AN ESSAY, At Removing National Prejudices, &c.

HAving wrote two Eſſays in England upon the Subject of the Union, and particularly to remove National and Party Prejudices againſt the Treaty then on foot. I calculated thoſe Eſſays principally for the Engliſh part, where I always expected the difficulty would lye, and where I met with certain radicated tho ill grounded Preju⯑dices againſt the Scots as a Nation, as well as againſt the Union which I thought a general Happineſs.

But I confeſs my ſelf ſurpriz'd, when coming to Edin⯑burgh, on ſome private Affairs of my own, I found my two Eſſays Re-printed here, and forwardly handed about as Arguments againſt that very Subject they were written to Promote, I mean the Union; and that only upon this weak Suppoſition, that becauſe I had only inſiſted upon the Advantages to England, in Union; that therefore I did not pretend Scotland ſhould any way be better'd by it.

To this my Anſwer is very ſhort; that I had always too great a reſpect for the Scots, to write a Satyr upon the Na⯑tion: And that thinking it impoſſible any Scotſman could be [4] to ſeek in the real, numerous, and ſo viſible Advantages, Scotland ſhall reap by the Treaty; I thought it would ſeem to reflect too much upon the Gentlemen concern'd, to preſume to tell them, what it was much better manners for me to preſume they all knew already; and what by the nature of the Thing became ſo viſible, that to me it ſeem'd, none but the willfully Blind, whom I do not pretend to Cure, could be at a loſs about.

But ſince it is my misfortune to be thus miſtaken, and that ſome People charge me with that Ignorance which my reſpect for their Underſtanding, would not permitt me to charge them with. I find my ſelf oblig'd contrary to my fixt reſolution of not medling on either ſide, to make this ſhort Eſſay on the reſpective Advantages of Scotland in the depending Treaty of Union; and this I ſhall do as conciſe⯑ly as I can, and carefully avoiding needleſs Digreſſions, come immediately to the Matter in hand.

Only before I begin the attempt, give me leave in duty to the Government, and in defference to her Majeſty, to note that the expreſſions of Advantages accruing to Scot⯑land by the Union, are ſo plain in her Majeſty's Royal Letter, and ſo aſſerted in the reſpective Speeches of his Grace the Lord Commiſſioner, and the Lord Chancellor, at the opening the preſent Seſſion of Parliament, that one would think no Man could read that Letter, and thoſe Speeches, and ask afterwards what the Advantages to Scotland ſhall be by the Union.

When her Majeſty tells her Subjects of Scotland, She is fully perſuaded it will prove the greateſt Happineſs of her People; that it will be the ſolid Foundation of laſting Peace; it will ſecure your Religion, Liberty and Proper⯑ty, remove the Animoſities amongſt your ſelves, and [5] the Jealouſies and Differences betwixt Our two King⯑doms: It muſt increaſe your Strength, Riches and Trade; and by this Union the whole Iſland being joyn'd in Affection, and free from all apprehenſion of different Intereſts, will be enabled to reſiſt all its Enemies, ſup⯑port the Proteſtant Intereſt every where, and maintain the Liberties of Europe.

That to bring this Union to paſs, is the only effectual way to ſecure your preſent and future Happineſs, and diſappoint the Deſigns of your and her Majeſty's Ene⯑mies.

When his Grace her Majeſtie's high Commiſſioner has inculcated theſe things and reminds you, That the Queen eſteems it as the greateſt Glory of her Reign; (not her glorious Succeſſes abroad excepted) to have this mighty Affair concluded.

When my Lord Chancellor tells you, You have now the opportunity of eſtabliſhing for your ſelves and Poſterity, by this Union, all that concerns your Religi⯑on and Liberties, and the moſt valuable Privileges of Trade.

After all this has been ſaid, is it not hard Gentlemen you ſhould ask a poor Stranger here, what Scotland ſhall get by this Union; and why I did not go upon that in my former Eſſays?

Really, Gentlemen, when I wrote thoſe Eſſays, I con⯑ceiv'd them of uſe to Scotland, to convince ſome unbe⯑lieving Engliſhmen, that your great Advantages ſhould be no injury to them. It was a loud and continued Cry there, Ay, ay, we know the Scots will gain by this Union; but what SHALL WE, we in England, be the better for it: And I was challeng'd often to make out, what the Engliſh ſhould Gain by it.

[6] Upon this I undertook that Subject, and really there lies ſome unhappineſs in the alternative of this Matter, and an impartial Writer, as I hope I may pretend to be, has a great difficulty before him in urging the Advantages of either Nation; ſince the Arguments to prove the Advan⯑tages of one, ſeem to argue the Diſadvantages of the other.

My remedy for this is, what I have undertaken in ano⯑ther place, viz. To convince both Parties, that their Ad⯑vantages are mutual, reciprocal and ſo equal, that 'tis hard to determine which ſide ſhall be the greater Gainer.

And this happy conjunction of good Events, I muſt confeſs, comes to paſs from a thing many People have not without plenty of Ignorance oppoſed; I mean, the Union's being CENTERAL: And as to all the eſſential parts of Conſtitution Univerſal; ſo that we are at liberty to give that Word its full extent, UNION: And here I think it can not be improper to explain how extenſive I think the word Union to be in this Caſe; and how even by the Treaty, it ought to be underſtood. It is a word comprehenſive of every thing Good to both; excluſive of all manner of Pre⯑ference or Diſparity of Parts, abhorring all things Injuri⯑ous or Diminiſhing to either; a full Coallition, a general Incorporation of Nations, of Intereſts, of Power, and of Safety:—A Sameneſs of Circumſtances and of Sympa⯑thies; becoming one and the ſame Body, with one and the ſame Head, Life, Soul, Nutriment, Point and Period.

Some Gentlemen who talk much of this Union, and ha⯑ving known the Heads of it, yet pretend not to underſtand it, would do very well to turn to their Books, and putting together all the Etymologies, receiv'd Significations, cu⯑ſtomary Acceptations, and common readings of the words Union and Incorporation, tell us what they underſtand by [7] them, and how the true meaning of the Words, and the new ſuggeſtions of ſeparate Exiſtence in the Government can Conſiſt.

But if this be too nice, and the Thought too much ſub⯑limated for them, let me recommend to them a courſe Si⯑mily.

I liken this Union to a Body receiving Food, as Fleſh, Fiſh, Fruit, Liquids, &c. All which, being incorporated and digeſted, concoct together, Unite their very Subſtance and diſſolve themſelves into one and the ſame Nutriment, to the health, life, vigour and growth of the whole Body, proportionedly and univerſally.

If wrong Digeſtion, diſtemper of the Body, or defect of the Food, produces corruption, contagion or improper fermen⯑tation, the moſt remote Member, and the neareſt or more immediate, equally feel their proportion'd want of Nou⯑riſhment, decay of Strength, diſtemper and diſorder; the deficiency cannot be felt in the Head, and not in the Foot, but weakneſs ſucceeds to all the Parts.

If our Union be Partial, Federal, Periodical or indeed Notional, as moſt of thoſe ſchemes have been; then the de⯑fects may be ſo alſo: One part may thrive, and another decay; And Scotland would be but too ſenſible of that, in thoſe ſorts of Union.

But if the Union be an Incorporation, a Union accor⯑ding to the extent of the Letter, it muſt then be a Union of the very SOUL OF THE NATION, all its Conſtitution, Cuſtoms, Trade and Manners, muſt be blended together, digeſted and concocted, for the mutual united, undiſtinguiſh't, good, growth and health of the one whole united Body; and this I underſtand by Union And no wonder, they who conſider the Nations in a leſs [8] or more contracted Capacity of Union, are at a loſs, to find the Advantages of it.

Now, Gentlemen, as thus United, would you know your Advantages? They conſiſt of four ſorts.

• 1. Trade,
• 2. Religion,
• 3. Civil Government,
• 4. Liberty and Soveraignty.

1. In Trade, the united Riches, Stocks, Settlements, Factories, and Dependencies of England, are concern'd to promote yours; not as their Siſter-Scotland, but as their own Riches, Stocks in Trade, &c. Not in a ſeparate but an immediate Capacity, their Ports are yours, and you are immediately Naturalized to, and Legitimated in their Cu⯑ſtome-Houſes, Ports and Commerce; Your Manfuactures are Carried to them, and what you want Imported from them without Taxes, Tolls Diſtinction or Interruption.

If the Indies lyes at your Door, and you want Stock to Graſp that Sea of wealth the Fiſhery, your Fiſh and their Stocks will Unite to fall into that uſeful affair, by which your People will be Employed, your Seamen kept at home, your Proviſion conſumed, your Lands Improved, your Nation Enriched, they ſhareing with you in every one of theſe, and you with them in every other Advantage.

'Twill be endleſs to Eſſay on the Freedom of your Linen Manufacture into England, and it's prodigous Increaſs by the taking off the Exorbitant Duty now laid upon it; the Freedom of an Immediate Trade to all Our Colonies, de⯑nied, Even to the Engliſh Subjects Inhabiting Ireland, The fluſh Stocks of Engliſh Men falling into Trade with you, and [9] the Currency and Flux of Engliſh Bullion and Coin into all parts of your Kingdom.

'Twould be worth your conſidering the advantages of Introduceing Engliſh Improvements on your Eſtates, and per⯑haps Engliſh Farmers and Stocks on your Lands; the Ex⯑portation of your Corn and Coals to Engliſh Mercats, And whether it will not be your own fault, if theſe things do not in a few Years, double the Fee ſimple, and raiſe the Value of your Eſtates Two for One.

Theſe are a few of the Advantages in Trade, which would bear a higher enlargement, if it needed that I ſhould firſt prove, this would keep your People at home; and then Examine the infinite Alterations and Conſequences, both to Land-Trade and ready Mony, which doubling or trebbling the number of your People would produce.

'Tis a Slander upon your Country, to ſay, 'tis a Barren Land. Nature was commanded not to let Man have his Bread out of her, but by the Sweat of his Brows; and with that Sweat ſhe never denys him.

'Tis want of Trade to whet Induſtry, Profit to whet Trade, Vent of Goods and Stock to produce Profit; Theſe are the Barrenneſſes your Country Complains of, and Declines for want of.

Your Lands Encloſed, Manured and Cultivated, would be as Rich, your Cattel as Large, your Sheep as Fat, and your Wool as Fine as in England, your Barren Muirs would yield Corn, the Hills Feed Flocks of Sheep, and your bet⯑ter Lands which you now wholly Imploy with the Plough, would Feed Strong, and Valuable Cattel, from hence would proceed Darys, Milk, Butter, Cheeſe, &c. which being plentiful, and Cheap would feed your Poor in a better manner, and deliver them from the Miſery and [10] Hardſhip which now makes your People fly from their Native Country, and makes you the Nurſes of Europe, that you have the trouble and expenſe of your Children till they are grown up; and then other Nations reap the Profit of their Labour.

But I can but touch theſe things here, perhaps I may more largely Diſcourſe of both the evil and its remedy on another occaſion: But to bring it to the preſent pur⯑poſe, the immediate Remedy for them is an UNION, and as it is the only Remedy, ſo it muſt be a Remedy, you muſt partake of the general Improvement, both in Land, Living and Trade; and I need ſay no more.

The Engliſh Powers muſt be your Defence, the whole Engliſh Wealth muſt be Engaged to you; the Engliſh Navys muſt be your Convo [...]s, and in all parts of the World, your Ships have the Immediate Protection of their Fleet, Ports, Forts▪ and Forces: And this by the natu⯑ral Conſequences of the UNION, not as you are their Friends, Neighbours and Confederates: But as you are themſelves, their own, it is become a Debt to you, their Sub⯑jects muſt Pay it, or be Traytors to their Soveraign, and to their Native Country, which is yours and theirs Indefi⯑nitely, and Undiſtinguiſht.

I know ſome Gentlemen will allow all this much rather than be convinced of equal Advantages in another, yet more valu⯑able Caſe, viz. Religion which is the Second head of Diſcourſe.

And here I muſt own, I am aſtoniſht that any one can help ſeeing the Safety, Settlement and Perpetuity of the Eſtabliſht Church of Scotland, entirely wrapt up in the UNI⯑ON; and indeed only to be ſecured by it.

H [...]therto you have been jealous of England, putting upon you Epiſcopacy, Tyrany, &c. And I cannot ſay, 'tis [11] without cauſe, and in caſe of Ruptures, War, diferent So⯑veraigns, and a Thouſand Caſualties and uncertainties, to which the Church as now Eſtabliſhed is ſubject, both from England without, as diſtinctly and diſunitedly conſider'd, Which after the Queen no Body can anſwer for; and from a numerous and doubly Diſaffected Party at Home: Who, I ſay, in caſe of thoſe things, ſhall Anſwer, for what may or may not befal the preſent Eſtabliſht Church▪ I dare ſay, no Man, that has a true Zeal for it can ſay, he is eaſy in the preſent condition of the Church, abſtracted from this Union.

Upon an Union, all theſe Fears vaniſh, 'Tis for ever rendered impoſſible to Overthrow the Settlement of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland; But by Subverting the conſtitution, by abſolute Arbitrary Government, and the openeſt Bare-Fac'd Tyranny. The Church, and the conſti⯑tution the Spiritual and Temporal Liberty, have the ſame Sanction, Subſiſt and Depend upon the ſame Securi⯑ty, are Defended by the ſame Power, Demanded by the ſame Right, Twiſted and Connected together, cannot fall, but by the ſame Diſaſter, Nor ſtand, but by the Support of one another.

'Tis true, Tyrannies may happen; and ſo they may, and are much more likly to do under your preſent Unſet⯑tled poſture, as to Succeſſion, than otherwiſe; And there⯑fore you will ſtill be more Safe than you are now. And with this addition, that then all Brittain will be concern'd for your Liberty and you will demand it, as your un⯑doubted indiſputable Right: Which Right the other can never conſent to Abrogate or make Null, without making it lawful, by the ſame Majority, to loſe their own, and ſo [12] ſhould one day come to ſuffer, by the ſame experiment▪

And indeed, this is the only way, to reconcile that ſtrange abſurdity, of which I have taken notice elſe where, now grow⯑ing up in both Nations, viz. The Danger of the Church, that England ſhould ſay, her Church will be in Danger; and Scotland ſay, her Church will be in Danger: If both theſe can be true, I confeſs, it has ſomething very odd in it. But, what is yet more abſurd, is, that this ſhould be from a Union. Bleſs us! Union work this! How can this be? 'Tis the nature of Union, to preſerve, not di⯑ſtroy; to ſecure, not endanger; to confirm, not Under⯑mine. No, Gentlemen, if either of your Churches are in Danger, it will be for want of the Union; So, and no other way, the abſurdity may be reconciled, and both Churches be in Danger.

In Union, Love, Peace, Charity and Mutual Aſſiſtance, are natural conſequences; And can thoſe pull down any Church? When-ever either party attempts upon the other, the Union is Broke; 'Tis no more the thing, and can no longer bear the Name. When the Union is Broke, the Con⯑ſtitution is Overthrown; For, one link of this Chain be⯑ing Broken, the whole Chain is rendred uſeleſs; the Force of the one depending, upon the continuity of the reſt. The fundamental is diſtroy'd, the Government diſſolves, and the whole Iſland becomes a Mob, one Univerſal Rabble. Juſt as in the caſe of a Tyrant, diſpenſing with the Laws and Setting up Arbitrary Power, Property ceaſes, Au⯑thority Diſſolves, Conſtitution ſuffocates, and the National Capacity dyes.

'Tis true, Human Wiſdom can make nothing Indiſſol⯑vible. This Union may be broke, ſo may Magna Carta; So may the Conſtitution. But Gentlemen, you have the ſame [13] Security for your Church Settlement, that you have for your Lives, Liberties and Eſtates, and the ſame on one ſide, that you have on another.

But ſays one, fill'd with jealouſies of remote poſſibilities, even The Legislature may be byaſt, and a Parliament may come that ſhall Reſcind the Settlement of the Church of Scotland &c.

Put this into Engliſh, A Parliament may come, that may Diſſolve the Conſtitution, that may Reſcind the Union, that may Sacrifice the whole Kingdom; it is abſurd in it's nature, the Union in it's being is the very Conſtitution, the Life and Soul of Great Brittain as to Government: And to ſay, a Parlia⯑ment may come that can break the Conſtitution, is to ſay, a Parliament may be mad, poſſeſt, and Felo de ſe; as a Parlia⯑ment, they can not do ſo, they ceaſe from that moment to be a Parliament, and become a Houſe of Tyrants and a Den of Robbers, nay, and of the worſt ſort of Robbers, Strip⯑ping thoſe they come to Protect.

If they would do this therefore, they can not, without Diſſolving their own Being, Annihilating their own Body, and committing all Imaginable Abſurdities.

They may Diſſolve themſelves, but Original natural Right muſt remain: if they diſſolve the Form whether ſhall it return?—To its primitive State it cannot, becauſe that is diſſolv'd; to Confuſion it muſt not, becauſe Right muſt be preſerved: Whenever therefore a Parliament de⯑ſtroys the Conſtitution, by which a Nation is Form'd, that Parliament ceaſes, and Power reverts to its original Source to Form a new One.

Thus the Nature of the thing is its own Security, and there needs no addition of other Force; if there does, the Mouths of thoſe Gentlemen muſt be ſtopt, in his Grace the [14] high Commiſſioner's Speech, viz. That his Grace is im⯑powered to Conſent to what may be farther Neceſ⯑ſary.

What can be made more Firm? Are there any liga⯑ments in the Law, qualified to bind the Church and the Conſtitution together, ſo as that One cannot be hurt with⯑out the Other; they are offered you, take them and tie it as faſt as Laws or Oaths can bind, or the Sacra Imperii of any Nation be made

After this what ſhall we ſay, is there any thing in the Scruples of ſome in either of the Eſtabliſht Churches, which goes beyond the real Security of the Church?

I wiſh thoſe Gentlemen would examine, whether it be any more than a Scruple? And whether all the Obligation they think themſelves under, is not limited by Poſſibilities? Whether it can be underſtood they ſhould be bound to do, that which they cannot really wiſh, the Publick Good and pre⯑ſent Circumſtances conſidered, were in their power to do?

Let ſuch Gentlemen conſider how far their Sincerity as well as Judgment will be called in queſtion in this Caſe.

Whether really ſecuring the Church, which they embrace as truly and only Orthodox, be not the moſt effectual ſtep they can take to pull down all falſe Churches, and conſe⯑quently a full Diſcharge of the ſacred Obligation they think themſelves under.

'Tis certain, as things are, the Church of Scotland is far from Safe; and I ſhould be excuſable if I ſhould ſay no⯑thing but Miracle or a Union, can make her ſo: He then that effectually Eſtabliſhes the true Church of Chriſt in the World, effectually ſuppreſſes and pulls down all other Churches in the language of his Capacity; as he aſſiſts to place that Church in a poſture of Victory over all her Ene⯑mies, [15] by a liberty of uſing all her ſpiritual Weapons, viz. The ſuperiour Doctrine and ſanctity of her Miniſtry; and I wiſh, there were no other Contention between the two Churches.

If the Church of Scotland is now in a precarious, unſafe, and unſettled Condition, and may be Secured by the Uni⯑on, then the Members of this Church, can no more ask me what they Gain by the Union, nor anſwer it to their Conſciences, or their Poſterity, that they ſhould op⯑poſe her Settlement in this the day of her Eſtabliſh⯑ment.

But, ſay the Gentlemen, that in behalf of the Church ar⯑gue againſt the Union as now propoſed; We in Scotland are not ſafe by the Union, for we are deprived of our Parlia⯑ment, and delivered over to the Parliament of England; and we do not know, but ſuch a Time may come, when the Par⯑liament of England whoſe Conſtitution is wholly Epiſcopal, may Vote our Church down, and Erect the Epiſcopal Church of England, as the Eſtabliſhment of great Britain; putting us off in Scotland with a Toleration, which alſo they may by an occaſional Bill, Reduce again to any thing they pleaſe.

This I take to be the ſumm and ſtate of the Queſtion; For really, what the other Party objects, in my opinion, car⯑ries with it no weight.

To argue what an Engliſh or Britiſh Parliament may do, and what they may not do, ſeems to me to be ſo conjectu⯑ral, that it leaves no room to call it an Argument. And let Opinion go which way it will, or Probability byaſs which way it will; this will follow, 'tis as poſſible, and I muſt ask pardon for thinking, that 'tis more probable, a [16] Scots Parliament may be obtain'd, to ruine Presbytery, than an Engliſh.

And I ſhall turn the very ſame Arguments, which are uſed againſt this Matter, upon the Gentlemen that uſe them, thus;

The ſtrong Reaſons given, why an Engliſh Parliament may do this, are ſuch as theſe,

The great Intereſt of the Church of England, and her in⯑fluence in the Parliament; Her having prevail'd to conti⯑nue the Teſt-Act impoſe it on the Iriſh Diſſenters, and attempt it on the Colonies; Her power to influence Electi⯑ons, in both Kingdoms; the nearneſs to carrying the oc⯑caſional Bill; Her ſtrong ſtruggles for it the eaſineſs to Bribe or take off the 45 Members &c.

The Reaſons why there is no danger from a Scots Par⯑liament, are ſuch as theſe,

That the Act making it Treaſon to impugn any Article of the Claim of Right, makes it dangerous to attempt it in the Parliament of Scotland.

That the Nobility and Gentry of Scotland are too ſen⯑ſible of the Calamities formerly brought upon the Nation, have ſuffered too much by them to offer at Embroiling the Nation again upon that account.

That the example of the Parliament choſen after King William's death is an Argument for this, in which an Au⯑thor ſays, there were more High-Church-men Elected than in any Parliament ſince the Reſtoration—who were ſo far from reſtoring Epiſcopacy, that they would not allow the Epiſcopal Clergy the Toleration they Petitioned for.

This as the ſumm of the projected Diſparity is what is now offered upon this Head, which in ſhort I abridge thus 'tis a Compariſon of Probabilities.

[17] That 'tis probable from both Circumſtances, and Ex⯑amples, that the Engliſh Parliament may Undo the Church Settlement of Scotland; but 'tis not probable, the Parlia⯑ment of Scotland can do it.

This I deſire to ſpeak briefly to; and if I ſhould chance to turn the ſcale of Probabilities againſt them, then I leave it to it's Conſequences; whether the World will not give it, againſt theſe Gentlemen, who, with their Imperfect Union, are for leaving us, juſt where they found us, or worſe.

That the Parliament of England is compoſed of Church Men, is true; and that the Parſons, tho not near 10000 as is ſaid, Vote, and the Church may Influence Elections ve⯑ry much is all true; and yet under all this, and under ſuch Reigns, as in which the Diſſenters in England have been moſt hated, they could never obtain any Effectual Law to ſup⯑preſs them And at laſt the Poweer of Truth, and the Rea⯑ſon and Nature of things ſo prevailed, that the Diſſenters are not only Secur'd, but the whole Nation is come over to them, in the Doctrines of Government, Right and Li⯑berty.

The Diſſenters are not gone back an Inch, but the Church aſham'd of their Perſecutions and Oppreſſions, which like Excentrick motions always revolve of Courſe to regularities, and more Natural Rules, return'd again by length of time to her ſelf, and own'd her Error, Declar'd Perſecution againſt her Principles; and freely fall in with Tolleration and Li⯑berty.

They ſee the Diſſenters and the Church have but one Civil Intereſt, and that Liberty is the Safety of both, they're Convinc'd not Conquerd, reduc't not by Power or Par⯑ty, but by the nature of things, they come to their Senſes a⯑gain.

[18] After this, upon another Sally under a High-Church-Mini⯑ſtry, the Teſt was foiſted upon the Diſſenters in Ireland, and ſome extravagancies Acted in England; but mark, how ſoon did theſe Attempts in the Authors blow up the Mini⯑ſtry, and meer Nature bring all things to Rights again?

To inſtance, in the Attempt on the Colonies, which is the ſtory of Carolina, me thinks is very odd, ſince to read the misfortune of my Lord Gr—lle on that Head, with what contempt he has been treated, and how mortified for offe⯑ring ſuch a thing, but on a poor handful of Planters, me thinks, I ſay, it ſhould ſtrangely weaken the Arguments of thoſe, who ſeem to ſuggeſt theſe things.

Theſe People ſeem to me a little Infatuated, and to Ar⯑gue againſt themſelves, for, in order to Prove that ſuch a cer⯑tain thing as attempting the Supreſſion of Presbytry may come to paſs, they bring upon the Stage all the Inſtances of theſe attempts, in which the People attempting, have miſcarried; and can tell but one in which they Succeeded, viz. the putting the Teſt upon Ireland, which by the way, had never paſt neither, had not the Diſſenters in meer ſelf de⯑nial for the Publick Good, reſted under the hardſhip, rather than venture to loſe the Bill againſt the growth of Popery; a thing theſe Gentlemen, I ſuppoſe, knew nothing of, and a Generoſity the other Party are but very little acquainted with.

'Tis hard now Gentlemen, that becauſe the High-flying-Church-Men have always attempted the Diſſenters in Eng⯑land and miſcarried, to argue from thence that therefore they ſhall inſult the Scots Settlement and ſucceed. I think it had been a much ſtronger way of Arguing, to ſay, that being unable with their united ſtrength, ever to gain upon the Diſſenters in England, who, by their own Calculation, [19] are not above one to twelve, they ſhall certainly be the leſs able to prevail when in conjunction with the Scots In⯑tereſt and Members.

As to the occaſional Bill and the nearneſs of its being paſs'd; 'tis plain it was a ſurprize, the ſnare was not ſeen at firſt, but with what indignation the reſerves and ſecret deſigns againſt the Diſſenters were treated when diſco⯑vered, I leave to the Reader to find in the Journals of both Houſes.

From hence we come to the Probabilities on the other hand, viz. That there is no danger of the Scots Parliament being ſeduced; the ſame Author grants the new 45 and 16 may be bought by the Engliſh Court, but the whole Parliament cannot be ſo;—and yet I believe moſt People will join in this, that let the Court at any time be ſure to buy 45 and 16 in either Parliament they ſhall generally ſpeaking, carry any thing they deſire; ſo that this is abſurd, and by no means a juſt way of Argu⯑ing.

Another contradiction takes off very much of the Credit of this kind of Arguing, viz. That the Act making it Trea⯑ſon to impugn any Article of the Claim of Right, makes it dangerous to attempt this in the Parliament of Scot⯑land.

I cannot but be ſurpriz'd to find any Man can ſay this is not an Argument juſt the other way, that it is not as lawful a Security to the Church of Scotland in the Engliſh Parliament, or in the Parliament of Britain, as in that of Scotland.

Is not this Act to remain in Force after the Union, and may it not be made a part of the Treaty, and can the Par⯑liament [20] of Britain Vote what is declared by the Treaty to be high Treaſon to attempt; 'tis certainly as great a Security to the Church of Scotland as can be deſir'd, that 'tis declar'd high Treaſon to impugn her Settle⯑ment.

Shall it be objected, that the Parliament of Britain may Repeal this; I anſwer, and ſo may the Parliament of Scot⯑land whenever they pleaſe, as it now ſtands, but if made a Capitulation of the Treaty, according to my notion of the Treaty, it can never be altered but by meer Tyranny, Per⯑jury, Violence and Uſurpation.

This is the preſent Security of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland, ſhe is Eſtabliſh't by Parliament, the Soveraign is Sworn not to alter it, and 'tis high Treaſon in the Sub⯑ject to attempt it; and all this made a Stipulation previous to the Treaty, which cannot be broken. If this be not Security ſufficient, I ſhould be glad to ſee ſomething bet⯑ter offered to the high Commiſſioner, that according to his Grace's Speech, it may be paſt into ſuch a Law, as may make them fully eaſy.

It is unhappy, that the Gentlemen who argue on this Head, will allow the Church of England, or the Court, or both, may have an influence over the whole Parliament of Britain; but cannot have an influence over the ſo much ſmaller Parliament of Scotland.

I have heard it ſuggeſted by the Enemies of the Nation of the Scots, that they are Poor and Mercenary, and may be all bought by the Court with 100000. l. If this ſlander be true, 'tis firſt a ſign that the preſent Government in Eng⯑land does not Bribe them now. Secondly 'tis plain, that they are not to be Brib'd into the Union, for that the Mo⯑ney has not produc'd the Effect yet, and the Court of Eng⯑land [21] or high-Church, have not on all occaſions bought ſuch Bills as they have had occaſion for.

On the other hand, theſe Gentlemen, put ſo little ſtreſs on the 45 Votes in the Houſe of Commons in Britain, that they think they may be always out Voted, and the Scots may have bad luck to have no Friends in the Houſe of Commons but their own 45.

Now, this is the very pretence on the other part of the Queſtion in England, where the Gentlemen put us in mind how fatal 45 Scots Members may be to the Church, in con⯑junction with the Whigs there; and I am in ſome ſeeming ſtraight in puſhing either part of the Argument, both ſides taking hold of it: If I ſay in England they are too few to Hurt us, then ſay the Scots, they are to few to Secure us: If I ſay in Scotland they are enough to Secure you, then ſay they in England they are enough to Hurt us.

This is a very unhappy Caſe, and the Artifices of our Writers on this Head ſeem very mean here; they are forc'd to run counter againſt one another, and make ſuch ſhifts, turns and doubles, to bring things to bear, as I can not but wonder at.

The Engliſh Court ſay they, may Bribe the 45 Members and 16 Lords in the Parliament of Britain and they may join with their Counties Enemies to betray Scotland.

But in the Scots Parliament they pretend they are ſafe, and the Church will be Secured by them, for they cannot be Brib'd, Bought or Byaſst.

Again, the Court may get all Epiſcopal Men to Repreſent the Kingdom of Scotland at the Parliament of Britain.

But they can get none that will ſo much as agree to a Toleration of Epiſcopacy, while they belong to the Parlia⯑ment in Scotland, ſo that to Day they may be Brib'd, to [22] Morrow they can not; to Day they may be all Epiſcopal Men, to Morrow they will be a Security againſt Epiſcopa⯑cy.

Now, take the high-Church-Men in England, and their Abſurdities are not fewer than theſe, to Day they tell us 45 Scots Men will bring Presbytery into England, and pull down the Church; to Morrow the Diſſenters in England are not one to twelve, and we muſt force the Scots to re⯑ſtore the Church. Thus, one way a thing is Great, and another way Small; one way Secure, and another way in Danger.

Now, let us place theſe People one againſt another in each Kingdom. In England 45 Scots Commoners and 16 Lords, will certainly bring in Presbytery and pull down the Church of England; in Scotland they will join to bring in Epiſcopacy being brib'd and bought to pull down the Church of Scotland.

To Day they are ſo many they will endanger the Engliſh Church, to Morrow ſo few they can't defend their own.

To Day they will be ſo true to Presbytery, they will never leave Caballing to pull down Epiſcopacy, to Mor⯑row ſo falſe they will ſell their Country, join in voting Epiſcopacy up in Scotland, and reduce the preſent Church to a Toleration.

Theſe things are very counfounding, and no Man can be prepar'd to debate with Men that will thus go upon all manner of Poſſibilities.

I confeſs, in my weak Obſervation, I think they come all from the ſame Fountain, and are agitated by the ſame Spirit: I mean from England, where a vigorous Party ſtruggles againſt the Union of the Kingdoms, as the only miſchief can befall their High-Church Cauſe, and effectual⯑ly [23] deprive them of the opportunities of Embroiling both Nations.

I wiſh this Kingdom a little better inform'd of the pra⯑ctices of thoſe People, and entirely deliver'd from their In⯑fluence. I obſerve all or moſt part of the Pamphlets againſt the Union, are form'd in England, and ſent from thence, in which the Authors ſuggeſt things falfe in Fact, preſuming upon the diſtance of the Place, and that they ſhall be taken upon their words.

They repreſent the Union, as a thing which depends wholly upon the Parliament in this Kingdom, and—the Engliſh entirely acquieſcing in the matter; nay ſome have repreſented it as a thing the Engliſh are courting and wheed⯑ling this Kingdom to, in order to bring them under; and that there is nothing to do, but to get the Scots to comply with it.

In order to this, every Engliſhman here, whether by his Curioſity, private Affairs, or by whatever other occaſion brought here, is rendred ſuſpected as if ſent from England as an Emiſſary to officiate here, in preparing the Scots to their purpoſe.

I do believe, that in England there is a general happy diſpoſition to this Union, eſpecially in the wiſeſt, beſt and gteateſt part of that Kingdom; and that this Temper is ex⯑ceedingly promoted and encreaſed by her Majeſtie's ſteady adherence to it, as the only means to ſecure the Peace and Happineſs of both Nations, and as much as poſſible, cru⯑ſhing, checking and diſcouraging, the Party that are againſt it: And I do acknowledge, to believe, that this happy diſpoſition is ſuch at this time, that if the Parliament of Scotland cloſes with it, and no unreaſonable difficulties are raiſed from hence, it will be compleated there.

[24] But I intreate the Gentlemen on this ſide, to bear with me in telling them, this happy temper in England has not been ſo eaſy a thing to procure. Abundance of viſible Providences have been remarkably Concurring, to bring this Conjuncture to ſuch a Criſis. Great havock has been made, by their own follies, in the intereſt of a party, under an adminiſtration, that would never have made the at⯑tempt.

Victories, of various ſorts, have contributed to the work, and a connexion of wonders have brought it to paſs; a conqueſt at home, ſuperiour to Blenheim or Ramellies, has been made over the dividing ſpirits of the high party. Peace and Union has made large ſtrides and rid over the Bellies of her vanquiſht Enemies, Envy, Malice, Jealouſy and party ſtrife.

The Queen, nay the very Biſhops too, have been called a thouſand Presbyterians, Deſerters of the Church, and all that is Scandalous. Every Moderate Church Man has been a Confeſſor in this Cauſe, and gone thro' Scandal, Reproach and all ſorts of Oppoſition for Eſpouſing it.

What Tacking, what Projecting, what Caballing have the Party Attempted, as the Struggles of their Wicked Cauſe; and with what Difficulty has this Juncture been brought to paſs.

Nor are the Party yet in Diſpare, but with all Imaginable Vigour and Artifice, they carry on their Dying Cauſe, and D [...]pute Inch by Inch every Step.—The laſt Game they have to Play is the Union, if they can not Deſtroy that they own the Union will Deſtroy them, and I am very ſory to ſee the Subtilty of their Proceeding extends hither.

They leave no Stone untur'nd, they Play Whiggs againſt Whiggs, and Church againſt Church, Presbyterians a⯑gainſt [25] Presbyterians; They amuſe with Jealouſies on one hand, raiſe Scruples on the other; in England, they Rail, Gibe and Banter, in Scotland they Plead thoſe very things for arguments, which they own their averſion to.

Now, I would humbly recommend to theſe Gentlemen, here in Scotland, who really are for ſecureing their Church; how comes Church of England Men, High Church hot Epiſco⯑parian Diſputants to talk of your ſecurity? Does the Fox Preach, Garde les Poules, have a care of the Geeſe?

Why is it they talk ſo much of the ſecurity of the Church, and fill your Heads with fear of the Church, whence muſt this fear come? it muſt come from the Engliſh: Pray Gentlemen, how comes it to paſs, that in England all your Friends are againſt you, and all your Enemies are for you; By You, I mean, You Objectors.

All the High Church Men, all the Enemies of your Im⯑provement, the Enemies of your Trade, and the Enemies of your Church, are Enemies of the Union, they throng you with their Pamphlets, and Cant of Securities. Thoſe very Men who wiſh your Church and perhaps Nation too, at the D—l are turn'd about, and talk of the Security of the Church, the very Jure Divino Men talk of Liberty, the very Inſtruments of former Tyrannys in England, talk of Preſerving your Laws, Parliaments and Judicatorys.

This is really ſo Myſterious, that I think it's worth your Obſervation, and no doubt, but you will find good reaſon from it, to quicken your Application to the Union.

I ſhall cloſe this Eſſay with two thinges for I cannot have room to enter upon the Civil Advantages.

His Grace the hihg Commiſſioner has Acquainted you, that he is Impowred to paſs Laws for the further Securing this Matter in order as I ſuppoſe, to make you Eaſy, and remove the [26] Scruples and Fears of thoſe really concerned for the Church.

Now, in laying hold of her Majeſties offer by His Grace the High Commiſſioner here, and the like in England, there ſeems to me, to be one ready Step to make both ſides eaſie, and to remove the Jealouſies on either hand, as to the Danger of the Church, whether Presbyterian or Epiſ⯑copal; and the Matter is very ſhort, viz. That an Act of Parliament be paſt in the reſpective Kingdoms, Contain⯑ing a Claim of Church Rights, a Declaration of the State of either Church, its Conſtitution and Government, with a formal Capitulation, or Clauſe of Eſtabliſhment, for either Church, and proper Proviſions, Articles and Li⯑mitations between them, Declareing their Powers and Ex⯑tent. Which Acts being firſt Paſt in either Kingdom, be afterwards Incorporated into, and made part of the Treaty as an Eſſential Condition of the ſaid Union, and this no Doubt will be Granted.

To ſay, this may be Caſs'd Annull'd, or afterwards made Void, ſeems Invidious, and is to my Apprehenſion Talking nothing at all, for no Subſequent Parliament can make Null any Article of the Treaty,—it would be no Treaty, if this could be. The Treaty is the Foundation and Conſtituent Head of the Parliament of Britain, and gives it a Being, and therefore is ſo far Superiour in it's Power, as not to be Deſtroyed by its own Subſtitute, and as I have ſaid elſewhere, to breake the Treaty, is to Diſ⯑ſolve the Conſtitution and very Being of the Parliament, and Overthrow the Union; and to think England will Con⯑tribute to Breaking the Treaty, is too hard a Suggeſtion, and what I care not to enter upon the Diſcription of here.

How Prepoſterous is it to Judge, that a Parliament ſhould hereafter Annull and Aboliſh, in Prejudice of a whole King⯑dom, [27] what, before the very Being of that Parliament was Declar'd to be their Right, and Aſſented to, Granted and Capitulated for, on both ſides.

'Tis true, 'tis poſſible to be done, 'tis poſſible that after this England may Raiſe an Army, and come and Deſtroy Scotland; but it muſt be Contrary to Faith, Juſtice, Ho⯑nour, Right, Law and Liberty, and this muſt in its Na⯑ture Diſſolve the Conſtitution, and return the whole Iſland to its Divided State.

But ſtill ſays an Objector, we can not help our ſelves, to take up Arms will be Treaſon and Rebellion &c. And we ſhall be Treated as Perjur'd Rebells.

I Anſwer, it will be Treaſon and Rebellion in the Letter of the Thing, but not in the Meaning of the Law; ſo the taking up Arms to Joyn the Prince of Orange was Treaſon. And had King James Defeated that Prince, and Fruſtrated the Revolution, the Gentlemen at Notingham would ſoon have found themſelves Treated as Rebells, and the Conſe⯑quences would have been Bloody enough.

But here would be no other Ground for it, than was there; and ſhould ever ſuch an Infraction of the Treaty happen, I make no Scruple to ſay, the whole Conſtitution would be diſſolved, Authority dye, and things would as before Revolve either to their Divided State, or into all kinds of Confuſions.

'Tis unkind, I confeſs, to offer ſuch things, of a Body of Gentlemen, Choſen out of the whole Iſland, and 't would be endleſs, to give them Anſwers; 'tis Impoſſible there can be Men enough found in a Parliament, to cloſe with ſo open a Breach of the very Conſtitution, upon which they themſelves ſtood. Nor is Scotland ſo Inconſiderable a Na⯑tion, that England ſhould offer ſo foully to Break with them, and with ſo little Reaſon; Since, in the Caſe Propoſed, [28] there can be no pretence to uſe you ſo hardly, but what muſt be meerly Tyrannical and an Original Violence: In which, they could expect no Aid, from Heaven or Honeſt Men. 'Tis a Proſpect ſo Horrid, that I cannot look into it without concern. No Party-Heats can run to ſuch a length; Not the Parliament in King Charles the 2ds time, tho' Loaded with Penſions and Places, could be brought to Part with any Branch of the Engliſh Conſtitution, neither can they here, for it will be all one whole Settlement, and a Diſſolution on one ſide, Diſſolves the other of Courſe.

I think Scotland can have no Security like this Treaty, it is back't with the Conſtitution, 'tis Fortified with Capi⯑tulated Reaſon, and when ever the Flood of Parties attacks it, 'twill Run-Back and Drown its Contrivers.

If any Man talks of propoſing more than can be had, it gives good ground to ſuggeſt he ſhall be beſt pleaſed with the denial.

I would cenſure no body in their propoſing higher De⯑mands than are reaſonable, and ſuch as in their nature muſt embarraſs the Treaty, alarm England, and deſtroy the hopes of an Union; but this I muſt ſay, 'tis juſt what they are for, who wiſh the Treaty broke off: And 'tis ſtrange Friends and Enemies ſhould both hit on the ſame thing, and both propoſe for ſuch vaſtly different reaſons, the ſame Conditions; tis to me a too viſible diſcovery of the Weakneſs on one hand, and the Policy on the other, and that's all I ſhall ſay to it.

I hope the Gentlemen concern'd here, will be too wary to offer any thing too hard for an Engliſh Parliament to grant; and this is the thing with which I ſhall end this Diſcourſe. To impoſe ſomething on the Engliſh, which 'tis known will not paſs, or which Circumſtances conſider'd [29] can not; this would be to come to the Union, but not with the Spirit of Union.

I frankly own, I ſee no diſpoſition in the Scots Nation to do ſo, and hope I ſhall not be conſtrued to ſuggeſt it in this Caſe; I have too much reſpect for the Scots Na⯑tion to imagine ſuch a thing:—But I muſt own I believe, that very thing is the top of the Party-Politicks now on foot in England againſt the Scots Nation, and a⯑gainſt the Union in general; to bring Scotland if poſſible, to inſiſt upon ſomething which they know England cannot grant; and for this reaſon we have all their Books againſt the Union crowded with Queries about Guarantees, Secu⯑rities, ſeparate Parliaments, partial and imperfect Unions, and the like.

I acknowledge my ſelf convinc'd, that the Union is the general Safety of Britain, that it is the particular advan⯑tage of either Nation; and if I was to be askt, whether Nation have greater advantages from it, I profeſs my ſelf nncapable of giving a direct anſwer; on this Head it is that I Diſcourſe, I am perſuaded mutual Security, mutual Improvement and mutual Proſperity, attends it on both ſides.

But there muſt be alſo mutual Confidences and mutual Affections, or 'tis impoſſible to Unite; Jealouſies, Feuds and Suſpicions, will rob the Nations of the fruit even of the Union it ſelf. There cannot be a flux of profitable Trade, an eaſy, free and uninterrupted conjunction in Circumſtances and Families, a Coallition of Stocks, Under⯑takings and Improvements, iſ National prejudices are not remov'd.

If a new Seal be made, or a new Armorial Enſign for Britain directed, I wiſh the Motto might be, WE ARE [30] BRETHREN, and the Text will add the reſt, Gen. 13. 8. Let there be no ſtrife between us.

Let firm Articles, compleat Eſtabliſhments, and full Calu⯑ſes form the Union, and the faſter the better; but let us not Treat with embarraſſing Suſpicions, politick Jealouſies, and uncharitable cenforious Apprehenſions of one another, eſpecially where the very Nature of things helps to make them ſafe; and where both Nations ſeem to mean nothing but what is ſincere.

I confeſs when I conſider this, I wonder to ſee ſome Libels and Pamphlets appear here, in which they grant a nearer Union of the Kingdoms neceſſary for their mutual Service, and yet endeavour all along to foment Jealouſies between the Nations; particularly that England ſhall op⯑preſs Scotland after the League is Concluded, and that She will not Perform the Conditions.

Nay, one Gentleman forgets himſelf ſo far, as to tell you very poſitively, if you agree for an Equivalent ^*The Engliſh will not Pay you the Money, and the reaſon he gives for it is this.

'Tis Incident to the Nature of Man, not to perform Bargains, or Pay their Debts, unleſs they are Compell'd to it, and if not Private Men, far leſs Societys.

In Engliſh, this is ſaying all Men are Born Knaves and Cheats, and when in Societys they grow worſe than they were before, and that the Engliſh are Rogues and not to be Truſted with the Money.

This is very Unkind Gentlemen, and very Severe Lan⯑guage; and were not the Government in England much more Moderate, than your Humble Servant once found them, I wonder that Gentleman is not yet Taught better [31] Manners, if this Book be as Publick there, as 'tis here.

But the Principle on which theſe Gentlemen go, is not to be Wondred at, ſince they ſo plainly diſcover their aim to be, that you ſhould Truſt any Body rather than England.

And leaſt what I mean ſhould be hard to gueſs at, the ſame Gentleman explains it for me, when having firſt told you England is not to be truſted, nor can give you any Security; he proceeds to tell you, who can: P. 27 ſpeaking of Eng⯑land not making the Scots ſuitable returns, and their ſeeking ſome where elſe, he adds,

This they can eaſily do, either by publick Treaties or private Bargains with their Neighbours.—

HOW SIR! private Bargains with Neighbours! How can this be?—It is incident to the Nature of Man, that neither private Men, far leſs Societies, will perform their Bargains. State of the Contro. p. 22.

Is not this a partiallity intolerable, and can I be cenſur'd for ſaying, the plain meaning of this is, the Engliſh are Knaves, and will keep no Bargain with you; but the French are honeſt Fellows, and you may make a Bargain with them.

To carry on this rudeneſs farther upon England, he ex⯑plains himſelf—if any Man does believe that 513 Men who have no power to anſwer to, will compel themſelves to pay a great Sum of Money—he has more Faith than Experience or Judgment.

This is not only Scurrilous and Indecent, but ſo contrary to Truth and Experience, that I could fill this tract with precedents, in the very Parliament of England, which are the People he reproaches, how they have retriv'd and ſup⯑ported the publick Faith, and eſtabliſht the Credit of Par⯑liaments, in paying great Sums of Money which they were [32] under no Parliamentary obligation to Pay, and which they went no farther for, than to examine the juſtice of the Demand in general, not their own particular Engagement; and let any Man examine the Payment and Debentures to the Army in Ireland; to the tranſport Service; the de⯑ficiencies of Tallies on former Funds; and above all, the payment of 600000 l. to the Dutch, for ſo much advanc'd on the Expedition of the Prince of Orange, which no Parli⯑ament was ever engaged for.

Theſe are the Men that by this Book are born Knaves, will keep no Bargains, pay no Debts, and conſequently are not fit to be truſted.

I leave all honeſt Men to judge, whether there is not reaſon to perſuade Men to come with a ſpirit of Union and Confidence to a Treaty of this Nature, and whether theſe ſort of Writers do not while they pretend to object againſt the particulars of the Union, really drive at having no Union at all.

I ſhall deſcend but to one more Head of this learned Au⯑thor's Diſcourſe, having not room for it here, and that is a moſt wonderful new invented Syſtem of Politicks ſet down in his 7th p. the laſt paragraph, viz.

By the Conſtitution of Parliaments, the Laws are to have their riſe from the Will and Humour of the People, ſignifyed by the Lords and Commons.—

This is a ſuggeſtion deſerves ſome Mirth were not the Subject too Serious; and I ſhould be glad to ſee that Gentle⯑man or ſome body for him, ſhew me by what part of the Conſtitution he will prove ſuch a ſuggeſtion.

Then he ſays, this humour of the People is ſignifyed by the Lords and Commons, by which he gives the Lords and Commons a great deal of Honour, that their buſineſs [33] is only to ſignify the Will and Humour of the People

I hope their Lordſhips know their parliamentary Dignity and the Commons their Office, better than this Gentle⯑man, and ſo I take no notice of that, but I hint it upon this ſcore, for 'tis in it ſelf too ridiculous to deſerve any note: That the humours of the People, tho not the riſe of Laws, ought not to be raiſed by any Indiſcretions againſt the Laws, and that to poſſeſs their Minds with greater Dangers and greater Apprehenſions than are juſtly before them, cannot conſiſt with the care of their Quiet, any more than with the Publick good.

The third and fourth Heads, viz. Civil Government and Soveraignty remain, which I cannot enter upon here, this Tract having run further on than I expected, if it may be to the publick Service to Treat further on the Subject, they may be Spoken to by themſelves, when the Objections of theſe popular Authors againſt the poſſibility and ſecurity of a civil Coallition may meet with ſome Reply; and perhaps there may not appear ſuch weight in them, as ſome People imagine.

Theſe things I humbly recomend to the Scots Nation to Conſider of, I acknowledge, as a Stranger it may be Ob⯑jected, why I Engage in this Matter; but as I have al⯑ways Profeſt a more than Common Regard to this Nati⯑on, and am not come Hither without ſome thought of Set⯑tling amongſt them, on the foot of Trade and Improve⯑ment; Eſpecially if the Union follow this Treaty: So I have preſum'd with all the Calmneſs and Reſpect I can, to recommend Impartially, not the Imaginary, but the real Advantages and Securities of this Union, and I ſhould be very ſory, if any Perſon ſhould miſtake me.

Nor am I affraid of being ſuſpected here, the Treatment [34] I have met with from Parties and Power in my Native Country, I think will Secure me from the Scandal of being an Emiſſary; to a Party I have no Intereſt to Pur⯑ſue, no Gain to make, no Party to Serve; I ſeek no Advan⯑tages from the Union, other than in Common with my Na⯑tive Country. I Contemn the Suggeſtion, as I Scorn the Employment of an Emiſſary, a Spy, or a Mercenary; my Buſſineſs is known here: Which tending to Trade, Settle⯑ment and general Improvement, I never purpoſed to Meddle in this Affair, and I hope I have done it ſo as can give no offence to any.

And as I take this occaſion, to ſpeak of my own deſign of ſettling in this Kingdom, I deſire to ſpeak one word to the Citizens of Edinburgh. I know, it is Suggeſted, that this Union ſhall Prejudice this City, as it ſhall Prevent the Concourſe of your Nobility and Gentry, and conſequently the Trade of the City.

I have obſerved, that, in all the Books, Railling Pam⯑phlets and Voluminous Arguments againſt the Union, not one has ever yet Spoke a Word, about your Trade; but all allow, you ſhall be prodigious Gainers there.

Shall you then loſe ſomething of the Concourſe of your Gentry here? Tho I do not grant that neither, Be not con⯑cern'd; you will Gain it Ten fold, in the concourſe of Strangers. Not this Authors Family only, but Hundreds of Familys in England have their Eyes this way, to Engage in your Commerce, Embark their Stocks in your Trade, Manufactures and Fiſhing, Encreaſe your Shipping, and Improve your Lands.

It is Impoſſible, but your City muſt Encreaſe the Commo⯑diouſneſs of your Harbour for Shipping, Qualify this City only to be the Metropolis of this Kingdom in Trade, as well [35] as the Capital for Reſort; and who ever lives 20 Years here, will ſee you Encreaſe in Wealth and People, and in Spight of an Unhappy Situation, Encreaſe in Buildings too—Trade will, and muſt bring Inhabitants, and Edinburgh and Leith will certainly be one City in a few Years.

Trades Men muſt be ſenſible of this, and 'tis plain to the Meaneſt Capacity, a Fleet of Ships in your Road, and con⯑ſtant Import and Export, will bring another ſort of Con⯑courſe to the City than Ten Parliaments; and 'tis too plain to need Examination.

You will then fall to Importing Naval Stores, Building of Ships, Exporting your own Growth, and Importing Forreign Goods; And how many Familys will immedi⯑ately follow ſuch Employments!

The Citizens and Common People of Edinburgh, have therefore the greateſt Cauſe in the World to wiſh for this Union, as the only way to Redeem them from the Poverty and Miſery, the preſent want of Trade has Reduc't them to.