſelves intirely to his Directions.
[317] Accordingly they took the Field,Olymp. 110. 3. The Battle at Chero⯑nêa. and en⯑camp'd together near Cheronêa in Boeotia; where Philip met them with thirty thouſand Foot, and two thouſand Horſe. He was ſomewhat ſuperior to them in Numbers, and more ſo in the Goodneſs of his Officers. He gave the Com⯑mand of the left Wing of his Army to his Son Alexander, but, in regard to his Youth, he placed the beſt of his Officers about him; and the right Wing he took to himſelf. In the Grecian Army, the Thebans were on the right, and the Athenians on the left. At Sun-riſing the two Armies join'd Battle, and behav'd with ſuch equal Courage and Bravery, that it was long before any Impreſſion was made on either ſide; till at length Alexander, exerting himſelf in an extraordinary manner, broke in upon the Sacred Band of the Thebans, and cut them to Pieces; after which, the reſt of that Wing were eaſily routed. Philip, who had to do with the Athenians, forc'd them likewiſe to give way: But they ſoon recover'd their Ground; and Ly⯑ſicles, who, in Conjunction with Chares, com⯑manded the Athenian Troops, puſh'd forwards into the Centre of Philip's Army; where, ima⯑gining himſelf victorious, he cry'd out to his Men, Come on, let us purſue them to Macedonia. Philip, obſerving what paſs'd, and that Lyſicles, inſtead of attacking his Phalanx in Flank, when he had ſo fair an Opportunity, went on a wild diſorderly Purſuit, ſaid cooly, The Athenians [318] don't know how to conquer. And thereupon h [...] drew up his Phalanx on a little Eminence, from whence he pour'd down upon them, and takin [...] them both in Flank and Rear,Philip gains the Victory. intirely route them. It was upon this Occaſion, that De [...] moſthenes threw down his Arms, and was one [...] the firſt who fled: And there is a ridiculou [...] Circumſtance told of him, that in his Flight hi [...] Clothes catching hold of a Buſh, he took it fo an Enemy, and cry'd out for Quarter. Ther [...] were above a thouſand Athenians kill'd in th [...] Action, and above two thouſand taken Pri⯑ſoners; and the Loſs, on the Part of the Thebans [...] was much the ſame.
Philip was tranſported with this Victory beyond meaſure;His Beha⯑viour upon it. and having drank to Exceſs at an En⯑tertainment, which he gave upon that Occa⯑ſion, went into the Field of Battle, where he in⯑ſulted over the Slain, and upbraided the Pri⯑ſoners with their Misfortunes. He leap'd and danc'd about in a frantick manner, and with an Air of Burleſque ſung the Beginning of the Decree, which Demoſthenes had drawn up as a Declaration of the War againſt him. Demades who was in the Number of the Priſoners, had the Courage to reproach him with this unge [...] nerous Behaviour, telling him, That Fortune ha [...] given him the Part of Agamemnon, but that h [...] was acting that of Therſites. He was ſo ſtruck with the Juſtneſs of this Reproof, that i [...] wrought a thorough Change in him; and he [319] was ſo far from being offended at Demades, that he immediately gave him his Liberty, and ſhew'd him afterwards great Marks of Honour and Friendſhip. He likewiſe releas'd all the Athenian Captives, and without Ranſom; and when they found him ſo generouſly diſpos'd to⯑wards them, they made a Demand of their Bag⯑gage, with every thing elſe that had been taken from them; but to that Philip reply'd, Surely they think I have not beat them. This Diſcharge of the Priſoners was aſcrib'd in a great meaſure to De⯑mades, who is ſaid to have new modell'd Philip, and to have ſoften'd his Temper with the Attick Graces, as Diodorus expreſſes it: And Philip him⯑ſelf acknowledg'd upon another Occaſion, that his frequent Converſe with the Athenian Orators, had been of great uſe to him in correcting his Morals. Juſtin repreſents his Carriage after the Battle in a very different Light; as that he took abundance of Pains to diſſemble his Joy; that he affected great Modeſty and Compaſſion, and was not ſeen to laugh; that he would have no Sacrifice, no Crowns nor Perfumes; that he for⯑bad all kind of Sports; and did nothing that might make him appear to the Conquerors to be elated, nor to the Conquer'd, to be inſolent. But this Account ſeems to have been confounded with others, which were given of him after his being reform'd by Demades. It is certain, that after his firſt Tranſport was over, and that he began to recollect himſelf, he ſhew'd great Hu⯑manity [320] to the Athenians, and that, in order ſtil [...] to keep meaſures with them, he renew'd the Peace.He renews the Peace with A⯑thens. But the Thebans, who had renounc'd their Alliance with him, he treated in another manner. He,His Severi⯑ty towards the The⯑bans. who affected to be as much Maſter of his Allies, as of his Subjects, could not eaſily pardon thoſe who had deſerted him in ſo critical a Conjuncture. Wherefore he not only took Ranſom for their Priſoners, but made them pay for leave to bury their Dead. It is further ſaid, that either by the Sword, or by Baniſhment, he clear'd the City of the principal Men who had ſtood in Oppoſition to him, and confiſcated their Goods; That he recall'd all ſuch as had been baniſh'd for eſpouſing his Intereſt, and made 'em Judges and Magiſtrates, with a Power of Life and Death over thoſe who had been the Authors of their Exile. After theſe Severities, and after having plac'd a ſtrong Garriſon over them, he granted them a Peace.
THE Generality of the Athenians were not much dejected upon this Overthrow, eſpe⯑cially ſince Philip had ſhewn ſo much Moderation [321] towards them: But they who ſaw further into the Conſequences of it, were not very eaſy in their preſent Situation. Iſocrates was more par⯑ticularly affected with the Loſs and Diſgrace they had ſuffer'd; and was ſo apprehenſive, that Philip would make ſome further uſe of his Victory, that he choſe rather to ſtarve himſelf to death,Iſocrates ſtarves himſelf. than to ſurvive the Liberty of his Country: Which is a ſufficient Proof, that his Intimacy with Philip, which has before been mention'd, was with an Intent to ſerve the Common-wealth; and that his End was good, tho' he was miſtaken in the Means of attaining it, and in the Man he had to deal with. The Truth is, he was not con⯑verſant enough in publick Affairs. His proper Province was his School, wherein he ſucceeded beyond any Man of his Time; and he got ſo much Mony by it, that he was oblig'd to build a Gally, and maintain it at his own Charge. Plutarch condemns him for his unactive and recluſe way of Life, and ſets him in a very pedantick Light: That he ſat poring at home in his Study, when every Body elſe was in Arms: That, inſtead of ſharpening his Sword and his Spear, and bright⯑ning up his Helmet, he was adapting, ranging and poliſhing his Words and Sentences; and that he was three Olympiads in compoſing* one ſingle Oration. How, ſays he, would that Man have been terrified at the clattering of Weapons, or the routing of a Phalanx, who was ſo afraid of [322] ſuffering one Vowel to claſh with another, or to pronounce a Word where the Syllables were uneven? But notwithſtanding this Piece of Raillery, he was generally reſpected and admir'd, not only as a perfect Maſter in his Profeſſion, but as a tho⯑rough Well-wiſher to his Country.
The Enemies of Demoſthenes were not wanting on this Occaſion, to accuſe him as the Author of their Misfortunes. But the Generality of the People ſtill retain'd their former good Opinion of him,The Con⯑duct of De⯑moſthenes approved. and not only acquitted him of all that had been laid to his Charge, but reſtor'd him to the Management of their Affairs, and put them⯑ſelves wholly under his Care and Guidance, to provide for their future Security. As a further Inſtance of their Regard for him, they pitch'd upon him as the moſt proper Perſon to ſpeak the Funeral Oration upon the Interment of the Slain. Nothing could be a ſtronger Mark of their Approbation of his Services, than the ap⯑pointing him, who had advis'd the War, to ce⯑lebrate the Memory of thoſe who were kill'd in it. And it is mention'd to the Honour of the People likewiſe, that, contrary to their uſual Practice, they had diſtinguiſh'd ſo rightly in the preſent Caſe of Demoſthenes, and judg'd of him according to the Zeal and Intention of his Ser⯑vice, and not according to the Succeſs.
This Defeat was attributed chiefly to the ill Conduct of the Generals,Lyſicles put to death Lyſicles and Chares; the former whereof the Athenians put to death [323] [...]t the Inſtance of Lycurgus, who had great Cre⯑dit and Influence with the People, but was a ſe⯑ [...]ere Judge, and a moſt bitter Accuſer. You, Lyſicles, ſaid he, was General of the Army; a thouſand Citizens are ſlain, two thouſand taken Pri⯑mers; a Trophy has been erected to the Diſhonour [...]f this City, and all Greece is enſlav'd: You had the Command when all theſe things happen'd; and yet you dare to live, and view the Light of the [...]um, and bluſh not to appear publickly in the Forum; [...], Lyſicles, who are born the Monument of your Country's Shame. Character of Lycur⯑gus the O⯑rator. This Lycurgus was one of the Orators of the firſt Rank, and free from the ge⯑neral Corruption which then reign'd among them. He manag'd the publick Treaſure for twelve Years with great Uprightneſs, and had all his Life long the Reputation of a Man of Honour and Virtue. He encreas'd the Shipping, ſupply'd the Arſenal, drove the bad Men out of the City, and fram'd ſeveral good Laws. He kept an ex⯑ [...]ct Regiſter of every thing he did during his Adminiſtration; and when that was expir'd, he caus'd it to be fix'd up to a Pillar, that every Body might be at liberty to inſpect it, and to cenſure his Conduct. He carried this Point ſo far, that, in his laſt Sickneſs, he order'd himſlef to be carried to the Senate-houſe, to give a pub⯑lick Account of all his Actions; and after he had refuted one who accus'd him there, he went home and died. Notwithſtanding the Auſterity of his Temper, he was a great Encourager of [324] the Stage; which, tho' it had been carried to a Exceſs that was mainfeſtly hurtful to the Publick he ſtill look'd upon as the beſt School to inſtru and poliſh the Minds of the People: And this end, he kept up a Spirit to Emulation mong the Writers of Tragedy, and erected t [...] Statues of Aeſchylus, Sophocles and Euripides. [...] left three Sons who were unworthy of him, an behav'd ſo ill, that they were all put in Priſon but Demoſthenes, out of regard to the Memory [...] their Father, got them diſcharg'd.
It does not appear,And of Chares. that Chares underwent an Proſecution for his Share in this Action; tho [...] according to his general Character, he deſerv'd [...] as much or more than his Colleague. For he had no Talents for Command, and was very little different from a common Soldier. Timotheus ſai [...] of him, That inſtead of being a General, he was fitter to carry the General's Baggage. His Perſo [...] indeed was of that robuſt kind of Make; and [...] was that which ſerv'd in ſome meaſure to recom⯑mend him to the People: But he was more Man of Pleaſure, than Fatigue. In his Militar Expeditions, he was wont to carry with him Band of Muſick; and he defray'd the Expenc [...] of it out of the Soldiers Pay. Notwithſtanding his want of Abilities, he had a thorough goo [...] Opinion of himſelf. He was vain and poſitiv [...] bold and boiſterous; a great Undertaker, an [...] always ready to warrant Succeſs; but his P [...] formances ſeldom anſwer'd; and hence it wa [...] [325] that Chares's Promiſes became a Proverb. And yet as little as he was to be depended on, he had his Partizans among the People, and among the Orators, by whoſe Means he got himſelf to be frequently employ'd, and others to be excluded who were more capable. As he had no true Merit of his own, he could the leſs bear it in thoſe who had: This was the Grounds of his ma⯑licious Charge againſt Iphicrates and Timotheus; and the manner in which it was carried on, has already been mention'd as a Reproach to the Common-wealth. In ſhort, he was a bad Man, as well as a bad Officer, and did very little real Service or Honour to his Country, either at home or abroad.
This Year,Olymp. 110. 4. The Death and Cha⯑racter of Timoleon being the laſt of the hundred and tenth Olympiad, died Timoleon. He had ſome time before loſt his Sight, which he bore very patiently; and the Syracuſians, to alleviate his Affliction, and to ſhew their Reſpect and Gra⯑titude to him, went in great Numbers to viſit him, and carried with them all the Strangers in thoſe Parts, to entertain them with the Sight of their great Benefactor. Notwithſtanding his Blindneſs, he continu'd to the laſt to give his Attention to the Publick. When any Matter of Moment came before the Aſſembly, he was con⯑ducted to the Theatre in a Sort of Carr, and was uſher'd in with the joyful Acclamations and Be⯑nedictions of the People; and when he had de⯑liver'd his Opinion, they were always determin'd [326] by it. He was buried at the Charge of the Publick, with great Pomp, and with a general Lamentation; and Anniverſary Games were in ſtituted to do Honour to his Memory. Tha [...] which endear'd him ſo much to the Syracuſians [...] beſides the great things he had done for them was his living and dying among them as thei [...] common Father, and as a Native of Sicily, with⯑out regard to the Honours and Applauſe, that he might have receiv'd upon his return to Greece. But he was a wiſe and moderate Man, as well as valiant and fortunate; he knew where to ſtop, and how to enjoy the Fruits of his Conqueſts. There is hardly an Inſtance of any other Grecian, who, after ſuch Succeſs, went quietly to his Grave, without expoſing himſelf further, ſo as to fall a Sacrifice either to his own Ambition, or to the Inſolence and Ingratitude of his Countrymen. Plutarch obſerves a remarkable Difference between the Atchievements of Timoleon, and thoſe of his Contemporaries: That in thoſe of Timotheus, A⯑geſilaus, Pelopidas, and even of Epaminondas, who was the Pattern that Timoleon copied after, there was a certain Stiffneſs, Labour and Struggling, which took off from the Merit and Luſtre of them; but that thoſe of Timolcon were like the Poetry of Homer, and the Painting of Nicoma⯑chus, which, beſides the Strength and Beauty, that they had in common with others, were more free and eaſy, more graceſul and more maſterly. We can never too much admire and extol the [327] eaſy Progreſs that he made with an handful of Men in Sicily, by driving out the Tyrants, diſ⯑perſing the numerous Fleets and Armies of the Carthaginians, and taking Syracuſe, one of the ſtrongeſt Cities of the World, and which had ſo long withſtood all the Power of Athens; tho' it muſt be confeſs'd, that it was not ſo well forti⯑fied, nor ſo well defended now, as in the Time of the Peloponneſian War. But tho' his Actions were ſo generally applauded, it happen'd once, that two of the Syracuſians, who were popular Speakers, brought a Charge againſt him for ſome Part of his Conduct as General; and one of 'em demanded, that he ſhould give Security for his Appearance; which the People were highly of⯑fended at, as thinking that, in his Caſe, the or⯑dinary Forms of Juſtice ought to be diſpenſed with. But he would not ſuffer himſelf to be ex⯑empted from a due Obſervance of the Laws, which he had taken ſo much Pains to enforce againſt others. However, when the Matter came to be heard, he treated it as a Piece of Calumny, and inſtead of going about to refute it, he only thank'd the Gods, that they had granted his Requeſt; for that he had liv'd to ſee the Syracuſians now at Liberty to ſay whatever they thought fit. He leſt them in full Poſſeſſion of the Liberty both of ſpeaking and acting; and they enjoy'd it about twenty Years, till the ill uſe they made of it, gave Riſe to the Tyranny [328] of Agathocles, who brought them again into their former Condition.
The Battle of Cheronêa was ſo deciſive, tha [...] from thence we may date the Downfal of the Liberties of Greece. For tho' Philip did not purſue his Advantage ſo far as might naturally have been expected; yet the Terror of his Arms kept the whole Country in awe, and pav'd the Way to its more intire Subjection.Philip pro⯑poſes an Ex⯑pedition a⯑gainſt Per⯑ſia, The Point which he had in view, and which he had long form'd in his Thoughts, was an Expedition a⯑gainſt Perſia: And as this was not eaſily to be carried on without the Aſſiſtance of the Grecians, he engag'd them, under a Pretence of revenging the Wrongs they had receiv'd from the Barba⯑rians, to join with him in it, and got himſelf to be declar'd their Captain General;and is de⯑clared Cap⯑tain Gene⯑ral. which was a principal Motive with him in this Un⯑dertaking.
But whilſt he was making the neceſſary Pre⯑parations for this war, he was diverted from it by the Affairs of his Family. He ſuffer'd great Uneaſineſs with his Wife Olympias, He divorces Olympias, who was of a turbulent, jealous and revengeful Tem⯑per, and had alſo given him ſtrong Suſpicions of her Chaſtity; inſomuch that, tho' there was no formal Proof againſt her, he made it a Pre⯑tence to divorce her,Marries Cleopatra. and married Cleopatra, a very beautiful young Woman, and Niece to Attalus, one of his principal Officers. Attalus [329] was tranſported with the Honour done to his Family, and being heated with Wine at the Marriage Feaſt, ſaid publickly, The Macedonians ought now to invoke the Gods, that the new Queen might bring Philip a lawful Succeſſor. Alexander, who was before diſguſted at the Treatment his Mother had met with, was now more thorougly provok'd at that which ſo nearly concern'd him⯑ſelf. What? ſaid he, Do you then take me for a Baſtard? And in a Rage threw his Cup at him; which Attalus return'd. Philip, who ſat at ano⯑ther Table, was ſo incens'd at what had paſs'd, [...]uarrels with his Son Alex⯑ander. that he drew his Sword, and run at his Son as the Diſturber of the Feaſt; but being lame he fell down, and gave the Company time to in⯑terpoſe. But Alexander was not to be pacified; they had much ado to keep him from deſtroy⯑ing himſelf. He was ſo far from ſubmitting himſelf to his Father, that he rallied him upon his Fall. In troth, ſaid he, the Macedonians are mighty well fitted with a General to conduct them out of Europe into Aſia, who is not able to go from one Table to another without danger of breaking his Neck. With this Sarcaſm he quitted the Room, and retir'd to Illyrium, having firſt carried his Mo⯑ther to Epirus. But this Affair was afterwards made up by Means of Demaratus a Corinthian, who being in great Credit and Confidence with Philip, made him ſenſible, that he had gone too far in his Reſentment againſt his Son, and there⯑upon was ſent to bring him back.
[330] Philip, ſoon after this Accident, met with ano⯑ther of the ſame kind, which prov'd more fatal to him.The Mar⯑riage of his Daughter Cleopatra. This happen'd upon the Marriage of his Daughter Cleopatra with Alexander King of Epirus, and Brother of Olympias. Philip, to add to the Solemnity of the Nuptials, and to do himſelf Honour upon his intended Expedi⯑tion, which he had ſtill very much at Heart, made a moſt magnificent Entertainment, and in⯑vited all the moſt conſiderable Men of Greece, taking this Opportunity to teſtify his Grati⯑tude for their having choſen him their General. The ſeveral Cities, from whence they came, were not wanting on their Part to compliment him on the Occaſion, and to flatter his Vanity: They vy'd with one another in ſending him Crowns of Gold; and Athens was not leſs zea⯑lous and devoted to him than the reſt. The next Day after the Feaſt, there were publick Shews to be exhibited, and Philip went in great Pomp to aſſiſt at them, being dreſs'd in a white Robe, and his Nobles and Guards attending him in the form of a Proceſſion. There were carry'd before him twelve Images of the Gods of exquiſite ſine Workmanſhip; and a thirteenth was added, which was more ſplendid than the reſt, and was to repreſent himſelf as One among the Number of the Deities. But in the Heighth of the Solemnity, amidſt the joyful Acclama⯑tions of a numberleſs Croud of Spectators from all Parts, and juſt as his Statue enter'd the [331] Theatre, the Ceremony was interrupted by Pau⯑ſanias a young Macedonian Nobleman. He had ſome time before been groſly affrnoted by Attalus, who, after he had made him drunk, carnally abuſed him, and then proſtituted him to others. Pauſanias made his Complaint to the King, and demanded Juſtice: But Philip did not care to hearken to an Accuſation againſt the Queen's Uncle. The young Man renew'd his Suit, and was ſo importunate for Redreſs, that at laſt Philip, to pacify him, gave him a Commiſſion of the firſt Rank in his Guards. Pauſanias did not look upon this as a Satisfaction for the In⯑jury he had receiv'd; and tho' he ſtifled his Revenge for ſome time, he took the preſent Occaſion of executing it in the moſt publick manner upon the Perſon of the King. Philip had order'd his Guards, both before and be⯑hind, to keep at a proper Diſtance from him, ſo as to leave him room enough to appear more conſpicuouſly to the People; and as he march'd alone in that intermediate Space, Pauſanias made up to him, drew his Dagger and ſtabb'd him,Philip kill'd by Pauſanias. and left him dead upon the Spot.
Pauſanias had Horſes ready for his Eſcape, and had like to have ſucceeded in it; but one of his Feet being hamper'd in a Vinc, he was taken and cut to Pieces. Olympias is ſaid to have provided the Horſes for this purpoſe,Olympias acceſſary to the Mur⯑ther. and was look'd upon not only as privy to the Murther, but as the chief Promoter of it. Neither was [332] Alexander himſelf quite free from Suſpicion. But his Mother was ſo far from concealing the Part ſhe had in it, that ſhe affected to make it pub⯑lick, and was only afraid leſt the Proofs ſhould not appear ſtrong enough againſt her. The very Night ſhe went to aſſiſt at the King's Funeral, ſhe caus'd a Crown of Gold to be put upon the Head of Pauſanias, whilſt he was hanging up⯑on a Croſs. Some Days after ſhe buried him, and erected a Tomb for him, and appointed an Anniverſary-day to be kept in Honour of his Memory. She likewiſe conſecrated the Dagger with which he committed the Fact. Then ſhe turn'd her Rage againſt Cleopatra, for whom ſhe had been divorced; and having murther'd her Infant Child at her Breaſt, caus'd her to be hang'd. From theſe and ſeveral other In⯑ſtances, which might be given of her Cruelty and Revenge, it may eaſily be believ'd, that ſhe was more than conſenting to the Aſſaſſina⯑tion of the King, and that ſhe made uſe of the Reſentment of Pauſanias, to ſatisfy her own.
The News of Philip's Death was a joyful Surpriſe in Greece, and particularly in Athens, where the People crown'd themſelves with Gar⯑lands,The man⯑ner in which the News of Philip's Death was receiv'd at Athens. and decreed a Crown to Pauſanias. They ſacrific'd to the Gods for their Deliverance, and ſung Songs of Triumph, as if Philip had been ſlain by them in Battle. But this Exceſs of Joy did ill become them: It was look'd upon as an ungenerous and unmanly Inſult upon the [333] Aſhes of a murther'd Prince, and of one whom they juſt before had rever'd, and crouch'd to in the moſt abject manner. Theſe immode⯑rate Tranſports were rais'd in them by De⯑moſthenes, who having the firſt Intelligence of Philip's Death, went into the Aſſembly unuſu⯑ally gay and chearful, with a Chaplet on his Head, and in a rich Habit, tho' it were then but the ſeventh Day after the Death of his Daughter. From this Circumſtance Plutarch, at the ſame time that he condemns the Beha⯑viour of the Athenians in general upon this Oc⯑caſion, takes an Handle to juſtify Demoſthenes, and extols him as a Patriot, for not ſuffering his Domeſtick Afflictions to interfere with the Good-fortune of the Common-wealth. But he certainly might have acted the Part of a good Citizen with more Decency and Compoſure, and more to the Honour of himſelf and his Country.
This Accident happen'd to Philip in the forty ſeventh Year of his Age,A. M. 3668. Olymp. 111. 1. and the twenty fifth of his Reign; during which time he was conſtantly in Action, 'till by Degrees he chang'd the whole Face of Affairs, both in Greece and Macedonia. The Steps by which he advanc'd,His Cha⯑racter. were firm and ſure, but withal ſo ſlow and im⯑perceptible, that he ſeem'd to have no great Share of Ambition; and yet in reality Nobody had more; but Nobody had it ſo much under Command, nor knew ſo well how to diſguiſe it. [334] It was varniſh'd over, as as his Actions in ge⯑neral were, with falſe Colours; it had the Ap⯑pearance of Juſtice and Humanity, and Benefi⯑cence to Mankind, in protecting the Innocent, redreſſing the Injur'd, and extirpating Tyranny: But his Acts of this kind were only plauſible Methods of advancing his own Grandeur and Authority, and of ſubverting the Publick Li⯑berty, under a Pretence of defending it.
He was admirably well qualified for the part he acted. For he had an equal Mixture of Fire and Phlegm, which ſerv'd to correct each other: The firſt put him upon form⯑ing great Deſigns, and the latter conducted him in the Execution of them; ſo that his Suc⯑ceſs was owing chiefly to this due Tempera⯑ment, which made him cautious without Fear, and bold without Raſhneſs. When he had ta⯑ken his point, he kept it always in view, and conceal'd it from every body elſe. For he truſted no body further than was neceſſary; he had Favourites, but no Confidents. He was his own Miniſter, his own General, and his own Treaſurer; and as he had all the Capacity, Vi⯑gilance and Activity, which theſe ſeveral Offi⯑ces requir'd, he was intirely Maſter of his own Schemes, and of the Execution of them. Which Demoſthenes takes notice of, as a particular Advan⯑tage that he had over the Athenians, by being ſo ſecret in his Deliberations, and ſo uncon⯑troul'd in his Actions. And the Caſe was much [335] the ſame in the other Republicks, where Mat⯑ters of the moſt ſecret Importance were can⯑vaſs'd and debated in their popular Aſſemblies, the Reſolutions taken upon thoſe Debates were made publick, and the Hands of thoſe who were to executed them, were tied up; and by theſe means they generally loſt their Effect, eſ⯑pecially with regard to Philip, who knew ſo well the Conſtitution of Greece, and the Uſe that was to be made of ſuch a Method of pro⯑ceeding.
He look'd upon all means of attaining his ends to be juſtifiable; and he had Expedients of all kinds, and for all Occaſions. He knew all the different ways that were to lead him to his Mark; but he generally choſe that which was moſt dark and intricate, and out of the common Road. He lov'd Feints and Stratagems for the Pleaſure of deceiving; and he valued himſelf leſs upon the Succeſs of a Battle, than of a Ne⯑gotiation: For which reaſon he ſeldom employ'd Force, 'till his Artifices fail'd him. And yet when he found himſelf obliged to have recourſe to Arms, no body behaved with more Brave⯑ry and Intrepidity, nor with better Conduct. Plutarch therefore bears too hard upon him, when ſpeaking of him by way of compariſon with Epaminondas, He ſays, He had none of the principal Virtues of that Great Man, and, among his other Defects, mentions his want of Courage. But there does not appear to be the [336] leaſt Foundation for this Charge; and it has been refuted by his greateſt Enemy Demoſthenes, who deſcribes him with his Eye out, his Col⯑lar-bone broke, his Hand and his Leg maim'd; and then adds, That he had ſeen this Philip thus wounded from Head to Foot, ſtill ready to throw himſelf into the midſt of Dangers, and to ſacrifice the reſt of his Body in the fur⯑ther Purſuit of Glory.
He infuſed the ſame Spirit into his Soldiers, who were ſo animated by his Example, and ſo inured to Action, that he could always de⯑pend on them. He had alſo a way of gain⯑ing their Affections: He would call them his Comrades, and treat them otherwiſe with great Familiarity; and he did it in ſuch a manner, as neither to leſſen his Authority, nor relax the Diſcipline. They were grown ſo hardy and ex⯑pert under him, that the Macedonian Troops were reckon'd at this time almoſt as much ſu⯑perior to the Grecians, as the Grecians were to the Perſians. Theſe were the Men whom Clytus afterwards reproach'd Alexander with, when he told him, It was his Father's Troops, by which he had conquer'd. Alexander was too ſenſible of the truth of it [...] and it coſt the old Man his Life.
If Philip had been equal in other reſpects to what he was in the Field, he had made a glo⯑rious Figure: But his Tricks and Subterfuges and deep Diſſimulation, his groſs Bribery, Trea [337] chery and Breach of Faith, which make up the main of his Character, have caſt ſuch a Shade over his real good Qualities, that they are hardly to be diſtinguiſh'd, and have given occaſion to call even his military Virtues in queſtion. But in that reſpect, he was undoubtedly ſuperior to all the Captains of his time: And he had other⯑wiſe great Talents. He had a fine Underſtand⯑ing, with a ſtrong and clear Judgment; great Prudence and Foreſight; great Variety of Learn⯑ing, and other acquir'd Knowledge. He ſpoke and wrote with great Eaſe, Propriety and Dig⯑nity, but with too much Art and Subtilty: For there was Deſign and Inſincerity in every thing he ſaid, whether he were in jeſt, or in earneſt. He always promis'd more than he intended to perform; and he had as little regard to his Oath, as to his Promiſe. To this purpoſe he had a Saying, That Children were to be cheated with Play-things, and Men with Oaths. And yet notwithſtanding this impious Maxim of his, he made a great Shew of Religion, and it was that which gain'd him his firſt footing in Greece in the Phocian War. Among his other Arts of Hypocriſy, by which he impos'd upon the World, we may reckon that of his being at⯑tended every Morning by a Servant, to put him in mind of his Mortality. His Friendſhips were govern'd wholly by his Intereſt: They were only mercenary Engagements, that he had [338] enter'd into with bad Men, and for bad Ends and when they had ſerv'd his Purpoſe, he had done with them. This was the Caſe of moſt of his Agents who ſold their Country to him; he paid them their Price, and then diſcarded them; for he lov'd the Treaſon, but not the Traytor [...] Of which there was a memorable Inſtance in his Treatment of the two Magiſtrates, who be⯑tray'd Olynthus to him. When they found them⯑ſelves univerſally ſcouted and contemn'd for that Act of Treachery, and even by the common Sol⯑diers in his own Army, they applied to him for Protection and Redreſs; but he gave them a very ſhort Anſwer, and a very cutting one; O! ſaid he, you muſt not mind what ſuch blunt Fellows ſay, who call every thing by its own Name. He had a particular Faculty of ſetting two Friends at variance, and by that means of getting in⯑to their Confidence. And this was his main Artifice in the carrying on his Deſigns againſt Greece, by ſowing Jealouſies, fomenting Quar⯑rels, and playing one State againſt another; and when he had, by theſe Methods, broke into their Alliances, and ſeparated their Intereſts, the remaining Part was not difficult. His hardeſt Task was with the Athenians, with whom he was continually either fighting, or treating: And tho' they had, 'till his time, the Reputation of a more reſined Wit than their Neighbours, and of more Sagacity, Penetration and Attention [339] to their Intereſts; yet he found means to amuſe and confound them, to delude and inſatuate them, to corrupt and divide them.
He was not ſo taken up in the purſuit of his Ambition, but that he found time for his Pleaſures, wherein he indulg'd himſelf in a very diſſolute and licentious manner; and in this part of his Life, he acted openly, and without Re⯑ſerve. He lov'd Riot and Drunkenneſs, and Intemperance of all kinds, and encourag'd them ſo much in others, that he was ſurrounded with a Set of lewd Paraſites and Debauchees, Play⯑ers, Buffoons and Pantomimes, who engroſs'd all his Favours, and ſhar'd all his Bounty; but amidſt theſe Exceſſes, he had, or affected to have, ſome Senſe of Shame; ſo that when he had committed any Acts of Violence or In⯑juſtice, he would eaſily bear Reproof, and often repair the Injury. There was a Woman who put her ſelf in his way, after he had been ſitting long at Table, and demanded juſtice of him. He heard her Caſe, and determin'd againſt her. Then, ſaid ſhe, I will appeal. What? From your King? ſaid Philip. And who is it you would appeal to? To Philip, when he is ſober, ſhe replied. Whereupon he examin'd the Af⯑ſair over again, and finding he had given a wrong Judgment, made a new one in her Fa⯑vour. Another Woman had long ſolicited an Audience of him upon a like Occaſion; and be⯑ing [340] put off from time to time, with a pretence that he was not at leiſure, ſhe could bear no longer, but ſaid to him, If you have not time to do me Juſtice, ceaſe to be King. He was ſo far from reſenting her manner of reproaching him, that he immediately redreſs'd her Griev⯑ance; and from thenceforwards he became more exact in giving Audience to his Subjects. There was another Inſtance of a good ſort of Man, whom he was advis'd to baniſh, for having ſpo⯑ken ill of him; No, ſaid Philip, Let me conſider firſt, whether I have not given him Occaſion for it. And being afterwards inform'd, that he had never given him any Mark of his Favour, and that he was in bad Circumſtances, he reliev'd him. When the Man had taſted of his Boun⯑ty, he chang'd his Note, and ſpoke as much in his Praiſe: which gave occaſion to Philip to make another Reflection, That Kings have it in their own power to be belov'd or hated. He has given ſeveral other Proofs of his ſwallowing Injuries, as Longinus calls it; and ſome remar⯑ka [...] Inſtances of his Clemency and Forbear⯑an [...] have been already mention'd in the Reci⯑t [...] of his Actions.
Thus by a Mixture of ſome good Qualities, with a great many bad ones, he accompliſh'd his Ends, ſo far at leaſt, that he had throughly open'd the Way to the Deſtruction of the Liber⯑ties of Greece, and laid the Foundation of all his [341] Son's Glory. And if the Actions of each of them be duly weigh'd, it will be found, that Philip's Part was the more difficult of the two. For it was certainly eaſier to conquer Aſia with the Aſſiſtance of the Grecians, than to break the Power of the Grecians, who had ſo often beat the Aſiaticks. Wherefore we may venture to pronounce, That tho' Alexander was the greater Conqueror, Philip was the greater Man. How⯑ever they were both form'd for the Task they undertook. If Philip had liv'd to paſs over into Aſia, his artful and deliberate Valour would not, in all Likelihood, have had ſo good an Effect there, as the Heroick Ardour and Impetuoſity of his Son, which bore down every thing that oppos'd him, and which carried him on with ſuch Rapidity through the whole Body of the Perſian Empire. But however Philip might have ſucceeded in that Expedition, it ſeems pretty extraordinary, that he ſhould think of entring upon it, before he had made a more intire Conqueſt of Greece, which was certainly his original Plan, and the Point, in which all his other Views center'd: And his Succeſs at Cheronêa had given him the [...]aireſt Proſpect he ever had, of ſubduing the whole Country. It had put the Athenians and the Thebans ſo far in his Power, that they were expecting every Hour to have his Yoke impos'd on them. [342] As to the Spartans, tho' they had avoided en⯑tering into the Quarrel, it is hardly to be ſup⯑pos'd they would tamely have ſubmitted to him After the Battle, he wrote them an haughty Let⯑ter, to try how they would reliſh his Authority [...] But in Anſwer to it, their King Archidamus the Son of Ageſilaus ſent him word, That if he mea⯑ſur'd his Shadow, he would find it no bigger after his Victory, than it was before. The Anſwer they ſent him to another Letter of the ſame kind, was, Dionyſius to Corinth. However, they were not in a Condition ſingly to make Head againſt him; and the other ſubordinate States were ſo weak and diſunited, and withal ſo indolent and remiſs, that there was no immediate Appearance of forming any conſiderable League againſt him. But whether he thought the Grecians were ſtill too formidable for him, to act in open De⯑fiance of them; and that his Shew of Mode⯑ration and Humanity, and his Arts of Inſinua⯑tion, were eaſier and ſafer Methods of gaining further Ground upon them; or whether he really contented himſelf with the having hum⯑bled them, and with the Honour of preſiding in their Great Council, and of leading them forth to Battle under the Title of their General, it is certain, that he did not purſue his firſt Scheme of Conqueſt againſt them, nor make uſe of the Advantages, that he had then in his Hands. He had ſtill leſt them in a Condition [343] to recover their former Liberty, if they had had any Remains of their former Spirit: But that was ſo broken and decay'd, that they be⯑came an eaſy Prey to his Succeſſors.