A BRIEF SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF THE WALDENSES, From whom all the Proteſtant churches originated.

WHETHER the inhabitants of the north parts of Italy, (or Italy proper) of which Milan was the capital, received the goſpel in the end of the firſt, or the beginning of the ſecond cen⯑tury of the Chriſtian aera, is uncertain. During the firſt four centuries, their doctrine, worſhip, diſci⯑pline, and government, appear to have been much on the ſame footing with their neighbour churches, into which a deſire of conformity with the heathens, and with the civil government, had gradually intro⯑duced a number of leſſer corruptions. But, from the writings of their biſhops, Ambroſe of Milan, [6] Philaſtrius and Gaudentius of Breſcia, in the 4th; and of Ruffinus, Chromatius, and Niceas of Aqui⯑leia, in the 5th; and of Laurentius of Milan, Enno⯑dius of Pavia, and others, in the 6th century, it appears, that they ſtill held all the fundamental doc⯑trines of the goſpel, which were afterward oppoſed by the Papiſts. They were ſo far from depending on the Roman Pontiff, that, in the laſt half of the 6th, and firſt half of the 7th century, they were in a ſtate of formal ſeparation from him, and ſometimes held him as an heretic. Nor in the writings of Maurus of Ravenna, Manfuetus of Milan, or the Liturgy aſcribed to Ambroſe in the 7th, and of Pau⯑linus of Aquileia, or of the leſs judicious Paulus Dioconus, and his collection of the Homilies of the Fathers, do we find the Popiſh doctrines relative to the ſcriptures, the merit of good works, mediation of ſaints, or worſhip of creatures, or their images, or tranſubſtantiation of the ſacramental elements e⯑ſtabliſhed,—but the contrary. Nay, the council of Frankfort, in A. D. 794, made a noble ſtand in op⯑poſition to the worſhip of images, and other increaſ⯑ing errors, idolatries, and ſuperſtitions of the Romiſh church.

While the Chriſtian church, as Angilbertus of Milan mournfully laments, retained almoſt no re⯑mains of holineſs, ſincerity, or purity, God, in the beginning of the 9th century, raiſed up Claude, bi⯑ſhop of Turin, with great learning and faithfulneſs, to defend and illuſtrate the truth in oppoſition to the prevailing errors and corruptions of the times, in his Commentaries on the books of Moſes, Ruth, Goipel according to Matthew, and the Epiſtles of Paul to the Galatians and Epheſians, and his letters to The⯑odomir and others. He boldly maintained the equa⯑lity of the other apoſtles to Peter; and that men's works can, in no reſpect, merit the favour of God; that no traditions ought to be admitted as grounds or parts of religion; that men are ſaved by faith in Chriſt alone; that all churches on earth are liable to [7] error; that prayer for the dead is unprofitable; that God alone, and no creature, whether original or i⯑mage, ought to be worſhipped; that the bread and wine in the Lord's ſupper are not turned into the real body and blood of Chriſt, but are appointed re⯑preſentations of them. The council of Paris in 825, as well as Agobardus archbiſhop of Lyons, juſtified Claude in the moſt of what he ſaid, eſpecially in his oppoſition to the worſhip of images, and ſuperſtition. In the tenth century, the doctrines of Claude were maintained by Ratherius of Verona, not without a mixture of miſtakes. Perhaps they were more faith⯑fully maintained by Gundulfus, and his numerous followers, in the eleventh century; but their tenets have been miſerably miſrepreſented by their Popiſh adverſaries, as well as themſelves were cruelly perſe⯑cuted.

Notwithſtanding all that the Popes could do, by force or flattery, the archbiſhop of Milan, and the whole of his large dioceſe in Italy, properly ſo cal⯑led, continued independent of Rome, till about A. D. 1050; about which time, Nicolas II. by means of his agent Damian, having got a party to ſubmit, laboured to expel all the married clergy. Theſe and others, highly offended with the perſecution of Be⯑renger, who maintained much the ſame doctrine as Claude of Turin had done, ſeparated themſelves from all church-fellowſhip with the Roman ſee and its ad⯑herents. Notwithſtanding the perſecutions and ca⯑lumnies they ſuffered, theſe opponents of the Romiſh corruptions exceedingly increaſed, and ſpread them⯑ſelves into almoſt all Italy and France, Switzerland, and part of Germany. From their living in the val⯑leys of the Alps, theſe in Piedmont, Savoy, and places about, were called Vallenſes or Waldenſes.— Theſe in the ſouth of France were called Albigenſes, or poor men of Lyons, from their reſidence in or a⯑bout Albi and Lyons. From ſome of their principal preachers, they were called Berengarians, Petrobru⯑ſians, Henricians, Arnoldiſts, Eſperoniſts, and Joſe⯑phiſts; [8] as in England, they were called Lollards.— Either from mere malice, or by confounding them with ſome that were really ſuch, their adverſaries called them Manichees, Cathari, &c. and charged them with the groſſeſt errors, and the moſt abomi⯑nable practices: but, from the concurrent teſtimo⯑nies of the two Reyners, that executed the office of Inquiſitors againſt them, and of Freher, Baronius, Ralph-Cogſhall, Lienſtein, Thuanus, Claude-Seiſſel archbiſhop of Turin, Ribera, Paradin, the emperor Frederic II. and many other Papiſts, it appears, that their lives were remarkably pure and holy, ſo that nothing but their oppoſition to the abominations of Rome could be juſtly charged upon them. And from their antient manuſcripts placed by Moreland in the library of Cambridge, and others in the libra⯑ry of Geneva, particularly from their Noble leſſon, Explication of the Lord's prayer, Creed, and ten com⯑mandments, Catechiſm, Confeſſion of ſins, ſpiritual Al⯑manack, and Sermons and tracts concerning Antichriſt, Purgatory, and Invocation of ſaints, all dated about A. D. 1120; and from their Confeſſion of faith of that date, compared with thoſe of 1532, 1535, 1552, 1544, 1563, and 1655, publiſhed for their own vin⯑dication, in Italy, France, or Bohemia;—and from the accounts of Reyner, Pope Pius II. Claude-Seiſſel, Thuanus, and other Papiſts, as well as of the Cen⯑turiators of Magdeburgh, it appears, that their doc⯑trine, worſhip, diſcipline, and government, were all along very like to thoſe of the reformed churches of Geneva, France, Holland, Scotland, &c.

No doubt, ſome of them had particular opinions; but they generally maintained, That the word of God is the ONLY rule and ſtandard of religion;— that the decrees of councils and dictates of fathers are to be admitted, only in ſo far as they agree with it; that the reading and knowledge of the ſcripture are equally free to the laity and clergy; that the ſcripture itſelf is to be read, rather than the dictates of men; that baptiſm and the Lord's ſupper are the [9] only ſacraments of the New Teſtament church; that the euchariſt is to be received in both elements by the people as well as by the prieſts; that the bread and wine uſed in it, are but ſigns and ſymbols of Chriſt's body and blood; that maſſes are impious; to ſay them for the dead is downright madneſs; that Purgatory, or any other middle ſtate of departed ſouls, is but an invention of men; that the invoca⯑tion of ſaints is idolatrous; that the church of Rome is the apocalyptical whore of Babylon; that it is a true church which heareth the ſincere word of Chriſt, and uſeth the ſacraments inſtituted by him, be where it will; that the Romiſh Pope hath no lawful primacy over the church, or any title to both civil and eccleſiaſtical power; that he and his biſhops are the devouring plagues of the church; that prieſt's marriage is lawful, and vows of celibacy an invention of men, and occaſion of ſodomy; that monkery is but a ſtinking carcaſe of devotion, and its orders ſo many marks of the Antichriſtian beaſt; that dedi⯑cations of churches, commemorations of the dead, prieſtly benedictions of bells, mitres, palls, palms, or other irrational creatures, together with forced faſtings, ſuperſtitious feſtivals, perpetual chanting of hymns, and the like, were invented by the devil; that none but God can forgive ſin; and that auricu⯑lar confeſſion of it to the prieſts is unneceſſary, and ought not to be admitted inſtead of public ſatisfacti⯑on for ſcandals.

While their regard to the ſcripture, and learning it by heart, and their uncommon holineſs, and in ſome things extreme ſtrictneſs of practice, ſufficient⯑ly diſtinguiſhed them from the Papalins, and recom⯑mended their principles to all around them, they were ſpread, with marvellous ſucceſs, by Bruis and Henry, through moſt of the ſouth of France, not⯑withſtanding all that Bernard and others could do to oppoſe them. About A. D. 1160, a rich merchant of Lyons, commonly called Peter Waldo, joined him⯑ſelf to them, procured a tranſlation of the Bible into [10] their vulgar language; and, having diſtributed his ſtock among the poor, he, in 1180, commenced a public teacher, and had an amazing ſucceſs in pub⯑liſhing the goſpel of Chriſt. Pope Lucius III. by a ſentence of excommunication, conſigned him, and all his obſtinate brethren, to the devil and his angels; and required all archbiſhops, biſhops, princes, no⯑bles, and others, having authority, to hunt them out, and either force them back to the boſom of the church, or elſe utterly deſtroy them,—under pain of excommunication and confiſcation of goods to them⯑ſelves, if they were not duly diligent. Not very long after, Ildeſonſus king of Arragon, and Frederic of Germany emitted edicts, bearing, That if any of their ſubjects ſhould attend the ſermons of theſe he⯑retics, or afford them meat, drink, or lodging, their goods ſhould be confiſcated, and themſelves puniſh⯑ed as guilty of high treaſon; and charging theſe he⯑retics to depart out of their dominions, within three days, after hearing of theſe edicts,—and encouraging all their ſubjects to plague, and diſtreſs, and deſpite⯑fully uſe them, if they did not.

The Waldenſes ſtill increaſed, and imperceptibly ſpread through the moſt of Europe,—Hungary, Bul⯑garia, Britain; and had numerous congregations in Italy, France, Germany, and Spain. It is ſaid, they amounted to about eight or ten hundred thouſand. Finding their throne in danger of being ſhaken, by their means, the Pontiffs had recourſe to new and extraordinary methods of ſubduing theſe oppoſers. In the ſouth of France, where the earl of Tholouſe and other great men protected them, and where, it ſeems, the clergy had been more humane or indolent, they almoſt filled both cities and country. Pope In⯑nocent II. therefore delegated Reyner a Ciſtertian monk, and Peter of Caſtlenau to root out theſe he⯑retics. In A. D. 1206, Dominic and his compani⯑ons heartily joined them. By declamations and ſo⯑phiſtical arguments, or by capital puniſhments where words were not effectual, they laboured, with no [11] ſmall aſſiduity and zeal, and ho inconſiderable ſuc⯑ceſs, in their converting work. Like miſſions and courts of inquiſition were therefore eſtabliſhed by His Holineſs in every city of Europe, the inhabitants of which were ſuſpected of hereſy. At firſt, theſe courts proceeded in much the ſame forms, as ordi⯑nary courts of juſtice. But, encouraged by the in⯑human edicts of Frederic II. of Germany, and Lewis IX. of France, the Dominicans gradually formed their inquiſitorial judicatories into ſuch engines of injuſtice, treachery, cruelty, and filthineſs, as might have made devils to abhor them, and bluſh. The years 1375, 1380, 1400, 1460, 1487, 1488, 1494, 1506, 1532, 1540, 1541, 1560, 1561, &c. &c. are repreſented as moſt diſtinguiſhed by their infernal work. But ſometimes, theſe bloody reformers were driven out, and murdered by the enraged populace.

Some of the Rules formed for theſe Inquiſitors, were, (1.) That they ſhould never diſpute any point of religion before the people. (2.) That none who, in any reſpect, favoured any heretic, ſhould be al⯑lowed ſacramental abſolution. (3.) That ſuch as did not diſcover an heretic, ſhould be cut off from the church, as a corrupt member. (4.) That an he⯑retic delivered over to the ſecular power, ſhould ne⯑ver be allowed to vindicate himſelf before the peo⯑ple. (5.) That they ſhould beware of favouring a⯑ny condemned perſon before the people, upon his retracting his hereſy, and promiſing to turn from it. (6.) The Inquiſitors ſhould alway ſuppoſe the facts charged as fully evident, and only examine the pan⯑nel on circumſtances relating to them. (7.) They ought alway to have a book open before them, in which they may pretend, the pannel's whole life, and a great many depoſitions againſt him, are recor⯑ded. (8.) They ought conſtantly to threaten him with inevitable death and damnation, if he do not ingenuouſly confeſs every thing, and renounce his hereſy. (9.) They ought never to attempt to con⯑vince him by the ſcriptures, leſt themſelves ſhould [12] be confounded by his anſwers. (10.) They ought never to anſwer directly to him, and ought to heap a variety of queſtions upon him at once, in order to confound him. (11.) If he ſeem ready to proteſt, that he never embraced the hereſy he is charged with, they ought to pretend, that they have ſuffici⯑ent proofs of the contrary; and that if he confeſs freely, he may expect favour.

While the courts of inquiſition thus laboured to hunt out, and deſtroy theſe witneſſes of Chriſt, the Popes excited the civil powers to perſecute them in every place;—in Terra Nova; in Calabria; in Pro⯑vence; in Dauphine, at Paris; in Bohemia and Au⯑ſtria; in Germany; in England; in Flanders and Holland; in Poland; in Italy; in Dalmatia; in Croalia; in Sclavonia; at Conſtantinople; in Greece; in Livonia; in Sarmatia; in Bulgaria; and in Spain, as Perrin hath particularly recorded. But in France, Bohemia, and Piedmont, we find them moſt cruelly murdered. In order to extirpate them from the ſouth of France, where Remund earl of Tholouſe, Remund earl of Foix, the viſcount of Beziers, and others, protected them, Pope Innocent III. taking occaſion from friar Peter's death in that country, ex⯑communicated Remund of Tholouſe, charging all arch⯑biſhops and biſhops to pronounce him accurſed with ſound of bell, and extinction of candles, every Sab⯑bath and feſtival, for murdering a good ſervant of God. He abſolved all his ſubjects from their oaths of allegiance to him, and commanded all good catho⯑licks to purſue his perſon, and ſeize on his property. He ſent preachers through all Europe, to promiſe paradiſe and all other privileges granted to thoſe that went to the Holy War in the Eaſt, to all ſuch as ſhould bear arms againſt the Albigenſes for the ſpace of forty days. Some hundred thouſands quickly marched to deſtroy them, and ſeize on their ſpoil. Terrified by their approaches, Remund not only clear⯑ed himſelf from the murder of friar Peter, but deli⯑vered [13] up all his property to the Pope, and ſubmitted to a moſt public whipping, naked, and to ſwear to be obedient to the Pope all his life, and to make ir⯑reconcileable war againſt the Albigenſes, &c. To avoid commanding the croſſed army againſt them, he went off to Rome, to reconcile himſelf with his Ho⯑lineſs. Beziers was quickly beſieged and taken; and about ſixty thouſand of its inhabitants murdered in cold blood. Nor could the ſupplications of the Po⯑piſh clergy and people, prevent their ſharing in the common ruin. The military pilgrims immediately laid ſiege to the town of Carcaſſon, and having taken it, put all the inhabitants to the ſword. They ſoon after, with no inconſiderable loſs, took the city of Carcaſſon; but the inhabitants had ſlipt off, through a ſubterraneous vault, and fled to Arragon, Catalo⯑nia, and Tholouſe. The earl of Beziers being per⯑fidiouſly taken, died in priſon, and his lands were given to Simon earl of Montfort, who was made ge⯑neral of the Pope's army. Aſſiſted by the king of Arragon, and by the Engliſh, who hated Montfort, the Albigenſes ſtill ſtood their ground, notwithſtand⯑ing all the perfidious ſtratagems of the Papiſts to de⯑ſtroy them. The Pope's forces at length gave them a dreadful defeat, in which, and its iſſue, they boaſt⯑ed, that they killed about two millions of them.— The council of Lateran, in A. D. 1212, having for⯑med ſome new reſolutions for the utter extirpation of the Albigenſes, another mighty army, of perhaps 300,000 croſſed ſoldiers, was raiſed under Simon of Montfort, by which, and the aſſiſtance of Lewis VIII. and IX. kings of France, the Albigenſes, after a war of about 30 years, were almoſt utterly deſtroy⯑ed, or driven from their country, and the earl of Tholouſe, and their other helpers, were reduced to the moſt humiliating terms. Nor is it probable, that leſs than 500,000 of the Pontifical butchers pe⯑riſhed in their murdering work.

Multitudes of the Albigenſes and their brethren having fled into Bohemia and Auſtria, were ſoon af⯑terwards [14] reckoned about eighty thouſand in theſe parts. It doth not appear, that any general perſecu⯑tion was raiſed againſt them till about A. D. 1416, when John Huſs and Jerome of P [...]ue, partly en⯑lightened by books from England [...] a bold and open ſtand againſt the Romiſh abomin [...]tions. The Bohemian nobles loudly complaining of [...]he perfidi⯑ous murder of theſe eminent miniſters by the coun⯑cil of Conſtance, and they and their people requiring the uſe of the cup in the Lord's ſupper, the Pope ex⯑communicated the whole nation, and obteſted the emperor, kings, princes, &c. by the wounds of Chriſt, and by their own ſalvation, to take arms a⯑gainſt, and extirpate that accurſed generation from the face of the earth,—promiſing full remiſſion of ſin to every one who ſhould kill any of them. But the Lord, for a time, made the Bohemians under Ziſca and Procopius, the terror of all the armies that could be raiſed againſt them. The Papiſts, never⯑theleſs, by throwing about 4000 of them into deep mines, and others of them into rivers, and other⯑wiſe deſtroying them, did them all the miſchief they could; and at length, by craftily dividing them, got multitudes of the poorer ſort cut off.—Notwith⯑ſtanding theſe murders,—notwithſtanding imperial edicts, prohibiting theſe Bohemian brethren, that continued adhering to the truth, to remain in Bo⯑hemia or Moravia,—and notwithſtanding manifold perſecutions, eſpecially of their miniſters, they main⯑tained their ground, and had their Societies excee⯑dingly well regulated.—As, at the Reformation, they entered into a fraternal correſpondence with the Lutherans, they ſhared with them in their af⯑flictions. The Bohemian nation having refuſed to aſſiſt Charles V. in obliging the Germans to receive the decrees of the council of Trent, Ferdinand his brother impriſoned, fined, ſcourged, baniſhed, or murdered their principal men, and confiſcated their eſtates, and diſarmed and diſenfranchiſed the city of Prague, the capital of their country. He, by an e⯑dict, [15] baniſhed all the brethren, and ordered their churches to be ſhut up. This did but ſtir them up to reſolve to be ſtill more faithful for God, —and part of them to retire to Poland. In 1549, Ferdinand, by another edict, baniſhed about two hundred of their miniſters, that were married, or had received their ordination in Germany.

Thereafter, till A. D. 1617, the Bohemians en⯑joyed not a little peace and liberty, under their Po⯑piſh ſovereigns. But Ferdinand having forced him⯑ſelf into the throne, contrary to the fundamental conſtitutions of their kingdom, reſolved rather to render his dominions deſolate, than to allow an he⯑retic to dwell in them, ſet himſelf, by every poſſible artifice, as well as bloody violence, to compleat the deſtruction of their church;—in which he ſucceeded to his wiſh. Contrary to his coronation oath, he en⯑couraged the Popiſh clergy and nobility to vex his other ſubjects on account of their religion. Prote⯑ſtants were prohibited to print any thing, but what was licenſed by the Popiſh chancellor, while Papiſts had full liberty to miſrepreſent, reproach, and abuſe them. The Burgrave, who kept the crown, and privileges of the kingdom, was impriſoned, becauſe he had inſiſted for a free election of the king. The Proteſtant churches began to be gradually deſtroyed. In 1618, the ſtates were prohibited to hold their u⯑ſual meetings for conſultation. Their election of Frederic, elector Palatine, for their king, did but enrage Ferdinand, who was now choſen to be em⯑peror; and raiſing an army, by a bloody war, ſoon reduced them to their wonted, or rather worſe ſub⯑jection. By plundering noblemen's houſes,—by ex⯑torting free quarters and money from the ſubjects, —by decoying nobles, corporations, miniſters, and others to lend their money,—by cauſing the cities, which belonged to Proteſtants, to maintain his ſtan⯑ding army,—by raiſing gold and ſilver to a tenſold price, in order to pay the Proteſtants, and then ſud⯑denly diminiſhing its value as much,—by ordering [16] creditors to loſe all that they had lent during the rebellion, as he called it,—he, firſt, in order, redu⯑ced his Proteſtant ſubjects to extreme poverty.— Next Commiſſioners of reformation were appointed in every town and [...]illage, who laboured to diſgrace the Proteſtant religion, and extol the Popiſh.—The moſt eminent men were invited to apoſtacy, and o⯑thers decoyed by their example, or compelled to it. —An high court of reformers was erected, from which there was no appeal.—Such miniſters, as apo⯑ſtatized were highly favoured and promoted, while ſuch as ſtedfaſtly adhered to their principles were bar⯑barouſly abuſed by the ſoldiers, or baniſhed, or mur⯑dered, and their places filled with illiterate perſons, apoſtates, or Jeſuits. Their congregations were charged to aſſiſt in perſecuting them, and threaten⯑ed with death, if they harboured or concealed them. About fifty of the principal Proteſtant noblemen were condemned and executed; and underwent their martyrdom in a moſt Chriſtian manner. Whatever belonged to them or other Proteſtants, was confiſ⯑cated, or given to the ſoldiers, and other Papiſts. —Ferdinand called for all the antient charters of the kingdom, and deſtroyed them.—Proteſtant tutors for children were abſolutely prohibited: all Proteſ⯑tants were declared outlaws, and commanded to leave the kingdom, unleſs they reſolved to become catho⯑lics, within ſix months. Proteſtants children were ordered to be taken from them, and committed to monks or other Papiſts for inſtruction; and Proteſ⯑tant wives were baniſhed from their huſbands. Ma⯑ny of the antient laws ſecuring the liberties of the ſubjects, were repealed; and the free cities were impo⯑veriſhed by taxes and contributions cruelly extorted, and had ſoldiers and other mean and baſe men, eſpeci⯑ally apoſtates, impoſed upon them for their magiſtrates. —It was enacted, That none but Papiſts ſhould be allowed any traffic or commerce,—or to learn any trade,—or to make a latter will,—or to continue in hoſpitals; and that whoſoever ſhould harbour a [17] Proteſtant preacher ſhould ſuffer death with confiſ⯑cation of goods. Bibles and other evangelical books were ſought out and deſtroyed. Such as were weak and ſimple were cajoled and flattered to embrace Po⯑pery. Such as attempted to leave the country were hindered. Fair promiſes of pity or favour were per⯑fidiouſly made or broken. Marriage, baptiſm, and burial of Proteſtants were prohibited under ſevere penalties. Such as remained in the country, were either forced to conform, or were barbarouſly mur⯑dered; ſo that, ſince 1625, there have ſcarce been any public appearances of a Proteſtant church in Bo⯑hemia.

But no where were the Waldenſes more frequent⯑ly, or more cruelly perſecuted, or ſhewed more ſted⯑faſtneſs in the faith, than in their native valleys of Piedmont and places about. Such multitudes of them were apprehended in the 13th century, that the Popiſh archbiſhops of Arles and Narbonne re⯑preſented to their inquiſitorial perſecutors, That the country could not afford materials for building pri⯑ſons to contain them. In 1440, their enemies ſud⯑denly fell upon thoſe of the valley of Pragela, and cruelly maſſacred multitudes of them, in the depth of winter. Such as eſcaped the hands of theſe but⯑chers, generally periſhed by cold and hunger in the mountains. No leſs than fifty infants were found frozen to death,—ſome of them in the arms of their mothers who had ſhared a like fete. Finding, that no cruelties exerciſed upon particular perſons or places, availed to their extirpation, Pope Innocent VIII. in 1487, publiſhed a moſt furious edict againſt them, requiring the duke of Savoy, king of France, and all other princes, nobles, magiſtrates, and others, to take arms againſt them, and deſtroy them, where⯑ever they could be found; and requiring all preachers to ſtir up and encourage their hearers to the utmoſt, by promiſes of indulgence, pardon of ſin, and an im⯑mediate entrance to diſtinguiſhed bleſſedneſs in hea⯑ven, [18] to root them out from the face of the earth; and threatening depoſition to all civil and eccleſiaſti⯑cal rulers or officers, who ſhould not with due dili⯑gence promote this bloody work.—Albert de Capi⯑taneis his legate inforced this bull with an extenſive accuſation of the Waldenſes, and with proper direc⯑tions how to extirpate them. Animated by theſe things, the princes and magiſtrates attacked them, in every place, and in every form, and murdered a⯑bove eight hundred thouſand of them,—inſomuch, that for a time the remains of them were ſcarcely vi⯑ſible. The duke of Savoy at laſt fearing that his do⯑minions would be depopulated by ſuch a pernicious war, put an end to it in them.

It was not, however, long, when Margaret de Foix cruelly perſecuted part of them that inhabited the marquiſate of Salluces: but, animated by God, they drove out thoſe that had ſeized their property, and enjoyed it peaceably for many years. Impor⯑tuned by the archbiſhop and the Inquiſitor of Turin, Charles duke of Savoy, in 1535, ordered part of his troops to ſurprize and maſſacre the Waldenſes; but finding, that after they had recovered from their conſternation, they, in their own defence, killed multitudes of their murderers, he was obliged to put an end to his open war, and take more ſlow methods to deſtroy them, who had multiplied ſo exceedingly of late, as to be reckoned more than eight hundred thouſand. Encouraged by Francis I. king of France, and by Pope Paul III. the Parliament of Turin, in 1536, renewed the perſecution, and required the Waldenſes to drive out all their barbs or miniſters; and that all the reſt ſhould, under pain of death, re⯑ſolve, within three days, to go to Maſs;—and in order to promote this, the moſt eloquent Popiſh preachers were ſent to officiate among them; but they got almoſt none to attend their harangues.— Sundry of their barbs were condemned and burnt.— By order of the French court, or inſtigated by his own bloody diſpoſition, De Oppeda, in 1545, fell [19] upon theſe about Merindol and Cabrieres, and, in the moſt cruel and barbarous manner, murdered a⯑bout 4000 of them, and burnt 22 boroughs and vil⯑lages. Philibert duke of Savoy, being re-eſtabliſhed in his dominions by the peace of 1559, the monks excited him to raiſe a new perſecution againſt the Waldenſes; but, by means of their repreſentation to him, and to his ducheſs, the ſiſter of Henry of France, who really befriended them, a temporary ſtop was put to it. Nevertheleſs, it was not long, when Philibert, puſhed and aſſiſted by the Pope, and by the kings of Spain and France, ſent a powerful army, under the Lord of Trinity, to exterminate them from the face of the earth. He, in 1560 and 1561, by every method, cruel or perfidious, did what he could to deſtroy them, eſpecially their mini⯑ſters. But the repeated rebuffs his troops met with from handfuls of theſe people, together with the in⯑terceſſions of Margaret his ducheſs, made him grant them liberty of worſhipping God in their own way, by a formal treaty June 5th, 1561.

Nevertheleſs, within about four years after, Phili⯑bert, perhaps inſtigated by Caſtrocaro, the bloody governor of theſe vallies, and eſpecially by the Pope, publiſhed an edict, requiring all his ſubjects, either to give their ſolemn promiſe, before a magiſtrate, within ten days, that they would go to Maſs, or re⯑move out of his dominions within two months, and commanding magiſtrates to tranſmit to him exact liſts of all ſuch as did not obey, that he might take pro⯑per meaſures to puniſh them. But the miſſives of the Proteſtant princes of Germany, one of which from the Elector Palatine was exceedingly nervous and faithful, together with the interceſſion of the ducheſs, reſtrained the full execution of it,—though Caſtrocaro exerciſed all the cruelty he could upon them. Some of them being cruel [...]y proſecuted be⯑cauſe they or their friends had aſſiſted the French Proteſtants, Charles IX. of France wrote a letter to their duke in their favour. In the end of that ſame [20] year 1571, they entered into a ſolemn covenant to maintain their religion, and aſſiſt one another in their ſtedfaſt adherence to it; which mightily encouraged themſelves, and not a little diſpirited their enemies. No ſooner had the ducheſs died in 1574, than the bigotted Papiſts ſtirred up the duke to renew the per⯑ſecution again his Waldenſes; but, by the interceſſi⯑on of ſome great men, the execution of it was in a great meaſure prevented. His ſon Charles, who ſuc⯑ceeded him in 1580, had allowed them ſome reſt, had not their inveterate enemies, the monks and their ſupporters, by an infinity of villanies, impoſed on him, and thus been permitted to exerciſe their cruelties. Meanwhile, the Waldenſes in the Mar⯑quiſate of Salluces, which, from 1559 to 1588, had fallen under the power of France, were perſecuted in much the ſame manner as their brethren under the dukes of Savoy. That country returning to the duke, their Popiſh adverſaries never reſted, till, by their perfidies and perſecutions, they had entirely ruined the followers of Chriſt in it, about 1633.

Notwithſtanding the Waldenſes of Piedmont had, in 1603 and 1620, obtained a new confirmation of their liberties, every artifice was uſed to haſten and compleat their deſtruction. The monks and prieſts loaded them with calumnies, artificially dreſſed up, to render them deteſtable. Apoſtates and others were encouraged or hired to commence proceſſes a⯑gainſt them, or to excite them to mutual law ſuits. Their youth were tempted to lucrative marriages with Papiſts. Such as fell under diſcipline were tempted to refuſe ſubmiſſion, and to commence catholics. This, together with the general death of their paſ⯑tors, by the plague in 1630, and their receiving of French miniſters in their ſtead, occaſioned a relaxa⯑tion of their diſcipline. All ſorts of criminals were favoured, if they renounced their hereſy. Apoſtates were enriched by falſe contracts, and ſuch as adhered to their religion, were obliged to pay taxes for them. [21] Popiſh miſſionaries were appointed to labour among them as ſpies and ſeducers. The moſt wicked and infamous perſons were encouraged, and largely brib⯑ed to bear witneſs againſt them. And if any, even Papiſts, witneſſed for them, and againſt their monk⯑iſh or jeſuitical abuſers, he was in danger of being excommunicated and puniſhed as a favourer of here⯑ſy. To adviſe any from hearing the miſſionaries, ex⯑poſed one to death and confiſcation of goods. To give theſe miſſionaries full opportunity of ſeducing ſouls or prying into ſecrets, they were appointed to collect the taxes. Perſons in poverty or in ſickneſs were promiſed large aſſiſtance, if they but engaged to go to Maſs. All but Papiſts were prohibited to have either public or private ſchools, or to hold any kind of public office. Infants were forced from their parents to be trained up by Papiſts. A council for extirpation of hereſy was formed at Turin. For a trial, all the Waldenſes of Campillon were comman⯑ded, under pain of death and confiſcation of goods, for ever to abandon their houſes and whatever they poſſeſſed, within the ſpace of 24 hours. New forms of perſecution and torture were contrived. The Waldenſes were continually cited to Turin, where they were ruined by the expences of the plea, or of their impriſonment. While Jews, heathens, and Mahometans were exempted by law, and no wiſe re⯑quired to conform, the Inquiſition was authorized and encouraged to compel them to conform to the Romiſh religion, or to deſtroy them; and they were joined with ſorcerers in the laws made againſt them. Troops were lodged in their valleys, that they might be ready, in a moment, to cut their throats. To gratify their own reſentment, Popiſh rulers ſome⯑times murdered prieſts, and then laid the blame on the Waldenſes.

Having, by theſe means, prepared matters, Charles duke of Savoy, notwithſtanding his ſolemn treaty with them in 1653 and 1654, and notwithſtand⯑ing their moſt humble and earneſt ſupplications to [22] him, and his mother, and their pretended attention thereto, by which their deputies were detained at Turin, did by the inſtigation of the council for extir⯑pating hereſy, order his troops to march unexpectedly into theſe valleys, and murder his evangelical ſub⯑jects. The Marquis of Piarreſſe, and other com⯑manders of the troops, by flattery, and by perfidi⯑ous promiſes, amuſed the poor people, to prevent their ſtanding on their own defence, or eſcaping to the mountains,—that they might have the barbarous pleaſure of cutting all their throats, or diſpatching them in ſtill crueller forms. So dreadful was the cruelty and carnage made upon miniſters, men, wo⯑men, and children, as had ſcarce ever been exem⯑plified on earth. Provoked herewith, Jahier, Gian⯑vel, and other brave Waldenſes, took arms, and heading ſmall handfuls of their brethren, defended themſelves, and often defeated their enemies, even when they were twentieth, or ſometimes an hundred times their number. This, together with the re⯑monſtrances of Oliver Cromwel, the States of Hol⯑land, and Proteſtant Cantons of Switzerland, oblig⯑ed the Duke and his council to put a ſtop to their infernal maſſacre, which they laboured to excuſe and colour over with the moſt abominable falſhoods, and to confirm their liberties by a new treaty.—Cromwel not only effectually remonſtrated for their relief, but procured them large collections in England, 12000 pounds ſterling of which he depoſited as a fund for the ſupport of their miniſters and ſchools. But, by Charles reſtoration, they were robbed of this pri⯑vilege.

Notwithſtanding the above mentioned Treaty of Pignerol, the Envoys from England, Holland, Swit⯑zerland, and France, who had come to interceed for theſe perſecuted people, had ſcarcely gone home, when the court of Savoy and their agents had renew⯑ed their perſecution, and continued it, notwithſtan⯑ding the humble remonſtrances of the perſecuted, and the interceſſory miſſives from the elector of Bran⯑denburgh, [23] and the ſtates of Holland and Switzerland. The poor people were obliged to attend at Turin, if they had dependent proceſſes. They were deprived of liberty to trade. Their deputies, who applied to their prince, were remitted to the Inquiſitors. The territory of St. John was deprived of all public exer⯑ciſe of their religion,—and, under the moſt falſe and frivolous pretences, almoſt every article of the late treaty was violated. Their managers of the public collections ſent them by their Proteſtant friends, were falſely charged with embezzling the money. Stra⯑tagems were formed for ſecuring the ignominious death, or aſſaſſination of Mr. John Leger, their faithful and active moderator,—or ſuperintendent of their churches. The duke and his court refuſed to read any petition that reſpected their religion or trade. Bagnol, who had greatly recommended himſelf by his burnings and unheard of cruelties, in the late maſſacre, was rewarded with the government of the valleys, and quickly began to impriſon or aſſaſſinate their inhabitants. After he had decoyed ſuch of them, as had fled, to return to their houſes, he and the marquis of Flory fell upon them with their troops. But neceſſity obliging the poor people to ſtand in their own defence, they had marvellous ſucceſs a⯑gainſt their murderers, though ſometimes a hundred to one. This, as well as the interceſſion of the Can⯑tons of Switzerland, induced the court of Savoy to think of renewing their treaty with them. But, while their deputies were at Turin, and contrary to the moſt ſolemn declarations of the court, their val⯑leys were at once ſuddenly invaded by Bagnol and Damian, and about ſixteen or eighteen thouſand but⯑chering troops; but the poor people, aſſiſted by God, and with the loſs of no more than ſix, drove them out, with the loſs of 600, if not 2000 of the ſoldi⯑ers. They obtained a new treaty in 1664, but which was clogged with ſeveral injurious reſtrictions, and with the payment of about an hundred thouſand pounds ſterling to the duke and his partizans for pre⯑tended [24] damages. As the fulfilment of this treaty, in ſome meaſure, depended on Lewis XIV. of France, the Cantons of Switzerland, States of Holland, and court of Britain wrote to him in favour of theſe poor perſecuted people, as well as they did and had done to the duke of Savoy. Notwithſtanding all theſe treaties and aſſurances, they were ſtill perſecut⯑ed in manifold forms, till at laſt the court of Turin, encouraged by Lewis XIV's revocation of the edict of Nantz, and inſtigated by the Popiſh clergy, com⯑menced another furious perſecution of them in 1686, which intirely ruined their churches, and obliged them to diſperſe themſelves along with the French Proteſtants into other countries. Thus the Wal⯑denſes, who had, under God, given birth to all the Proteſtant churches, were at laſt obliged to flee for refuge amongſt them.

Amidſt theſe manifold perſecutions, it is hard to ſay, whether the Chriſtian patience and ſtedfaſtneſs of the Waldenſes, or the infernal perfidies and cru⯑elties of their enemies were moſt amazing. Multi⯑tudes of them were condemned and publicly burnt, as if they had been the moſt infamous criminals. Multitudes of them, after ſuffering all the cruelties, terrors and tortures of the Inquiſition, ſhared the ſame fate. After manifold oppreſſions and impove⯑riſhing exactions, multitudes were driven from their dwellings, and all their neighbours being prohibited to relieve them, periſhed by cold and hunger. They were loaded with the vileſt reproaches, in order to make every body abhor them, and their very infants were repreſented as abſolute monſters in the form of their bodies. Sometimes they were obliged to put on boots full of boiling tallow, and required to walk in them. They had ſoldiers quartered upon them, who, like devils, raged, blaſphemed, and tormented them, every way they could deviſe. Sometimes they were crammed into narrow rooms, where they had neither room to ſtand, ſit, or lie, that they might be ſuffocated by their own breath or ſtench. [25] Multitudes were thrown from the tops of rocks, or into deep mines. Sometimes the men were aſſem⯑bled and ſportfully hewed in pieces by the ſoldiers, while the women were driven into houſes and barba⯑rouſly burnt. Multitudes were murdered in the ſtreets, and their naked carcaſes for ſeveral days left unburied. Others were ſtript naked while alive, and turned out amidſt froſt and ſnow. Some were caſt into dungeons full of ſnakes, or like venomous tor⯑mentors. Some were thruſt into holes, full of iron ſpikes, in which they could neither fit nor ſtand up⯑right. Some were caſt into priſons on the water, in which they could not ſtretch themſelves; and if they turned themſelves, they muſt fall into the water. Others were kept in priſons till they were ſuffocat⯑ed, periſhed with cold and hunger, or their bodies gradually rotted alive. Some had their mouths ſlit up to their ears. Others had the fleſh cut off from their faces. Others were ſlaſhed in different parts of their bodies, or had their members cut off, one after another. Others were often put to the ſtrap⯑pado, and then hewn in pieces. Some had their brains daſhed out againſt the rocks. Others were nailed by the feet to trees, with their heads hanging downward. Others had their brains, breaſts, or privy parts taken out▪ or cut off, and broiled, or roaſted, and eaten, or otherwiſe ſhamefully or cru⯑elly uſed. Others had their nails torn off by pin⯑cers, or had their other torments prolonged as much as poſſible. Others were dragged furiouſly through ſtreets or ſtony places, at the tails of mules or hor⯑ſes. Others were, in the moſt barbarous manner, hung up on tenter hooks, or the like, by their ſecret parts. Others had their bodies ſtabbed all over with forks. Some had burning matches put between their lips or fingers, &c. or were roaſted before, or upon ſlow fires. Such as had fled into caves were ſhut up, ſmoked to death, or otherwiſe deſtroyed. Af⯑ter being brutally raviſhed, women had ſtakes run up through their belly, and were thus carried naked [26] on the ſoldiers ſhoulders, or ſet up by way ſides, or had their bellies ript up, or were cruelly burnt. If unborn infants dropt out, they were thrown into the fire, given to dogs, or trodden under foot. Other babes were daſhed againſt ſtones, or precipitated from high rocks, or torn aſunder, or cut in pieces quick by the ſoldiers, in a way of diverſion.

Such were the tender mercies of the Papiſts to⯑wards the moſt harmleſs witneſſes of Jeſus Chriſt.

A COMPENDIOUS HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.

THE goſpel of Chriſt was preached in Britain not very long after his aſcenſion to heaven: but whether by Paul, Joſeph of Arimathea, or whom elſe, we know not. The ſtory of Lucius the Britiſh king's requeſt of preaching miſſionaries from Eleu⯑therus biſhop of Rome, is not in the leaſt probable. While Diocletian the Roman emperor and his col⯑league furiouſly perſecuted the Chriſtians on the continent, about A. D. 302, Conſtantius their Ceſar in Britain, againſt his will, commanded to pull down the Chriſtian churches. But, as ſoon as he had it in his power, he reſtrained his perſecution. It is ſaid, that to try his courtiers, who profeſſed them⯑ſelves Chriſtians, he required them all to offer ſacri⯑fice to the heathen idols, under pain of being depri⯑ved of their preferments,—and that ſuch of them as ſtedfaſtly adhered to their religion he commended and inrolled among his particular friends: [...]uch of them as complied with his ſinful mandate, he ſharp⯑ly rebuked as treacherous to their God, and diſmiſ⯑ſed from his ſervice, as unworthy of truſt. In A. D. 314, the biſhops of York, London, and Britannia ſecunda, attended the council of Arles in France, [28] which formed ſeveral canons, and tranſmitted them to the biſhop of Rome for his conſent to, and obſer⯑vation of them. Whether any Britiſh biſhops at⯑tended at the council of Nice in A. D. 325, I cannot determine. In 359, three Britiſh biſhops, along with many others, at the council of Arimini in Italy, were, by the emperor Conſtantius' influence, forced to ſign an Arian creed. Perhaps after they came home, they, like their Gallic brethren, returned to their orthodoxy. But it is manifeſt, that not long after, the Britiſh church was infected with the A⯑rian hereſy.

About A. D. 400, Pelagius or Morgan, a famed Britiſh clergyman, taught, That Adam was created naturally mortal; that the hurtful conſequences of his firſt ſin affected only himſelf; that the law qua⯑lified men for heaven, and was founded on promiſes equally good with thoſe of the goſpel; that none can be the children of God, unleſs they be free from ſin; that rich men cannot be qualified for the king⯑dom of God, unleſs they part with all their wealth to the Lord and to the poor; that man's free will, at⯑tended with proper information, is ſufficient for eve⯑ry moral action, without any ſupernatural aſſiſtance of God's grace; that God's grace is given to men in proportion to their deſert of it,—and that victory o⯑ver temptation is obtained merely by the freedom of men's own will. His errors being readily received and propagated by multitudes, the orthodox clergy brought over Lupus and Gsrmanicus, French biſhops, to aſſiſt them in oppoſing their progreſs, and in foun⯑ding ſeminaries of learning;—which perhaps occa⯑ſioned the long continued uſe of the Gallican liturgy in Britain. The moſt noted ſchools founded about this time were thoſe of Dubricius and Illutus, and of the monaſtery of Bangor.

The Britiſh Chriſtians having gradually abandoned themſelves to wickedneſs, God gave them up into the hands of their northern and ſavage neighbours, the Scuts and Picts, who terribly ravaged their coun⯑try. [29] Their Roman ſuperiors, being no longer able to aſſiſt them, they called in the Saxons, who ruled the north parts of Germany. Theſe barbarous hea⯑thens had no ſooner repreſſed the Scots and Picts, than they turned their arms againſt the Britons them⯑ſelves, and murdered the moſt of them. In conſe⯑quence of which, they, with the Chriſtian religion, were almoſt wholly confined to the principalities of Wales and Cornwal, where St. David and ſome other clergymen made a reſpectable figure.

Between A. D. 590 and 690, Auguſtin, the Ro⯑miſh miſſionary, Paulin and Aidan, two Scotch prea⯑chers, Wilfrid biſhop of York, and others, by their labours, converted the ſeven kingdoms, which the Saxons had erected in England, to what they called the Chriſtian faith. Auguſtin's principal aim was, to render them ſubject to the numerous ceremonies newly impoſed by Pope Gregory the great. The Britons, and their Scottiſh neighbours, were excee⯑dingly averſe to part with their Gallican or Grecian rites, in exchange for thoſe of Rome. Dinoth and his Britiſh brethren, as well as Aidan and Finan, Scotch Preſbyters, boldly withſtood the introduction of the Papal power or manner of worſhip into Britain. Wilfrid was no leſs zealous for the Romiſh intereſt, and laboured to have the feſtival of Eaſter obſerved on the day appointed at Rome, it was ſaid, by Peter and Paul; and to introduce the form of clergymen's ſhaving their heads, in form of a croſs. After moſt furious contentions, the Romiſh party, aſſiſted by Oſwy, Saxon king of Northumberland, gained their point. The ſame Oſwy and Egbert king of Kent, appointed Wighard, the elected archbiſhop of Can⯑terbury, to repair to Rome for a pontifical conſecra⯑tion. He dying at Rome, Pope Vitalian furniſhed the ſee with the famed and truly ſenſible Theodore of Tarſus, and ſent along with him Adrian a Neapo⯑litan monk, to prevent his introduction of any of his Grecian rites. Theodore having called a council of his Saxon clergy, got them perſuaded to unite in a [30] ſubjection to the Roman Pope, and to receive a ſet⯑tled form of church government. Aſſiſted by the princes, he drove Wilfrid of York and ſeveral other biſhops from their ſees, becauſe they refuſed to ſub⯑mit to his authority. Wilfrid appealed to the Pon⯑tiff, but the Romiſh decrees in his favour were diſ⯑regarded in England. The conteſt for pre-eminence between theſe two haughty dioceſans, continued till the end of the 7th century. Wilfrid led the way of the afterward frequent appealing from the deciſions of Canterbury to thoſe of Rome. But many of the Saxon biſhops little regarded his Holineſs' deciſions. Others reckoning Rome the fountain of their Chriſti⯑anity, treated them with more reſpect.

Meanwhile, In a king of the Weſt Saxons, in a mixed aſſembly of laics and clergymen, formed his Code of 75 laws, requiring, That clergymen ſhould live in a canonical manner; that every child ſhould be baptized within thirty days after its birth; that none ſhould tranſact worldly buſineſs on the Lord's day; that the tithes appointed for the clergy ſhould be duly paid; that churches ſhould be ſanctuaries for malefactors, as the cities of refuge had been un⯑der the Old Teſtament; that murderers might make compenſation for their crime, to the friends of the perſons they had murdered.

After the haughty Wilfrid had, for about forty-ſix years, plagued the church with his zealous intro⯑duction of the Romiſh day of celebrating Eaſter, and of their clerical tonſure of the head; and with his mad promotion of monkiſh ſocieties, and cauſing of multitudes ruſh into them, contrary to every tie or call of affection or duty,—and of pilgrimages to the tombs of the apoſtles at Rome, and had ſuffered not a little in the cauſe, he died A. D. 709. About the ſame time, the Engliſh church began to be divided into pariſhes. Many places of worſhip had formerly been but chapels of eaſe, and were ſupplied with preachers by turns from the neighbouring monaſte⯑ries, in which bands of clergymen, not in the beſt [31] manner, lived together. Many of the Scots, Picts, and Iriſh were prevailed on to receive the Romiſh ſeaſon of Eaſter, and their form of clergymen's ſhav⯑ing of their crowns. By the labours and example of venerable Bede; by the erection of ſchools, and by the conteſts between Theodore and the Scots, and, no doubt, by other cauſes, which we know not, learning prevailed more remarkably in Britain than in any other age before the Norman conqueſt. Ad⯑helm, Ceolfred, Egbert, Bede, Eddius, Clemens, and Alcuin were their moſt noted doctors. As yet the Engliſh knew nothing of Purgatory: they had little reverence for ſacred reliques; and oppoſed the wor⯑ſhip of images. The Pope began to ſend his legates for rectifying diſorders among them, and to demand Peter Pence for the erection and ſupport of colleges at Rome. But they did not reckon themſelves his ſubjects, nor think his palls neceſſary or effectual to conſecrate an archbiſhop. Their kings divided bi⯑ſhopricks at their pleaſure, without regard to his will.

The Daniſh invaſions, together with the almoſt perpetual contentions between the Saxon kings, hav⯑ing long rendered the ſtate of the Engliſh church and nation exceedingly deplorable, Egbert king of the Weſt Saxons, whoſe conqueſts laid the founda⯑tions of the ſubſequent monarchy, called a council at Calcuith, A. D. 816, which enacted, That the catholic faith and antient canons ſhould be duly ob⯑ſerved; that all churches ſhould be conſecrated with ſprinkling of holy water as a kind of baptiſm, and with the adminiſtration of the Euchariſt by the bi⯑ſhop of the dioceſe; that an uniformity of principles and practice, together with the impartial exerciſe of church government and diſcipline be carefully main⯑tained; that none but perſons of an unblemiſhed character, nominated by the biſhop of the place, with the conſent of the convent, ſhould be admitted as abbots or abbeſſes; that it being uncertain from whom Scotchmen receive their orders, none of them ſhould [32] officiate as prieſts in England; that all acts of preced⯑ing councils, marked with the ſign of the croſs, in⯑ſtead of the names of members, ſhould be carefully obſerved; that no religious houſe ſhould be alienat⯑ed to common uſes, without extreme neceſſity, and the conſent of the conventuals; and ſome of them, in no caſe whatſoever; that all biſhops ſhould have copies of the acts of council; that neither prieſts nor biſhops ſhould exerciſe any power, but in their own ſtations and diſtricts; that the funerals of biſhops ſhould be celebrated anſwerable to the preſcribed form; that the tenth part of their eſtate ſhould, af⯑ter their death, be given to the poor, and their Engliſh ſlaves be ſet at liberty, and, in fine, ſo ma⯑ny pſalms be ſung, ſome maſſes ſaid, ſo many pray⯑ers and oblations made for the benefit of their depar⯑ted ſouls.

After the Danes had almoſt ruined his kingdom, Alfred, the grandſon of Egbert, obtaining the ſu⯑periority, forced them either to profeſs themſelves Chriſtians or depart the country. He, with great zeal, promoted religion and learning. He beſtowed the half of his incomes upon the poor, and on mona⯑ſteries, ſtudents at the univerſity of Oxford, which, it is ſaid, he founded, and indigent foreign churches. By this means, he recovered his ſubjects from their deep ignorance. John Scot of Dunſe was his prin⯑cipal teacher. It is ſaid, that he himſelf tranſlated the New Teſtament and Pſalms into Saxon, for the uſe of his ſubjects.

In the tenth century, the repeated ravage of the Danes again reduced England to the utmoſt confuſi⯑on and miſery. Religion, learning, and almoſt every thing amiable were neglected. In A. D. 928, we find a ſynod at Graetly, under king Athelſtan, the principal acts of which related to regular payment of tithes; proviſions for the poor, and for parochial clergy; prohibition and puniſhment of breaking into churches, ſorcery, witchcraft, theft, robbery, mer⯑chandize on Sabbath, perjury, manſlaughter;—to⯑gether [33] with directions for biſhops to attend the courts of juſtice, and overſee and direct their procedure, and that of the ſubordinate clergy with reſpect to their religious miniſtrations. About A. D. 942, O⯑do archbiſhop of Canterbury, eſtabliſhed other ten canons, aſſerting the ſacred privileges of churches; the freedom of eccleſiaſtical revenues from all civil taxation;—admoniſhing the king and his nobles to ſhew themſelves exemplary in honouring clergymen, miniſtring juſtice, and providing for the poor;—di⯑recting biſhops, clergy, and monks, to promote re⯑ligion in their reſpective ſtations;—prohibiting in⯑ceſtuous marriages, or violation of nuns;—exhorting Chriſtians in general to cultivate an unity becoming ſuch as had one Lord, and held the ſame faith;— and to obſerve ſacred feſtivals, pay tithes, and avoid ſuperſtition. Dunſtan, having commenced primate of the Engliſh church, abandoned himſelf to cove⯑touſneſs, pride, and ſedition, and was twice baniſh⯑ed for his crimes. He violently exerted himſelf to drive the ſecular canons from their monaſteries, and place his own monkiſh brethren in their room. In⯑ſtigated by his influence, Edgar, an abſolute monſter of lewdneſs, rebelled againſt king Edwy, his brother, and obtained part of his kingdom, and afterward fell heir to the reſt. He, with all his might, aſſiſted Dunſtan of Canterbury, Oſwald of Worceſter, and Ethelwald of Wincheſter, in extruding the canons, and in forcing the clergy to live unmarried. He and Dunſtan made two new ſyſtems of Conſtitutions, one of ſixty-five, and another of ſix, relating to the pay⯑ment of tithes, the behaviour of clergymen, &c. Dunſtan, Oſwald, and Adulf, by their holding a plurality of ſees, occaſioned no ſmall contention.— After Dunſtan had directed king Edgar and Edward his ſon as he pleaſed, king Ethelred quite diſregard⯑ed him, as did almoſt all his ſubjects. Perhaps this general contempt, together with grief, that almoſt all his ſchemes in favour of the monks were over⯑turned, [34] haſtened his death; and he was ſome time after canonized and worſhipped as a ſaint.

In the eleventh century, Alfric archbiſhop of Can⯑terbury, in the homilies which he tranſlated, and in the letters which he wrote to his clergy, plainly af⯑firmed, That the bread and wine in the Lord's ſup⯑per are but ſigns and ſeals of his body and blood that communicating at Eaſter is no more profitable than at any other ſeaſon; and that there ought to be no ſolitary communicating of the prieſts. He ur⯑ged his clergy to live unmarried, but did not pretend that marriage was unlawful; nor did he perſecute ſuch as were guilty of it. Elfeg his ſucceſſor is chief⯑ly famous for his heroic and Chriſtian manner of en⯑during horrid abuſe, impriſonment, and death from the Daniſh invaders, whom he had exhorted to uſe the conquered Engliſh with humanity.—To ſatisfy the juſtice of God for his own and his father's injuſ⯑tice and murder of the Saxon royal family, Canute, now Daniſh monarch of England, ſquandered away his revenues in rebuilding and endowing monaſteries. To quicken the languiſhing zeal of his ſubjects, he travelled in pilgrimage to Rome; and, it is ſaid, procured ſome uſeleſs bulls in their favour. His ſo [...] Harold and Hardy, Canute being quickly cut off the crown, which they had acquired by ſo much fraud and murder, reverted to Edward the Confeſ⯑ſor, the ſon of Edmond, and brother to the Saxon lineal heir. He advanced Robert the Norman to the fee of Canterbury. By his going to Rome for his pall, and by his haughty and imprudent behavi⯑our towards the Engliſh, and filling every importan [...] ſtation with Normans, he quickly became an objec [...] of general abhorrence. Stigand his ſucceſſor, ha [...] no ſuch remarkable attachment to Rome. Harold the brother of the infamous Confeſſor, having ſeized the throne from his nephew, was ſoon after killed in battle, and with him ended the royalty of the Sax⯑ons, A. D. 1066, after it had continued about [...] hundred years.

[35]William duke of Normandy, the conqueror, took poſſeſſion of the Engliſh throne; and to fix his fami⯑ly on it, he laboured to fill the principal poſts of both church and ſtate with his Norman countrymen, and to introduce their language into the nation. The famed Pope Gregory VII. being bent to wreſt all inveſtitures in biſhopricks by the collation of Ring and Croſier, from the impure hands of magiſtrates, he depoſed one Engliſh biſhop for receiving them from king William, and another for his illegitimate birth; but Lanfrank of Canterbury got them reſtor⯑ed. Palls from Rome now began to be thought ne⯑ceſſary for the conſecration of biſhops. By the moſt peremptory reſtraint of clerical marriages and laical inveſtitures, Gregory intended to render clergymen perfectly independent on civil rulers, and abſolute [...]laves of the Roman ſee. William and Lanfrank pretended to reliſh his project, but expreſſed them⯑ [...]elves with great caution. After the Daniſh wars [...]nd Norman oppreſſions had long interrupted the meeting of Engliſh councils, Lanfrank aſſembled one [...]t London, about A. D. 1080. It conſiſted of an [...]rchdeacon, a church officer then little known in England, 12 biſhops, and 21 abbots. It, in part, confirmed the order of Benedictine monks; appoint⯑ [...]d the biſhops ſeats to be fixed in the moſt conſpicu⯑ [...]us place of their dioceſe; changed ſome ſees; pro⯑ [...]ibited marriage to the 7th degree of conſanguinity; [...]ondemned ſimony, divination, and magic; revived [...]he antient canons of the Engliſh church; and pro⯑ [...]ibited clergymen to judge in cauſes of blood. An⯑ [...]ther council was held the next year, which prohi⯑ [...]ited clerical marriage; eſtabliſhed archdeacons; re⯑ [...]ored the bleſſing of the marriages of the laity to [...]he prieſts; and denounced puniſhments againſt all [...]ch as ſhould behave rudely towards religion or [...]ergymen.

Gregory, by Hubert his legate, required K. Wil⯑ [...]am to pay up the arrears of Peter Pence due by his [...]ingdom, and to take an oath of fidelity to the Ro⯑man [36] ſee. William conſented to the firſt; but com⯑manded Hubert to inform his Holineſs, That he held his crown of none but God and his ſword; and he would never render it dependent on any other. Suſpecting that Lanfrank had encouraged William in his diſobedience, Gregory cited him to Rome: but, being fortified by the royal prohibition, he de⯑clined the journey. Being threatened by Gregory's legate, William commanded his ſubjects to acknow⯑ledge no Pope, but whom he allowed, and to receive no mandate from Rome without his leave. Finding William no leſs haughty and determined than him⯑ſelf, Gregory laboured, by a mixture of flattery and threatening, to render him more pliable.— He aſſembled a council a [...] Rome, and required the Weſtern biſhops to attend it. But not one from England durſt go up; nor did they ſend their excuſe. William having formerly reduced the lands of abbots and biſhops in Normandy to much the ſame taxes as thoſe of his other ſubjects, and ob⯑liged themſelves to perſonal ſervices, in attending his councils, &c. he, to the no ſmall offence of the Eng⯑liſh clergy, reduced their lands and perſons to the ſame condition. Enraged with the news of this, Gregory commanded Lanfrank his miniſter of ſtate to repair to Rome, under pain of ſuſpenſion from his office of archbiſhop. Lanfrank ſent off a juſtificati⯑on of his conduct; but was too wiſe to go thither himſelf. So much did William diſregard Gregory, one of the moſt enterpriſing Popes that ever ſilled the Romiſh ſee, that all his ſupplication and flatte⯑ry could not, for ſix years, procure the releaſe from priſon of Odo, biſhop of Bay-eaux in Normandy.— The ejection of the ſecular canons and clergy from the monaſteries, had formerly occaſioned terrible com⯑motions. Now, the exemption of monaſteries from the biſhops juriſdiction, in which both William and Gregory had their own influence and ends, occaſion⯑ed no ſmall noiſe. Having enacted, That ſpiritual cauſes ſhould only be judged in clerical courts, Wil⯑liam, [37] abandoned by all his principal officers, that they might make their court to his ſons, died A. D. 1087.

By the intereſt and activity of Lanfrank, William Rufus his ſecond ſon ſucceeded him. He regarded the archbiſhop or other clergymen no longer than he needed their aſſiſtance. He ſeized the vacant bene⯑fices for himſelf; and for that end kept the ſee of Canterbury and others ſeveral years vacant. Falling dangerouſly ſick, about four years after the death of Lanfrank, he profeſſed himſelf a penitent, promiſed to reform his practice, and, to atone for his former ſins, beſtowed ſome lands upon the church. He fil⯑led the ſee of Canterbury with the famous Anſelm a Norman abbot, and that of Lincoln with one Bloet his chancellor. Happening to recover, he heartily repented of his conduct, and reſolved to make the new biſhops pay for their advancement. Anſelm had too much of the haughty dignified clergyman, to comply with any thing contrary to his own incli⯑nation.—Highly offended with him, for refuſing to aſſiſt him with money in his war with his brother, and for acknowledging Urban as Pope, before he had declared his mind on that point, William offer⯑ed to Urban to acknowledge his diſputed authority, providing he would ſend him a pall for a new arch⯑biſhop of Canterbury. Urban's legate having firſt got William to acknowledge his maſter's pontifical right, gave the pall to Anſelm, who ſtubbornly re⯑fuſed to receive it from the hand of the king. Not long after, the Papal council of Clermont in France, prohibited all laical inveſtiture of biſhops or abbots. Having, on ſeveral occaſions, inſultingly deſired his majeſty's allowance to repair to Rome for the wel⯑fare of his ſoul, and the good of the church, Anſelm, contrary to his own ſolemn oath, and to William's expreſs prohibition, ſet off. William laid him un⯑der a ſentence of baniſhment, and ſeized on his reve⯑nues. At Rome, Anſelm had his feet kiſſed, and was revered almoſt on a level with Urban himſelf, [38] while William was declared worthy of excommuni⯑cation. As Anſelm had aſſiſted in this, William diſregarded his miſſives; and with reluctance receiv⯑ed thoſe of the Pope.

William dying A. D. 1100, and Robert his elder brother being employed in the ſacred, but truly Pa⯑pal and deteſtable war with the Mahometans in Pa⯑leſtine, Henry, the younger, ſeized on the Engliſh throne. To ſecure the favour of the Pope, he re⯑called Anſelm to his former ſtation. Returning more full of pride and bigotry than he had gone off, he, directed by the Romiſh council, refuſed to pay any homage to Henry, and told him, that he would not ſtay in England, if he ſhould confer any clerical inveſtitures, as he could hold no communion with ei⯑ther the giver or the receivers. Meanwhile, Paſcal the Pope taking advantage of Anſelm's embroilment with Henry, ſent over his legate to render the Can⯑terburian primacy more dependent on Rome. Hen⯑ry and his council wiſely aſſiſted Anſelm in this mat⯑ter, and forced the legate to return, before he had avowed his commiſſion. Prince Robert being on the point of invading the kingdom, Henry, to prevent Anſelm's joining him, after no ſmall ſhifting, pro⯑miſed to part with the right of inveſting biſhops or abbots; but, having made peace with Robert, he reſolved to retain it. To put Anſelm, who had, in his councils, ſtrenuouſly contended for a ratification of the decrees of Gregory and Urban, out of the way, he ſent him to Rome, to beg from his Holineſs that right of inveſtitures, either ſimply or as a parti⯑cular favour; but ſent Warewalſt, elected biſhop of Exeter, along with him, with ſecret inſtructions.— Paſcal declared the right of inveſtitures ſacred and unalienable from the church. Anſelm heartily ac⯑quieſced; but Warewalſt boldly pled for his maſter, and at laſt told his Holineſs, that Henry would rather part with his crown than with his right; and find⯑ing Paſcal no leſs determined in his meaſures, he, in Henry's name, prohibited Anſelm to return to Eng⯑land. [39] Henry juſtified Warewalſt's conduct, and ſeized on the temporalities of Anſelm's archbiſho⯑prick. While the canons relative to inveſtitures and clerical celibate, which Anſelm had got enacted in his ſynod of Weſtminſter, lay diſregarded in Eng⯑land, Warewalſt perſuaded Paſcal to mark an indif⯑ference towards him at Rome. Provoked herewith, Anſelm left Rome, and retired to Blois in France, where he told Henry's ſiſter, that he behoved to ex⯑communicate him. Henry having marched to Nor⯑mandy, to wreſt it from Robert his elder brother, patched up a peace with Anſelm; and the Pope com⯑pleated it by appointing, That biſhops and abbots, upon their election, ſhould do homage to Henry; that Anſelm ſhould conſecrate theſe biſhops which Henry had already inveſted, and Henry ſhould re⯑nounce all right to inveſt any more. Both Henry and Anſelm explained this agreement in their own favour, as much as they could. Anſelm then ap⯑plied himſelf to erect the new biſhoprick of Ely, and to perſecute the married clergy, whom he owned to be the beſt and moſt numerous; but death cut him ſhort. Learning, pride, and mad zeal for clerical celibate and papal power, were the diſtinguiſhing lines of his character.

Henry immediately reſumed his wonted powers, and inveſted the new archbiſhop of Canterbury, and only ſent to Rome for his pall. He afterward aſſiſt⯑ed him in hindering the Pope's legate to exerciſe his power in England. To revenge this inſult of his au⯑thority, his Holineſs ſupported Thurſtan archbiſhop of York, in refuſing ſubjection to the Primate of Canterbury, Obſerving that his ſubjects marked a regard for William his nephew in Normandy, Hen⯑ry became more tractable. Pope Honorius ſent John of Crema his legate, who perſuaded the archbiſhop of Canterbury to ſummon a council at Weſtminſter. Henry having, in his perplexity, ſurrendered his right of inveſtitures, the whole Engliſh clergy became the ſlaves and dependents of the Pope. At the council, [40] the legate ſat on a kind of throne above the biſhops and nobility. He declaimed with great warmth a⯑gainſt the abominable nature of clerical marriage, or miniſters intimacy with their own wives; and that very night he was taken in bed with an harlot. The Canterburian primate repaired to Rome, and com⯑plained of the legantine miſſion, as an encroachment upon his authority. Romiſh flattery perſuaded him to return, inveſted with legantine power over all Britain, and ſo laid the foundation of compleat ſla⯑very to Rome in that iſland. To manifeſt his new powers, he called a Synod, and, in his Holineſs' name, ratified ſeveral of the canons made by An⯑ſelm and John of Crema.

As Henry had robbed his elder brother of the crown, he was no ſooner dead, than Stephen his ſiſ⯑ter's ſon, contrary to his thrice repeated oath of al⯑legiance to Maud his daughter, now empreſs of Ger⯑many, ſeized on it. To confirm himſelf in his uſur⯑pation, he ſpared no promiſes to either clergy or laity. Cringing to the Pope, he admitted his legate, who not only held councils in his name, but cauſed the monks of Canterbury elect their archbiſhop, without regarding Stephen's conſent.—The biſhop of Win⯑cheſter being made legate, not only called the pri⯑mate to his bar; but required Stephen himſelf to an⯑ſwer for his impriſonment of ſome biſhops, and ſeiz⯑ing on their revenues.—While a moſt bloody and barbarous war between the partizans of Maud the empreſs, and thoſe of Stephen, threw the nation in⯑to the utmoſt confuſion, Pope Innocent conſtituted Theobald archbiſhop of Canterbury, and his ſucceſſors perpetual legates of the Roman ſee, that nothing might be tranſacted but under pretence of legantine power. Stephen's own brother, biſhop of Wincheſter, was inveſted with ſimilar authority. His verſatile chan⯑ging of parties was extremely remarkable. At firſt, he took part with Stephen his brother. Next he got the Empreſs elected and enthroned, and conſign⯑ed all the friends of Stephen to the devil and his [41] angels. And after all, aſſiſted in reſtoring Stephen to his throne. After much contention with his fel⯑low legate, Theobald of Canterbury repaired to the Papal Synod of Rheims. Stephen prohibited him to return, as he had gone off without his permiſſion. To revenge this affront, Theobald, as well as the Pope, took part with the Empreſs, and returning to England, he laid that part of it which acknowledged Stephen's authority, under an Interdict of public worſhip. The contending parties, wearied of the war, came to an accommodation; but Theobald, directed by his Holineſs, refuſed to crown the ſon of Stephen, who had, contrary to his oath, ſeized on the crown.

Amidſt theſe calamities, and to the infinite vexa⯑tion of the biſhops, the monks, by their charters, and by exemptions purchaſed at Rome, had gotten themſelves freed from their juriſdiction, and quickly after obtained mitres and other badges of epiſcopal dignity for their abbots. They ſoon felt, that the Pope's immediate juriſdiction was harder than that of their dioceſan biſhops. By journies to Rome up⯑on the election of every new abbot, one of which coſt about 2000 pounds ſterling,—and to obtain pontifical deciſions of their frequent conteſts, they were put to inſupportable expences. They were rendered ſlaves to the Pope and his legates; they were expoſed to the hatred of their ſovereigns, and involved in perpetual quarrels with the biſhops; and even the proſecution for juſtice at ſuch a diſtant court, was a ſevere puniſhment.

Henry II. the Empreſs' ſon, having obtained the throne, A. D. 1154, he applied himſelf to rectify the diſorders of his kingdom. The monks had not fini⯑ſhed their ſtruggle for an independence [...]n the bi⯑ſhops. But Pope Adrian, who was an Engliſhman, diverted Henry from attending to it, by compli⯑menting him with the ſavage kingdom of Ireland, providing he could conquer it. The Iriſh primates had all been married. The ſon had ſucceeded the [42] father for fifteen generations. None of their four Metropolitans had ever purchaſed a pall from Rome. Theſe things made Adrian reckon them moſt brutiſh barbarians. Invited to the aſſiſtance of Dermod king of Leinſter, who had drawn a war upon himſelf by his adulterous carrying off of the wife of his fellow king of Breffney, Henry ſoon made a kind of con⯑queſt of Ireland. About the ſame time, he made Thomas Becket his chancellor, on the recommen⯑dation of Theobald of Canterbury, for whom Bec⯑ket's addreſs at Rome had procured the legantine power, in oppoſition to his rival of Wincheſter. A⯑bout A. D. 1160, thirty perſons of both ſexes, e⯑ſteemed heretics, landed in England from Germa⯑ny. Henry called a council at Oxford to examine their opinions. It is ſaid they were all extremely ſimple, except Gerard their chief. We know not what their real opinions were; but the council deli⯑vering them up to the ſecular power, Henry com⯑manded them to be branded with a hot iron in their forehead, and whipped out of Oxford; and prohi⯑bited all his ſubjects to give them any meat, drink, or lodging. Being the depth of winter, they periſhed with hunger and cold; and it is ſaid, underwent their ſufferings with great patience and cheerfulneſs.

Contrary to Theobald's advice, Henry reſolved to reſtrict the clerical power. Expecting that Becket, whom he had loaded with favours, and who ſeemed to be far removed from monkiſh devotion, would aſſiſt him in it, he got him made archbiſhop of Can⯑terbury after Theobald's death. Becket ſoon after attended Pope Alexander in the council of Tours, A. D. 1163, and ſecretly reſigned his archbiſhoprick into his hands, and received it back from him.— What remorſe he pretended for receiving it by Hen⯑ry's influence and the inveſtiture from his hand, I know not. But it is probable, that he and the Pope planned their ſcheme of rendering the Engliſh clergy perfectly independent on the ſtate. Not long after his return, he delivered to Satan a nobleman, who [43] had dared to oppoſe the entrance of one, whom he had preſented to the rectpry of Aynesford. Henry was highly offended, that one of his crown officers ſhould have been thus excommunicated without his knowledge. About twenty years before, it had been decreed, that ſuch as laid violent hands on any cler⯑gyman, ſhould never be abſolved by any but the Pope, and in his preſence. The clergy were now ſtrongly, but cunningly inſtigated to render them⯑ſelves ſubjects to none, but the vicar of Chriſt. To honour Anſelm for his zealous invaſion of the royal power, Becket got him ſolemnly canonized for a SAINT. This inflamed his clerical brethren to fol⯑low his ſteps, in hopes of a like glorious reward.

The clergy having obtained the ſole juriſdiction o⯑ver their own body, abandoned themſelves more and more to murders, and other horrid enormities. Of an hundred clerical murderers, not ſo much as one was puniſhed with degradation from his office. Highly offended herewith, Henry commanded, That all ſuch clergymen as ſhould be apprehended in acts of felo⯑ny, murder, burning of houſes, or the like, ſhould be carried before the civil judges▪ and puniſhed as o⯑thers: but Becket withſtood his orders with the ut⯑moſt firmneſs and violence. The clerical boldneſs in wickedneſs ſtill more abounding, Henry having aſ⯑ſembled a council of his Lords ſpiritual and temporal, at Weſtminſter, propoſed to them five Conſtitutions extracted from the cuſtoms of Henry his grandfather, viz. That none ſhould appeal to the Roman ſee, without the king's conſent; that no biſhop or arch⯑biſhop ſhould leave the kingdom without his maje⯑ſty's conſent; that no crown officer or immediate vaſſal of the king ſhould be excommunicated with⯑out his knowledge; that clergymen charged with capital crimes ſhould be judged in the king's courts; that repairing of churches, taking of tithes, and o⯑ther eccleſiaſtical affairs of general concern ſhall be judged in the civil courts: Theſe articles were hear⯑tily approved by the nobles; but the biſhops and [44] abbots obſtinately refuſed their conſent, unleſs this all enervating clauſe, ſaving the rights of the clergy, ſhould be added. Henry threatening effectually to humble their pride, all of them, except Becket, yield⯑ed; and at laſt the Pope's legate perſuaded him to feign his conſent.

Having got theſe articles unanimouſly eſtabliſhed, Henry called another council of his Lords ſpiritual and temporal at Clarendon for extracting and con⯑firming the laws of his grandfather. Sixteen arti⯑cles were formed, bearing, That all differences rela⯑tive to the right of patronage ſhould be tried in the civil courts; that no churches which are fees of the crown can be diſpoſed of in perpetual donation with⯑out the king's conſent; that all clergymen charged with crimes againſt the laws, ſhall appear before the Lord Chief Juſtice, as well as before the eccleſiaſti⯑cal courts, and none of them after conviction be pro⯑tected by the church; that no clergymen ſhall go out of the kingdom without his majeſty's conſent, and their giving proper ſecurity of their doing noth⯑ing to the prejudice of him or his ſubjects; that ac⯑cuſations of laymen in eccleſiaſtical courts, ſhall be proved by reputable witneſſes, and whom the ſheriffs ſhall oblige to attend, if neceſſary; that excommu⯑nicated perſons ſhall not be obliged to continue on the ſpot where they lived formerly, but only to abide the judgment of the church; that none who imme⯑diately hold of the king, or any of his barons, ſhall be excommunicated, or their eſtate laid under an In⯑terdict, without firſt acquainting him or his Chief Juſtice, if himſelf be out of the kingdom; that none ſhall appeal from the archbiſhop's court, without his majeſty's conſent; that biſhops and abbots muſt per⯑form the ſervices annexed to their tenures, when re⯑quired by his juſtices or miniſters,—and muſt be preſent at all trials, except when ſentences of blood, or of loſing life or limb, are to be pronounced; that the revenues of all vacant biſhopricks, abbies, or [45] priories of a royal foundation, ſhall be paid into the king's exchequer; that the king ſhall have the power of conveening the electors of biſhops, abbots, and priors, and the elected muſt do homage to him be⯑fore their conſecration; that he ſhall puniſh every wrong done to the ſuperior clergy, and they ſhall proſecute ſuch as injure him; that no goods of for⯑feited perſons ſhall be protected from his ſeizure, in churches or church-yards; that all pleas of debt ſhall be tried in civil courts; that the ſons of copy⯑holders are not to be ordained clergymen, without conſent of the Lord of the manor in which they were born; &c. The council unanimouſly agreed to theſe conſtitutions. But Becket refuſed to ſign them with his epiſcopal ſeal, and not long after ſuſpended himſelf from the exerciſe of his office, and impoſed a penance on himſelf for ſinfully conſenting to them.

Henry dealt with Alexander III. who had been advanced to the Popedom by his influence, to ratify the above conſtitutions, and to conſtitute the arch⯑biſhop of York his legate. Alexander, inſtead of this, laboured to reconcile him to Becket, and con⯑ſtituted Henry himſelf his legate, providing he ſhould not uſe his power againſt Becket. Henry rejected the office of pontifical dignity with great indignation, and reſolved to humble Becket. He cauſed him to be proſecuted for holding a royal manor; for con⯑verting to his own uſe the revenues of the archbi⯑ſhoprick of York, and of ſome other biſhopricks; and for embezzling 30,000 pounds of the public money, when he was chancellor. Becket appealed [...]o the Pope as his ſole judge, and refuſed ſo much [...]s to converſe with Henry on their points of diffe⯑rence. Henry got him accuſed as a fugitive from juſtice, and diſobedient to his ſovereign,—and after⯑wards of perjury and high treaſon. No perſuaſions [...]f his fellow biſhops could make Becket yield an hair [...]readth. He inſulted both them and his ſovereign. They pronounced him guilty of perjury in breaking [...]is oath of allegiance, and cited him to appear be⯑fore [46] his Holineſs to anſwer for his conduct. When the temporal Lords told him, that by refuſing to ſubmit to their authority, he involved himſelf in treaſon, he boaſted, that were it not for his charac⯑ter, he would, in a duel, vindicate himſelf againſt any one of them, who durſt charge him with a crime. He fled to France, where king Lewis, in⯑ſtead of baniſhing him, as Henry deſired, protected him, and recommended his cauſe to the Roman court. Henry hoped, that Alexander would have gratefully befriended him, and at leaſt perſuaded Bec⯑ket to reſign his ſee. But neither his former favours nor his pompous embaſſy had any ſuch effect on the Pope. He and Becket declared ten of the conſtitu⯑tions of Clarendon NULL and void, and threatened to excommunicate all ſuch as ſhould maintain them. Becket then reſigned his authority into the hands of the Pontiff. But Alexander, unwilling to have his faithful ſervant run down by the civil power, and fearing that his ſubmiſſion might iſſue in the reducti⯑on of the Papal power, reſtored him to his office, and promiſed to aſſiſt him in it to his uttermoſt.

The conteſt between Henry and Becket became more and more ſerious. Henry publiſhed a procla⯑mation, baniſhing all the relations of Becket; and commanding to ſeize all the revenues of his ſee for public uſe; and prohibiting all correſpondence with either him or pope Alexander; and declaring it high treaſon to bring any bull of excommunication or any Interdict from ANY of them; &c. Becket excom⯑municated all ſuch as adhered to the Conſtitutions of Clarendon; and ſome of Henry's more active lords or miniſters were mentioned by name. In a number of miſſives to Henry himſelf, he mingled threaten⯑ings with argument. He did all, that he could, to ſeduce clergymen and others from their allegiance. But thoſe of the province of Canterbury remained deaf to all his ſolicitations. Suſpecting that Lewis of France fomented their differences, Henry levied an army to prevent an attack from France, or a re⯑volt [47] of his own ſubjects. The clergy of the province of Canterbury dealt very plainly with his Holineſs, and repreſented to him the ingratitude and irregula⯑rity of his conduct. Convinced by the influence of Henry's preſents, and by his own fears, that he might join the German emperor, another diſobedient ſon, Alexander appointed his legates to repair to England, and there judge between him and Becket. Becket raved like a madman, as if Chriſtianity would have been ruined along with his loſs of his cauſe. Nor could his friends perſuade him to reſign his primacy on condition of Henry's giving up the Conſtitutions of Clarendon. Thus matters proceeded, till about 1167, that Becket inſiſted for a pontifical ratification of the excommunication which he had paſſed againſt the obſervers of the conſtitutions of Clarendon; and for his Holineſs' allowance to conſign Henry into the hands of the devil. Alexander informed Henry, that his allowance for his excommunication could not be long delayed, unleſs he ſhould repent. Hi⯑therto neither Becket nor Alexander had profited much by their quarrel. The former had languiſhed in exile, and the latter had been deprived of his re⯑venues in England. But now, while Lewis of France invaded Henry's dominions in Normandy, Alexander manifeſted an uncommon regard to Becket, and con⯑firmed to him all the privileges he had formerly en⯑joyed. To revenge this, Henry entered into a league with the German emperor, who hated Alexander and if the nation could have borne it, he would have renounced Alexander's ſpiritual headſhip, and ack⯑nowledged Paſcal his rival. Being informed, that the Engliſh were firmly attached to his intereſts, A⯑lexander cauſed the biſhop of London to admoniſh Henry, and in his name require him to reſtore Bec⯑ket, and annul the conſtitutions of Clarendon. The biſhop having mildly executed his commiſſion, re⯑preſented to his Holineſs, in Henry's name, That [...]e inclined to continue his obedient ſon, providing he behaved as a ſpiritual father; and that nothing hin⯑dered [48] Becket's return, providing he deſiſted from oppoſing the royal prerogative and laws of the land, to which he had ſworn ſubjection. Reckoning this miſſive injurious to his character, Becket conſigned the writer into the hands of the devil, and notified the ſame to his clerical brethren. Finding that this conteſt retarded his conqueſt of Ireland, Henry be⯑came more and more anxious to have it made up. In an interview, which he had with Lewis, for eſta⯑bliſhing peace between them, he perſuaded him, that it was only Becket's pride and obſtinacy that prevent⯑ed a reconciliation with him. Both French and Eng⯑liſh nobility exclaimed againſt him, as intolerably perverſe, and unfit to be protected in either king⯑dom. Regardleſs of this, Becket delivered up the Engliſh biſhops and other clergymen to Satan in ſuch multitudes, that Henry had ſcarcely enow to officiate in his chapels. Enraged by this, Henry aſſured his Holineſs, that unleſs he immediately ſent his legates to abſolve his clergy, and decide the debate between him and Becket, he would ſecure the peace and ho⯑nour of his kingdom in a manner leſs agreeable to his wiſhes. Alarmed with this plain dealing, Alexan⯑der immediately diſpatched his legates to England, with flattering letters to Henry, bearing, That they had full power to terminate the differences, and ab⯑ſolve the excommunicated. But he privately aſſur⯑ed Becket, that he would take care of his intereſts; and adviſed him to diſſemble for a little time. He gave the legates ſecret inſtructions, to give no deciſi⯑on, without firſt acquainting the archbiſhop of Sens in France, who was a truſty friend of Becket, The legates therefore cavilled at every thing which Henry propoſed. Obſerving their conduct, Henry threa⯑tened to do himſelf juſtice by another method. The replied, that they feared none of his threatenings, as they belonged to a court, which had been accuſto⯑med to command kings and emperors.

Not long after, Lewis procured another meeting between Henry and Becket, in order to have them [] reconciled. Henry offered to Becket a full reſtora⯑tion of all his dignities and privileges, and a thouſand marks to defray the expence of his voyage. Becket pretended that he had ſuffered 30,000 marks of da⯑mage, all which he muſt have refunded to him.— Finding no hope of his ſubmiſſion, Henry ſent a meſ⯑ſenger to Pope Alexander, offering him as much mo⯑ney as would clear his extenſive debts, and 10,000 marks more, providing that he would tranſlate Bec⯑ket to ſome other ſee, and remove him from France to Rome. Alexander would do no more than ſend other legates to mediate a peace between them. But as Becket refuſed to promiſe any obedience to the king's laws, but what conſiſted with the privileges of the Pope, and the liberty of the church, this at⯑tempt alſo proved fruitleſs.

Finding Henry extremely tenacious of his rights, the Roman court reſolved to humble him by force, as they had juſt done Frederic, the German empe⯑ror. To prepare their way, they every where repre⯑ſented him and his laws as extremely deteſtable, and extolled Becket as an almoſt unparalleled ſaint and confeſſor. Three legates were then appointed to ex⯑communicate Henry, and lay his kingdom under an Interdict. Informed of their intentions, Henry re⯑nounced the authority of both Pope and archbiſhop, and prohibited all his Engliſh ſubjects to receive any of their mandates. He ordained, That no Peter⯑pence ſhould be paid without his warrant; that all the clergy that were out of the kingdom ſhould im⯑mediately return, under pain of forfeiting all their revenues; that none ſhould ſubmit to any letter of Interdict, under pain of being hanged on the ſpot as traitors to their king and country. To eſtabliſh his family on the throne, he, in a crowded aſſembly of his principal ſubjects, cauſed Henry his eldeſt ſon to be crowned by the archbiſhop of York, and to ſwear that he would inviolably obſerve the antient cuſtoms. Becket loudly complained of injury done him,—pre⯑tending, that the coronation indiſpenſibly belonged [] to the archbiſhop of Canterbury. Alexander quick⯑ly conſigned over the archbiſhop of York, and all other biſhops, who had aſſiſted at the coronation, to the devil and his angels, and threatened to do the ſame with Henry himſelf, if he did not, without de⯑lay, make peace with Becket, who at the ſame time notified, that he would lay the kingdom under an Interdict of all public worſhip, if he was not recon⯑ciled within fifteen days. Afraid of a fate like to that of the German emperor, or of trouble to his young ſon, or perhaps of Papal damnation to his ſoul, in the future ſtate, Henry, newly recovered from a violent fever, had two meetings with Becket in the preſence of king Lewis, in the laſt of which he yield⯑ed all that Becket demanded. However heartily Henry had forgiven the injuries done him, Becket, now rendered more proud than ever, proſecuted his reſentments. He alway went attended by an armed guard; and in this manner attempted to enter the palace of the young king. He proſecuted the Pope's excommunication of his fellow biſhops. They fled from England to Henry in Normandy, and repre⯑ſented Becket as a public incendiary, a perſecutor of clergymen, and a determined enemy of his king, and a deſtroyer of all good men that came in his way. Henry, in his outragious paſſion, ſaid, that it was ſtrange, that not one of his numerous dependents had courage to avenge him of a ſingle prieſt, who braved and ſought to depoſe and diſinherit him.— Four gentlemen of his houſhold, moved by this ſu⯑rious expreſſion, haſted to England, and murdered Becket, while he was officiating in his cathedral.

The Romiſh court no ſooner heard of it, than they reſolved to revenge his death in the moſt terrible manner. The French king, the biſhop of Sens, and others, charged Henry with it; and care was taken to proclaim it in the moſt horrid forms through all Chriſtendom. Henry was threatened with excom⯑munication, and his kingdom with an Interdict, un⯑leſs he ſhould ſpeedily give ſufficient evidence of hi [...] [51] repentance. He diſpatched his ambaſſadors to the ſeveral foreign courts to diſown the fact, and to de⯑clare his deteſtation of it. Theſe ſent to Rome were at firſt rudely maltreated, and had audience denied them: but a preſent of five hundred marks ſterling opened their way to his Holineſs' ear. Their promiſe that Henry would ſubmit to the judgment of the church, prevented his conſignation to Satan, and the interdiction of public worſhip in his kingdom. Legates were diſpatched to England to abſolve him. They collected all the depoſitions they could to prove him guilty; but finding none to their purpoſe, they allowed him at laſt to clear himſelf hy oath, that he had neither commanded nor aſſented to the aſſaſſi⯑nation. They then accommodated matters with him, on condition that he ſhould never withdraw his ſubjection from Pope Alexander and his ſucceſ⯑ſors, while they acknowledged him a catholic ſove⯑eign; that in all eccleſiaſtical cauſes he ſhould allow appeals to Rome; that he ſhould ſerve three years [...]n the ſacred war againſt the Infidels in Paleſtine, un⯑ [...]eſs diſpenſed with by the Pope, and ſhould maintain two hundred men for that ſervice; that he ſhould [...]ully pardon all the adherents of Becket, and reſtore [...]he ſee of Canterbury every thing that had been ta⯑ken from it during his exile; and that he ſhould [...]nnul all laws and cuſtoms which he had introduced to the hurt of the church; —to which was added this ſecret article, That he ſhould go barefooted to Becket's tomb, and aſk pardon, and endure a ſound whipping from all the Canterburian monks. Upon [...]heſe conditions, Henry obtained pardon of a crime of which they had firſt cauſed him ſwear himſelf inno⯑ [...]ent, when they could find no proof of it. To mag⯑nify Becket, they gave out, that the dead body wrought more miracles than Chriſt and all his apo⯑ [...]tles had wrought for the confirmation of Chriſtianity [...]tſelf; and many thouſands of mad devotees yearly [...]iſited his tomb.

[52]The monks of Canterbury appeared to inherit his ambitious and obſtinate temper. They claimed the ſole power of electing his ſucceſſor; and carried their point againſt both their kings. Richard, whom they elected, was ſcarcely conſecrated, when, in his council at Weſtminſter, he got eighteen canons enac⯑ted, importing, That no clergymen ſhould marry; that no ſons ſhould ſucceed their fathers in ſpiritual functions; that no clergymen ſhould frequent public houſes, unleſs when on journeys; that none of them ſhould aſſiſt in the judgment of capital crimes; and that no money ſhould be taken for the holy chriſm, or baptiſm, or any other ſacrament. Richard's next work was a furious diſpute concerning juriſdiction with Roger of York, which iſſued in mutual blows. Meanwhile, the Pope's legate perſuaded Henry to exempt clergymen from all civil judgment, except with reſpect to ſome ſervices, and the abuſe of foreſts. In conſequence of this, they became the abſolute ſlaves of the Pope, and almoſt perpetually conteſted with the laity, in order to inſlave the whole king⯑dom.

Alexander called a council at Rome, A. D. 1179, and required the Weſtern biſhops to attend it. Four Engliſh biſhops repaired to it. But Richard, mind⯑ful of ſome offence which his Holineſs had given him, in taking part with his opponent prior of the monks, went not. They prohibited the ſecular powers to judge any clergyman, under pain of excommunicati⯑on,—or to impoſe any tax upon them, unleſs they generouſly offered their aſſiſtance, and the laity were incapable to bear the neceſſary burdens. They required all Chriſtian princes to eztirpate heretics,—to prevent their living under their juriſdiction,—and to confiſ⯑cate their goods, and render their perſons ſlaves. They decreed the ſame privileges as to the ſacred warriors in Paleſtine, to all ſuch as ſhould take arms againſt them.—Theſe laws were reckoned the more neceſſary, as the Waldenſes had exceedingly increaſ⯑ed, and ſpread themſelves in ſeveral places of Eurupe. [53] The monks of Malmſbury withdrawment of them⯑ſelves from under their biſhop of Saliſbury, and their forging of a charter for defending their diſobedience, drew from archbiſhop Richard a ſenſible Remon⯑ſtrance to the Pope. Much about the ſame time, in a letter to one of his ſuffragans, he laments, That the Engliſh clergy had wickedly ſubjected themſelves to the Pope inſtead of their lawful ſovereign, in con⯑ſequence of which, one might murder as many cler⯑gymen as he pleaſed; and then, by proſtitution of an amiable wife, or by a little money, purchaſe his abſolution from a prieſt.

While Lucius, the Papal ſucceſſor of Alexander, was buſy demanding aſſiſtance from England, to de⯑preſs the ſenate and people at Rome, the monks of Canterbury, by king Richard's intreaties, and other like methods, elected Baldwin their archbiſhop. He attempted to erect a college for the ſecular canons at his ſee: but his Holineſs, inſtigated by the monks, cauſed him to demoliſh it, and hallow the ground. At laſt, the mob, inſtigated by the monks, pulled down the buildings, and the archbiſhop, with the materials, laid the foundation of the palace of Lam⯑beth, which the Pope alſo ordered to be demoliſhed. Meanwhile, great preparations were made for a mad warlike expedition to Paleſtine.

K. Richard I. dying, his brother John ſucceeded him A. D. 1199. Contrary to his inclination, the monks of St. David elected one Girald for their bi⯑ſhop. He poſted to Rome for confirmation; and by his large offers thought to have been created an archbiſhop of Wales. But king John and the arch⯑biſhop defeated his project; and another was made biſhop. Much about the ſame time, Pope Innocent III. finding the Weſtern churches ſufficiently entan⯑gled in his yoke, appointed a general valuation of their revenues, and the fortieth part of them, to be granted for carrying on the ſacred war. The archbiſhop of York prohibited the lifting of this tax in his dioceſe, excommunicated the officers that le⯑vied [54] it, and laid the country under an Interdict, be⯑cauſe they would not oppoſe them; but he was o⯑bliged to yield. The monks having ſeized upon the rectorſhip of Feverſham, before the king's preſentee had got poſſeſſion of it, Innocent took their part. Several who had inliſted themſelves for the ſacred war drawing back, Innocent appointed the biſhops to excommunicate them by name, every Sabbath, and obliged king John, notwithſtanding his deep po⯑verty, to give the 40th part of his revenues for car⯑rying on that mad war.

Hubert, the excellent archbiſhop of Canterbury dying, the monks of that place choſe Reginald, their ſubprior, to ſuccced him. He immediately poſted to Rome for confirmation; and notwithſtanding that he had given his ſolemn oath to his electors, that he Would not reveal his election till they ſhould allow him, he no ſooner got over the channel, than he every where aſſumed the dignity of archbiſhop in his way to Rome. Provoked with his impiety and im⯑prudence, or fearing the king's diſpleaſure, the pre⯑valent party of monks in the convent, begged his majeſty's leave to chooſe a new archbiſhop. Appeaſ⯑ed by their ſubmiſſion, John recommended Gray biſhop of Norwich to their choice; and at his own expence poſted off a number of the monks to obtain his confirmation at Rome, while the biſhops diſ⯑patched their proxies to complain, that they had been deprived of their right in the election. The Romiſh court welcomed all parties; but Innocent quickly determined againſt the biſhops, and adjudg⯑ed the whole right of election to the chapter of monks belonging to the ſee. K. John having taken an oath of the monks whom he had ſent to Rome, that they would chooſe none but Gray of Norwich, though [...] himſelf ſafe to aſſure the Pope, that he would ack⯑nowledge any whom the convent ſhould elect. Pro⯑miſing to abſolve them from their oath, Innocent o⯑bliged the monks, under pain of excommunication [...] to chooſe one Stephen Langton a native of England [55] but a member of the Roman court; and pretending, that there was no need of princes conſent in his Ho⯑lineſs' preſence, he immediately conſecrated him.

John was altogether enraged to find one wholly at⯑tached to the French intereſt placed in this important ſtation. He drove out the Canterburian monks for electing their ſubprior without his knowledge. He threatened the Pope, that if he got not his will in this matter, he would prohibit every future appeal from England to the Roman ſee. Innocent boldly replied, that he would but involve himſelf in inex⯑tricable difficulties, if he dared to oppoſe the vicar of Chriſt, to whom every knee muſt bow. By his com⯑mand, the biſhops of London and Worceſter laid the Engliſh nation under an Interdict of divine wor⯑ſhip, except baptiſm of children, taking of confeſſi⯑ons, and giving the ſacrament to dying perſons. In conſequence of this, their dead were buried in dit⯑ches and highways like brutes; their churches were ſhut up, and their altars forſaken. Had John turn⯑ed his reſentment wholly againſt the Roman court, he might perhaps have carried his point. But his ſeizing of biſhopricks, abbies, and eccleſiaſtical re⯑venues, and requiring his ſubjects to renew their oath of allegiance, and many of his nobles to give hoſtages for their fidelity, gave great offence. In⯑formed of theſe ferments, Innocent delivered him up to the devil; and by flattering miſſives laboured to ſecure the favour of his offended nobles and cler⯑gy. John granted the biſhoprick of Lincoln to Wells his chancellor, and commanded him to receive con⯑ſecration not from Langton, but from the biſhop of Rhoan in Normandy. Wells conſidering himſelf as now ſubject to another head, repaired directly to Langton for conſecration. John in his rage imme⯑diately ſeized the temporalities of his biſhoprick: Nevertheleſs Wells' duplicity-made him ſuſpicious of every body about him, and ready to hearken to every term of accommodation. He offered to admit Langton archbiſhop; to recall the baniſhed biſhops; [56] reſtore the monks of Canterbury, and obey the di⯑rections of his Holineſs, ſaving to himſelf and heirs the rights of the crown. Nothing leſs than a total ſurrender of himſelf and all his prerogatives to their mercy, could content Innocent and Langton. A converſation between John and Pandulf, Innocent's legate, in order to reconcilement, proved quite un⯑ſucceſsful. Innocent and his party did every thing in their power to render John odious. They repre⯑ſented him as an enemy to the rights of the church and nation. Peter, an hermit, was employed to foretel, that his royal dignity ſhould ceaſe before next Aſcenſion day, and none of his poſterity ever wear the crown. This exceedingly hurt him among his credulous ſubjects. Meanwhile, it was decreed at Rome, that he ſhould be depoſed, and another ſubſtituted in his ſtead. Having publiſhed this ſen⯑tence, Innocent laboured to engage Philip of France to dethrone him, promiſing him a throne in the hea⯑venly paradiſe, and the crown of England in fee ſim⯑ple to him and his heirs, if he did. He diſperſed his miſſives and agents all over Europe to perſuade his infatuated votaries, that it would be an eminent ſer⯑vice done to God and religion to cut off this contu⯑macious prince, and enſlave the kingdom of England to the holy ſee; and he promiſed full pardon of ſin, and all other immunities granted to the ſacred warri⯑ors in Paleſtine, to all ſuch as ſhould aſſiſt in this work.

Philip, with great zeal, prepared for attacking his Engliſh neighbour, and John raiſed an army to defend his own rights. But terrified by Innocent's menacing letter, and by Pandulf's exaggerated ac⯑counts of the French army, John conſented to deli⯑ver up his kingdom to the Pope, as the only means of protecting it, and to receive it back as a fief of the holy ſee; to do homage for it to Innocent, and give him his oath of ſubjection, and reſign into his hand all the patronages belonging to the crown,— and, after all, to declare ſolemnly, That he did all [57] this of his own free will, and with the advice and conſent of his barons. This was all performed on the Monday before Aſcenſion day, in the preſence of multitudes. Having got his ends accompliſhed, Pan⯑dulf, contrary to his promiſe, privately ſlipt off, leav⯑ing John in the hands of the devil, and the whole nation under an Interdict. King Philip was highly provoked by the Pope's mandate to ſtop his warlike expedition; but being unwilling to draw the curſe of Rome upon himſelf and his kingdom, he ſubmitted. After receiving John's oath to govern according to law and equity, Langton abſolved him from the ſentence of excommunication. John aſſembled his barons to conſult how the damages of the church might be repaired.—Highly offended with his mean ſubmiſſion to the Pope, they reſolved to take arms againſt him, and refuſed to aſſiſt him in recovering that part of Normandy, which Philip had ſeized. Langton threatened to excommunicate ſuch as would take arms, before the Interdict were removed.

To render his claim to the Engliſh kingdom moſt firm and manifeſt, Innocent ſent his legate to cauſe John make a ſecond reſignation, in preſence of his nobles and clergy, and atteſted by the primate. Af⯑ter the Papal charter was preſented on the altar, and attributed to the directive inſpiration of the Holy Ghoſt, John ſwore fealty and did homage to the Roman ſee, and to Innocent and his lawful ſucceſ⯑ſors. Upon this, he received back the rights of his crown from the legate. The nobles conſidered this ſecond reſignation of his crown as a condition of his obtaining the Pope's protection againſt them. Lang⯑ton atteſted the charter, but proteſted againſt, it; and thereby drew upon himſelf the deteſtation of the Roman court. Innocent and his agents now repre⯑ſented John as a prince of extraordinary humility and piety; and the lately extolled Langton as a moſt wicked apoſtate, and the other clergy, who had for⯑merly aſſiſted the Roman uſurpations, but now aſſiſt⯑ed the barons, in demanding a reſtoration of the [58] liberties of their kingdom, as moſt deteſtable miſ⯑creants. A civil war taking place, John fought to retain himſelf and ſubjects ſlaves to the Pope. The barons, who had lately helped to enſlave the king⯑dom, fought for its liberties, and obtained the Mag⯑na Charta and Charter of foreſts, which ſtill conti⯑nue the foundations of Engliſh liberty. John per⯑ſuaded his Holineſs to declare theſe charters null and void; and while his barons expected nothing but peace, he attacked them with an army of foreigners, to many of whom he diſtributed the property of his native ſubjects. They called Lewis, heir to the French crown, to be their ſovereign. Neither he, nor they regarded the Pontifical thunders launched in favour of John.

In 1216, Innocent and John retired to their grave, and not long after, Langton of Canterbury, who, contrary to the fears of ſome, and the hopes of o⯑thers, had proved a moſt valiant defender of the li⯑berties of the Engliſh church and nation. The monks choſe Walter one of their own number, an ignorant and ſcandalous wretch, whoſe father had been hanged for theft, to be archbiſhop. King Henry III. and his biſhops warmly oppoſing it, Pope Gregory IX. declared their election null and void, and took the choice into his own hand. By promi⯑ſing the Pope the tenth part of all the moveables in England, for the ſupport of his ſacred war againſt the German emperor, Henry got Richard chancel⯑lor of Lincoln promoted to the primacy. Terrible diſtreſs and rage accompanied the levying of this tenth part for the Pope; but fears of his Papal dam⯑nations made the people at laſt to comply. Biſhops and abbots were obliged to advance the money for their inferiors. They were forced to ſell or pawn the church plate, or to borrow money upon it at high intereſt from the Italian uſurers, whom the Pope's Nuncio had brought along with him for that pur⯑poſe.

[59]Richard dying ſoon after his advancement, Pope Gregory, intending to have all the vacant benefices of note conferred upon Italians, or other foreigners, oppoſed the monks election of Nevil biſhop of Chi⯑cheſter, fearing that, like Langton, he might turn out a friend to his country. Enraged by this, about eighty perſons of high rank entered into a ſolemn confederacy to drive the Italian clergy out of all their preferments in England; and carried their point. Gregory was ſufficiently provoked; but Henry find⯑ing that ſo many great men were concerned in the affair, durſt puniſh but few of them. Having got Henry made his blind dupe, Gregory annulled other two elections of an archbiſhop; and at laſt himſelf appointed Edmund, treaſurer of Saliſbury.

Contrary to the expoſtulations of the new archbi⯑ſhop, Henry admitted Otho the pontifical Legate. He brought with him a ſett of canons to be eſtabliſhed in a council which he called at London. They im⯑ported, That churches ſhould be conſecrated within two years after their erection; that no abbot or rec⯑tor ſhall pull down old churches without leave from the biſhop of the dioceſe; that no perſon of infamous birth, or who is ignorant or ſcandalous, be admitted to the prieſthood; that biſhops live at their cathe⯑drals a conſiderable part of the year, and officiate on the great feſtival, and on the Sundays of Lent; that biſhops viſit their dioceſes, conſecrate churches, ex⯑erciſe diſcipline, and frequently preach to the peo⯑ple; that every one that brings a cauſe into a ſpiri⯑tual court, give his oath, that he doth not act from any litigious humour; that every advocate at his ad⯑miſſion give oath, that he will plead according to truth and equity; that all judges keep records of their procedure, and give parties concerned copies on demand, &c. The canon, which he propoſed a⯑gainſt plurality of clerical charges, was warmly op⯑poſed. The principal ſtations of the church were quickly filled with Italians and other foreigners, li⯑centious enough in their lives, but truſty ſlaves to [60] the Roman ſee. Regardleſs of his ſubjects, Henry permitted Gregory to oppreſs them as he pleaſed.— The Engliſh clergy and many of the people were ſtripped of almoſt all that they had, for the aſſiſtance of the Pope againſt the emperor: but the emperor's troops ſeized it in its paſſage to Rome. Finding, that he could do nothing effectually for the relief of his country, archbiſhop Edmund retired into a mo⯑naſtery. Gregory tranſmitted to the other biſhops a liſt of 300 Italians to be preferred to vacant bene⯑fices, before any other ſhould be ſerved. No mat⯑ter, though for want of their language, they could be of no uſe to their flocks.

Celeſtine IV. had ſcarcely ſucceeded Gregory in 1241, when he appointed an inſolent legate to ſtrip the Engliſh clergy of the poor remains of their wealth. The nobles, finding Henry utterly averſe to aſſiſt them, reſolved by themſelves to reſtrain ſuch exacti⯑ons. They commanded the wardens of the ſeveral ſea-ports to ſtop every perſon, who brought bulls or mandates from Rome. A meſſenger was apprehend⯑ed, with ſeveral bulls, empowering the Nuncio to raiſe money from the clergy. The Nuncio complai⯑ned to Henry: but the barons boldly juſtified their conduct, and repreſented to him the injuſtice he did to his ſubjects, in permitting ſuch exactions; and ſhewed him a liſt of revenues enjoyed by Italian cler⯑gy in England, which exceeded thoſe of the crown. The barons empowered a knight to order the Nuncio to leave the kingdom; who, upon his ſhifting, told him, that if he did not depart within three days, he would be cut to pieces. Finding that Henry could not protect him, he haſted off, to the no ſmall joy of the nation.

When the council of Lyons met in 1245, the Eng⯑liſh barons inſiſted for a redreſs of their grievances; eſpecially the yearly payment of a 1000 marks of tri⯑bute for the kingdoms of England and Ireland, as fiefs of the Pope; and of the clauſe non obſtante in all his bulls. After waiting for a time to no purpoſe, [61] and finding, that his Holineſs intended only to amuſe them, they proteſted againſt the payment of that annual tribute; and ſwore that they would not ſuf⯑fer the revenues or their church to be carried off by foreigners: and then returned home.

Innocent IV. having obtained the Popedom, pre⯑tended great favour to the Engliſh, allowed their patrons to preſent whom they pleaſed, and to nomi⯑nate an Engliſh ſucceſſor, whenever any place was vacated by an Italian. But he required their biſhops, under pain of excommunication, to ſign the charter, by which king John had rendered the nation tributa⯑ry to the Pope. They meanly complied. Next year, the Parliament, by a ſolemn deputation, complained to his Holineſs of their grievances, particularly Papal exactions from clergymen, and penſions from chur⯑ches; the robbing of patrons of their power to pre⯑ſent proper perſons to eccleſiaſtical charges and be⯑nefices; the beſtowing of benefices on Italians, who underſtand not the Engliſh language, and do not preach at their churches, nor maintain any charity or hoſpitality there; that while Italians had free and eaſy admiſſion to privileges, Engliſhmen were oblig⯑ed to proſecute their rights at Rome; and that the clauſe non obſtante in bulls, was deſtructive of all the laws, cuſtoms and privileges of the nation. Inno⯑cent being utterly averſe to diminiſh his revenues or powers, told them, that he would proſecute his own meaſures, let Henry do what he would. He loaded the Engliſh clergy with new taxes, and claimed right to be adminiſtrator to all biſhops who died without latter wills. He appointed one biſhop to levy from his reſident clergy one third, and from non-reſidents one half of their moveables, under pain of excommu⯑nication, or ſuſpenſion. After ſome contrary pro⯑clamations of Henry, Innocent carried his point, ex⯑cept with reſpect to the effects of the biſhops that died inteſtate. Provoked with theſe exorbitant ex⯑actions, Groſthead biſhop of Lincoln, a man of un⯑common learning and reſolution, ſet himſelf to op⯑poſe [62] both Innocent and Henry his pitiful dupe, in a manner becoming his character. He tore the Papal bulls, which preſented unqualified candidates to be⯑nefices. He refuſed to conſecrate ſuch Italians as could not ſpeak Engliſh. He formed a liſt, by which it appeared, that Italians poſſeſſed eccleſiaſtical reve⯑nues in England, to the value of 70,000 [...]arks; which were, perhaps, equal to a million ſterling at preſent. At laſt, for refuſing to conſecrate an Ita⯑lian boy to the firſt vacant benefice, in his dioceſe, and for his faithful remonſtrance againſt the Papal wickedneſs, he was, contrary to the advice of the wiſer cardinals, excommunicated by the Pope. He appealed to the judgment of God, and continued his work in the church, and died in a Chriſtian manner, bearing a ſolemn teſtimony againſt the Romiſh cor⯑ruptions.

Henry had ſcarcely forborn oppreſſing the clergy, by exactions for a pretended expedition againſt the Infidels in Paleſtine, when Pope Alexander IV. about 1260, demanded another for the conqueſt of Sicily to prince Edmund. And, becauſe they had not mo⯑ney, bills were brought them from Italy, indorſed to ſome merchant there, and every biſhop and ab⯑bot was required to ſign them, under pain of excom⯑munication. The Pope and king obliged them to comply, the bills being a little altered. After the nation had been, for ſeven years, grievouſly oppreſ⯑ſed in this manner, Ottobon the Pope's legate aſ⯑ſembled a council of the Engliſh clergy at London, which enacted, That, in caſe of neceſſity, lay per⯑ſons might baptize infants; that no money ſhould be taken for the adminiſtration of ſacraments; that no clergymen ſhould be inſtalled before the preceding incumbents be certainly dead; that pariſhes ſhould be no further divided; that executors of teſtaments ſhould preſent an inventory of their truſt to their Ordinary before they begin their adminiſtration; that no biſhops ſhall ſequeſtrate the profits of vacant livings; that penance ſhall never be exchanged for [63] money; that no tithes be alienated; that clergymen abſtain from pluralities, eſpecially ſuch as are poſſeſ⯑ſed without diſpenſation or inſtitution; that no be⯑nefices be held in commendam; that no patrons be allowed annual ſums for their grant of preſentations.

Edward I. having aſcended the throne in A. D. 1272, his parliament, about two years after, enact⯑ed a number of ſalutary laws for both church and ſtate. Meanwhile, the general council of Lyons im⯑poſed a new tax on the whole Weſtern church.— None but Peckham deacon of Lincoln oppoſed it. Having dared to hint, that the Engliſh clergy had been already ſo impoveriſhed by taxations, that they had ſcarcely whereon to live, Pope Gregory X. de⯑prived him of his preferments. Not long after, he rejected Burnell, whom the Canterburian monks had unanimouſly elected their archbiſhop, and himſelf choſe and conſecrated another Peckham a learned Franciſcan. Peckham quickly held a council at Lam⯑beth, which confirmed the conſtitutions of Otho and Ottobon; and further enacted, That prieſts ſhould carefully inſtruct their ignorant people; that the bread in the Lord's ſupper was both his body and blood; that unconſecrated wine merely rendered the ſwallowing of the bread the eaſier; and that which was conſecrated belonged only to the prieſts, who celebrate divine ſervice in the leſs important chur⯑ches; that baptiſm by lay perſons is valid; that the moſt neceſſary points of religion ſhould be plainly explained to the people once every quarter of an year.

As notwithſtanding former prohibitions, many continued devoting their eſtates to the church, to the hurt of the nation, and the impoveriſhment of the king's exchequer,—The Parliament, by the ſta⯑tute of Mortmain enacted, That if any perſon ſhould diſpone of any heritable property to the church with⯑out the will of his immediate ſuperiors, of whom he held that property, theſe, or higher ſuperiors, might immediately ſeize on ſaid diſponed houſes or lands, [64] for themſelves, as their undoubted property, in all time coming.—Edward, being bent on limiting the power of the clergy, he and archbiſhop Peckham had ſeveral warm conteſts. The citizens and bur⯑geſſes, now beginning to be called, as members of Parliament, along with the lower clergy, as a natio⯑nal council. In this, Edward demanded from the clergy an half year's revenue. Finding them reluc⯑tant, he charged the oppoſers of his motion to ſtand forth and take their trial as diſturbers of the peace of the kingdom. This obliged them to comply with his harſh demands. Accounting it an unſupportable burden to attend parliaments, the inferior clergy, by degrees, accuſtomed themſelves to make their grants in convocations. Next year, Edward demanded a new ſupply from the clergy. After procuring a bull from Pope Boniface VIII. prohibiting their payment of it, they pretended, their terror of this bull as a reaſon of declining it. Edward ſealed up their ſtores, and gave them till next parliament to deliberate on the affair. Peckham cauſed publiſh the Pope's bull prohibiting collectors to levy it, in all the cathedral churches. Next year, Edward called a parliament without the ſpiritual members, which enacted, That all the goods of ſuch clergymen, as refuſed the royal tax formerly impoſed, ſhould be confiſcated, and themſelves outlawed; and prohibited judges to do them juſtice in any ſuit. The clergy threatened to excommunicate all ſuch as ſhould ſeize their goods, without their conſent; but finding, that Edward would not be trifled with, they, after ſome confe⯑rence, yielded the point, conſented to pay a fine for their contumacy, and to depoſit a fifth part of their revenues, to be employed in defence of the kingdom, when needful. Winchelſea, archbiſhop of Canter⯑bury, alone remained obſtinate. But Edward's or⯑der to ſeize his whole property, made him willing to part with a fourth part of it. In conſequence of this ſubmiſſion, Edward and his parliament confirmed to the clergy all their wonted privileges.

[65]Not long after, Boniface prohibited Edward's fur⯑ther attempts upon the betrayed and disjointed king⯑dom of Scotland. But he and his barons little re⯑garded his Holineſs' mandates. Boniface alſo pre⯑ſumed to put the new biſhop of Worceſter in poſſeſ⯑ſion of his temporalities as well as his ſpiritual juriſ⯑diction. But Edward obliged him to renounce that clauſe, and pay a 1000 marks ſterling, for ever ac⯑cepting it. About the ſame time, by a large preſent of gold plate, he perſuaded Pope Clement to abſolve him from his coronation oath to preſerve his ſubjects liberties ſecured to them by Magna Charta and Char⯑ter of foreſts, and to give him a bull declaring all ex⯑communication for the breaches of it null and void. After humbling ſome of the ſeditious nobles, he at⯑tacked the archbiſhop of Canterbury, and by the Pope's aſſiſtance got him ſuſpended, and his ſee ſe⯑queſtered in the hands of the Nuncio. Juſt before his death, he held a parliament of laics and clergy⯑men at Carliſle, which enacted, That none of the principal preferments ſhould be granted to any fo⯑reigners; that the rents of religious houſes ſhould not be given to the Pope for his college of cardinals, nor ſhould he have any title to the firſt fruits of va⯑cant benefices; that Peter-pence ought never to be demanded to a triple extent; that no legacies diſpon⯑ [...]ed to pious uſes, ſhould ever be converted from their original deſign.

During the 12th and 13th centuries, the wealth of the Templar knights had exceedingly increaſed.— It is ſaid, they had 16,000 lordſhips in Europe.— Envy of their greatneſs, and covetouſneſs of their wealth, varniſhed over with pretended diſcoveries of [...]heir horrid enormities, brought them to ruin in England, and every where elſe, in the beginning of [...]he 14th. Not without oppoſition, archbiſhop Win⯑ [...]helſea ſubmitted to the calling of the clergy for mem⯑ [...]ers of parliament; and himſelf ſummoned the in⯑ [...]erior ſort. Reynolds, his ſucceſſor, probably by his [...]reſents, obtaining the uncommon favour of Clement, [66] was empowered to viſit his provincial charge fo [...] three years ſucceſſively, and to ſuſpend the juriſdic⯑tion of all his ſuffragans, during that time;—to viſi [...] places ordinarily exempted;—to reſtore 200 clergy⯑men, who had been depoſed for ſcandal;—to diſpen [...] with 100, that by reaſon of non-age were unfit fo [...] holding benefices;—to abſolve 100 laymen, wh [...] had laid violent hands upon clergymen;—to allow 40 clergymen to hold plurality of benefices annexe [...] to charge of ſouls, notwithſtanding all laws to th [...] contrary;—and, in fine, to pardon, on profeſſion o [...] repentance, all crimes committed within 100 day [...] before.—During the weak and diſorderly reign o [...] Edward II. we find little relative to the church, but ſome clerical ſubſidies to the king; the elections o [...] the biſhops of Durham, Wincheſter, London, and Hereford by the Pope, without regarding their reſ⯑pective chapters of monks; and at laſt many cler⯑gymen aſſiſting the barons to depoſe him, and inſta [...] his ſon Edward III.

Mepham ſucceeded Reynolds in the archbiſhoprick of Canterbury. In his provincial council, he fixed the number of holy days, and the manner of obſerv⯑ing each. He had not proceeded far in his provin⯑cial viſitation, when the biſhop of Exeter ſtopt him with an armed force. Edward prevented a bloody contention between them, by recalling Mepham, who ſoon after died. Notwithſtanding Edward's ſpirited remonſtrances and other efforts, his Holineſs ſtill ſupplied the eccleſiaſtical vacancies, without regard⯑ing either king or wonted manner of election. Arch⯑biſhop Stratford having, on account of their pover⯑ty, refuſed Edward a clerical ſubſidy for carrying on his war with the French, occaſioned a terrible con⯑teſt between him and his no leſs haughty ſovereign, who ſcorned to yield. To prevent the Pope's filling up the vacant livings with foreigners, Edward's par⯑liament, in their ſtatute of proviſors, enacted, That all ſuch as ſhould be convicted of bringing Papal proviſions or fore-grants of eccleſiaſtical livings into [67] [...]he kingdom, ſhould ly in priſon till they paid a fine [...]or his majeſty's uſe, and made ſatisfaction to the [...]arty injured. Next year, the clergy having pleaſed Edward with their large ſubſidy, they had their pri⯑ [...]ileges further explained and confirmed againſt all [...]ncroachment of the ſecular courts. In his next [...]arliament held at Weſtminſter, the famous ſtatute [...]f PREMUNIRE enacted, That whoever ſhould ap⯑ [...]eal any cauſe of property to the Pope, ſhould be [...]utlawed from the king's protection; their eſtates [...]nd moveables confiſcated for his uſe; and their per⯑ [...]ons impriſoned till ranſomed to his content. Theſe [...]tatutes, with that of Mortmain above mentioned, were calculated to reſtrain the growing power of the Roman court: but, unwilling to break with his Ho⯑ [...]ineſs, Edward never put them into execution.

Urban V. having commenced Pontiff in 1362, he, [...]n the haughtieſt manner, required the Engliſh to [...]ay their annual tribute promiſed by king John.— Edward's parliament declared, That John had no [...]ower to bring any ſuch ſervitude upon his king⯑dom, without their own conſent; and that the whole nation was determined to oppoſe all pretenſions of [...]he Pope to it. This ſpirited reſolution for ever de⯑ [...]ivered England from this infamous tribute. Com⯑plaints being preſented to this parliament, That cler⯑gymen had almoſt the whole management of the ſtate in their hands, they ſupplicated Edward, That no clergyman ſhould be held admittable to the offices of chancellor, privy ſeal, treaſurer, baron of exchequer, and other places of the civil liſt. Edward had ſcarce removed them from the firſt three o [...]ices, when he died in 1377, and was ſucceeded by Richard II. his grandſon, under whoſe weak government, both church and ſtate were almoſt ruined.—In the Parlia⯑ment 1390, the ſtatute of premunire was ratified, and it was further enacted, That whoever went beyond ſea to procure himſelf any clerical benefice without the king's leave, ſhould be excluded from the pro⯑tection of the lawes; and that it ſhould be held trea⯑ſonable [68] to bring into the kingdom any ſentence o [...] excommunication on account of the making of theſ [...] ſtatutes. The biſhops proteſted, and the Pope ra⯑ged, againſt theſe reſtrictions of their power. Th [...] Nuncio was required to do nothing contrary to th [...] laws of the kingdom, and prerogatives of the king▪ and to export no money without ſpecial warrant from him and his council.

MEANWHILE, the nation was not a little en⯑lightened with the knowledge of the truths of Chriſt About 1360, John Wickliff principal profeſſor o [...] divinity at Oxford, boldly defended the ſtatutes o [...] that univerſity againſt the Mendicant friars, and e⯑ven threw out hints againſt their Pontifical protector▪ For this, Langham archbiſhop of Canterbury de⯑prived him of his wardſhip, and ſubſtituted a mon [...] in his place. About the ſame time, Langham con⯑demned thirty opinions, and king Edward comman⯑ded the heads of the univerſity to ſearch out, an [...] expel all ſuch as were tainted with them. Wicklif [...] appealed from the archbiſhop's ſentence to the judg⯑ment of Pope Urban: but, provoked with his con⯑firmation of it, he began more openly to attack the ſcandalous behaviour of the monks and Popes;—to expoſe the abſurd ſuperſtitions which prevailed;— and to urge people to acquaint themſelves with the word of God as the Rule of their religious conduct [...] and for their aſſiſtance he tranſlated the Bible into Engliſh. The clergy furiouſly oppoſed him; and the monks commenced a violent proſecution of him▪ before Pope Gregory XI. But the Papal ſchiſm▪ and the influence of the duke of Lancaſter and other noblemen, that favoured him, retarded the execu⯑tion of it about eight years. About 1383, William Courtney archbiſhop of Canterbury, revived the pro⯑ceſs, in the councils of Lambeth and London. Wic⯑kliff was accuſed of ten hereſies, and thirteen othe [...] errors; the principal of which were, That the en⯑chariſtical [69] bread is not, by the prieſt's conſecration of it, turned into the real body of Chriſt; that no more power was given to Peter, than to the other apoſtles; that the church of Rome is no more the head of the univerſal church than any other; that the Pope hath no more power of juriſdiction than any other prieſt; that if church-men ſcandalouſly miſbelieve, they may be deprived of their temporali⯑ties; that the goſpel of Chriſt is a ſufficient Rule of a Chriſtian life; that monaſtical and other additio⯑nal rules add no real excellence to Chriſtianity; that clergymen ought not to have priſons for puniſhing men's bodies. Not long after, he died peaceably in his rectorſhip of Lutterworth, without any appear⯑ance of either recanting or explaining away his tenets. But about thirty years after, his bones were digged up, ſolemnly judged, condemned and burnt.

Notwithſtanding Courtney excommunicated mul⯑titudes of Wickliff's followers, who were nick-named Lollards, they mightily increaſed. Taking the op⯑portunity of Richard's abſence in Ireland, they at⯑tempted to have their doctrines approven by the Parliament A. D. 1395. They preſented a ſpirited remonſtrance, in which they averred, That the church of England's imitation of the Romiſts in the uſe of her temporalities, had baniſhed faith, hope, and charity; that the Engliſh prieſthood derived from Rome, and pretending power over angels, is not that which Chriſt ſettled on his apoſtles; that the reſtraint of clergymen from marriage occaſioned many ſcandalous immoralities; that the pretended miracle of tranſubſtantiation renders the greateſt part of Chriſtians idolaters; that exorciſms or clerical benedictions of wine, bread, water, oil, wax, in⯑cenſe, ſtones for the altar, church walls, holy veſt⯑ments, mitres, croſſes, &c. have more of necro⯑mancy than of religion in them; that the junction of the office of prince and biſhop, prelate and ſecular judge, in the ſame perſon, is improper and hurtful; that prayer for the dead is a wrong foundation of [70] charity and religious endowments; that pilgrimages, prayers, and offerings to images and croſſes, are near of kin to idolatry; that auricular confeſſion makes prieſts proud, admits them into the ſecrets of peni⯑tents, and gives them opportunities for intrigues, and other great offences; that women's vows to live unmarried betrays them into infamous correſponden⯑ces, tempts them to procure abortions, and murder their children unbaptized; that unneceſſary trades occaſion pride and luxury. This remonſtrance ſo alarmed the clergy, that ſome of the biſhops poſted to Ireland, to bring home the king to their aſſiſt⯑ance; while Arundel, who had juſt obtained the archbiſhoprick, aſſembled a council for condemning ſuch heretical doctrines.

In 1399, the barons depoſed the weak, and in ſome things tyrannical, Richard,—and Henry IV. duke of Lancaſter, aſcended the throne as neareſt heir.—His parliament of 1400, revived the ſtatutes of proviſors and premunire: but as he, for his own ſecurity on the throne, courted the favour of the clergy, they continued aſking, and the Pope in col⯑lating of benefices. The parliament alſo enacted, That the purchaſers or executors of bulls prohibiting payment of tithes, or exempting from the juriſdicti⯑on of biſhops, ſhould incur the penalties mentioned in the ſtatute of proviſors. The biſhops, by royal warrants, had formerly impriſoned multitudes of the followers of Wickliff. Henry, to pleaſe them and their Pope, now procured a ſtatute for burning of heretics; in conſequence of which, theſe biſhops, who, under Richard, would not aſſiſt in condemning traitors and notorious oppreſſors, greedily claimed the ſole power of judging and committing to the flames ſuch as they called relapſed heretics. Saw⯑tra, a pious prieſt of London, was almoſt immedi⯑ately condemned and burnt, becauſe he could not be⯑lieve tranſubſtantiation.

When the parliament met, A. D. 1408, Arun⯑del, inſtigated by Henry, aſſembled his clerical [71] council at Oxford to extirpate hereſy from the uni⯑verſity and nation. They enacted, That none ſhould preach without licence from a biſhop; that ſermons ſhould only touch upon moral ſubjects, and ſuch things as had been formerly taught by the church; that no books of Wickliff or his followers ſhould be read in ſchools or colleges; that no perſon, without authority, ſhould tranſlate any part of the Bible into Engliſh; that no propoſitions or concluſions tending to the corruption of men's faith or practice ſhould be mentioned; that none ſhould diſpute concerning the worſhip of images, holy relicks, or pilgrimages, or any other point fixed by the church; and that the Heads of the univerſity ſhould, once every month, enquire into the principles of the ſtudents; admo⯑niſh them, if found in an error, and expel them, if obſtinate. Nevertheleſs, the doctrines of Wickliff ſtill prevailed.—When Henry demanded a pecuniary aid from his parliament, the Commons inſiſted for favour to the Lollards, and repreſented, That the clergy ſquandered away their enormous wealth in vain grandeur and unneceſſary pomp; that, if he would take away their temporal eſtates, the nation would be more able and ready to defend itſelf, the poor better ſupplied, and themſelves more attentive to the duties of their ſtation. In a ſecond remon⯑ſtrance, they inſiſted, That the ſtatute for burning of heretics ſhould be either repealed or amended. The clergy loudly reproached the Commons as heretics themſelves; and Henry haughtily rejected their re⯑queſts, and wiſhed the rigour of that ſtatute heigh⯑tened. Not long after, he refuſed his aſſent to an act of parliament for the trial of clergymen in civil courts; but cheerfully ſigned a warrant for the bur⯑ning of one Bad by a blackſmith, who could not be⯑lieve tranſubſtantiation.

Wickliff's tenets ſtill ſpreading, were again con⯑demned at Oxford; and every one was prohibited, under pain of degradation, to teach them. The convocation of London having urged the archbiſhop [72] to viſit the univerſity of Oxford, the Heads appoint⯑ed twelve of their principal doctors, along with the delegates of the archbiſhop, to examine the books of Wickliff, and tranſmit an extract of the condem⯑nable propoſitions to him and his ſuffragan biſhops. He and Henry had reſolved not to leave one Lollard in the kingdom: but death cut them both off in 1413, lamented by almoſt none, but the abandoned clergy. Juſt before his death, Arundel had laboured to perſuade young Henry V. to proſecute Sir John Cobham or Oldcaſtle, and other heretical lords.— Finding him averſe to ſuch cruelty, Arundel and his agents pretended that Sir John had aſſembled 20,000 of his party to maſſacre his whole royal family. Per⯑ſuaded hereof, Henry aſſembled an army, and was, at midnight, conducted to a place, where he found about an hundred of the poor perſecuted Lollards, aſſembled for worſhipping God, with arms about them for their own defence from murderers. Some were killed: others, inſtigated by promiſes and threa⯑tenings, falſely confeſſed a plot, and that Sir John was at the head of it. A price being ſet upon his head, he was ſoon apprehended, hanged by the mid⯑dle, and then burnt. He endured his ſufferings as a couragious martyr for Chriſt. While Arundel anſwered to God for his treacheries and murders, Henry ſeemed to have been convinced that he had been impoſed on, and granted the Lollards an act of indemnity.

After the council of Conſtance, A. D. 1416, Pope Martin began to diſplay his abſolute power over the Engliſh church. He often diſpoſed of vacant biſho⯑pricks in the form of proviſions, and annulled the e⯑lections of the chapters of monks. Within the pro⯑vince of Canterbury, he, in two years, appointed thirteen biſhops. He was extremely laviſh of his grants for conſolidating and appropriating pariſh churches, or of diſpenſations with clergymen's non⯑reſidence, or laymen's enjoyment of eccleſiaſtical be⯑nefices. King Henry's bold remonſtrance checked [73] his preſumption a little.—The parliament enacted, That none ſhould be admitted to benefices, upon Papal proviſions, contrary to the right of the patron; and the clauſe non obſtante in Papal bulls ſhould have no effect. Henry further demanded, that his Holi⯑neſs ſhould diſpoſe of no preferments in England; and that himſelf ſhould enjoy the Pontifical revenues of that country, whenever he ſhould be employed in defending the holy ſee. When Martin laboured to evade theſe demands, Henry's ambaſſadors proteſted, That their maſter would therein uſe his own prero⯑gative. Martin, at his own hand, tranſlated the bi⯑ſhop of Lincoln to the archbiſhoprick of York: but Henry commanded the dean and chapter not to ad⯑mit him; and ſo he was forced to return to Lincoln and the Pope to acquieſce. Perceiving that the French monks had marked their diſaffection to him and his conqueſts in their country, Henry turned them out of ſome monaſteries, and put Engliſhmen in their room.

Henry VI. an infant, was ſcarce enthroned in 1423, when Chichely archbiſhop of Canterbury re⯑newed the furious perſecution of the Lollards. Two prieſts were accuſed before the firſt convocation, but got off with their life. In the following parliament, the Commons grievouſly complained, That want of due clerical inſtruction tempted the ſubjects to Lol⯑lardiſm, the ſacraments not being duly adminiſtered, —many dying without the privilege of religious cere⯑monies,—and hoſpitality being neglected through clergymen's non-reſidence at their charges. And they inſiſted, That if any prieſt ſhould abſent himſelf from his flock ſix weeks in a year, he ſhould forfeit his claim to his benefice. Ruſſel a Franciſcan, hav⯑ing taught, That the payment of perſonal tithes to the clergy was not commanded by the word of God; and that they might be better laid out upon ſome pi⯑ [...]ous uſes, as the givers found meet, was warmly per⯑ſecuted for his deteſtable doctrine. He eſcaped out of the kingdom: but all thoſe of his order were com⯑manded [74] to preach up the contrary: and the univer⯑ſity of Oxford required all their ſtudents, before re⯑ceiving any degrees, to ſwear, That they would ne⯑ver maintain Ruſſel's opinion, or any wiſe aſſiſt in defending it.

Archbiſhop Chichely having, in his firſt convoca⯑tion, moved for an annulment of Papal exemptions and having advised Henry V. to refuſe the biſhope o [...] Wincheſter for pontifical legate, had rendered him⯑ſelf obnoxious at Rome, Martin, being now freed from the entanglements of his immediate predeceſ⯑ſors, charged him, under pain of excommunication, to labour to his uttermoſt to have the ſtatutes of pro⯑viſors and premunire repealed; and to inform the council and parliament, that every one that obeyed them, lay under excommunication at Rome; and to require all his clergy to teach the ſame;—and, finally, to report his diligence herein, atteſted by two credible witneſſes. Chichely's excuſe not being ſuſtained at Rome, he was ſuſpended from the ex⯑erciſe of his legantine powers. He appealed to the next general council, and to the tribunal of God, if that ſhould not meet. Martin repeated his demands in other two miſſives, in the laſt of which he put the archbiſhop of York firſt in order; pretended to an⯑nul the ſtatutes by his own power; prohibited the biſhops to act upon them; and declared all the obey⯑ers of them excommunicated, not to be abſolved by any but the Pope, except at the point of death. At laſt Chichely promiſed to do his utmoſt for the re⯑peal of theſe acts. Martin repreſented to the king and to Bedford the regent, that they were obliged it conſcience to repeal them; and to the parliament that they could not be ſaved, unleſs they voted their repeal. The Engliſh rulers had learned to diſſemble with his Holineſs. When the parliament met, Chi⯑chely, with great appearance of zeal, inſiſted with the Commons, for a repeal of the criminal ſtatutes, pretending to argue from ſcripture, reaſon, and the common conſent of Chriſtians, and then, with the [75] reſt of his epiſcopal brethren, withdrew. The com⯑mons with great ſolemnity entered on the debate; but, after all, refuſed either to repeal or amend theſe obnoxious acts; and formed an addreſs to his ma⯑ [...]eſty, to procure from the Pope a purgation of the archbiſhop, who, they thought, had been hardly uſed by the Roman court. The privy council would not allow the cardinal biſhop of Wincheſter to exer⯑ciſe his legantine powers. Nor would the duke of Glouceſter, who was regent, allow him to officiate as prelate of the order of the garter. Nor was it without manifold limitations, that the council would permit him to publiſh the Papal croiſade againſt the Bohemian heretics, for a levy of 2,750 men, or to collect voluntary donations for ſupporting them.

In the convocation of London, ſeveral clergymen and others were accuſed of heretical hints againſt the worſhip of images; and that the Pope was Anti⯑chriſt; and for holding ſome of Wickliff's opinions. Such as would not recant, were thrown into priſons and dungeons, to teach them repentance. This cle⯑rical meeting cheerfully granted a tenth part of their incomes to his majeſty. But neither the Pope's own demands, nor all the ſolicitations of his Nuncio, could perſuade them to grant as much to him, nor even a twentieth part, without the king's conſent. Not long after, the Nuncio himſelf was impriſoned for collecting money from the ſubjects contrary to law. The convocation, which had been originally accuſtomed to do nothing but give aids, had, per⯑haps in archbiſhop Courtney's time, begun to tran⯑ſact eccleſiaſtical affairs, as the biſhops permitted. They now appointed delegates to attend the general Council of Baſil, which met in 1431; and inſtructed them to inſiſt for a check to his Holineſs' diſpenſa⯑tions with clergymen's pluralities of charges and non-reſidence at them; and his collation of dignities and benefices upon perſons ignorant or under age.—King Henry eſpouſed the cauſe of Pope Eugenius, againſt the council of Baſil, and acknowledged the ſchiſma⯑tical [76] conventicle of Ferrara, afterward tranſlated to Florence: but the lower houſe of convocation refuſed to contribute towards the expence of ſending any delegates to it. When Eugenius granted the biſho⯑prick of Ely in cominendam to the archbiſhop of Rhoan, Henry, at firſt, rejected the bull; and when the candidate's good ſervices made him conſent, Chi⯑chely oppoſed his claim to the temporalities.—The convocation enacted, That none but graduates in u⯑niverſities ſhould be capable of any benefice; and thus empowered the ſeminaries of learning to pre⯑vent the admſſion of ignorant wretches.

After Chichely and his clergy had made ſeveral ineffectual attempts for repealing the above mention⯑ed ſtatutes, he, worn out with age, that he could not perform his epiſcopal work, begged of his Holi⯑neſs to inſtal Stratford the biſhop of Bath in his place. Stratford and his clergy ſtill inſiſted for a repeal of theſe acts, which ſo much bridled their power. Not⯑withſtanding their maſter's ſilly complaiſance, Hen⯑ry's miniſters refuſed to yield. Meanwhile, Henry Beaufort, his grand uncle, cardinal biſhop of Win⯑cheſter, died, famed for nothing but ſordid avarice and pride. Peacock of Chicheſter was a kind of deiſt, who extolled the light of nature above revela⯑tion; and, which was reckoned more unpardonable, he eſpouſed ſome of Wickliff's tenets. After he had twice recanted, he was deprived of his ſee; and all ſtudents who embraced his tenets were excommuni⯑cated, and expelled the univerſity.

After he had reigned thirty eight years, Henry was dethroned for his weakneſs, and Edward IV. earl of March, eldeſt branch of the line of York, which had been ſet aſide by Henry IV. was made king. To eſtabliſh his dignity, he granted the cler⯑gy every thing they aſked. He ſcreened them from the ſtatutes of proviſors and premunire, freed them from the juriſdictions of the civil courts; and, un⯑der pain of excommunication, prohibited all his [77] judges or officers to arreſt or impriſon any of them. He pretended to grant them theſe favours from a terror of the excommunication denounced by the holy canons; and that he was perſuaded, that the miſeries under which the nation had long groaned, were the judgments of God for avenging the diſre⯑ſpect, which had been ſhewed to his ſervants. In 1466, Nevil archbiſhop of Canterbury held a coun⯑cil at York, which appointed every prieſt, four times a year, to explain to his hearers the fourteen articles of faith; ten commandments; two goſpel precepts of love to God and our neighbour; ſeven works of mercy—feeding the hungry, giving drink to the thirſty, entertaining ſtrangers, viſiting the ſick, clothing the naked, comforting priſoners, and bu⯑rying friendleſs dead;—ſeven deadly ſins of pride, envy, anger, hatred, averſion to religion and virtue, covetouſneſs, and epicuriſm;—the ſeven principal virtues of faith, hope, charity, prudence, tempe⯑rance, juſtice, and fortitude; and the ſeven ſacra⯑ments of baptiſm, Lord's ſupper, confirmation, pe⯑nance, extreme unction, marriage, and ordination. This was materially the ſame with the tenth canon of Lambeth in 1281.—After Edward's dethrone⯑ment, reſtoration, and death; and about two or three months reign of his ſon Edwatd V. Richard Crookback, duke of Glouceſter, his uncle, took the throne. But, after two years, he was driven out by Henry VII. duke of Richmond, heir of the line of Lancaſter, who had married Elizabeth, daughter of Edward IV. and heireſs of the houſe of York.— He had ſeveral conteſts with the ambitious clergy; but his principal care was to hoard up money, and ſo died hated or feared by all his ſubjects. Under his reign, Bourchier, archbiſhop of Canterbury, brought over the firſt Printing preſs from Harleim in Holland to Oxford in England, in 1494.

Henry VIII. ſucceeded his father in 1509. Divi⯑nity, as then taught in the univerſities, was his favou⯑rite ſtudy. While many of his ſubjects were plotting [78] the deſtruction of his father's two moſt rapacious mi⯑niſters, Empſon and Dudley, he and his council were occupied in ſettling his marriage with Cathe⯑rine, aunt to Charles V. emperor of Germany and king of Spain. She had been married to Arthur his elder brother, when he was about fifteen years of age. He ſlept with her for a time, but was ſaid to leave her a virgin. Upon his death, Henry VII. unwilling to loſe her portion, or to allow her a pro⯑per dowry on receipt of it, procuring a diſpenſation from the Pope, got her betrothed to Henry his ſe⯑cond ſon, in the 14th year of his age. But, perhaps repenting, he made young Henry enter a ſolemn ſe⯑cret proteſtation againſt it. As Catherine affirmed herſelf a virgin, and had an agreeable and virtuous temper, Henry VIII. moved by ſome reaſons of ſtate, and reckoning his conſcience ſufficiently protected by his Holineſs' diſpenſation, took her to his bed a⯑bout two months after his father's death; and they were conjunctly crowned.

Henry and his courtiers having abandoned them⯑ſelves to pleaſure, Wolſey, from the rank of a chap⯑lain, puſhed himſelf into almoſt the whole manage⯑ment of the kingdom. A law had been made in the late reign, That clergymen convicted ſhould be burnt in the hand; another was now made, That murde⯑rers and robbers, not being prieſts or deacons, ſhould be denied the benefit of clergy. Highly offended, the clergy inſiſted, That all their orders being ſacred, none of them could lawfully be judged by any civil court. Standiſh riſked both his dignity and life, in honeſtly oppoſing his brethren. And Henry ſup⯑porting the ſtatutes, Wolſey thought fit to yield.— But, animated by his cardinal's hat, and his arch⯑biſhoprick of York, he, with great zeal, promoted a clerical contribution for his Holineſs to defray the expence of the Turkiſh war. But the clergy had both wit and zeal to retain their own money. Wol⯑ſey was made the Pope's legate a latere, and appoint⯑ed to viſit all the monaſteries in the kingdom; and [79] empowered to viſit all the monaſteries in the king⯑dom; and empowered to diſpenſe with all eccleſiaſtical laws for a whole year. The clergy were high⯑ly offended; eſpecially as the Pope's bulls granting him theſe powers, had repreſented them as very ig⯑norant and profligate. They thought it very impro⯑per, that Wolſey ſhould paſs ſuch a cenſure upon when, when his own vices were ſo remarkable. But obſerving, that their ignorance and profligacy would inevitably render them contemptible, he was willing to endeavour the reformation of the inferior clergy by every tenable method, except the drudgery of giving them a good example. He alſo expected that the abominable practices found in monaſteries would juſtify his ſuppreſſion of them, and converting of them into cathedrals, colleges, or collegiate chur⯑ches. But his friends adviſed him to ſuppreſs them by the leſs invidious method of Papal authority.

The enormous wealth and power of the clergy had made many of them think, that they might do what they pleaſed, without reproach or controul. Under pretence of a Turkiſh war to be carried on by all the Chriſtian princes of Europe, Pope Leo X. publiſhed an Indulgence which extended to both the quick and he dead; and promiſed forgiveneſs of all their ſins, and a complete redemption from both hell and pur⯑gatory, at fixed prices, for carrying on the war. The ſubordinate diſpoſers of theſe indulgences acted in the moſt profligate manner. It is ſaid, the power of releaſing ſouls was ſometimes plaid for in taverns. Zuinglius of Switzerland and Luther of Germany boldly decried this abominable merchandiſe. Lu⯑ther's books ſpread into England, and were the more eagerly read, that his doctrines appeared like to thoſe of Wickliff. The Lollards were therefore the more furiouſly perſecuted. The leaſt word, however in⯑advertently dropt, againſt any eccleſiaſtical law, was enough to found a proſecution; and parents teaching their children the Lord's prayer and the ten command⯑ments, according to Wickliff's Engliſh tranſlation, [80] was thought a ſufficient ground of burning them as heretics. Puffed up with his own theological learn⯑ing, and highly offended, that Luther had ſo freely handled T. Aquinas, his favourite doctor, Henry publiſhed a pretended refutation of his books. This procured him high flattery from Rome, with a new title of Defender of the faith, which his ſucceſſors or the throne ſtill retain. But Luther, in his reply, treated him with very unceremonious freedom. To promote the ſalvation of his countrymen, William Tindal publiſhed an Engliſh tranſlation of the New Teſtament with ſhort notes. Sir Thomas More, ſo famed for his mildneſs, learning, and Popiſh piety, publiſhed a virulent confutation of it. The biſhops poured forth their proclamations againſt it, as a book infinitely diſhonourable to God, and ruinous to the ſouls of men; and, from all the pulpits in the nati⯑on, charged all that had any copies of it, to bring them to the Vicar general, within thirty days, under pain of excommunication, and of being ſuſpected of hereſy. Some were proſecuted as heretics, but re⯑canted,—while Wolſey's oppreſſion of the nation, particularly his clerical brethren, with taxes, divert⯑ed men's minds to other objects.

AFTER Henry had lived almoſt twenty year [...] with his queen, and had ſeveral children born by her, her frequent miſcarriages, and the improbability of her having any ſons, provoked his diſlike of her▪ Perhaps, the French and Spaniards queſtioning the legitimacy of his daughter Mary, when propoſed for marriage with their princes, awakened his ſuſpicion of the unlawfulneſs of his own; while Anne of Bo⯑leyn, his queen's maid of honour, had begun to cap⯑tivate his capricious affections. He firſt intimated his ſcruple to cardinal Wolſey, and required him to declare his mind concerning his divorcing of Cathe⯑rine. Wolſey, having had his attempt on the Pope⯑dom defeated by Charles her nephew, was bent enough to do her a diſſervice; but was wiſe enough to be [81] leave to conſult the learned men of the kingdom. The biſhops and others, being aſſembled, adviſed Henry to conſult all the univerſities in Europe, and procure their determinations under their reſpective ſeals. Meſſengers were immediately diſpatched with proper inſtructions to conſult the foreign univerſities. In more than a year, not one, but that of Orleans, had returned their opinion,—when Dr. Cranmer, then tutor to the children of a gentleman, in whoſe houſe Henry happened to lodge a night, ſuggeſted the propriety of obtaining and publiſhing the de⯑ciſion of the univerſities, which, if done, his Ho⯑lineſs would ſcarce dare to pronounce a contrary ſentence. Highly pleaſed with the hint, Henry puſhed for the foreigners reſolution of his two queſtions, Whether the law of God allowed of a man's marrying his brother's wife? and, Whether the Pope could diſpenſe with the laws of God? All the univerſities, except thoſe of Rome, and moſt of the learned in Europe, Papiſts, Lutherans, and Zu⯑inglians, declared themſelves in the negative of both queſtions. With much difficulty, and little unani⯑mity, the univerſities of Oxford and Cambridge de⯑clared the marriage unlawful. Having obtained the opinions of ſo many learned men, Henry aſſembled the biſhops; who all, except Fiſher of Rocheſter, declared it unlawful, and put their name and ſeal to their deciſion. Warham, archbiſhop of Canterbury, put Fiſher's name and ſeal to it: but Fiſher ſtedfaſtly maintained, that he never empowered him to do ſo.

Having removed Catherine from his bed, Henry applied to Pope Clement VII. for a divorce. How⯑ever willing Clement would have been, that Henry had ſued out his divorce in England, and married a⯑nother, and got a legantine confirmation of his mar⯑riage, he was very unwilling to diſpleaſe Charles the emperor, whoſe favour he needed againſt the Pro⯑teſtants; and ſhifted off the affair the beſt way he could. Campegius was at laſt diſpatched for Eng⯑land with legantine powers, and a bull of divorce to [82] be ſhown to Henry and Wolſey, but with ſecret in⯑ſtructions to ſpin out the affair as long as poſſible. The matter was begun in the legantine court by Cam⯑pegius and Wolſey. Catherine, who had abſolutely refuſed to retire into a monaſtery, or to conſent to her own divorce, and had employed the intereſt of the emperor and other friends abroad to prevent it, appeared once and again before the legates, but ap⯑pealed the cauſe to the Pope himſelf. Campegius adjourned the court till the enſuing October. Mean⯑while, the Pope called the cauſe before himſelf, and cited Henry to his bar. Henry commanded the earl of Wiltſhire to proteſt againſt the citation as contra⯑ry to his royal prerogative; and, in a letter ſigned by cardinal Wolſey, four biſhops, two dukes, two marquiſſes, thirteen earls, two viſcounts, twenty-three barons, twenty two abbots, and eleven com⯑moners, the Pope was intreated to confirm the judg⯑ment of ſo many learned men. Henry diſdained to ſend any to repreſent him as a pannel: but he ſent ſome to excuſe his non-compearance; and if poſſible to draw the cardinals to his ſide. While Henry was fretted with delays, Wolſey's enemies, and even Anne of Boleyn, his former friend, repreſented him to his majeſty as a treacherous conniver with Campe⯑gius, and a betrayer of his maſter's intereſts. They proſecuted him for accepting his legantine powers; and in other different forms. As Henry had given him warrants for many things charged upon him as criminal, he ſometimes pretended to protect him. But, when he thought his danger over, he was a⯑rreſted for high treaſon, and poiſoned himſelf in his way to the tower, confeſſing, That if he had ſerved his God as faithfully as he had done his king, he would not have abandoned him in his old age.

In September 1530, Henry publiſhed a proclama⯑tion, prohibiting all purchaſing of any thing from Rome under the ſevereſt penalties, and declaring his intention to annex the eccleſiaſtical ſupremacy to his crown. Foreſeeing, that the clergy would ſtartle [83] at the laſt, he indicted them all as guilty of acknow⯑ledging and ſubmitting to Wolſey's legantine powers, and by the ſtatute of premunire, declared them to be out of his protection, and to have forfeited all their eſtates and goods to his uſe. Finding themſelves at his mercy, they gladly ſubmitted to a fine of 118,840 pounds ſterling for his exchequer; and to acknow⯑ledge him their ſpiritual Head. They readily ad⯑vanced the money; and promiſed never more to meet [...]n convocation, or to make any canons without his majeſty's allowance. But they thought a layman's headſhip over the church ſo abſurd in itſelf, and ſo inconſiſtent with their allegiance to the Pope, that they inſiſted to add this clauſe, as far as agreeable to the laws of Chriſt, in their acknowledgment of it. Henry for the preſent admitted their clauſe.

The parliament meeting in 1532, the Commons thought it a proper ſeaſon for ſecuring themſelves and their people againſt eccleſiaſtical oppreſſions; and even the clergy, finding that their proſecutions of men without any accuſer; cauſing them accuſe themſelves on oath; or obliging them to abjure what opinions they pleaſed, or be burnt, were very diſ⯑agreeable,—reſolved to amend their cuſtoms. The parliament reſtricted the protection of clerical crimi⯑nals; explained and inforced the ſtatute of Mort⯑main, which prohibited the alienation of lands to the church without conſent of his majeſty and other im⯑mediate ſuperiors. They prohibited the payment of [...]nnats and firſt fruits to Rome. They declared, that no excommunication on account of adherence to theſe laws ſhould be regarded. Henry at firſt con⯑ſented to theſe laws only for a year. But when the convocation beſought him to preſerve the liberties of the church, he replied, That no eccleſiaſtical conſti⯑tutions ſhould hereafter be made or executed, with⯑out his conſent; that, as ſome of the provincial ones already enacted, were inconſiſtent with his preroga⯑tive, he intended to have them all examined by a committee of 32 perſons, half of them clergymen, [84] and the reſt members of parliament, that ſuch [...] were found improper might be abrogated, and thoſe that agreed with the law of God and his prerogative might be confirmed with his royal aſſent. The cler⯑gy were obliged to ſubmit. Sir Thomas More ſeeing whither matters were tending, reſigned the Great Seal, and Warham archbiſhop of Canterbury died.

Cranmer's book againſt Henry's marriage with his brother's widow, and his manful diſputing againſt i [...] in the foreign univerſities, procured him Henry's pe⯑culiar favour, and therewith the archbiſhoprick o [...] Canterbury. Apprehenſive of the critical nature of the times, and having his affections fixed upon a young lady, he accepted the charge with the utmoſt reluctance. At an interview, Francis, the French king, pretending great friendſhip for Henry, adviſed him neither to go himſelf to Rome, nor ſend any agents to proſecute his divorce, but ſecretly to mar⯑ry Anne of Boleyn, now ducheſs of Pembroke, and he would ſtand by the marriage. Henry did ſo a⯑bout the 14th of November 1532: but it is ſcarcely poſſible that Cranmer could be preſent. Notwith⯑ſtanding the conteſt relative to the divorce, Clemen [...] readily granted to Cranmer the bulls and pall for hi [...] archbiſhoprick. Fearing that his oath of obedien [...] to the Pope might interfere with his majeſty's autho⯑rity, or bind him up from neceſſary reformation▪ Cranmer took it with a proteſtation againſt tha [...] which he thought wrong in it. Meanwhile, Clemen [...] inſtigated by the emperor, would neither grant Hen⯑ry his divorce, nor allow it to be judged in England The Engliſh convocation, at Cranmer's inſtalment by a great majority, determined, as the foreign uni⯑verſities had done; but committed the queſtion o [...] Catherine, conſummation of her marriage with Ar⯑thur, to the canoniſts, who determined, that th [...] preſumptions ſhe had done it, were very ſtrong All the upper houſe of convocation, except the bi⯑ſhop of Bath and Wells, confirmed this. The con⯑vocation [85] of York determined in the ſame manner Hereupon, Henry avowed his marriage with Anne of Boleyn; and appointed Cranmer to call a court [...]o judge of the nullity of his marriage with Cathe⯑rine.

The tidings of theſe tranſactions had provoked Clement to conſign Henry into the hands of the de⯑vil, had not his moderate cardinals urged him to de⯑ [...]ay it. While Henry was on the point of a rupture with the Pope, the French king perſuaded him to ſubmit his cauſe to him and his cardinals, excluſive of the Imperialiſts, upon the condition of obtaining [...]ull ſatisfaction. Henry would not truſt Clement's [...]romiſe, unleſs he had it under his hand in writ; [...]or would Clement truſt Henry on any lower terms. Belley, biſhop of Paris, was diſpatched from Rome with Clement's engagement to Henry; and a day was fixed for the return of Henry's ſubmiſſion of his [...]auſe. Four Frenchiſied cardinals were added, to [...]verbalance the friends of the emperor. Meanwhile, [...]he emperor's agents ſo aſſiduouſly laboured with the Pope, that he promiſed to revoke his engagement, if Henry's return ſhould not come on the very day ap⯑pointed. As, perhaps, through the bearer's miſtake [...]f his way, the return had not come up within that [...]me, Clement brought the affair before his conſiſ⯑ [...]ory of cardinals; and notwithſtanding Belley's ear⯑ [...]eſt pleadings for a delay, and contrary to common [...]rder, concluded it in their firſt ſederunt, declaring Henry's marriage with Catherine valid, and requir⯑ [...]ng him to take her back to his bed, under pain of [...]he higheſt eccleſiaſtical cenſure. Within a day or [...]wo, the Engliſh courier came up with Henry's ſub⯑ [...]iſſion: but Clement could not, with honour to his [...]fallibility, immediately revoke his deciſion. Thus [...]rovidence ſhut up Henry to a breach with the Ro⯑ [...]iſh court. Altogether enraged with his diſappoint⯑ [...]ent; and that he had debaſed his ſupremacy in [...]aking his unfruitful ſubmiſſion, Henry reſolved to [...]ake the Romiſh ſee feel the weight of his reſent⯑ment. [86] He had already reſtricted the clerical prero⯑gatives; and for ſome years his learned ſubjects had been examining the foundations of the Pope's autho⯑rity; and all, except Fiſher of Rocheſter, were per⯑ſuaded, that it had nothing to ſupport it from Scrip⯑ture, Reaſon, Fathers, or Decrees of antient coun⯑cils.

When the parliament met in January 1534, a bi⯑ſhop preached every Lord's day at Paul's croſs, pre⯑paring the minds of the ſubjects for the intended change; and teaching, That the Pope had no right to authority in England. The parliament confirmed their former act, prohibiting the payment of Annats; prohibited the preſentation of candidates for biſho⯑pricks to the Pope, or aſking his inſtalment; appointed biſhops to be elected by the chapter of the ſee, upon a licence from the king nominating the candidate,—who, after ſwearing faithful allegiance to his majeſty, ſhould have a commiſſion granted for his conſecration, and be inveſted with a right to the temporalities of the biſhoprick. They rendered the laws againſt heretics more agreeable to thoſe of the kingdom. They ap⯑pointed, that thirty-two perſons ſhould examine all the eccleſiaſtical canons of England, and abrogate ſuch as they found contrary to his majeſty's prero⯑gative and the laws of the land, or good of the ſub⯑jects,—till the finiſhing of which, the preſent canons were to be held binding, unleſs they were plainly de⯑rogatory to the royal pterogative and eſtabliſhed laws and cuſtoms of the nation. As this uncertain ſtate of the canons, left Henry full power to explain them, or allow them to be executed or not, theſe commiſ⯑ſioners never met. Elizabeth Barton, the holy maid of Kent, inſtigated by the Pope's agents, pretended inſpiration; and, to animate his ſubjects againſt Hen⯑ry, for oppoſing the Pontifical power, predicted his ſhameful death within a month, if he divorced his queen, and married another. She was attainted, and five of her accomplices loſt their lives.

[87]When the parliament received the news of Cle⯑ment's deciſion againſt Henry their ſovereign, they, eſpecially ſuch as favoured the Reformation, reſolv⯑ed to tear up his authority in England by the roots. They declared the whole kingdom freed from all de⯑pendence on Rome; they ordered all payments to the apoſtolic chamber of proviſions, bulls and diſpen⯑ſations for ever to ceaſe; that all diſpenſations not contrary to the law of God ſhould be hereafter gran⯑ted by the two archbiſhops; and that no licence in any matter not formerly diſpenſed with ſhould be granted, till it ſhould be examined by his majeſty and his council. They empowered the king to viſit and correct the abuſes of the monaſteries. They ſuggeſted, that the Old and New Teſtaments were conſidered as the rule of faith. They declared Hen⯑ry's marriage with Anne valid; ſettled the crown on the iſſue of it; and prohibited all, under pain of miſpriſion of treaſon, to ſlander ſaid marraige, or its iſſue, or this ſolemn approbation of it. They took an oath of allegiance to Henry as Head of the church, inſtead of the Pope; and to maintain the ſucceſſion of the crown to the iſſue of his preſenc marriage; and to renounce all allegiance to the Pope. Not long after, this oath was impoſed on the clergy and many other ſubjects. They required clergymen to preach nothing but what was agreeable to ſcripture and ca⯑tholic tradition. Sir Thomas More and biſhop Fi⯑ſher, who had before ſo zealouſly promoted the burning of all ſuch as could not believe tranſubſtan⯑tiation, now loſt their lives, becauſe they ſcrupled at Henry's marriage with Anne, and at the oath relative to his eccleſiaſtical ſupremacy. In November this year, the parliament confirmed Henry's ſupreme headſhip over the church, particularly in correcting errors and hereſies; and, to the no ſmall grief of the clergy, granted him the annats and tithes of all eccleſiaſtical preferments; which had been formerly given to the Pope. They framed an oath concerning the ſucceſſion of the crown, and required perſons of [88] all ranks to take it. They declared it high treaſon to ſpeak againſt his majeſty, or his preſent queen, or to call him an heretic, ſchiſmatic tyrant, or uſurper. And they made proviſion for the ſuffragan biſhops.

When Paul III. was made Pope, Henry, by his miniſter Caſſils, applied to him for his re-conſidering his cauſe. Paul was exceedingly deſirous of a recon⯑ciliation with England; but the news of ſome friars and of Sir Thomas More and biſhop Fiſher being ex⯑ecuted for refuſing to renounce their allegiance to the Roman ſee, made him loſe all hopes of it. He there⯑fore delivered Henry into the hand of the devil and his angels, abſolved all his ſubjects from their alle⯑giance to him, commanded all eccleſiaſtics to leave the kingdom, and all the nobles to take up arms a⯑gainſt him; prohibited all other Chriſtians to have any dealings with the Engliſh; laid the kingdom under an Interdict of divine ſervice, annulled all trea⯑ties made with Henry by foreign princes ſince his marriage with Anne of Boleyn; and declared the iſ⯑ſue of it ſpurious, and incapable of ſucceeding to the crown.

The oath, approving of his majeſty's marriage, and the ſucceſſion of the iſſue of it to the crown, and renouncing the Papal authority, had been ad⯑miniſtered by commiſſioners all over the nation. The ſpread of Tindal's New Teſtament, and of the Beg⯑gar's ſupplication, which was chiefly directed againſt the lazy monks as devourers of that which belonged to the poor, had contributed to the conviction of ſe⯑verals. But the bulk of the nation ſtill continued zealous for Popery. Such as dared to oppoſe it were in danger of being burnt or otherwiſe perſecuted. But the queen, lord Cromwel, afterwards earl of Eſſex, archbiſhop Cranmer, Shaxton of Saliſbury, and Latimer of Worceſter, who ſtudied to promote the reformation, had influence with Henry, while biſhop Gardiner, the duke of Norfolk, and others, did their utmoſt to oppoſe it. None were more a⯑verſe to it than the cloiſtered monks, who openly [89] declared againſt the king's procedure, begged the people to take up arms againſt him, and laboured to embroil him with foreign princes. To humble their pride, Henry appointed lord Cromwel, who had once been Wolſey's ſervant, but was now made his majeſty's vicegerent in ſpiritual affairs, inſtead of the Pope's legate, and others, to viſit their monaſteries in the manner which he preſcribed. To prevent a [...]rial of their behaviour, ſome voluntarily ſurrendered their monaſteries into his hand. Others, upon ex⯑amination, were found guilty of the moſt abominable frauds. Multitudes of pretended relicks were ex⯑poſed and deſtroyed. Images of pretended ſaints were taken down and burnt, and the rich oblations made to their ſhrines converted to the king's uſe.— Faction, and lewdneſs of the moſt unnatural kind, were every where found. Having conſidered the reports of the Commiſſioners for the viſitation, the Parliament agreed to ſuppreſs 376 of the ſmaller mo⯑naſteries, and to give their plate and other furniture to the value of about 100,000 pounds ſterling, and their rents amounting to 32,000 pounds per annum to the king. About ten thouſand monks were turn⯑ed out, each of them with forty-five ſhillings, equal to about the value of 27 pounds at preſent, to carry them beyond ſea, or to live on till he could work; and their governors had yearly penſions granted them. To eaſe the nation, theſe penſionaries were thruſt into vacancies, as faſt as poſſible; and hence moſt of the inferior clergy became inveterate enemies to the Re⯑formation. In 1537 and 1539, the greater monaſte⯑ries were ſurrendered into his majeſty's hand, to pre⯑vent an examination of their manners. The clear rents of all the ſuppreſſed houſ [...] amounted to 131, 607 pounds ſix ſhillings and four pence: but their true value was at leaſt ten times more. With 18000 pounds of this revenue, Henry intended to erect 18 ſmall biſhopricks; but no more than thoſe of Weſt⯑minſter, Cheſter, Peterborough, Oxford, Glouceſ⯑ter, and Briſtol, were actually founded. To prevent [90] the eccleſiaſtics reſumption of their property, mo [...] of the abbey lands were given to courtiers, or fol [...] to the gentry at an eaſy rate. In 1545, the parlia⯑ment complimented Henry with the chanteries, co [...] ⯑leges, free chapels, hoſpitals, fraternities, and guilds with their manors and eſtates, together with 70 ma⯑nors and parks, which had belonged to the archbi⯑ſhop of York, and 12 pertaining to his Lordſhip o [...] Canterbury.

Tindal's New Teſtament had been prohibited i [...] 1530. By the money with which the copies of i [...] were bought up for deſtruction, he was enabled t [...] tranſlate the Old, and publiſh it along with the New corrected. This, corrected by Cranmer, was, con⯑trary to all the ſolicitations of Gardner and his party publiſhed by authority. But, to avoid the odiou [...] name of Tindal, who had been burnt for an hereti [...] in Flanders, it was called Matthew's, or Cranmer [...] Bible. Meanwhile, notwithſtanding her piety an [...] virtue, queen Anne, by her airy and imprudent be⯑haviour, and by the accuſations of her Popiſh ene⯑mies, fell under a ſuſpicion of infidelity, about three years after her marriage. Inwardly burning with luſt after another, Henry was highly offended with her, for bearing him a dead ſon, as Catherine ha [...] done. She was quickly attainted; and, to pleaſe Henry, condemned without any ſhadow of proof and beheaded May 19, 1536, as guilty of a pre⯑contract of marriage with ſome other man, and o [...] plotting Henry's death. She died ſolemnly proteſt⯑ing her innocence. Next day, Henry married Jean Seymour, the object of his outragious luſt. Soon after, Anne's daughter, Elizabeth, was declared a baſtard, as Mary [...]e daughter of Catherine had been a little before. Both parliament and convocation declared Anne's marriage null and void.

Complaints of different doctrines delivered from pulpits being tranſmitted to court, Henry, whoſe ſpiritual headſhip rendered biſhops and all their un⯑derlings and offices mere creatures of his crown, by [91] circular letter to the former, prohibited all preaching or about three months, till proper articles of faith were publiſhed by his direction and authority, and [...]gned by Cranmer and 17 other biſhops, 40 abbo [...], [...]o archdeacons, beſides proctors. In theſe, the Old and New Teſtaments, the Creeds attributed to [...]he apoſtles,—Council of Nice, and Athanaſius, were [...]ade the ſtandard of faith, without any regard to [...]he decrees of the Popes. Juſtification through the [...]ighteouſneſs of Chriſt alone is aſſerted: but the re⯑ [...]ovation of our nature is repreſented as a part of it. The ſacraments of confirmation, marriage, ordination, [...]nd extreme unction are omitted. Baptiſm is repre⯑ [...]ented as neceſſary to ſalvation, and the waſhing a⯑ [...]ay of original ſin. Tranſubſtantiation, auricular [...]onfeſſion, and penance, along with the worſhip of [...]ints and images, are retained. Prayer for the dead [...] commended, and Purgatory left doubtful. Cran⯑ [...]er conſented, in hopes of obtaining better articles [...]fterward. But few, either Papiſts or Proteſtants, [...]ere pleaſed.

Provoked with theſe articles, but eſpecially with [...]he ſuppreſſion of the monaſteries, in which many [...]eceived alms, many got places for their idle friends, [...]nd prayers and maſſes were carried on night and day or their deceaſed relations deliverance from Purga⯑ [...]ory;—and, animated by the Pope's bull above men⯑ [...]oned, and the incendiary declamations of the monks, multitudes of Papiſts took arms againſt the govern⯑ment. In Lincolnſhire, a monk headed 20,000 of [...]hem: but a proclamation of pardon diſperſed them. The duke of Norfolk headed a more formidable par⯑ [...]y in the north. The heads of this conſpiracy, a⯑ [...]ong which were ſundry abbots and prieſts, were [...]pprehended and executed. Theſe inſurrections pro⯑ [...]ked Henry againſt the remaining monaſteries, as [...]urſeries of rebellion. He reſumed 31, which be [...]ad before given back to the monks. The ſhrine [...]f St. Becket, to which the Engliſh devotees had [...]arked infinitely more regard than to Jeſus Chriſt, [92] in their annual devotions, having given to it, in one year, about a 1000 pounds ſterling, when they had not given one farthing to its rival altar of Jeſus Chriſt, —was demoliſhed.

Meanwhile, Henry, by virtue of his ſpiritual ſu⯑premacy, publiſhed certain Injunctions for regulating the behaviour of the clergy, bearing, That they ſhould every quarter of a year preach twice againſt the Pope's ſupremacy, and in defence of the king's; that they ſhould publiſh his late articles of ſaith, and proclamation for the aboliſhment of ſome holy days in harveſt; that they ſhould inſtruct their people to make no pilgrimages to ſaints, or their relicks; but ſtay at home and mind their family, keep God's com⯑mandments, and teach them, and the Creed, and Lord's prayer in Engliſh, to their children; that they ſhould carefully diſpenſe the ſacraments in their pariſhes; that they ſhould not frequent taverns, not ſit long at gaming, but apply themſelves to the ſtudy of the ſcriptures, and of a good life; that every one, who had 20 pounds a year, and did not reſide at his charge, ſhould pay five pounds to the poor, and eve⯑ry one that had a 100 pounds ſhould maintain a ſtu⯑dent at the univerſity, or as many ſtudents as they had hundreds a year; that a 5th part of the livings ſhould be applied for repairing the vicar's houſes, if decayed. Thus Henry commanded the very things, for which Wickliffites and Lutherans had been burnt.

Much about the ſame time, Cranmer, Latimer, and other eight biſhops and ſome divines publiſhed the Inſtruction of a Chriſtian man. It maintains, That our Saviour deſcended into the local hell; that all articles of faith are to be interpreted according to the ſcriptures, and the decrees of the firſt four general councils. It maintains the doctrine of ſeven ſacr⯑aments, and of tranſubſtantiation. It reſtricts the clergy to two orders, biſhops and deacons; and af⯑firms, that, according to the word of God, no biſhop hath authority over others. It reſtricts the invoca⯑tion [39] of ſaints to a deſire of their interceſſion with God for us. It maintains, That churches ought to be dedicated to none but God. It allows handy la⯑bour on ſaints days, eſpecially during the harveſt. It maintains the doctrine of juſtification by the impu⯑ted righteouſneſs of Chriſt, and of paſſive obedience to the king. Not long after, lord Cromwel procur⯑ed Henry's allowance for all his ſubjects to read the Bible publiſhed by Cranmer, and an order to have a copy of it ſet up in every church, that it might be re [...]d between ſermons, or at other times, by the peo⯑ple.

Queen Jean's death in child-bed of prince Edward; Henry's breach with the German Proteſtants, who refuſed to receive him as the Head of their league, unleſs he abandoned tranſubſtantiation, and allowed the people the cup in the euchariſt; the umbrage which he conceived againſt Cranmer and other re⯑forming biſhops for not conſenting in parliament to his appropriation of the ſuppreſſed monaſteries, or cheap ſale of them to his favourite courtiers; the hand which lord Cromwel and other reformers had in his diſliked and almoſt immediately annulled mar⯑riage of Anne of Cleves; the artifices of biſhop Gardner, Bonner, and other Papiſts;—together with his own peeviſh humour,—proved a remarkable check to every attempt toward further reformation. From henceforth to his death, Henry prohibited all im⯑porting of foreign books, or printing any part of ſcripture, before they were examined by him and his council, or the biſhop of the dioceſe. He comman⯑ded, that all decriers of the old Popiſh ceremonies, ſhould be puniſhed; and that ſuch as argued againſt [...]ranſubſtantiation ſhould be put to death. On this [...]oot, pious Lambert, whoſe laſt words were, None [...]ut Chriſt▪ none but Chriſt, was condemned and burnt.

In 1539, the parliament made the ſtate of religion [...]till worſe by their act of the Six Artieles, which eſta⯑ [...]liſhed tranſubſtantiation; the withholding of the [...]acramental cup from the people; the celibate of the [94] clergy; vows of ſingle life in others; private maſs; and auricular confeſſion: and enacted, That whoſo⯑ever ſhould ſpeak, preach, or write againſt tranſub⯑ſtantiation, ſhould be burnt as heretics, and their eſtates be forfeited to the king; and ſuch as ſhould diſpute againſt the other points mentioned, ſhould ſuffer death as felons, without the benefit of clergy; that ſuch as merely ſpoke or wrote againſt them, ſhould for the firſt fault forfeit all they had to the king, and ly in priſon during his pleaſure, and for the ſecond ſuffer death.—All the clergy were appoin⯑ted to read this act from their pulpits once every quarter of a year. Cranmer oppoſed the making of it for three days. Biſhop Shaxton and Latimer were caſt into priſon for ſpeaking againſt it. Latimer continued there till Henry's death. But Shaxton recanted; and under Mary became a moſt furious perſecutor. Henry, having granted commiſſions to the biſhops and their commiſſaries to hold quarterly meetings for proſecuting of offenders againſt ſaid act five hundred were immediately impriſoned. But his pardoning of Cranmer and lord Cromwel, diſcourag⯑ed the Popiſh zealots, till they had got the latte [...] deſtroyed. This parliament alſo enacted, That pro⯑clamations of the king, or under his [...]eal, ſhould b [...] held of equal authority with an act of parliament, [...] they were conſiſtent with the ſtanding laws and cuſ⯑toms of the realm, and did not extend to loſs of eſtate liberty, or life. They alſo appointed the remainin [...] monaſteries and religious houſes to be ſuppreſſed which was quickly done. Thus, in a few years, 64 monaſteries, 90 colleges, 110 hoſpitals, and 23 [...] chantries and free chapels, were empried of their in⯑habitants and furniture; and many of them demoli⯑ſhed. Their valuable libraries were, through igno⯑rance, often ſold to bookbinders for a trifle.

Lord Cromwel's hand in Henry's marriage wit [...] the immediately diſliked princeſs of Cleves, loſt hi [...] his wonted favour. The duke of Norfolk feared hi [...] oppoſing of Henry's marriage with miſs Howard [95] queen Anne's couſin, who was executed about a year after for lewdneſs. The Papiſts hated him for his activity in promoting reformation. He was there⯑fore attainted of high treaſon in much the ſame man⯑ner he had done ſome relations of cardinal Pole, ſometime before. As it is probable he had Henry's order for doing what was laid to his charge, he was condemned without being allowed to ſpeak in his own vindication. Almoſt immediately after his ex⯑ecution, two Lutheran miniſters, who had been con⯑demned unheard, were burnt for hints againſt Po⯑pery in their ſermons; while four Papiſts, who had denied Henry's ſupremacy, were hanged. About this time, Henry, having corrected a tract called the Erudition of a Chriſtian man, drawn up by ſome di⯑vines, and approved by the parliament, publiſhed it as the ſtandard of the ſaith of his ſubjects. Its mat⯑ter and plan were much like to thoſe of the Inſtitu⯑tions above mentioned. An order for reading the Engliſh Bible ſeems to have been iſſued about this time.

About this time, biſhop Bonner of London pu⯑bliſhed ſome Injunctions for his clergy, which, from their nature, ſeem to have been impoſed on him by Henry, probably at the requeſt of Cranmer. They required clergymen to read every day a chapter of the Bible with ſome gloſs upon it, and to ſtudy the book compiled by the biſhops; that no curate ſhould be employed without being firſt examined by the bi⯑ſhop or his officers; that they ſhould inſtruct their people in Engliſh, how to believe, pray, and live according to the will of God; that they ſhould en⯑deavour to reconcile ſuch as were at variance, and be good examples of love and forgiveneſs to their flock; that they ſhould permit none to go to taverns or ale⯑houſes, or to uſe unlawful games on Sabbaths or holy days, in time of divine worſhip; that they ſhould perform the duties of their office decently and dili⯑gently; uſe no unlawful games; and never go to ale-houſes or taverns without urgent neceſſity; that [96] no plays or interludes ſhould be acted in their chur⯑ches; that, in preaching, they ſhould explain the whole goſpel and epiſtle for the day, according to the opinion of ſome learned doctor, and inſiſt chiefly on ſuch places as may beſt ſtir up their hearers to prayer and good works; that none below a biſhop ſhould preach without a licence from his majeſty, or the biſhop of the dioceſe.—When Popery prevailed, few ſermons were preached, but in Lent; and in theſe, ſcarce any care was taken to acquaint hearers with the mind of God, but to extol the ceremonies of the church, and ſtir up men to an enthuſiaſtic devotion. —Cranmer did what he could to provide proper prea⯑chers, and to leave the moſt eminent to labour in an itinerant manner. But ſo few could be had, that the moſt of the nation continued in groſs ignorance. To help the weak, and reſtrain the wicked and erro⯑neous from miſleading the people, a Book of Homilie [...] on the epiſtles and goſpels for the year, containing plain paraphraſes on, and practical exhortations from them, was publiſhed, which were to be read to con⯑gregations, by perſons not licenſed to preach.— Meanwhile, the licenſed preachers having frequent complaints brought to his majeſty againſt them, be⯑gan, for their own ſecurity, to read their ſermons; and ſo introduced that lifeleſs and abſurd cuſtom, now ſo common in the Britiſh dominions.

In 1543, the parliament indirectly eſtabliſhed the contents of the Erudition of a Chriſtian man. Henry was ſubmitted to as an infallible Pope, having the faith and conſciences of his ſubjects at his diſpoſal. Even Cranmer and his reforming brethren believed the whole government of the church to depend on the magiſtrate's will; and hence took out their commiſ⯑ſions to hold their biſhopricks only during his majeſ⯑ty's pleaſure, and to exerciſe authority by his directi⯑on and allowance. In 1544, a faint attempt was made to reform the eccleſiaſtical worſhip. Henry publiſhed an Exhortation to prayer, and a Litany, in which the Virgin Mary, angels, archangels, and all [97] the orders of bleſſed ſaints were invoked. The reſt of it was much the ſame with that which is ſtill uſed in the Engliſh church. No doubt, Cranmer had a hand in the compoſition; but as his power with Henry was now much ſunk, it was little regarded by the ſubjects. He alſo obtained ſome mitigation of the bloody ſtatute of the Six Articles, That none [...]hould be convicted upon it, but by the oaths of twelve perſons; and that all information againſt preaching ſhould be within forty days, and the pro⯑ſecution within a year. Nevertheleſs, Belenian, A⯑dams, Liſcals, Anne Aſkew, and others, were burnt, becauſe they were not able to believe tranſubſtantia⯑tion. All the books publiſhed by Tindal, Frith, Joy, Barnes, and other Proteſtants, were ordered to be burnt. The Parliament appeared in earneſt to re⯑duce the nation to their wonted darkneſs of Popery. They declared the catholic church judge of all con⯑troverſies in religion; they appointed Tindal's Bibles, and all books contrary to the Six Articles ſet forth, or to what may be ſet forth by his majeſty, to be de⯑ſtroyed; they condemned all writings againſt tran⯑ſubſtantiation; they prohibited all annotations upon, or preambles to Engliſh Bibles, or New Teſtaments; they prohibited all reading of the Bible in churches, —or of the Engliſh New Teſtament by huſbandmen, artificers, apprentices, ſervants, women, or any o⯑ther of weak capacities, or low ſtations; they enac⯑ted, that whoever ſhould be convicted of preaching or maintaining any thing contrary to his majeſty's Inſtructions made or to be made, ſhould for the firſt offence recant; for the ſecond bear a faggot; and for the third be burnt. Thus ſtood matters reſpec⯑ting religion, when the proud, peeviſh, and corpu⯑ [...]ent Henry VIII. died of an ulcer in his leg, Janu⯑ary 28, A. D. 1547.

HIS ſon EDWARD, an hopeful youth of nine years of age, ſucceeded him. His father, in his laſt will, had named ſixteen perſons to govern the king⯑dom, [98] till he ſhould be eighteen years of age, to whom other twelve were added, as privy counſellors. The earl of Hartford, uncle of Edward, and afterward duke of Sommerſet, was choſen Protector. King Edward himſelf, the archbiſhops Cranmer and Hol⯑gate, the biſhops Holbeach, Goodric, Latimer, and Ridley, with ſecretary Paget and admiral Liſle, were the moſt noted on the Proteſtant ſide. The princeſs Mary, the earl of Southampton, and biſhops Ton⯑ſtal, Gardner, and Bonner, ſupported the Popiſh. —Power being chiefly in the hands of the Proteſtants, all proſecution upon the ſtatute of the Six Artieles was ſtopt; and ſuch as had been impriſoned for reli⯑gion were liberated. Miles Coverdale, afterward biſhop of Exeter, Hooper of Glouceſter, John Ro⯑gers, and many other exiles for truth came home, and ſerved in the church. Immediately after Ed⯑ward's coronation, Proteſtants began to preach againſt the uſe of images in churches, and of maſſes for ſouls departed.

Having begun their adminiſtration, the Regents and Counſellors, as in the former reign, required the biſhops to take out new commiſſions, bearing their ſubjection to his majeſty, and that they held their offices and privileges only during his pleaſure. This▪ Cranmer and his fellow reformers hoped would bri⯑dle ſuch as inclinced to Popery. As the inferior cler⯑gy, and even moſt of the biſhops were intolerably ignorant, Cranmer, aſſiſted by ſome others, com⯑poſed a ſecond book of Homilies, or plain diſcourſes o [...] the fundamental articles of the Chriſtian religion, to be read where none was able to preach. Theſe, is the number of twelve, related to the uſe of ſcripture; the miſery of mankind by ſin; ſalvation by Chriſt; true faith; good works; Chriſtian love; oaths; a⯑poſtacy; fear of death; obedience to ſuperiors [...] whoredom; and religious contention. To procur [...] the conſent of Gardner, Cranmer ſhewed them firſt to him; but he would hear of no alteration in doc⯑trine, [99] till Edward ſhould be major. Nevertheleſs, the greater part of the Regents approved them.

As Henry, by one of his laſt acts of parliament, had empowered his ſon's council to iſſue forth pro⯑clamations of equal authority with thoſe of the king, the Regents reſolved to begin with a general viſitati⯑on of the church; a letter was diſpatched in Edward's name to all the biſhops, ſuſpending their juriſdiction, during the time of viſitation; and prohibiting the other clergy to preach without his licence any where, but in their own churches. This was intended to reſtrain the Popiſh prieſts from ſpreading miſchief, while Proteſtant preachers could obtain licence to preach, wherever they had opportunity. In this vi⯑ſitation, the kingdom was divided into ſix circuits, and two gentlemen, a civilian, a divine, and a re⯑giſter were appointed for each. As the divines were intended for the inſtruction of the people, as well as for examination of eccleſiaſtical affairs, ſix of the moſt grave and popular, Ridley, Madew, Briggs, Cottisford, Joſeph, and Farrar, were appointed for this work. Along with the late Homilies, theſe viſi⯑tors carried with them 36 Inſtructions from Edward, to be diſtributed among the biſhops and parochial clergy, many of them the ſame with theſe formerly preſcribed by lord Cromwel, when he viſited the churches as vicar general under Henry VIII. They principally required, That all eccleſiaſtical perſons ſhould obſerve the laws relative to the king's prero⯑gatives; ſhould preach once every quarter of a year againſt pilgrimages and prayers to images, and ex⯑hort to works of faith and charity: that ſuch images as had been abuſed to ſuperſtition, ſhould be taken down by the clergy only; that where no ſermon is, the Lord's prayer, the creed, and ten commandments, be repeated from the pulpit to the people; that, within three months, every church be provided with a Bible, and, within twelve, with Eraſmus' para⯑phraſe upon the New Teſtament; that none, who cannot repeat the Lord's prayer, the creed, and the [100] ten commandments, or, who are at enmity with their neighbours, be admitted to the Lord's ſupper; that the goſpel and epiſtle at high maſs, and the firſt and ſecond leſſon for every Sabbath and holy day be read in Engliſh; that one chapter of the New Teſtament be read at Mattins, and another of the Old at Even⯑ſong; that clergymen often viſit the ſick, and inſtruct them with paſſages of ſcripture in Engliſh; that for avoiding diſputes about precedence, there be no more proceſſions around churches or church yards; that all ſhrines, tables, candleſticks, trindills, or rolls of wax, pictures, paintings, and other monuments of idolatry, or feigned miracles, be removed from churches, &c.: that the people be inſtructed not to deſpiſe the ceremonies ſtill retained; but to beware of ſprinkling their beds with holy water, ringing o [...] bells, or uſing of conſecrated candles for driving away devils; that patrons who diſpoſe of livings by ſimo⯑niacal pactions, ſhall for that time forfeit their righ [...] of preſentation to the king; that the Book of homilie [...] be read; that dignified clergymen, below biſhops ſhall at leaſt preach twice a year; that prieſts ſhal [...] be reverently and charitably uſed for their works ſake▪ Theſe and ſome others reſpecting inſtruction and or⯑der, were enjoined under pain of excommunication ſequeſtration, or deprivation, as their Ordinarie ſhould anſwer to the king. The Injunctions for bi⯑ſhops required, That they ſhould ſee to their clerg [...] and people's exact obſervation of the preceding in⯑junctions; ſhould preach four times a year, withi [...] their own dioceſe, unleſs they had a reaſonable ex⯑cuſe; that their chaplains ſhould be able and diligen [...] preachers of God's word; that they ſhould ordai [...] none but ſuch as would preach the doctrine ſet fort [...] in the Homilies. Gardiner and Bonner refuſed t [...] comply with theſe injunctions; and on that accoun [...] were impriſoned, but ſoon after liberated.

The parliament having met, repealed all the law which made any thing treaſonable, but what ha [...] been ſpecified in the act of the 25th of Edward III▪ [101] They repealed the act of the Six Articles, and what depended on it, together with the acts that made the royal proclamations of equal authority with acts of parliament, or declared any thing felony, which was not held ſuch before. They enacted, That whoever ſhould own the Pope's ſupremacy, or write againſt that of the king, or ſhould burleſque the adminiſtra⯑tion of the Lord's ſupper, now to be in both bread and wine, ſhould be puniſhed; that all private maſ⯑ſes ſhould be diſuſed; that all biſhops ſhall be ap⯑pointed by his majeſty's letters patent, and continue in office only during his pleaſure; that all proceſſes in ſpiritual courts be carried on in his name, and ſeal⯑ed with his ſeal, excepting ſome courts belonging to the archbiſhop of Canterbury. Contrary to the ſo⯑licitations of Cranmer, and his fellow biſhops, they beſtowed on Edward all the lands of chantries, which had not been granted to his father, with all the o⯑blations pertaining to them for obits, anniverſaries, and lamps, together with the guild lands enjoyed by any fraternities on like accounts. They alſo com⯑manded monks to remain in their places, and apply themſelves to handy labour: but this act was ſoon after repealed. The convocation, which chiefly conſiſted of Papiſts, did little more than allow the lawfulneſs of prieſts marriage, and of giving the ſa⯑cramental cup to the people. The lower houſe pe⯑titioned the upper, That the commiſſion of 32 for reforming the eccleſiaſtical laws might be revived; that what the biſhops and divines had done, for cor⯑recting the offices for divine ſervice, might be laid before them, and that the inferior clergy might be re-admitted into the houſe of commons, or at leaſt no act relative to religion or the clergy, be made wi⯑thout their conſent.

The Proteſtants abroad, labouring under terrible diſtreſs, ſeveral of them fled into England.— Of theſe Peter Martyr was made profeſſor of divinity at Ox⯑ford, and Bucer at Cambridge. Ochinus, who af⯑terwards prepared the way for Socinianiſm, and Fa⯑gius, [102] had penſions granted them, and were of excel⯑lent uſe in the univerſities. Meanwhile, the com⯑mon people of England continued mad upon their old heatheniſh rites, proceſſions, wakes, carrying of candles, &c. The pulpitary contentions between Popiſh and Proteſtant preachers was exceeding great All preaching without licences from his majeſty, or the primate, was therefore prohibited, till an unifor⯑mity in worſhip ſhould be got eſtabliſhed. Two archbiſhops, and ſixteen or ſeventeen biſhops, and ſix divines, were appointed to examine and reform the offices of the church. They began wich the Eu⯑chariſt, and left it much the ſame as in the maſs book, and only added what was neceſſary to correſ⯑pond with the communion in both kinds. They left auricular confeſſion as a matter indifferent. Af⯑ter receiving the Lord's ſupper, the prieſt was di⯑rected to turn himſelf to the people, and read the exhortation, and then require the impenitent to withdraw, left the devil ſhould enter into them with the elements. After a little pauſe, followed the con⯑feſſion of ſins and abſolution. At the end of this of⯑fice, was hinted his majeſty's intent to proceed to further reformation. In correcting the other offices of worſhip, they overlooked the word of God, and compoſed the evening and morning ſervice, as it now ſtands, from the Popiſh miſſals of Sarum, York, Hereford, Bangor, and Lincoln. Only there was no confeſſion or abſolution. From the ſame mate⯑rials, they formed the Litany as at preſent. Only Elizabeth cauſed ſtrike out the prayer for deliverance from the deteſtable enormities of Popery. Before that time, it was common for preachers, after read⯑ing of their text, to BID prayers, directing the peo⯑ple for whom, and what they ſhould pray, that eve⯑ry one might then pray ſilently by himſelf. In the office of baptiſm, the child's forehead and breaſt was to be marked with the ſign of the croſs, the devil to be expelled by exorciſm, and the child thrice dipt in the font on its ſides and breaſt, unleſs it was very [103] weak. It was then to be wrapped in white veſt⯑ments, and to be anointed with oil on the head, with a ſhort prayer for the deſcent of the Holy Ghoſt. In confirmation, the children, being catechized, the biſhop ſigned them with the ſign of the croſs, and laid his hands upon them in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoſt. In the office for burial, the ſoul of the deceaſed was recommended to the mercy of God; and forgivenneſs of ſin, ready admiſſion to heaven, and a happy reſurrection at the laſt day, prayed for. To the grief of Hooper, Rogers, and other foreign divines, who reckoned them appenda⯑ges of the idolatrous maſs, and badges of Antichriſt, the Romiſh habits of clergymen were too earneſtly retained by Cranmer and Ridley, for fear of too much diſpleaſing the Papiſts.

This Book of common prayer was never laid before the convocation. The Popiſh biſhops of Norwich, Hereford, Chicheſter, and Weſtminſter, proteſted againſt it. But the parliament, in January 1549, appointed it to be uſed through the whole kingdom, under pain of ſix months impriſonment, and loſs of a year's ſalary, for the firſt fault,—forfeiture of all [...]heir preferments, and a year's impriſonment for the [...]econd,—forfeiture of all their goods, and impriſon⯑ment for life for the third. This parliament per⯑mitted the marriage of prieſts, and, for the encou⯑ [...]agement of fiſhing, prohibited eating of fleſh in Lent. The princeſs Mary abſolutely refuſed com⯑ [...]iance with this new Liturgy. The moſt of the people were highly diſpleaſed with it, being excee⯑ [...]ingly ſorry to loſe their wakes, proceſſions, many ho⯑ [...]idays, cenſing of images, church ales, &c. Peter Martyr was moleſted for his theological inſtructions [...]t Oxford. He offered to defend his doctrine.— Not long after, a public diſputation was held. Rid⯑ [...]ey had another at Cambridge. The Popiſh diſpu⯑ [...]ants deeply entrenched themſelves in the unintelli⯑gible jargon of the ſchoolmen, while Martyr and [104] Ridley placed their principal dependence on the o⯑racles of God. Both parties claimed the victory.

Not content with words, the Popiſh clergy rouſed their votaries to arms. The rebels in Devonſhire amounted to 10,000 ſtrong. They demanded of Edward a reſtoration of the Six Articles; the per⯑formance of Maſs in Latin; the elevation and adora⯑tion of the ſacred wafer in the Euchariſt; the with⯑holding of the ſacramental cup from the people; the re-erection of images in churches; the renewal of ſupplications for ſouls in Purgatory; the calling in, and prohibiting of all Engliſh Bibles; the rejection of the new ſervice book; and reſtoration of the old forms of worſhip. The court returned them a ſoft anſwer: but only the edge of the ſword could bring them to reaſon. In Norfolk, the rebels, headed by one Ket a tanner, amounted to 20,000: but the ear [...] of Warwick, with ſcarce 8,000, diſperſed them.— Meanwhile, Bonner of London, being ſuſpected of diſloyalty, was appointed to preach a ſermon, in which he ſhould declare his perſuaſion of the king's ſupre⯑macy: but having hated, or forgotten to do ſo, he was depoſed and impriſoned, and Ridley of Weſt⯑minſter was alſo made biſhop of London.—Some A⯑nabaptiſts, having fled hither from Germany, were hunted out and proſecuted for their enthuſiaſtical nonſenſe and blaſphemy. Joan Bocker, a woman plainly delirious, was burnt for ſome whimſical ex⯑preſſions concerning our Saviour's not being con⯑ceived of the ſubſtance of Mary. Cranmer, to his laſting reproach, inſtigated the reluctant prince to ſign the warrant for her execution. George Vann▪ a poor harmleſs devotee of the ſame ſect, was alſo committed to the flames, for perhaps very igno⯑rantly affirming, That only the Father is the tru [...] God.

In A. D. 1550, the parliament revived Henry's ac [...] for appointing 32 commiſſioners to reform the eccele⯑ſiaſtical canons, and named the perſons for this work They finiſhed their work in fifty-one ſections. Ed⯑ward [105] dying before it received his confirmation, it never had the royal ſanction annexed to it: but archbiſhop Parker publiſhed a copy of it under the title of Reformatio legum Anglicanarum, &c. in which no puniſhment is mentioned for heretics. The par⯑liament alſo authorized a Book of ordination compiled by ſix biſhops and ſix divines, which is much the ſame with that now in uſe. In conſequence of all theſe reformations in worſhip, the council ordered all clergymen to deliver up their Maſs-books and other Formulas to proper perſons appointed by the king.

Ridley, now biſhop of London, began to viſit his dioceſe. Beſides the above-mentioned Injunctions, the council now appointed him and his epiſcopal bre⯑thren to remove all altars out of churches, and pro⯑vide communion tables in their ſtead,—that ſo peo⯑ple might no more imagine the Lord's ſupper a ſa⯑crifice. Day, biſhop of Chicheſter, and Heath of Worceſter, inſiſted, that Chriſtians have an altar,— and refuſed to obey the council, and on that account were deprived of their office. Popular preachers were ſent through the country, to remove men's prejudices againſt the removal of the altars, which had no contemptible effect. As the people imagined that the prieſtly apparel added ſuperior virtue and ſanctity to their miniſtrations, it would have been proper to correct their miſtake. Hooper, who had reſided at Zurich in Switzerland, during the debates concerning the unlawfulneſs of compliance with things indifferent in themſelves, when abuſed to ſu⯑perſtition, occaſioned by the emperor's Interim form of religion, having returned home, and preached with great applauſe, was appointed biſhop of Glou⯑ceſter by Edward's letters patent. He declined ac⯑cepting it, as he abhorred the ſwearing by ſaints, even before the Holy Ghoſt, in the oath or ſupremacy. Convinced of the juſtneſs of his objection, Edward ſtruck out that phraſe. Hooper alſo looked on the uſe of the Popiſh veſtments as ſinful. Edward and his council were inclined to diſpenſe with the habits; [106] but Cranmer, and eſpecially Ridley and Goodric, in⯑ſiſted, that as the things were indifferent in them⯑ſelves, they ought to be retained in obedience to the law. Hooper conſulted Peter Martyr, Bucer, and the Genevan and Swiſs divines, on this point. They were all of opinion, that theſe relicks of Popery ought to be removed from the church; but thought that Hooper might comply rather than be rendered uſeleſs, and breed a ſchiſm in a reforming church, His caſe was truly pitiable. His brethren would nei⯑ther ſuffer him to live without being a biſhop, nor admit him in the manner his conſcience approved. After ſuffering confinement, impriſonment, and o⯑ther hardſhips, he, at laſt, conſented to permit o⯑thers to put on the veſtments at his conſecration, and once at court. Being admitted, he laboured be⯑yond his ſtrength preaching, ſometimes twice or thrice a-day, to the poor people, that hungered af⯑ter the word of God. Moſt of the reforming cler⯑gy, particularly Latimer, Coverdale, Taylor, Phil⯑pot, Bradford, Samſon, &c. were of the ſame mind with Hooper concerning the habits. Nay, even Cranmer and Ridley ſeem to have relaxed their bi⯑gotry; and, to increaſe the friends of reformation, admitted Samſon and others without them, if they did not alſo intend to procure an act for their aboliſh⯑ment. It is certain, that when they died martyrs, they contemned them. And indeed, it was ſtrange for men of ſuch piety and ſenſe, to mark ſuch im⯑moderate zeal for trifles, in a country, where John a Laſco and other foreigners were allowed to worſhip God in their own manner.

Gardiner and his other Popiſh clergy did not rec⯑kon the deeds of the governing council valid, nor themſelves bound to obey them. After he had been impriſoned for his diſobedience, Gardiner ſtill be⯑haved contemptibly, and was therefore deprived of his biſhoprick, and ſent to the Tower, in which he continued priſoner till Q. Mary relieved him. As he and his brethren had taken out commiſſions for their [107] office, only during his majeſty's pleaſure, they could ſcarcely complain of ſuch ſeverities. His deprivation and Veſay's reſignation on account of his old age, making way for Scory and Coverdale to fill their ſees, the balance of the epiſcopal power was in the hand of the Reformers. They therefore proceeded to correct the doctrines of the church. Cranmer and Ridley drew up forty-two articles, the ſame in ſubſtance with the Thirty-nine now uſed. After theſe had been corrected by ſome biſhops, and again by Cranmer, they were ratified by the privy council, without being preſented to either convocation or parliament. Along with them, was printed a ſhort Catechiſm, compoſed, it is ſaid, by Poinet, biſhop of Wincheſter, tranſlated by Cranmer, and autho⯑rized by the kind's letters patent.

The Reformers proceeded to a ſecond amendment of their Book of common prayer. A ſhort confeſſion of ſins and abſolution of the penitent introduced the daily ſervice; and a rehearſal of the ten command⯑ments with a ſhort pauſe between each, while the people kneel, along with a declaration, That this poſture did not import any adoration of the elements, [...]ntroduced that of the Communion. To pleaſe the Papiſts, Elizabeth cauſed the laſt to be erazed; but it was reſtored at the reſtoration of Charles II. The uſe of oil in confirmation; extreme unction; prayer [...]or the dead in the office for burial; auricular con⯑feſſion; croſſing in confirmation and the Lord's ſup⯑per, were laid aſide. The parliament appointed this Liturgy alone to be uſed through the whole king⯑dom, after All-hallow 1552. They declared mar⯑riages of prieſts valid, and their children capable of heirſhip. They re-united the biſhopricks of Lon⯑don and Weſtminſter. Alas! that we ſhould find [...]hem permitting fiſhers, reapers, and the like to la⯑bour on the Lord's day.

Day, biſhop of Chicheſter, Heath of Worceſter, [...]nd Tonſtal of Durham, being deprived of their of⯑fice, on account of diſobedience to the laws, Edward [108] appointed a viſitation of all the churches, and to bring in all ſuperfluous plate, &c. into the exchequer, or diſpoſe of it for the benefit of the poor. Notwith⯑ſtanding all this reforming care, many of the courti⯑ers were graſping at the church's property, while not a few clergymen were almoſt ſtarved, and obliged to become kitchen clerks, ſurveyors, receivers, &c. for a livelihood. While many Proteſtants adorned their profeſſion, others were a diſgrace to it. Some prin⯑cipal Reformers were too much inclined to ſtretch the laws in their own favour, and to perſecute ſuch as were not of their opinion. Their progreſs in re⯑formation, notwithſtanding their many powerful and crafty opponents, and ſo deep rooted cuſtoms, is an admirable diſplay of the interpoſing power of the Lord.

Both Edward and they intended to have proceeded further in removing the remains of Popery, and in ſettling the government and diſcipline of the church. In his Diary, he laments, that the ignorance, ſcan⯑dalous lives, and Popiſh inclinations of ſome of his biſhops, hindered his reſtoring of the primitive diſ⯑cipline, in the manner he wiſhed. Bucer preſented to him a PLATFORM of diſcipline, bearing, That ſcandalous perſons ſhould be excluded from the ſa⯑craments; that the old Popiſh veſtments ſhould be laid aſide; that there ſhould be no half communion ſervice; that god-fathers ſhould not anſwer in name of children to be baptized; that the Lord's day ſhould be ſtrictly ſanctified, and frequent faſts, but not Lent, obſerved; that biſhops ſhould apply themſelves only to their ſpiritual employment; that co-adjutors ſhould be added to ſome of them, and each of them have a council of preſbyters; that country biſhops ſhould be ſet over twenty or thirty pariſhes, who ſhould often conveen their clergy, and ſtrictly inſpect them; that provincial Synods be held twice a-year, and have commiſſioners from the king to obſerve their conduct. Cranmer was much of the ſame mind. He diſliked the government of the church by convo⯑cations, [109] in which deans, archdeacons, and cathedral clergy, have more influence than the repreſentatives of the real paſtors of the church. He appears to have drawn up a more perfect Book of common prayer, but could not get it introduced, on account of the Popiſh inclinations of his ſubordinate biſhops and clergy.

The reformation of the Engliſh church being now at its heighth, it may be proper to obſerve, that in their doctrine of original ſin, predeſtination, juſtifica⯑tion, effectual grace, and good works, they correſpon⯑ded with Auguſtine and Calvin; that they were not ſatisfied with the diſcipline they had obtained, tho' they thought they might ſubmit to it, till it could be rectified by authority; that they believed but two orders of clergy, viz. biſhops and deacons, and that biſhops and prieſts were but different ranks of the ſame order; and that they acknowledged fellow⯑ſhip with other Proteſtant churches, which had no biſhops; and hence, till the end of Elizabeth's reign, they never urged any re-ordination of their preſby⯑ters.

AS his ſiſter MARY, as well as the queen of Scots, were Papiſts, and Elizabeth had been declared [...] baſtard by the parliament, the Regents, or rather [...]he duke of Northumberland, adviſed Edward, ſtill [...] minor, as he lay dying in 1553, to bequeath his [...]rown to Jean Gray, eldeſt daughter to Lady Fran⯑ [...]es his couſin, and the duke of Suffolk, a lady of ex⯑ [...]raordinary qualities, piety and zeal, and next in [...]lood after the three princeſſes above mentioned. The council, and Cranmer himſelf, after much op⯑ [...]oſition to it, ſigned this diſpoſal of the crown. To [...]er great grief, Jean was proclaimed queen immedi⯑ [...]tely after Edward's death, and an army raiſed to maintain her claim. But Mary having, by her per⯑ [...]dious promiſes to the Suffolkers and others, to make [...]o change relative to religion, deceived the people, [...]aiſed an army, and, without any bloodſhed, made [110] her entrance into London, four weeks after the death of her brother. Bonner, Gardiner, and other Papiſts were immediately liberated from priſon. In council, ſhe ſolemnly declared, that notwithſtand⯑ing her fixedneſs in her own religion, ſhe would compel none to it, but by the preaching of God's word. Next day, by his inveighing at St. Paul's a⯑gainſt the late reformation, Dr. Bourne ſo provoked his audience, that his life was in danger. But Ro⯑gers and Bradford, at the hazard of their own, car⯑ried him off ſafe. He and his Popiſh friends quick⯑ly rewarded their kindneſs with impriſonment and burning.

To prevent like tumults for the future, Mary prohibited all preaching without ſpecial licence, de⯑claring that ſhe would not compel her ſubjects to receive her religion, till further order ſhould be ta⯑ken for it. Alarmed by this univerſal prohibition of Proteſtant preaching, while Papiſts got licences, the Suffolkers, depending on their merit in her enthrone⯑ment, and her ſolemn promiſe to them, deputed ſome to repreſent their grievances to Mary. She rebuked them as inſolent. One of them, having put her in mind of her promiſe, had for his reward three days on the pillory, and his ears cut off as a defamer. Bonner of London, Gardiner of Wincheſter, Ton⯑ſtal of Durham, Heath of Worceſter, and Day of Chicheſter were reſtored to their ſees. Hooper, who had, with great zeal, ſupported the rights of Mary againſt Jean Gray, along with Coverdale, Tay⯑lor, and Rogers, were impriſoned for preaching af⯑ter ſhe had prohibited it. Cranmer, who had ſaved her life from her father's intended deſtruction of it and had contended for her claim to the crown, and Holgate archbiſhop of York, ſoon after ſhared th [...] ſame fate. The foreign Proteſtants were command⯑ed to leave the kingdom. Biſhops Poynet, Barlow Scory, Coverdale, and Bale, Deans Cox, Haddon Horn, Turner, and Samſon, together with Grindal Javel, Sandys, Rainolds, Pilkington, Whitehead [111] Fox, Rough, Knox, and about forty other prea⯑chers, and eight hundred principal profeſſors of the Proteſtant religion ſled into foreign countries. To prevent their eſcape, the council ſent orders to all ſea ports to permit none to leave the kingdom with⯑out paſſports.

On the firſt of October 1553, Mary was crowned by biſhop Gardiner, aſſiſted by ten of his dioceſan brethren, dreſſed in their Romiſh mitres, copes, and [...]roſiers. In a parliament procured to her mind by bribery and every other ſhameful method, the laws of Edward concerning religion, after a tedious de⯑ [...]ate of ſix days, were wholly repealed. Severe pu⯑niſhments were enacted againſt thoſe that ſhould [...]are to diſturb the reſtored Popiſh worſhip, or break down altars or images. Upon the 3d of November, [...]rchbiſhop Cranmer, lord Guildford, Jean Gray, and [...]he two ſons of Northumberland were indicted of high treaſon, in attempting to ſet up another for queen. They all confeſſed the charge; but Cran⯑mer appealed to his judges with what reluctance he had ſigned Edward's excluſion of Mary. By means of 150 new preſentations to eccleſiaſtical livings, and other methods, the convocation, of which Bonner was preſident, was entirely to her majeſty's taſte.— They all agreed to ſubſcribe the doctrine of tranſub⯑ſtantiation, except Philpot, Philips, Haddon, Che⯑ [...]ey, Aylmer, and Young, who diſputed againſt it [...]hree days, being anſwered with little more than [...]hreatenings and reproach. Weſton the prolocutor [...]old them, that though they had the ſcripture on [...]heir ſide, he and his friends had the ſword on theirs. Moſt of the common people were zealous, even to madneſs, for the reſtoration of their old idolatry and [...]uperſtition.

Provoked by Mary's apparent intention to marry Philip heir to the Spaniſh crown, Wyat, a truſty Papiſt, in 1554, raiſed an army of four thouſand forces againſt her, and attempted an entrance into London. His army being quickly diſperſed, himſelf [112] was taken and executed. Pretending, that his re⯑bellion was raiſed by Proteſtant influence, lady Jean Gray, and lord Guildford her huſband, were exe⯑cuted. The princeſs Elizabeth narrowly eſcaped. Wyat, to ſave his own life, once accuſed her; but when he ſaw that he muſt die, he declared her inno⯑cent. Gardiner procured a warrant from ſome privy counſellors for her execution; but the lieutenant of the Tower would not make uſe of it, till he had con⯑ſulted queen Mary her ſiſter. She diſowned it; but continued her favours to Gardiner.

Having got the nation ſomewhat ſettled, Mary appointed her biſhops to viſit it, and rectify diſor⯑ders. Her inſtructions for their procedure were drawn up by Gardiner. After an angry recital of the innovations of Edward, they were charged to ex⯑ecute the laws, which were in force under king Hen⯑ry VIII. but not to proceed in her majeſty's name, nor exact the oath of ſupremacy, theſe encroaching on the Papal authority;—to ſeparate clergymen from their wives;—to re-ordain ſuch as had entered by the Form preſcribed under Edward, or ſupply the defects of their ordination by the unction, prieſtly veſtments, —to compel all perſons to attend the church. The archbiſhop of York, and biſhops of St. David's, Cheſter, and Briſtol, were deprived of their ſees on account of their marriage; and thoſe of Lincoln, Glouceſter, and Hereford, by her ma⯑jeſty's pleaſure. Soon after, the ſixteen vacant bi⯑ſhopricks were filled up with candidates to her taſte Multitudes of Proteſtant preachers were turned ou [...] for being married, even though they were willing to leave their wives, and for non-appearance,—and without being heard.

Philip's Spaniſh gold having reconciled almoſt at the Papiſts to Mary's marriage with him, ſhe has the more opportunity to perſecute the Proteſtants As they had complained of their uſage in the diſ⯑putes of the late convocation, the court reſolved to mortify them with a repetition of it, at a ſecond diſ⯑pute, [113] before the univerſity of Oxford. Cranmer, and Ridley, and Latimer, were taken from their priſon, to manage it on the Proteſtant ſide. In the debate, which turned upon tranſubſtantiation, and the propitiatory ſacrifice of the Maſs, they behaved with great modeſty and preſence of mind; but their enemies bore them down with continual ſhouting, noiſe, and deriſion, ſometimes four or five of them ſpeaking all at once. After all, they were required to ſubſcribe the articles of debate, as if they had been vanquiſhed. They refuſed; and, on this ac⯑count, to their great ſatisfaction, were declared he⯑retics. The Papiſts intended to have expoſed them in like manner before the univerſity of Cambridge; but the three biſhops above mentioned, with ſeven others, publiſhed from their priſon a declaration, That ſince they had met with ſo much abuſe and miſrepre⯑ſentation at Oxford, they would diſpute no more unleſs in writing, and before her majeſty or council, or her parliament. At the ſame time, they emitted a ſum⯑mary confeſſion of their faith, That the holy ſcrip⯑tures are the ſole ſupreme judge of all religious de⯑bates; that juſtification is by faith alone through the imputed righteouſneſs of Chriſt; that holineſs of nature is neceſſary in order to produce good works; that there is no purgatorial ſtate after this life; that baptiſm and the Lord's ſupper ought to be adminiſtered according to Chriſt's inſtitution; that the denial of the ſacramental cup to the people,— tranſubſtantiation, and adoration of the elements, and the ſacrifice of the Maſs, ought to be condem⯑ned; that marriage is lawful to all men. And in the concluſion, they charge the ſubjects not to rebel againſt the queen, but to obey her cheerfully, in all points not forbidden by the law of God.

Gardiner's intrigues with Charles the German em⯑peror, had long kept cardinal Pole from returning to his native country; but his attainder being re⯑pealed, he now came home, papally inveſted with legantine powers; and in his ſpeech to the parlia⯑ment, [114] Nov. 27, he warmly invited them and the nation to reconcile themſelves with their ſpiritual fa⯑ther, and return to the catholic church. They readily acquieſced, and had preſcribed for their pe⯑nance their annulment of all laws made againſt his Holineſs' authority ſince the 20th year of Henry VIII. They received the Pope's pardon of all their ſins during that period, on their knees, and then went to the chapel royal in ſolemn proceſſion, and ſung Te Deum; and ſpent the reſt of the day in revelling and mirth, becauſe the loſt children were now reco⯑vered to the Pope. The parliament ſupplicated his Holineſs to confirm ſome marriages, judicial proceſ⯑ſes, ſettlements of lands, and erections of biſhopricks, cathedrals, and colleges. The cardinal legate ad⯑mitted their requeſts, but denounced the heavy judg⯑ment of God againſt all ſuch as did not reſtore all the eccleſiaſtical goods, which they had in their hands. The Pope refuſed to confirm Pole's reſtrictions, and publiſhed a bull excommunicating all thoſe who did not reſtore whatever they had pertaining to the church. Terribly afraid of Papal damnation, Mary delivered up all that was in her power. Some of her ſubjects were not ſo timerous, but threatened to de⯑fend their claims by the edge of their ſword. Mary repaired the old monaſteries, and erected new ones as faſt as ſhe could;—made inquiry who had pillag⯑ed them under her father and brother; and com⯑manded Bonner to craze from the public regiſters whatever had been done againſt the Pope or monks, as a terrible ſcandal to the nation. To the great joy of the Popiſh clergy, the ſtatute of Richard confirm⯑ed by Henry IV. for burning of heretics, was reſtored to its wonted vigour.

It ſeems cardinal Pole loſt the favour of the Pope, for propoſing to bring back the Engliſh heretics by inſtructions and arguments. Gardiner, enraged by the re-printing of his book, which inculcated ſub⯑jection to Henry's eccleſiaſtical ſupremacy, and Ma⯑ry, were furiouſly bent upon ſeverities, and thought [115] that a few examples would terrify the reſt into their will. Hooper, Rogers, Sanders, and Taylor, were burnt in the beginning of February 1554, and eleven more in March and April. Their triumphant cou⯑rage and conſtancy confirmed their Proteſtant bre⯑thren, and made ſome Papiſts think better of their cauſe. The Engliſh biſhops attempted to throw the odium of theſe executions upon king Philip,—who, to return it on themſelves, cauſed his Spaniſh con⯑feſſor preach againſt ſuch ſeverities. Gardiner craf⯑tily turned over the management of them upon Bon⯑ner, who, brutiſh as he was, pretended to be ſick of them. About this time, the exiles abroad, by a printed paper, called her majeſty to remember, that during her brother's reign, no Papiſts had been put to death, and even Jews were tolerated; and they urged the nobles and commons to interceed with her to forbear ſhedding the blood of her Proteſtant ſub⯑jects, or at leaſt allow them to leave the country. This had no good effect. As if Bonner had been too mild, Philip and Mary, by a letter, quickened him to his paſtoral work of extirpating heretics.— Accordingly, in the months of June, July, Auguſt, and September, no leſs than twenty-four were burnt, of whom holy Bradford was one. Not long after, Ridley, Latimer, and Philpot ſhared the ſame fate. After being decoyed and terrified into a recantation, Cranmer publicly profeſſed his repentance of it, and ſuffered the ſlames in the moſt couragious manner, marking his grief for his fall by firſt burning his un⯑worthy hand, which had ſigned his recantation. Cardinal Pole, now archbiſhop of Canterbury, on account of his mildneſs was deprived of his legantine powers. Gardiner had died, miſerable in both body and mind; but Bonner continued his murderous fury. The year 1556 exhibited one continual ſeries of cruel perſecutions. Numbers were burnt at a time, becauſe they could not believe tranſubſtantia⯑tion, and ſuch things as are equally abſurd. In i⯑mitation of the Spaniſh Inquiſition, Mary erected a [116] court of twenty-one commiſſioners, moſt of them clergymen, for the trial of heretics; and prohibited all her ſubjects to pray for the perſecuted Proteſtants, or to wiſh that God would bleſs them. In her reign, according to Warner, 284 were burnt for re⯑ligion, of whom four were biſhops and twenty-one inferior clergymen. Fifty-four others were proſe⯑cuted for hereſy, ſeven of whom were whipt, and ſixteen periſhed in priſon. Lord Burleigh ſays, that four hundred ſuffered publicly, beſides thoſe that were murdered in priſon. The bones of Bucer and Fagius were digged up, called to give an account of their faith, and not compearing at the bar, were condemned to be burnt for hereſy. Peter Martyr's wife having once been a nun, had her bones dug up, and buried in a dunghill.

Meanwhile, the contentions among the Reformed added to their miſery. While ſome at the peril of their lives preached to ſuch as would attend them in the night, and one congregation in London had five preachers, of whom Rough the martyr, and Scam⯑bler and Bentham, afterward Proteſtant biſhops, were a part,—others troubled their fellow priſoners with their diſputes. Some of them, being Arians in opinion, were ſo troubleſome in the King's bench, that the Marſhal was obliged to ſhut them up by themſelves. Harry, Hart, Trew, and Abingdon declaimed againſt all learning and Fathers, and la⯑boured to infect their companions with Pelagian er⯑rors. Ridley wrote them a letter, and Bradford a⯑nother, in order to convince them of their miſtakes. Careleſs had much conference with them for the ſame end. They even wrote againſt one another, in the priſon. I do not find that any of theſe Arians or free-willers dared to riſk a martyrdom for truth. But the contentions they raiſed, drew reproach on the Proteſtant religion, and made the Papiſts to tri⯑umph over it.

Thoſe that fled to foreign parts, were no leſs plagued with contentions. The Lutheran clergy, [117] except Melancthon and a few others of his mild tem⯑per, oppoſing their having ſhelter among them, moſt of them fixed their reſidence at Embden, Straſburgh, Zurich, Baſil, and ſome other places in Flanders, Switzerland, and Germany, eſpecially at Frankfort on the Mein. There Whittingham, Williams, Sut⯑ton, and Wood, with their families and friends, took up their abode in 1554, and were allowed by the magiſtrates to meet for public worſhip, in the French church, but at different hours. They and the French exiles agreed to ſubſcribe the Confeſſion of the French Proteſtants, and to make no quarrel one with another about rites of worſhip. The En⯑gliſh alſo agreed among themſelves to forbear an⯑ [...]wering aloud after the miniſter, and to drop the li⯑tany and the ſurplice; and that, after a general con⯑feſſion of ſins, they ſhould ſing a pſalm, and then the miniſter pray, preach, and again pray, ſubjoin⯑ing the Lord's prayer, ſing another pſalm, and diſ⯑miſs the congregation with a ſolemn bleſſing. Hav⯑ing agreed to chooſe a miniſter and deacon, they in⯑vited their ſcattered brethren to ſhare of their hap⯑pineſs. As the principal preachers and ſtudents of divinity had ſettled at Straſburgh, Zurich, and Ba⯑ [...]il, for their inſtruction or employment by printers, the Frankforters begged them to ſend ſome of their number to be paſtors, and gave them an account of their platform of worſhip and diſcipline. The Straſ⯑burgh divines demurring on their requeſt, they invit⯑ed John Knox from Geneva, Haddon from Straſburgh, [...]nd Lever from Zurich. The ſtudents at Zurich re⯑ [...]uſed to come, unleſs they would follow the ſervice [...]ook preſcribed by K. Edward. The Frankforters [...]eplied, That they were ready to comply with it, as far as the word of God required; but they did not chooſe to practiſe indifferent ceremonies in a coun⯑ [...]ry, where they were diſliked; and eſpecially as Edward had altered many things to the better, and [...]ntended to have laid aſide more of theſe rites. Soon [...]fter, Grindal and Chambers brought a letter from [...]ixteen learned exiles at Straſburgh, inſiſting for full [118] conformity to the ſervice book, as neglect of it would infer a condemnation of the Engliſh martyrs▪ Knox, Bale, and Fox, now at Frankfort, and four⯑teen others, replied, That they had omitted as few ceremonies as poſſible; that the martyrs in England were not dying for the ceremonies, but believed, they might be altered to the better; and that the divines of Straſburgh had better not come, than at⯑tempt to reduce the congregation to the uſe of the ſervice book. The Frankforters having conſulted Calvin, he replied, That there were in the Engliſh liturgy many intolerable fooleries, which godly men ought to reform, as they had opportunity; and that he knew not what they could mean, who were ſo fond of the dregs of Popery, where they had full liberty to eſtabliſh whatever was moſt for edification. They therefore agreed to retain their own order.

About the end of April 1555, Dr. Cox, who had been tutor to king Edward, a man of great pride, and of no ſmall credit with his countrymen, and ſome of his friends, coming to Frankfort, diſturbed the worſhip of God, by anſwering aloud after the mini⯑ſter. Next Lord's day, one of them, without the conſent of the congregation, mounted the pulpit▪ and read the liturgy. Knox, in his ſermon, taxed them with breach of agreement, and affirmed, that ſome things in the ſervice book were ſuperſtitious. Cox prevailed with the magiſtrates to forbid Knox preaching any more in that place. Knox's friends applying to the magiſtrates, they appointed the con⯑gregation to unite with the French church in both diſcipline and ceremonies, according to their firſt agreement. Provoked by this, Cox and his friends, in a manner ſuperlatively baſe, accuſed Knox of high treaſon againſt the emperor, on account of ſome ſtrong expreſſions in his Engliſh admonition, publiſhed about four years before. Unwilling to riſk the em⯑peror's reſentment, the ſenate of Frankfort reſpect⯑fully deſired Knox to leave the place. Cox and his party, ſtrengthened by the arrival of other divines▪ [119] procured the magiſtrates permiſſion to uſe the ſer⯑vice book. Knox's friends offered to ſubmit the diſpute to the arbitration of foreign divines: but they refuſed, and ſolicited Calvin to countenance their ceremonialiſm. He abſolutely refuſed, and told them, That he ſaw no reaſon for burdening the church with ſuch offenſive and hurtful things; and that their conduct toward Knox was neither bro⯑therly nor pious;—and beſought them to ſtudy peace among themſelves. This miſſive having no effect upon theſe ceremonialiſts, the old congregati⯑on were obliged to yield and leave the place. Some of them went with Fox to Baſil, others to Geneva, where they choſe Knox to be their paſtor, and for⯑med their church after the model of that place.— They publiſhed their plan in Engliſh, directed to their brethren at home; and hinted, that finding ſome rites of the ſervice book apt to do hurt, they had laid them aſide, as Hezekiah did the brazen ſerpent, and the primitive church their love feaſts. In a few months after they had forced out their brethren, Horn, paſtor of the new Frankforters, fell into a conteſt with Aſhby, one of the principal members. The elders gave judgment againſt Aſhby. He appealed to the people. After the moſt furious and ſhameful contention, the magiſtrates were ob⯑liged to interpoſe, and order them to draw up a more perfect plan of diſcipline, which might regu⯑late their affairs. The congregation did ſo, and moſt of them ſubſcribed it. But Horn, and about twelve others diſſented, and appealed to the magiſtrates.— After patient hearing of both parties, the magiſtrates decided in favour of the congregation. Upon which Horn and his friends left the place.

In 1558, Mary died, after a ſhort reign, unhappy to herſelf and her ſubjects. The capture of Calais by the French, bloody perſecution, contagious diſ⯑tempers, exceſſive ſtorms and inundations, had ren⯑dered moſt of the nation abſolutely miſerable. Ma⯑ry was the object of her huſband's contempt. She [120] was groſly ignorant, melancholy, cruel, and revenge⯑ful. Her conſcience being blindly directed by her Confeſſor, ſhe never but once pardoned a perſon ac⯑cuſed of hereſy. Her parliament hated her cruelty, and unwillingly granted her ſupplies. None but the Popiſh clergy lamented her death.

UNDER her ſiſter, ELIZABETH had run no ſmall hazard of her life, and had met with no ſmall abuſe and hardſhip in her impriſonment. Gardiner had often moved for her death. King Philip had befriended her, intending, it is iike, to make her his queen, after Mary's death. She had ſcarcely aſcended the throne, when ſhe manifeſted too much of her father, and that ſhe affected pompous worſhip, and as much of the Popiſh religion as could con⯑ſiſt with the maintenance of her own legitimacy and ſupreme headſhip over the church. She was crown⯑ed in the Popiſh manner, and notified her acceſſion to his Holineſs. But he claimed England as a fief of the Romiſh ſee, and declared it high preſumption in her, a baſtard, to think of taking the crown wi⯑thout his conſent. This produced her immediate breach with Rome. As ſome Proteſtant preachers began to make uſe of the ſervice book without li⯑cence, the Papiſts took the alarm. To prevent diſ⯑putes, ſhe prohibited all preaching, till the parlia⯑ment ſhould meet, and allowed the clergy only to read the goſpels and epiſtles for the day, and the ten commandments in Engliſh, and to repeat the Lord' [...] prayer, and the Creed.

The exiles abroad prepared to return home, and reconciliatory letters paſſed betwixt them. Theſe of Geneva inſiſted for an entire and mutual burial of all offences; and that their brethren of Baſil, Straſburgh, Frankfort, Worms, &c. would unite with them in labouring to obtain a ſettled form o [...] worſhip, like to that of the beſt reformed churches▪ which they had ſeen. They promiſed to join in re⯑queſting her majeſty, That nothing burdenſome to [121] tender conſciences might be impoſed. After ſuch preparation, the exiles returned home, with nothing but their learning and experience. Their friends a⯑broad wrote after them, beſeeching them to labour to have their reformation as complete as poſſible at firſt, and to lay aſide all relicks of Popery, otherwiſe they might afterward find all ſtruggling to remove them, to no purpoſe. Jewel, Cox, Grindal, Pil⯑kington, and others, in their anſwers, profeſſed their concern to do ſo; and complained that the nation were ſo careleſs about the purity of worſhip; and that Elizabeth retained crucifixes, croſſes, light⯑ed conſecrated candles, and Popiſh veſtments in her family and chapel, and was bent to have the ſcrip⯑tures received upon the authority of the church, But they had not courage to act up to their views, or to ſtand by one another. Such as ſupplely com⯑plied with her majeſty's will, were promoted to bi⯑ſhopricks, &c. and ſuch as did not, after a tempo⯑rary permiſſion to preach, were ſuſpended, and re⯑duced to their former depth of poverty.

The ordinary methods of procuring a parliament to the ſovereign's will being taken, they reſumed for the crown all the firſt fruits and tithes, which Mary had reſtored to the church. They repealed ſome of the penal laws. They appointed public worſhip in a known tongue. They empowered her majeſty to nominate biſhops to all the vacant ſees;—and re⯑ſtored to her the ſupremacy over the church, which had been claimed by her father and brother; and required all in public employments, civil or ſacred, to ſwear an oath acknowledging the ſame. By this ſupremacy, the ſovereigns did not claim a power of preaching or adminiſtering ſacraments; but the acts eſtabliſhing and explaining it, make them judges of what doctrine is to be preached: they, by their de⯑legates in ſpiritual courts, are ſupreme judges in points of diſcipline; they have power to ratify canons rela⯑tive to church diſcipline and government, without conſent of either convocation or parliament; and to [122] appoint whatever ceremonies they think proper for advancing the glory of God and the edification of his church; they have the ſole power of nominating biſhops, who muſt be choſen, and no other,—and who cannot act but by royal commiſſion. No con⯑vocation can meet or act without royal indiction, and appointment of their buſineſs. All appeals formerly made to Rome, fall into the king's chancery, to be judged by his delegates. Thus, excepting clerical miniſtrations, the kings of England have the ſame power as the Pope once had.

It was next reſolved to eſtabliſh an uniformity of worſhip and ceremonies. To prepare the way, Eli⯑zabeth appointed nine Popiſh biſhops to diſpute in writing againſt as many Proteſtants, before herſelf, her council, and houſes of parliament,—Whether the uſe of an unknown tongue in the public worſhip of God be not contrary to ſcripture, and the cuſtom of the primitive church? Whether every particular church hath power to alter her own ceremonies, as appears moſt conducive to the general edification of her members? and, Whether the word of God re⯑preſents the maſs as a propitiatory ſacrifice for the ſins of the quick and the dead? But the Popiſh doctors gave up the debate on the very firſt day, pre⯑tending, That the catholic cauſe ought never to be ſubmitted to ſuch a laical arbitration. The Refor⯑mers themſelves were not of one mind relative to the ceremonies and the ſervice book. Some were for in⯑troducing the Form drawn up by the Genevan exiles. Others, among whom Elizabeth was chief, inclined to retain all the ceremonies, which could poſſibly conſiſt with the purity of doctrine, and the indepen⯑dence of the church on the Pope. She even appoin⯑ted Parker, Grindal, Cox, Pilkington, Whitehead, and ſome others, to review Edward's ſecond Book of common prayer, and to ſtrike out of it all paſſages that might offend the Pope or his friends; and to make every body eaſy with reſpect to the corporal preſence of Chriſt in his ſupper,—but to alter no⯑thing [123] in favour of ſcrupulous Proteſtants. This Book thus purged, or rather made worſe, was eſta⯑bliſhed by law. In Edward's time, kneeling or ſtan⯑ding at the Lord's ſupper were held indifferent, and only the ſurplice was at laſt retained. Now kneeling was commanded; copes and other Popiſh veſtments, as well as feſtivals, and their eves, were re-appointed. In theſe modes of worſhip, the parliament required an exact uniformity; and that whoſoever unneceſ⯑ſarily abſented from church, ſhould pay a fine of twelve pence for each fault. Nor had Elizabeth been content with all this, unleſs the parliament had em⯑powered her to appoint what further ceremonies ſhe found neceſſary. Upon this rock of uniformity the ſtill remaining corruptions and the almoſt perpetual diviſions and often repeated perſecutions of the beſt in the nation were founded. In the convocation, the Popiſh doctors made a conſiderable ſtand for their religion; and, for diſburdening their conſciences, preſented to the Lord privy ſeal, a Remonſtrance in ſupport of tranſubſtantiation, the propitiatory ſacrifice of the Maſs, the Pope's ſupremacy, and clergymen's [...]ole power to judge of matters of faith or diſcipline.

No ſooner was the parliament diſſolved, in 1559, than all the biſhops were required to ſwear the oath of ſupremacy, acknowledging the queen ſupreme go⯑vernor of the church in all cauſes. Death having of [...]ate ſeaſonably cut off many of them, only fifteen [...]emained, all of whom, except Kitchin of Lundaff, obſtinately refuſed to take it, and were therefore de⯑prived of their ſees. Three of them retired to the continent, and the reſt were kindly treated in Eng⯑ [...]and. Even Booner, White, and Watſon, whoſe hands had been moſt remarkably ſtained with Prote⯑ſtant blood, though impriſoned, had a ſufficient maintenance allowed them by the queen. Moſt of [...]he monks returned to ſecular employments, while [...]he nuns and many others went beyond ſea. After [...]he biſhopricks had remained vacant about a year, in [...]opes of the Popiſh biſhops conforming, Whitehead, [124] Gilpin, Coverdale, Knox, and Samſon, had offers of them, but they refuſed to accept, on account of the ceremonies and veſtments. Grindal, Parkhurſt, San⯑dys, and ſome others, accepted them with trembling, in hopes of an after correction of the ſettlement. As none of the Marian biſhops would concur in the con⯑ſecration of Parker to be archbiſhop of Canterbury, it was performed at Lambeth by Barlow biſhop elect of Chicheſter, and Scorey elect of Hereford, who officiated in their ſurplice and chimere; and Cover⯑dale once biſhop of Exeter, and Hodgkins ſuffragan of Bedford, in their long gowns. The ceremony was performed by prayer and laying on of hands, without gloves, ſandals, ring, ſlippers, mitre, pall, or any other of the Aaronical veſtments. How Par⯑ker, ſuch a zealous ſtickler for Romiſh apparel, could be content with ſuth plainneſs, I know not. As the Papiſts terribly exclaimed againſt this ordination, the parliament, about ſeven years after, confirmed it.— At firſt Elizabeth's biſhops were poor and ſomewhat moderate; but as their wealth increaſed, ſo did their pomp, and their lording it over their clerical bre⯑thren.

The Engliſh reformation was now fixed; but nei⯑ther clergy nor people were uniform in their views. The court party believed, That all power of reform⯑ing the church was lodged in the ſovereign, who might model the doctrine, worſhip, and diſcipline of the church, in every thing not contrary to the ex⯑preſs ſtatutes of the realm; that the church of Rome was a true, though much corrupted, ſpouſe of Chriſt, of which the Pope was the lawful biſhop in his own dioceſe; that Chriſt had appointed no particular form of government in his church, but had left it to ma⯑giſtrates to model it as beſt comported with the laws of their ſtate; that the pattern of the firſt five cen⯑turies of the Chriſtian church was a more proper ſtandard of church government than that of the apo⯑ſtles, in whoſe time ſhe was in a poor and infant con⯑dition; and that the religious obſervation of things [125] indifferent in themſelves becomes a divinely com⯑manded duty, when required by magiſtrates.—The ſtrict party believed it unſcriptural and unreaſonable to have the religion of a nation ſubjected to the will of any mere man; that the Pope is Antichriſt, the man of ſin, and ſon of perdition; that the church of Rome is not a true church, but an idolatrous ſy⯑nagogue of Satan; that the validity of clerical ordi⯑nations cannot ſafely be ſuſpended on an uninterrupt⯑ed ſucceſſion of biſhops in the church all along from [...]he apoſtles; that the holy ſcriptures of the Old and New Teſtaments, excluſive of the Apocrypha, are [...]he ſtandard of diſcipline and government, as well [...]s of doctrine, and that no regard ought to be paid [...]o the primitive church, but what correſponds with [...]he Bible; that nothing left indifferent by Chriſt, ought to be impoſed in God's worſhip by human laws; [...]hat ſuch rites as have been abuſed to idolatry, or [...]re calculated to render men ſuperſtitious, ought [...]ot to be reckoned indifferent, but unlawful in theſe [...]ircumſtances. Theſe however took the oath of ſu⯑premacy, in conſequence of her majeſty's explaining [...]t to mean no more than That ſhe was head over all perſons in the church, to the excluſion of the Pope [...]nd his agents.

By virtue of the act eſtabliſhing her ſupremacy, E⯑ [...]izabeth erected an High Commiſſion court, and gave [...]hem 52 articles of Injunctions for viſiting the chur⯑ [...]hes, much the ſame as thoſe emitted in the begin⯑ [...]ing of Edward's reign, which were to be read in e⯑ [...]ery church once every quarter of a year. A rule was added concerning bidding of ſilent prayers in the [...]hurch, and another for taking away the altars, and placing communion tables in their ſtead. The ob⯑ [...]ervation of theſe injunctions was required under pain [...]f ſuſpenſion, deprivation, ſequeſtration, excommu⯑ [...]ication, &c. The moſt of the commiſſioners were [...]aymen; and any two of them were appointed to ex⯑ [...]mine the ſtate of churches, ſuſpend, or deprive, [...]nworthy clergymen, and put others in their place; [126] —to proceed againſt the obſtinate by impriſonment, church cenſures, and other legal methods;—and to rectify all diſorders relative to religion and benefices. —As Elizabeth retained in her chapel, her altar, crucifix, and lighted candles by day,—the ſervice was ſung not only with organs, but with cornets and ſackbuts on the ſolemn feſtivals, and could not be eaſily diſtinguiſhed from that of the Popiſh cathe⯑drals, the commiſſioners diſpleaſed her by their de⯑ſtroying of images and other relicks of Popery. In their viſitation they found, that though ſcarcely 200, or 240 of the Popiſh clergy had quitted their livings, their places could not be ſupplied, many of the re⯑formed exiles ſcrupling at the terms of uniformity required by the Injunctions, and Elizabeth chooſing rather to damn her ſubjects through ignorance, than diſpenſe with a relick of Popery.

As her majeſty was not fond of the doctrinal arti⯑cles of Edward, and it was yet unſafe to permit the convocation to judge of them, eleven articles con⯑cerning the nature of God; the ſufficiency of the ſcriptures; the nature of the church; the power of civil magiſtrates; the power of the Pope; the recti⯑tude of the newly corrected ſervice book; the nulli⯑ty of the propitiatory ſacrifice of the maſs; the com⯑munion in both bread and wine; the unprofitable⯑neſs of images, relicks, and feigned miracles; the advantages of true holineſs, &c.—an aſſent to this Confeſſion of faith, full compliance with the ſervice book, and ſwearing the oath of allegiance, were the terms of miniſterial communion. Such was the ob⯑ſtinate bigotry of Elizabeth, archbiſhop Parker, and their agents, that rather than admit a learned and godly preacher, that ſcrupled at a Romiſh habit or ceremony, they admitted numbers of a naughty practice, and who could ſcarcely read prayers, or ſometimes an homily. A third Book of Homilies, con⯑ſiſting of 21 plain diſcourſes concerning the church▪ peril of idolatry; good works; faſting; gluttony and drunkenneſs; exceſs in apparel; prayer; pub⯑lic [127] worſhip in a known language; reverence of God's word; alms; Chriſt's birth, paſſion and reſurrecti⯑on; worthy receiving of the Lord's ſupper; gifts of the Holy Ghoſt; marriage; repentance; idleneſs; rebellion, &c. was publiſhed for their aſſiſtance. Some congregations had not a ſermon in ſeven years, and others ſcarcely one in twenty. The tranſlation of the Bible by the exiles at Geneva was publiſhed with a dedication to Elizabeth; but as in their notes they had allowed of diſobeying tyrannical magiſtrates, and had repreſented biſhops and archbiſhops as the apocalyptical locuſts, ſo much offence was taken at it, that for fifteen years, it could not be got re-prin⯑ted. In ſome following years, about thirty editions of it were diſperſed. Tindal's Bible was for the pre⯑ſent permitted, till the biſhops ſhould publiſh a new tranſlation. The Dutch and German Proteſtants under John Laſco returned to London; but the queen diſallowing their foreign ſuperintendent, they were obliged to chooſe Grindal biſhop of London for their head.

The Popiſh biſhops behaved rudely enough to E⯑lizabeth; but nothing could make her deteſt their religion. She ſtill loved images and ceremonies in the worſhip of God, and had prohibited clergymen's marriage, if Cecil, afterward lord Burleigh, her re⯑nowned ſecretary, had not interpoſed his nervous ſolicitations. Pope Pius IV. by his nuncio, offered to confirm the Engliſh Liturgy, allow the people the ſacrament in both bread and wine, and annul the decree againſt her mother's marriage, if ſhe would return to the Romiſh church; but ſhe could not think of parting with her eccleſiaſtical ſupremacy.— Ferdinand the German emperor, and others, inter⯑ceeded with her to allow the Papiſts the free exer⯑ciſe of their religion; but ſhe had too much policy to truſt them, eſpecially as long as Mary of Scotland, her rival, and their favourite, lived.

When archbiſhop Parker viſited his dioceſe in 1561, he found that moſt of the beneficed clergy [128] were either ignorant mechanics or diſguiſed Papiſts, —many churches ſhut up, and in ſeveral counties not a ſermon preached, or even a homily read, with⯑in twenty miles, for ſeveral months. But Parker, who, before his advancement, was humble and mo⯑deſt, now, like his miſtreſs, choſe rather to have millions of ſouls periſhing in ignorance, than that a pious and learned ſcrupler at ſome relicks of Po⯑pery required by the act of uniformity, ſhould be allowed to inſtruct them. Having finiſhed his viſi⯑tation, Parker fixed the leſſons of ſcripture for all the holy days in the year, that preachers might no longer have liberty to read what they thought moſt edifying to their hearers, or to read the oracles of God inſtead of apocryphal fables.

To confirm the royal ſupremacy, the parliament, in 1562, appointed the oath, acknowledging it, to be carefully impoſed on all the clergy, judges, and advocates; and that the firſt refuſal of it ſhould ren⯑der them outlaws, the ſecond render them traitors. (But Elizabeth and Parker protected moſt of the Pa⯑piſts from having occaſion to refuſe it.) They alſo appointed the Bible and Book of common prayer to be tranſlated into the Welſh tongue, and a copy of it provided for every cathedral and pariſh church in their country. In the convocation many clergymen were ſo ignorant, that they could not write their own names. They agreed upon and ſubſcribed the Thir⯑ty-nine Articles, which were afterward in part con⯑firmed by the parliament 1571. Biſhop Sandys brought in an addreſs to her majeſty, beſeeching her to remove out of the ſervice or prayer book, the warrant for private baptiſm, and for baptiſm by wo⯑men,—diſallow the croſſing in baptiſm; and to ap⯑point commiſſioners for reforming the eccleſiaſtical laws. Another paper ſubſcribed by about 32 mem⯑bers requeſted, That the whole congregation ſhould ſing the pſalms, and organs be laid aſide; that none but miniſters ſhould baptize, and they be allowed to forbear ſigning the baptized with the croſs; that [129] kneeling at the Lord's ſupper be held indifferent; that the uſe of copes, ſurplices, and other Popiſh veſtments be removed; that that which relates to the puniſhment of non-conformiſts in the articles be mitigated; that all holy days dedicated to the ho⯑nour of creatures be abrogated, or at leaſt people have liberty to attend their ordinary work immedi⯑ately after public worſhip. This not pleaſing, ano⯑ther paper was preſented, requeſting, That all holy days, except Sabbath days and feſtivals relating to Chriſt, be aboliſhed; that, in reading the prayers, miniſters turn their face to the people, that they may hear and be edified; that the croſs in baptiſm be o⯑mitted, as tending to ſuperſtition; that many being unable to kneel at the ſacrament, and others kneel and knock ſuperſtitiouſly, the order of kneeling may be left to the diſcretion of every ordinary; that no more but the ſurplice be impoſed in the apparel of miniſters in executing their office; that the uſe of organs be omitted. After much warm diſputation, this paper was approved by 43 of the moſt learned, a⯑gainſt 35 of preſent members; but 24 abſents by proxy voting againſt it, and only 15 for it, it was loſt by one vote of an abſent, who had heard nothing of the debate.

Almoſt all the noted Engliſh divines had teſtified their diſlike of the Popiſh veſtments impoſed on the clergy. Sundry foreigners, and particularly the Ge⯑nevans, had declared againſt them, and adviſed to a more perfect reformation. But ſo zealous were E⯑lizabeth, Parker, and their agents, that the great Martyrologiſt Fox, and Coverdale, could have no preferment, and ſcarcely liberty to preach, on ac⯑count of their ſcrupling at ſuch relicks of ſuperſtition or idolatry. Parker, who directed his clergy not to tender the oath of ſupremacy to Papiſts, except in caſes of neceſſity, for fear of diſtreſſing them,—by Elizabeth's order, drew up ſome advertiſements, which obliged every preacher to take out a new li⯑cence, which could not be had, without declaring [130] their full conſent to the habits and ceremonies. Ma⯑ny of the beſt ſtill ſcrupling, he cited them to hi [...] court at Lambeth, admoniſhed ſome, and threaten⯑ed others. Samſon and Humphreys, remarkabl [...] for piety and learning, offered to ſubſcribe with ſom [...] limitations; but could obtain none. After their im⯑priſonment, Samſon was deprived of all clerical of⯑fice, and Humphreys durſt not return to Oxford Elizabeth craftily refuſed to annex her royal confir⯑mation to Parker and his brethren's advertiſement concerning habits; but ordered that all refuſers o [...] them ſhould be puniſhed with ſuſpenſion and depri⯑vation from their office. To prepare the way for re⯑ducing the puritan clergy about London, John Fo [...] was proſecuted; but, it ſeems, they were aſhame [...] to deprive him. Parker begged Cecil and ſome o⯑ther noblemen to attend him in his dealing with th [...] London nonconformiſts: but they refuſed, being a⯑ſhamed of ſuch work. Of an hundred clergymen 61 were, by threatenings and otherwiſe, made to ſubſcribe the terms of Conformity. Thirty-ſeven among whom Parker acknowledged were ſome of th [...] beſt preachers, abſolutely refuſed, and gave in thei [...] reaſons; but were immediately ſuſpended, and threa⯑tened with deprivation, if they did not conform with in three months.

The commiſſioners for viſitation of the churche [...] cruelly obliged every clergyman, having charge o [...] ſouls, to ſwear obedience to all royal injunctions letters of the lords of privy council, articles and in junctions of their metropolitans, and mandates o [...] their biſhops and other ſuperiors. To gird theſe in junctions faſt upon the Puritans, ſpies were appoint⯑ed in every pariſh to watch their conduct,—that ren⯑dered it impoſſible for them to eſcape the High com⯑miſſion. By ſuch means, even London was render⯑ed moſt miſerable for want of preachers. Biſho [...] Grindal indeed proſecuted the Puritans or ſcruple [...] with the utmoſt reluctance, and wiſhed to indulg [...] them; but could not, for Elizabeth, and eſpeciall [...] [131] for Parker. Several Heads and others of the uni⯑verſity of Cambridge once and again beſought Cecil their chancellor, That they might be diſpenſed with as to the habits; which gave great offence at court. Nevertheleſs, that univerſity was long a neſt and re⯑fuge of Puritans. They retained their right of ſen⯑ding forth twelve preachers yearly, who might preach for life, without any licence from the biſhop; which contributed to the edification of many thouſand ſouls. Meanwhile, the other Puritan preachers partly fled [...]nto foreign countries, partly betook themſelves to [...]ecular employments, or to be chaplains to perſons of rank; and many, who had large families, were [...]educed to beggary.

When the refuſers of the habits and ceremonies found themſelves extremely traduced by their ene⯑mies, they began to publiſh tracts for their own vin⯑dication. The High Commiſſioners procured a deed of the privy council prohibiting the printing or vend⯑ [...]ng of them. Provoked with this reſtraint, and with the ſilencing, ſequeſtration, and impriſonment of ſo many of their faithful paſtors and preachers, for mere ſcruples at the robes and ceremonies of Anti⯑chriſt, many of the people began ſo ſeparate from the conforming clergy, and meet for worſhip by themſelves; in doing which, they laid aſide the li⯑turgy, and followed the plan of Geneva. It ought to be remembered, that though the Robes were moſt readily ſpoken of amidſt theſe contentions, yet the Puritans complained of many things beſide. They did not allow of the office of biſhops to be ſuperior to that of preſbyters; or of biſhops temporal digni⯑ties and ſecular truſts; they diſliked the titles and offices of archde [...]ons, deans, chapters, and other of⯑ficials in cathedral churches; they condemned the exorbitant power and oppreſſive conduct of the bi⯑ſhops and their chancellors, and their ſpiritual courts; the putting of excommunication and abſolution into the hands of laymen; promiſcuous admiſſion of peo⯑ple to the Lord's table, however ignorant or licen⯑tious; [132] they lamented the total want of Chriſtian diſ⯑cipline; they diſliked reſtriction of miniſters to ſet forms of prayer and the vain repetitions preſcribed in the common prayers; they diſliked ſeveral expreſſions in the office of marriage, burial, &c. and the read⯑ing of ſo much of the Apocrypha, to the excluſion of a large part of the word of God; they complain⯑ed, That there were ſo many unpreaching paſtors, ſo many pluralities and non-reſidents; and that mi⯑niſters were intruded by patronage, without regard to the choice of the people: they deteſted the ob⯑ſervation of ſo many holy days of human appoint⯑ment, while buying and ſelling on the Lord's day were permitted: they diſapproved inſtrumental mu⯑ſic, ſinging of prayers, and other relicks of Papal forms in cathedral churches; they ſcrupled the uſe of the croſs in baptiſm, and the officiating of godfa⯑thers and godmothers in place of the true parents: they diſliked the manner of confirmation upon ſo eaſy terms, as well as the pretence, that impoſition of the biſhops hands certified perſons of their real ſaintſhip: they diſliked the obliging of communicants to kneel at the Lord's ſupper,—or to bow at the pronunciati⯑on of the name JESUS; they diſliked the uſe of the ring in marriage as a ſacramental ſymbol; nor could they believe, that the uſe of Popiſh robes or ceremo⯑nies in divine ſervice promoted the edification of men's ſouls.

Coverdale, Samſon, Fox, Humphreys, and others of the Puritan clergy, continued in the church, and became itinerant preachers, lecturers, or chaplains, as they had opportunity. But Coleman, Button, Halingham, Benſon, White, Rowland, and Haw⯑kins, miniſters of London, looking upon the eſta⯑bliſhed church as obſtinate in her adherence to many dregs of Popery, and in perſecuting the faithful fol⯑lowers of Chriſt, ſeparated from her, and privately preached in houſes and woods. Informed of this, Elizabeth publiſhed a proclamation, That whoever [133] did not attend their own churches, but attended conventicles, ſhould for the firſt offence be deprived of the freedom of London, and afterward abide the puniſhment directed by law. One of theſe private meetings being detected, many were apprehended, who, before biſhop Grindal and other judges, be⯑haved in a moſt bold and Chriſtian manner. After lying a year in priſon, twenty-four men and ſeven women were ſet free. Neither the remarkable piety, nor the nervous arguments, nor the ſufferings of theſe Puritans could move the High commiſſioners. They had their ſpies in all ſuſpected places, to pre⯑vent their aſſembling for worſhip, and prohibited all preaching in London, without ſpecial licence, from the biſhop or archbiſhop.

In 1568, the biſhops publiſhed their Bible, which was merely that of Tindal ſomewhat corrected, and with ſome maps, cuts, and notes: but they little re⯑garded it in dealing with their ſcrupulous brethren. Proteſtants being terribly proſecuted in France and the Netherlands, many of them fled into England, and ſettled in London and other trading places.— Regard to the erection of manufactures, and care to weaken her neighbouring princes, moved Elizabeth to permit them their own modes of worſhip. She and Parker had been extremely kind to her Popiſh ſubjects, and had iſſued directions to prevent bring⯑ing them under hardſhips by the impoſition of the oath of ſupremacy. To reward her kindneſs, they now raiſed two rebellions againſt her; and the Pope delivered her and all her adherents to the devil and his angels, and diſſolved all oaths of allegiance to her or contracts with her. Theſe things occaſioned a penal ſtatute againſt Papiſts, and requiring them ſo⯑lemnly to proteſt their innocence to her. But to keep them in countenance, and render the Puritans equally odious, the ſame proteſtation of allegiance was, without the ſmalleſt ſhadow of reaſon, required of them, and the proſecutions chiefly carried on a⯑gainſt them, which Popiſh prieſts by counterfeiting [134] them ſometimes promoted. By oaths and interro⯑gations, they made them their own accuſers. And ſuch was their candour, that they made it a point to deny nothing of the truth, and to declare their principles before their judges. If nothing could be found chargeable upon them, they were ruined by the charges of a dilatory procedure, and then diſ⯑miſſed under obligations to appear whenever their judges ſhould call them.

In 1570, Cartwright, a moſt learned profeſſor of divinity at Cambridge, extended the field of diſputa⯑tion between the Puritans and their perſecuting bre⯑thren. In his theological lectures, he, with great modeſty and caution, inſinuated, That the names and functions or archbiſhops and archdeacons ought to be aboliſhed, as not warranted in ſcripture; that the ſcripture only warrants preaching biſhops and deacons, who take care of the poor; that every church ought to be governed by its own miniſter and elders, not by chancellors and officials; that every miniſter ought to have the charge of ſome flock; that none ſhould ſolicit admiſſion to the miniſtry; that biſhops ought not to be created by the civil ma⯑giſtrate, but choſen by the church; that in reform⯑ing churches all things ought to be reduced to the a⯑poſtolic pattern; that none incapable of preaching ought to be admitted to the miniſtry; that none but miniſters can lawfully adminiſter the ſacraments; that Popiſh ordination is not valid; that only cano⯑nical ſcripture ought to be read in the public worſhip of God; that in public prayer all the people ought to join with the words of the miniſter, and not pray or read each by himſelf; that the care of interring the dead pertains not to the miniſterial office; that all the words and names of God being equally divine, there is no reaſon for ſtanding at the reading of the goſpels, or bowing at the mention of the name JESUS; that ſitting at the Lord's table is as lawful as kneel⯑ing or ſtanding; that baptiſm by women or laymen is unlawful; that parents ought to preſent their own [135] children in baptiſm, and not be obliged to anſwer in name of the child; that women and perſons under age ought not to be allowed to ſtand ſponſors for children; that the ſign of the croſs in baptiſm is ſuperſtitious; that the Lord's ſupper ought not to be adminiſtered in private; that the prohibition of marriage at certain ſeaſons of the year is Popiſh, and then to give licences to it for money is intolerable; that clandeſtine marriages are inconvenient; that the obſervation of Lent and other holy days of human ap⯑pointment is ſuperſtitious and unlawful; that mar⯑kets and merchandize on the Lord's day are unlaw⯑ful; that in ordination, it is ſinful and ridiculous for the biſhop to ſay, Receive thou the Holy Ghoſt, as if he could confer him; and that kings and biſhops ought not to be anointed to their office. For occa⯑ſional hints of this nature, notwithſtanding much in⯑terceſſion in his favour, he was deprived of his office, expelled the univerſity; and for two years retired to the Netherlands.

Grindal being tranſlated to the archbiſhoprick of York, Sandys was made biſhop of London. Per⯑haps contrary to his convictions, he deprived his old fellow Puritans of the poor remains of indulgence which Grindal had left them, and inſiſted for the moſt rigid uniformity. When the parliament met in 1571, in which Strickland and Wentworth were principal ſpeakers, ſome relief was intended for the Puritans. Having had the Thirty-nine articles pre⯑ſented to them, in order to their legal eſtabliſhment, they waved the three articles which related to cere⯑monies and government, and ratified ſuch only as belonged to doctrinal points, requiring all that poſ⯑ſeſſed eccleſiaſtical livings to declare their conſent to theſe; and ſuch as ſhould teach any thing contrary to them, to be deprived. It is probable, that the chuſe of 20th article, bearing, That the church hath power to decree concerning rites and ceremonies of wor⯑ſhip, and hath authority in controverſies of faith, was not in the copy, which they approved; and it is [136] certain, their act admitted ordination by preſbyters to be valid.

Though it be notoriouſly certain, that but a ſmall part of the epiſcopalian clergy did, or do, ſubſcribe theſe articles with honeſty and candour, yet, to diſ⯑treſs the Puritans, the convocation, which ſat dur⯑ing this parliament, requeſted the biſhops to recall all former licences to preach, and to require not only a ſubſcription of the articles, but of the Book of com⯑mon prayer, and of the ordinal for conſecration of bi⯑ſhops, prieſts, and deacons, as containing nothing contrary to the word of God,—as the condition of every new licence. Contrary to law, this act, tho' never confirmed by the queen, was violently execut⯑ed by moſt of the biſhops. Meanwhile, contrary to Elizabeth's inclination, the Commons preſented a petition for ſupplying a multitude of pariſhes deſti⯑tute of preaching, and for checking abounding pro⯑faneneſs and atheiſm. The Elector Palatine appoin⯑ted Zanchy to write to her in behalf of the Puritans. But it ſeems archbiſhop Grindal durſt not deliver his letter. It is certain, that uniformity was more and more urged. Scambler and ſome other biſhops, not⯑withſtanding their conſciences were much at her ma⯑jeſty's will, being ſenſible of the bad conſequences of the great want of preaching, and total want of church diſcipline, permitted their clergy to enter into aſſo⯑ciations or preſbyteries, for promoting of both. At Northampton the clergy, the mayor, and the juſti⯑ces of peace, agreed upon ſeveral Rules for promot⯑ing Chriſtian knowledge, regulating divine ſervices, and ſanctifying the Sabbath. The clergy agreed up⯑on private exerciſes of preaching at their meetings, in order to their mutual improvement in gifts and grace.

Parker ſtill laboured at his perſecuting work. He ſent for the principal men of the ſuſpected clergy, and told them, that they muſt take out new licen⯑ces, in which they muſt ſubſcribe to all the articles impoſed by the late convocation. The biſhops of [137] Ely and Wincheſter aſſiſted him. But Grindal re⯑fuſed, alledging, that it might bring them under a [...]remunire. Goodman, Lever, Samſon, Walker, Brown, Field, Johnſon, and others, were called to [...]he epiſcopal bar, and told, that they muſt either come up to the queen's Injunctions, or be deprived. Beza of Geneva, by letters, beſought the biſhops to [...]bate their rigour, and beſought the Lord Treaſurer [...]o endeavour procuring ſome further reformation in [...]he church diſcipline. The parliament having met, began to form a Bill for regulating the procedure of [...]he rigid biſhops, and for granting ſome relief to the [...]iſtreſſed Puritans. Elizabeth and her biſhops pre⯑ [...]ented them, and Wentworth the principal advo⯑ [...]ate for religion and liberty, was thrown into priſon [...]or his parliamentary freedom. And in 1572, Dee⯑ [...]ing, Brown, Brownrig, Millain, Clark, and about [...]5 other Puritan miniſters, were deprived, for ſcru⯑ [...]ling the epiſcopal impoſitions.

Meanwhile, Field, Wilcox, and others, drew up [...]n Admonition to the parliament, conſiſting of twen⯑ [...]y-three chapters relative to the ſuperiority of biſhops [...]ver preſbyters; the authority of the church in [...]hings indifferent; the election, ordination, reſi⯑ [...]ence, preaching, ability, and apparel of clergy⯑men; the Book of common prayer and ſubſcription [...]f it; holy days of human appointment; right prea⯑ [...]hing; reading of the ſcriptures; deans preaching [...]nd miniſtring the ſacraments; the pertinents of [...]aptiſm and the Lord's ſupper; ruling elders and [...]hurch diſcipline; deacons and widows; magiſtra⯑ [...]y; cathedral churches; civil offices of clergymen. —For preſenting this Book to the parliament, the [...]uthors of it were impriſoned, more than a year. They publiſhed a Confeſſion of their faith, to refuſe [...]he calumnies of Whitgift.

About the ſame time, Cartwright publiſhed a ſe⯑ [...]ond Admonition, ſupplicating redreſs of the Puritans [...]rievances, and repreſenting the injuſtice of puniſh⯑ [...]ng men for warning the parliament, without drop⯑ping [138] one treaſonable hint. Several pamphlets bein [...] publiſhed in defence of the Admonition, the biſhop [...] were obliged to anſwer it. Whitgift, chancellor o [...] the univerſity of Oxford, was choſen for that pur⯑poſe, and was anſwered once and again by Cartwright Whitgift ſcarcely pretended to argue from ſcripture but from the dictates of Fathers in the firſt five cen⯑turies of the Chriſtian church; while Cartwright in⯑ſiſted to have all things in religion regulated by ſcrip⯑ture. Having the court and biſhops on his ſide Whitgift hunted down his antagoniſt with force an [...] calumny, and obliged him to conceal himſelf, fle [...] his country, and live in diſtreſs and poverty. Eve [...] when he was rewarded with his biſhoprick, he coul [...] not forbear perſecuting him: a ſhrewd evidence that his evil conſcience knew, that he had not ratio⯑nal or ſcriptural arguments to ſupport his cauſe.

While France was ſocked with the blood of maſſa⯑cred Proteſtants, the ſtate of the Proteſtant religio [...] in England was moſt wretched. Pleaſing Parker i [...] their ready compliance with ſurplices, copes, ſquar [...] caps, &c. the Papiſts had eaſy acceſs to eccleſiaſtica [...] functions. The clergy buſied themſelves in addin [...] to the number of their livings; but almoſt utterl [...] neglected their duty, and alienated the church pro⯑perty for their own private gain. The court was a [...] harbour of atheiſm, profaneneſs, and every kind o [...] licentiouſneſs. Many of the ſubjects were abſolut [...] atheiſts or heathens in their practice. The Lord▪ day was generally little regarded, and ſome live▪ without any appearance of worſhip at all on it. But [...] was not againſt theſe heaven-daring crimes, but again [...] Puritans diſconformity to things which themſelve [...] allowed to be intrinſically indifferent, that Elizabet [...] and her darling biſhops burned with zeal. On [...] Burchet, a madman, who was but called a Puritan having ſtruck one, and killed another, whom his de⯑lirious brain fancied to be Hatton a Papiſt, the odium of the deed was charged on the whole body of Puri⯑tans. Provoked with their application to parliamen [...] [139] [...]or redreſs of their terrible oppreſſion, and with [...]heir holding of ſecret preſbyteries among themſelves, [...]e commanded to proſecute them with unrelenting [...]gour. Field, Wilcox, and five others, were de⯑rived for ſcrupling to ſubſcribe promiſes of confor⯑ [...]ity drawn by the commiſſioners. Outlandiſh men, [...]ho could ſcarce read the Engliſh tongue, were [...]aced in their ſtead, and their poor people, who [...]ad enjoyed two ſermons every Sabbath, had ſcarce⯑ [...] one in a quarter of a year. Johnſon was thrown [...]nto priſon, where he died amidſt poverty and hun⯑ [...]er Notwithſtanding the reluctance of Parkhurſt, [...]iſhop of Norwich, Parker's commiſſioners deprived [...]bout 300 Puritan paſtors in his dioceſe alone.

Nor were the clergy alone plagued with ſubſcrip⯑ [...]ons. One was deviſed for ſuch as deſerted their [...]hurches, in which they engaged to full conformity. [...]pies were placed in every ſuſpected pariſh, to inform [...]gainſt ſuch as did not punctually attend their chur⯑ [...]hes, in order to have them puniſhed. Nay, ſpies [...]ere placed upon the Puritan priſoners, in order to [...]ring them into more trouble. When the Puritans [...]ppeared before the High commiſſioners, they were [...]buſed as if they had been dogs or devils, which, no [...]oubt, ſometimes provoked them to ſome unadviſed [...]ords. The candid Warner juſtly obſerves, That [...]he cruelties exerciſed by the court biſhops againſt [...]heir worthy brethren of the ſame faith, fell little [...]hort of theſe exerciſed by bloody Bonner againſt the Proteſtants. Some of the perſecuted offered to diſ⯑ [...]ute the points which they held; and, for that crime, were the more readily depoſed and impriſoned. As [...]he preſbyteries, propheſyings, or meetings of cler⯑ [...]ymen to exerciſe their preaching talents for mutual [...]mprovement, were thought to have a puritanical [...]ppearance, Elizabeth and Parker, contrary to the will of the privy council, reſolved to ſtop them. To [...]he great grief of the pious Parkhurſt, they were firſt [...]uppreſſed in his dioceſe. Some of the Puritans rec⯑ [...]oning it better to meet together on holy days and [140] other occaſions, for joint prayer and reading of th [...] ſcripture, than to ſpend the time idly, or in drinking and playing at cards,—Parker being informed of it, applied himſelf to ſuppreſs that ſupercriminal con⯑duct. As he readily believed every reproach he could hear of the Puritans, his ſteward, and one Undertree, forged letters in name of Benham, Stonden, and o⯑thers, importing a plot againſt lord Burleigh the treaſurer; and that the earls of Bedford, Leiceſter and other noblemen were in it. Parker began to proſecute the Puritans with great fury. But, upon examination, Undertree confeſſed, that the whole was a ſham intended to diſgrace the Puritans. This not a little ſullied the honour of Parker: but hi [...] impudence preſerved him from bluſhing; and nei⯑ther of the villains, who had been guilty of ſuch e⯑normous forgery, were puniſhed. To the great hur [...] of the iſle of Wight, and hindering of foreign Pro⯑teſtants to dwell, or trade in it, Parker viſited it▪ turned out the nonconformiſts, and ſhut up thei [...] churches. Jerſey and Guernſey lying out of hi [...] reach, and having no fixed form of church govern⯑ment, the people cauſed Cartwright and Snape to draw up a plan, which they obſerved till James I▪ obliged them to receive the epiſcopal yoke, and th [...] ceremonies attending it. It appears to have bee [...] much like to that of the Weſtminſter Aſſembly.

While Elizabeth and her favourites carried on thei [...] perſecution of the pious and peaceable Puritans, ſh [...] marked an aſtoniſhing kindneſs to Papiſts, who ſough [...] the ruin of herſelf and her kingdom. They wer [...] frequently releaſed from priſon. About 500 of thei [...] meetings for idolatrous worſhip were connived at.— Nine foreign colleges being erected for the Popiſ [...] education of Engliſh youth, one at Rome, and eigh [...] in the Spaniſh dominions, ſwarms of Romiſh miſſio⯑naries poured themſelves into England. In a few years, that of Rome and of Douay in Flanders fur⯑niſhed three hundred, all of them deep ſworn to la⯑bour, to their uttermoſt, in reducing their heretica [...] [141] countrymen to the religion of their anceſtors. A⯑bout this time, Henry Nicolas founded his Family of [...]ove, whoſe enthuſiaſm rendered them almoſt deliri⯑ [...]us. Their opinions were ſomewhat like to theſe of [...]he Popiſh Quietiſts, or the Quakers. They had [...]heir private meetings for worſhip, on account of which they ſometimes taſted of Elizabeth and Parker's wholſome ſeverities. Some German Anabaptiſts [...]aving fled into England, twenty-ſeven of them were apprehended, nine baniſhed, and two burnt, [...]bout the time that Parker himſelf was dragged by [...]eath before the tribunal of God.

In the beginning of A. D. 1576, pious Grindal [...]as tranſlated to Canterbury, Sandys to York, and [...]ylmer, once an half Puritan, but now a cruel per⯑ [...]ecutor, to London. In parliament, an unſucceſs⯑ [...]ul attempt to lay a tax on ſuch as did not attend the [...]hurches and receive the ſacraments, was made.— [...]he convocation framed articles of admiſſion to the [...]iniſtry, thirteen of which were publiſhed with Eli⯑ [...]abeth's leave, though they had not her ſeal; one [...]f them declaring, That all licences to preach, dated [...]revious to Feb. 8, 1575, had become void, but might [...]e renewed without any expence. Thus, for the [...]ird or fourth time, Elizabeth had diſqualified all [...]e preachers of her kingdom, chiefly in order to [...]rge out Proteſtant ſcruplers at Popiſh veſtments [...]d ceremonies. Had all the biſhops been equally [...]rict in the renovation of licences, the church had [...]d ſcarce any preaching that deſerved the name,— any of thoſe who had the charge of ſouls being in⯑ [...]pable even to read an homily aright; and they were [...]ly obliged to read the ſervice, and adminiſter the [...]craments in perſon once in the half year, under the [...]nalty of five pounds to the poor. But it was a [...]ercy, that many of them employed Puritans as [...]eir curates and lecturers, who, with great earneſt⯑ [...]ſs, laboured in the work of the Lord. Notwith⯑ [...]nding all attempts to root them out, the Puritans [...]ll continued, if not increaſed, under their hard⯑ſhips. [142] Many of them held ſecret meetings for diſ⯑cipline. Informed hereof, Elizabeth commanded archbiſhop Grindal to hunt them out. Some of their chiefs were apprehended. Others, chiefly in the dioceſe of Norwich, of which Freke was now biſhop, were ſuſpended. Nor could the diſtinguiſh⯑ed piety and peacefulneſs of Greenham, prevent hi [...] going with the reſt.

In order to preſerve the uſeful meetings for mu⯑tual improvement among his eſtabliſhed clergy, Grin⯑dal drew up for them the following regulations:— That they ſhould only be held in churches appointed by the biſhop of the dioceſe; that the archdeacon or ſome other appointed by the biſhop, ſhould mo⯑derate in them; that the biſhop ſhould have a liſt o [...] all clergymen fit for attending them, and ſhould ap⯑point the paſſages of ſcripture to be handled in them [...] that the moderators ſhould appoint ſuch clergymen as could not yet preach, ſome other uſeful taſk; tha [...] if any in his diſcourſe touched the affairs of ſtate, th [...] moderator ſhould immediately ſtop him, and delat [...] him to his biſhop; that if any inveigh, againſt th [...] ceremonies, he ſhall be ſuſpended from preaching [...] till his biſhop give him a new admiſſion; that n [...] miniſter, once ſuſpended or deprived, be ſuffere [...] to ſpeak in theſe meetings, till by ſubſcription an [...] daily practice for a time, he conform to the order o [...] the church; and that no laymen ſhould be permi [...] ⯑ted to ſpeak in public. By theſe regulations, h [...] thought, they would be innocent enough. But E [...] ⯑zabeth ſending for him, exclaimed againſt all ſuc [...] meetings as illegal in themſelves, and infinitely dang [...] ⯑rous to both church and ſtate; for the advantage [...] both which, ſhe ſaid, it would be, to have but thr [...] or four preachers in a whole county; and ſhe pe⯑remptorily commanded him to ſuppreſs them wholl [...] As, with the moſt evident marks of high diſple [...] ⯑ſure, ſhe refuſed to hear his reply, Grindal wrote h [...] a moſt ſenſible letter, repreſenting the uſefulneſs [...] theſe meetings, on account of which he had n [...] [143] [...]reedom to ſuppreſs them; and begging, that her majeſty would not interpoſe her prerogative in eccle⯑ [...]aſtical affairs without the advice of her biſhops, or [...]ronounce ſo peremptorily in religious, as in ſecular matters. Quite infuriated by this meek Remon⯑ [...]rance, ſhe, by a deed of her Starchamber, confin⯑ [...]d him to his houſe, ſequeſtrated him from his ju⯑ [...]iſdiction for half a year. Before this elapſed, Grin⯑ [...]al made a kind of ſubmiſſion; but as he could not [...]etract his opinion, nor profeſs his ſorrow for the [...]dvice which he had given her majeſty, ſhe conti⯑ [...]ued his ſequeſtration; and ſo the exerciſes for [...]ropheſying went down,—Elizabeth being terrified, [...]eſt knowledge ſhould make her clergy leſs diſpoſed [...]o an abſolute ſubmiſſion to her arbitrary will.

Cartwright being preacher to the Engliſh factory [...]t Antwerp, got Fenner, Travers, Aſhton, and others [...]rdained to the miniſtry, who could not obtain it at [...]ome, where, in 1578, Whitingham and Laurence were deprived for their want of epiſcopal ordination. The woful condition of England was almoſt inex⯑ [...]reſſible. In Cornwal, there were 140 incumbents, [...]ot one of which could preach a ſermon, and moſt of them pluraliſts, non-reſidents, fornicators, adul⯑ [...]erers, drunkards, gameſters on the Lord's day; and [...]et people were proſecuted, if they attended a Puri⯑ [...]an ſermon.

When the parliament met in 1580, the Commons [...]greed to obſerve a faſt by themſelves on a Lord's [...]ay, to ſupplicate his direction in their work, and [...]he preſervation of her majeſty and the realm, now when the Popiſh powers were forming leagues for the [...]tter deſtruction of Proteſtants; but they referred [...]he nomination of the preachers to the privy council. Elizabeth was terribly offended, that they had dared [...]o do this, without her conſent aſked and obtained. The Commons ſubmitted themſelves, and begged her pardon. The parliament enacted, That all Ro⯑miſh prieſts who attempted to ſeduce Proteſtants, [...]nd theſe ſeduced by them into a change of their [144] religion, ſhould be liable to the pains of high treaſon [...] —and the ſaying of maſs be puniſhable with a year's impriſonment, and a fine of 200 marks ſterling, and the hearing of it with a year's impriſonment, and a forfeiture of 100 marks: And that every perſon who did not attend churches in which the common prayer is regularly uſed, ſhall forfeit to her majeſty 20 pound [...] a month, and ly in priſon till it ſhould be paid; and ſchoolmaſters forfeit 10 pounds, and be impriſoned for a year, and be perpetually incapable of teaching a ſchool: And as ſome Puritans, provoked with their terrible oppreſſion, had publiſhed ſome ſatyri⯑cal pamphlets againſt unpreaching clergymen, &c they enacted, That all ſuch as wrote or publiſhed any ballad or letter, containing any thing ſcandalou [...] againſt the queen, ſhould ſuffer death without benefi [...] of clergy.

By his queſtions and demands of ſubſcription Aylmer made terrible havock among the clergy abou [...] London. Such as did not anſwer to his ſatisfaction were immediately ſuſpended and ſilenced. Whil [...] the biſhops drove the Puritans from their pulpit [...] many of the nobility and gentry took them into thei [...] families to teach their children, which, by the ble [...] ⯑ſing of God, prepared them to make ſuch a ſtan [...] for religion and liberty about the middle of the nex [...] century. Violent methods but drove the diſſente [...] further from the eſtabliſhment. Robert Brown, [...] ſchoolmaſter, having publiſhed a tract intituled, T [...] life and manners of true Chriſtians, was proſecuted o [...] account of it. After a little reſt, he and Harriſo [...] travelled through the country, preaching again [...] biſhops and ceremonies, for which he was impriſo [...] ⯑ed above thirty times. He and his followers forme [...] themſelves into a particular ſect; but they we [...] quickly obliged to retire to Holland. After offic [...] ⯑ating for ſome years as their paſtor, Brown himſe [...] returned to England, and became an idle diſſolu [...] conforming rector at Northampton. His apoſta [...] diſſolved his congregation at Middleburg: but th [...] [145] friends of his ſcheme gradually multiplied. They held much the ſame doctrine as the church of Eng⯑land; but they denied her to be a true church, on account of her many corruptions, and renounced all communion with her, and every other church, not of their own model; they placed the whole power of church government equally in all the brotherhood. They choſe and ordained their own officers, and de⯑prived them of their office at pleaſure. Their parti⯑cular congregations lived as ſiſter churches; but none had any juriſdiction over another; nor had their church officers any power of office without the bounds of the congregation in which they were laſt choſen and ordained. They hated all preſcribed forms of prayer. Every brother had liberty of propheſying or exhorting in their religious aſſemblies. After a ſer⯑mon, the brethren ordinarily conferred upon the ſubject of it.—Tyler, Coppington and Hacket, lead⯑ing Browniſts in England, were impriſoned ſeveral years, and the two laſt hanged.

About 1582, multitudes of Jeſuits pouring into England, preached openly againſt Elizabeth's title and authority, and diſperſed their books. Campian and two others, were apprehended and hanged: but the zeal of the courtiers ran out chiefly againſt the Puritans. The remarkably pious Wright was de⯑prived and impriſoned, becauſe he had received preſbyterial ordination at Antwerp. To extend their oppreſſion, Elizabeth employed ſome hungry cour⯑tiers to examine the claims of lands and livings be⯑longing to the church, and granted every thing, for which church-men could not produce legal titles, to them. By examination of parſons, wardens, and others, they bade fair to find means to ſequeſtrate moſt of the church lands for her majeſty's uſe. The biſhops were therefore obliged to beg her ſuperſed⯑ing of their commiſſion. The Suffolk juſtices of peace ventured again to ſupplicate her indulgence to⯑ward the Puritans, and complained. That they were reckoned with the vileſt malefactors. Some conform [146] clergy alſo wrote in their favour. But Elizabeth, Aylmer, and other court biſhops, who connived at, or encouraged profane ſwearing, and the moſt open drunkenneſs, revelling, and gaming on the Lord's day, panted for their ruin.

Notwithſtanding his further ſubmiſſion and remo⯑val of his ſequeſtration, Grindal continued the object of Elizabeth's diſlike; and hence lived in a dejected manner till he died in 1585. Whitgift of Worceſ⯑ter, who had diſtinguiſhed himſelf by his hatred of the Puritans, was placed in his ſtead. He had ſcarcely received his archbiſhoprick, when Elizabeth ſolemnly charged him to reſtore the diſcipline of the church, and the eſtabliſhed uniformity, which had loſt its credit under his predeceſſor. Prepared for obedience, he the very firſt week diſpatched his man⯑dates to all the biſhops of his province, That no preaching, catechiſing, or prayer be allowed in fa⯑milies, in which more than the members are preſent; that none preach and catechize, unleſs he read the whole ſervice, and adminiſter the ſacrament four times a year; that all preachers and others in eccle⯑ [...]iaſtical orders wear the preſcribed habits at all times; that none be allowed to preach but ſuch as have been regularly ordained; that none preach unleſs he have taken the oath of ſupremacy, ſubſcribed the Books of common prayer and of ordination of biſhops, prieſts and deacons, and all the Thirty-nine articles, and uſe ſaid books in all their miniſtrations. Several lawyers thought that he exceeded his legal powers, and might have been brought into a premunire, for tendering articles, and requiring ſubſcriptions not warranted by parliament. But having her majeſty on his ſide, he inſiſted on them at pleaſure; and for refuſing of them, 233 preachers were ſuſpended in the counties of Norfolk, Suffolk, Suſſex, Eſſex, Kent, and Lin⯑colnſhire, beſides great numbers in London, the dio⯑ceſe of Peterborough, and other counties,—ſome of whom were dignitaries in the church, and moſt of them graduates in the univerſity. Forty-nine of [147] them were immediately depoſed from their office. No doubt, multitudes twiſted their conſcience to make it ſubmit, rather than render them and their families outwardly miſerable. The bulk of the infe⯑rior clergy, who had any ſenſe, wiſhed for amend⯑ments in the ſervice book, that the many valuable men thereby diſqualified, might be of uſe in the church. But Whitgift was deaf to all they could ſay, being terrified leſt amendments might make people think the church had once been in a miſtake.

The ejected clergymen and others that pitied them, preſented a ſupplication to the privy council for ſome relief in the affair of ſubſcription. But Whitgift, who, by turning Papiſt under queen Mary, had re⯑tained his place, was firmly reſolved to diſplay his power and execute his fury againſt all ſuch as had not conſciences as flexible as his own. Not content with archi-epiſcopal juriſdiction, he beſought her majeſty for the ſixth time to erect an High Commiſſion, whoſe power might extend to the whole kingdom, and might apply wholſome ſeverities, not becoming biſhops as ſuch, ſhe readily granted his requeſt.— This court conſiſted of 44 members, 12 of which were biſhops, and three a quorum. They had power to call before them all eccleſiaſtical cauſes; to exa⯑mine perſons upon oath concerning their own con⯑duct; and to ſuſpend, deprive, impriſon, or excom⯑municate them, as they found cauſe; and to amend the ſtatutes of colleges, cathedrals, grammar ſchools, and other public foundations. They borrowed the examination of men upon oath touching their own principles or conduct, from the Spaniſh Inquiſition, and their powers were manifeſtly inconſiſtent with the laws of the land. But who durſt contradict her majeſty and the archbiſhop, who compoſed twenty-four articles directing this court how to examine the Puritans upon oath. Shocked with a ſight of them, lord Burleigh wrote to the archbiſhop, That they favoured ſtrong of the Romiſh Inquiſition, if they were not more enſnaring. Whitgift returned him [148] ſome pitiful pretences, in ſupport of his oath ex offices. The privy council repreſented to him and Aylmer, and by naming the perſons, That they connived at pluraliſts, non-reſidents, and multitudes of ignorant and ſcandalous clergymen, drunkards, whoremon⯑gers, gameſters at cards, and the like, and only ex⯑erciſed their inquiſitorial diligence againſt ſuch as were laborious and diligent preachers. Whitgift attempted to vindicate his conformiſts, while he car⯑ried on his furious career againſt ſuch as had ſcrupu⯑lous conſciences. Beale, the clerk of the privy coun⯑cil, had his own ſhare of harraſſment for expoſing the illegality and injuſtice of his inquiſitorial proce⯑dure.

With no ſmall difficulty, the Puritans obtained a kind of conference on the diſputed points between the archbiſhop and his brother of Wincheſter on the one ſide, and Meſſrs. Sparke and Travers on the o⯑ther, before the earl of Leiceſter, and lords Gray and Walſingham. They conferred concerning the reading of the Apocrypha inſtead of the word of God and as equivalent to it;—the adminiſtration of bap⯑tiſm in private and by women; the uſefulneſs of Po⯑piſh veſtments; the allowance of inſufficient clergy⯑men, non-reſidence, and pluralities. Neither party were ſatisfied: but the noblemen were ſo far con⯑vinced, that they ſolicited favour for the nonconfor⯑miſt miniſters. Meanwhile Aylmer proſecuted them with unrelenting fury. Without the ſmalleſt ſhadow of a crime, and after abuſing them at his bar with the vileſt reproaches, he ſuſpended thirty-eight of them in ſummer 1584, and afterwards proſecuted o⯑thers. Being turned out of their livings and hinder⯑ed to keep ſchools, ſome of them were reduced to beggary. While Cartwright was correcting a plan of regular diſcipline among themſelves, which Travers had drawn up about eight years before,—they applied to the parliament,—to the convocation, to Whitgift, [...] and again to the parliament for redreſs of their [149] grievances. In their laſt ſupplication, they ſhew, that the ten thouſand pariſhes in England had no more than about two thouſand preachers to ſupply them. On both occaſions, the parliament ſhewed willingneſs to relieve them. But Elizabeth and Whitgift carried all before them; and Wentworth and other, who boldly inveighed againſt the biſh⯑ops arbitrary procedure, were ſent priſoners to the Tower.

In 1584, the parliament appeared exceedingly de⯑ſirous to grant them liberty;—to reſtrain the High Commiſſion;—to prohibit pluralities and non-reſi⯑dence of clergymen: and ſome bills were preſented [...]ur limiting the power of biſhops;—allowing of per⯑ſons to marry at any time of the year;—and for the better obſervation of the Lord's day, which was now [...]erribly profaned. But the zeal of Elizabeth and [...]er biſhops, and Whitgift's fears, that alterations would make people think the church had been in an [...]rror, prevented all ſuch endeavours from having [...]ny effect. An act was made againſt Jeſuits and traf⯑ [...]icking prieſts, and ſuch as ſupported or concealed [...]hem.—In 1586, the parliament appeared ſtill [...]ore zealous to relieve the ſupplicating Puritans; [...]nd ſome members propoſed a farther reformation [...]f the church. Not only did Elizabeth commit the [...]armeſt ſpeakers to the Tower; but, in her plan of [...]eneral pardon, ſhe excepted all ſuch as offended a⯑ [...]ainſt the act of uniformity, or publiſhed ſeditious [...]bels, i. e. tracts, which repreſented the arbitrary [...]rocedure of the biſhops.—About this time, the 3d [...]art of the preachers in England were ſuſpended o [...] [...]eprived; about five hundred of whom agreed to [...]bſerve the plan of government and diſcipline, which [...]artwright had corrected, which is pretty ſimilar to [...]at agreed upon by the Aſſembly of Weſtminſter; [...]nd they agreed to meet in claſſical preſbyteries, once [...] ſix weeks;—in ſynods once every half year; and [...] a general ſynod or aſſembly, once every year.— [...]fter Sandys, archbiſhop of York, had, for ſeveral [150] years, cruelly perſecuted the ſcruplers, he died A. D. 1588, declaring in his latter will, That he was, and had alway been perſuaded, that the ceremonies were not expedient for the church, but ought to be diſuſed by little and little. Much about the ſame time, died Fox, Samſon, and Humphreys, noted Puritans.

While the Spaniards were preparing to invade and conquer the kingdom, the Puritans, who had alway diſtinguiſhed themſelves for the Proteſtant and na⯑tional intereſts, again ſupplicated the parliament for relief. But Elizabeth, who was flattered as a goddeſs by the convocation, reprimanded the commons for conſidering, whether they ſhould grant it; and how they might correct the fearful profanation of the Sabbath. When the fears of the Spaniſh invaſion were over by means of a ſtorm and ſea fight, ſome leſs ſerious Puritans publiſhed ſome ſcurrilous tracts againſt the biſhops, and their procedure and ceremo⯑nies, under the titles of Martin Mar Prelate, &c. which were anſwered by churchmen in an equally ludicrous and abuſive manner. At laſt the noncon⯑formiſts preſs was diſcovered, and Sir Richard Knight⯑ly and Sir — Wigſton, who had entertained it, and the Printer, and Newman the diſperſer, were deeply fined in the Starchamber. Others were put to death, of whom Udal, a pious and learned miniſter, was one, who had no hand in the ſcurrilous pamphlets but in a demonſtration of the diſcipline of the Chriſtian church, in which the character of the biſhops was thought to be touched; at leaſt he acknowledged a [...] great part of that book to be true. Notwithſtanding much interceſſion in his behalf, he was terribly per⯑ſecuted, and condemned as a traitor, without either ſhadow or proof of his diſloyalty, and died in priſon. Meanwhile Whitgift commenced a new viſitation, and framed twenty-two articles, on which the war⯑dens of every pariſh were to be examined upon oath, and which were remarkably calculated to diſtreſs the Puritans, and ſet every one at odds with his neigh⯑bour. [151] In his letter to Burleigh, Sir Francis Knolles calls them Articles of Inquiſition highly prejudicial to the royal prerogative.

The Puritans aſſociations for government and diſ⯑cipline among themſelves expoſed them to further perſecution. Cartwright and fifteen others were apprehended, and impriſoned in the Fleet jail.— Their firſt anſwer not being to the taſte of the ma⯑nagers, they had 31 articles exhibited againſt them; and were required, upon oath, to declare how far they were chargeable or not. For having enough of common ſenſe to refuſe being ſelf accuſers, they were puniſhed with ſeveral years impriſonment.— James king of Scotland interceeded with Elizabeth, Dr. Goad and Whitaker, noted clergymen, with lord Burleigh, and nine of the impriſoned miniſters with Whitgift, for relief. As the archbiſhop refuſed to favour them, unleſs they renounced their diſcipline, and engaged themſelves to complete conformity with the church, they applied to her majeſty, and largely vindicated themſelves from the reproaches caſt upon them. What effect this application had, I know not; but Cartwright was liberated, and reſtored to his hoſpital in Warwick, while Fenner, Field, Tra⯑vers, and many others continued in priſon, and their families were ſtarving.—Stone, Perkins, Johnſon, and too many other Puritan clergy, anſwered upon oath, and informed their perſecutors of their aſſem⯑blies and diſcipline, thus purchaſing their own eaſe at the hazard of their brethren.—To render the Pu⯑ritans odious, Hacket, who imagined himſelf to be Jeſus Chriſt, and Coppinger and Arthington his prophets, with every other enthuſiaſt, were repre⯑ſented as of their number; but Cartwright vindicat⯑ed them from all connection with ſuch.

When the parliament met in 1592, Elizabeth no⯑tified to them, That every thing relative to the church was to be left to her. Attorney Morrice, who had juſt before publiſhed Reaſons againſt the oath ex officio, and proved it contrary to ſcripture, [152] the practice of heathen perſecutors, the laws of the land, and her majeſty's prerogative, ventured to pro⯑poſe an Enquiry into the biſhops procedure in their ſpiritual courts, in compelling men to their inquiſi⯑tions and ſubſcriptions, and to take an oath for ac⯑cuſing themſelves,—or in degrading, depriving, and impriſoning people at their pleaſure; and he offered two bills, one againſt the oath ex officio, and another againſt illegal impriſonments. Sir Francis Knolle [...] ſeconded him. For this preſumption, both of them were baniſhed from the court. Morrice was deprived of his chancellorſhip in the duchy of Lancaſter, and of all power to act as a lawyer, and was for ſeveral years detained in priſon. Elizabeth told the parlia⯑ment, That her power over them was abſolute, and ſhe would allow no ſuch bills to be exhibited. Ter⯑rified by the ſate of Morrice and Knolles, the parlia⯑ment ſubmitted; and to pacify her, enacted, Tha [...] all perſons above ſixteen years of age, that refuſed to attend their eſtabliſhed churches, or who had a⯑ny hand in promoting nonconformity ſhould, with⯑out allowance of bail, be impriſoned till they made a proper confeſſion of their fault, and engaged to uni⯑formity; that if they did not ſo within three months they ſhould be for ever baniſhed the kingdom; and that if they did not leave it within the time preſcrib⯑ed, or did ever return, they ſhould ſuffer death without benefit of clergy. Meanwhile, the Papiſt were condemned to baniſhment, or to confinemen [...] within five miles of their reſidence.

To evade the cruel force of this terrible act, th [...] moderate Puritans came to church, when the com⯑mon prayers were over, and received the Lord's ſup⯑per in churches, in which ſome latitude with reſpec [...] to the table poſture, was allowed. The Browniſt fell under the whole weight of it. One of their con⯑gregations being diſcovered, about ſixty or ſevent [...] of them, after manifold harraſſments, were throw [...] into different priſons. After a moſt cruel impriſon⯑ment, Barrow, a gentleman, Greenwood and Penry [153] miniſters, all remarkable for piety, were hanged as traitors. But their dying profeſſions of their loyalty, and the total want of evidence to the contrary, made their moſt effronted adverſaries, even Elizabeth her⯑ſelf, almoſt aſhamed of their groundleſs calumny and murder. About ſeventeen or eighteen other Brow⯑niſts died in their priſons.—Meanwhile, though the Papiſts had raiſed ſeveral inſurrections againſt her,— though they had ſupported Mary of Scotland's right to her crown, and after her death, that of the In⯑fanta of Spain,—and had concurred with the Spaniſh invaders in 1588, Elizabeth, either from love, or from fear, generally uſed them as her dear children. During the firſt eleven years of her reign, not one of them was capitally proſecuted. During the next e⯑leven, notwithſtanding the Pope's excommunication above mentioned, and repeated rebellions, no more than twelve prieſts were executed, almoſt every one for crimes relating to the ſtate. For the next ten, not⯑withſtanding multitudes of Jeſuits laboured to their uttermoſt in ſeducing the ſubjects to join the Spa⯑niards, no more than fifty prieſts were executed, and fifty-five baniſhed. During the laſt twelve years of her reign, they had almoſt as much freedom to profeſs, practiſe, and propagate their idolatries and ſuperſtitions, as they could have wiſhed.

Till about A. D. 1588, the Engliſh Proteſtants had all believed, That the ſuperiority of dioceſan bi⯑ſhops above preſbyters was merely founded on the laws and inclinations of men. Bancroft, now chap⯑lain to archbiſhop Whitgift, to the great offence of the Puritans and others, in a ſermon, pled for the divine right of it. About 1594, he, Bilſon, Bridges, Coſins, and Saravia publiſhed their Defences of epiſ⯑copal powers, and notwithſtanding the reſtraint of the Preſs, were anſwered by Bradſhaw, Fenner, Mortice the attorney, and Beza. The learned, but poor, Hooker publiſhed the firſt four books of his eccleſiaſtical polity, in which he chiefly attempts to prove, That the ſcriptures are not the rule of church [154] diſcipline and government; and that therefore ſhe may appoint whatever forms or ceremonies ſhe judg⯑eth moſt conducive to edification.—In 1595, Flet⯑cher ſucceeded Aylmer in the biſhoprick of London. In his firſt viſitation of his dioceſe, he ſet out with twenty ſeven articles of Enquiry for church wardens, concerning their preachers, by means of which he quickly repleniſhed the priſons, which, for a little, had been tolerably emptied, with Puritan preachers. It happened well, that his marriage drew upon him Elizabeth's diſpleaſure, ſuſpenſion of him from his office, and baniſhment from the court. Theſe break⯑ing his proud heart, he was ſucceeded by the ſtill more unmerciful Bancroft.

The learned Ainſworth, Johnſon, Smith, Robin⯑ſon, and Jacob, principal leaders among the Brown⯑iſts, having before fled to Holland, multitudes fol⯑lowed them, and erected churches according to their own plan, at Amſterdam, Arnheim, Middleburg, Leyden, and other places.—About this time, Dr. Bound publiſhed a tract on the due ſanctification of the Lord's day. All the Puritans reliſhing his ſentiments, diſtinguiſhed themſelves by their Sabbath behaviour. —Hereon the cuſtomary ſhooting, fencing, bowling, interludes, and May-games, and Morris-dances on it, began to be diſuſed and diſliked. This exceed⯑ingly galled the clerical managers, and their agents, who hated every appearance of ſtrict piety. Arch⯑biſhop Whitgift and judge Popham called in the co⯑pies of Bound's book, and prohibited the reprinting of it. This made it more read than ever, not with⯑out remarkable ſucceſs.

Meanwhile, Barret, a fellow of the univerſity o [...] Cambridge, in a diſcourſe to the clergy, declared himſelf againſt the Calviniſtical doctrines of predeſti⯑nation and perſeverance in grace. The heads of the univerſity obliged him to retract, and Whitgift Hutton of York, and ſome others, drew up the articles of Lambeth, 'which bear, That God, not mov⯑ed by any foreſeen faith or good works of men, bu [...] [155] of his mere good pleaſure, hath choſen ſome parti⯑cular perſons to everlaſting life; all of whom, and no other, certainly obtain it; that ſaving grace is not beſtowed upon all men; that no man can by the power of his free will come to Chriſt and be ſaved; that juſtified perſons have aſſurance of remiſſion of ſins and of eternal ſalvation; that true ſaints never fall totally nor finally from their ſtate or exerciſe of grace. Had not Whitgift and his friends, for their own ſake, implored Elizabeth's forbearance, ſhe had brought the formers of theſe articles, which ſhe diſ⯑liked, or who required the ſtudents to aſſent to them, under the ſtatute of premunire. She was nevertheleſs highly offended with Dr. Baro, a Frenchman, for con⯑tinuing the debate in favour of Barret; and at laſt obliged him to reſign his profeſſorſhip. The univer⯑ſity of Oxford harmonized in ſentiment with that of Cambridge, and Calvin's Inſtitutions were publicly read by order of the convocation. About the ſame time, the learned Broughton, Bilſon, and others, had a warm diſpute, Whether Chriſt ſuffered the wrath of God in his ſoul? and, Whether he deſcended to the local hell? After the diſputants had fatigued themſelves, the controverſies were dropt in both the univerſities.

Towards the latter end of Elizabeth's reign, hopes of approaching redreſs from the apparent heir to the crown, ſomewhat quieted the Puritans. Afraid of having their cruelties returned on their own heads by a Puritan ſovereign, the ruling clergy delivered over the proſecuted into the hands of the civil judges, ſome of whom handled them in a furious and brutal manner. During her very laſt years, the diſpute ſeemed almoſt huſhed, and the Puritans increaſed to about fifteen hundred preachers.—The Popiſh miſſi⯑onaries alſo, notwithſtanding their furious conten⯑tions between the ſeculars and the Jeſuits, laboured with great diligence, and no inconſiderable ſucceſs. —The parliament which met in 1601, renewed their attacks upon the power of the ſpiritual courts. Plu⯑ralities, [156] non-reſidences, procedure ex mero oſſi [...] ▪ exchange of penance for money, and other clerical corruptions. But Elizabeth interpoſing, prohibited them to debate the cauſe, and referred it to the arch⯑biſhop, who was at ſome pains to render the clerical courts more circumſpect.—At laſt ſhe died in 1603. She was extremely haughty, and took a pleaſure in manifeſting her power and authority, eſpecially over the conſciences of her ſubjects. She never appears to have ſtruck at any diſſimulation, which ſerved her own purpoſes. Regard for her own ſupremacy chief⯑ly hindered her from being a Papiſt. She was not much more mercifully diſpoſed to Proteſtants of a tender conſcience, than Mary her ſiſter. Her im⯑provement of the great abilities of ſome of her ſtateſ⯑men, ſo as to make their ſuggeſtions ſeem her own, was the principal ornament of her reign. Pomp and power, not the glory of God, or the welfare of ſouls, appear to have been the governing motives of her darling clergy. Many of her ruling biſhops were no leſs truly perſecutors, than the Popiſh ones under Mary had been. It however grieved them much, that Elizabeth was no friend to the clerical wealth.

JAMES VI. of Scotland, had no ſooner ſuc⯑ceeded as neareſt heir to the crown of England, than all the different parties courted his favour. Whit⯑gift, and his fellow biſhops, diſpatched Henry Nevil dean of Canterbury, to aſſure him of their unfeigned loyalty,—and to recommend their church to his care, —and to beg his command relative to their ſpiritual courts. He returned them anſwer, That he intend⯑ed to ſupport their government as Elizabeth had left it. The Papiſts welcomed him to England; and put him in mind, that he had been born and baptized a member of their catholic church, which he had cal⯑led his ſpiritual mother,—and for whoſe religion his royal mother had died a martyr. The foreign Pro⯑teſtants had a kind reception, and his promiſe of [157] maintaining their religious liberty. As in Scotland, [...]ames had long profeſſed himſelf a Preſbyterian, and [...]n ſome occaſions, had extolled the Scotch form of worſhip and government to the higheſt, the Puritans [...]oped for remarkable relief under his ſhadow. A⯑bout eight hundred of their miniſters, out of twen⯑ty-five counties, preſented to him that which was called the Millenary petition, in which they begged, That the croſs in baptiſm, the interrogations put to infants, and their confirmation by biſhops might be [...]aid aſide; that the uſe of the cap and ſurplice might be no more urged; that perſons ſhould be examin⯑ed before admiſſion to the Lord's ſupper; that the uſe of the ring in marriage might be omitted; that the common prayer might be abridged; that the ſing⯑ [...]ng in churches might be modified to better edifica⯑ [...]ion; that the profanation of the Sabbath might be reſtrained, and the obſervation of other holy days [...]eſs ſtrictly urged; that none but canonical ſcripture might be read in the public worſhip of God; that miniſters may not be charged to direct their people [...]o bow at mentioning of the name JESUS; that none be admitted to any charge of ſouls but ſuch as are able, and obliged to preach on the Lord's day; that ſuch preſent incumbents, as cannot preach, be either removed, or obliged to maintain preachers in their ſtead; that pluralities and non-reſidence be prohi⯑bited; that clergymen's marriage be declared lawful; and that they be only required to ſubſcribe the arti⯑cles of religion and the oath of ſupremacy; that biſhops give up their commendams; that impropriations an⯑nexed to biſhopricks and colleges be only beſtowed upon incumbent preachers; that a ſixth or ſeventh part of the impropriation be aſſigned for a mainte⯑nance to the preacher; that no church cenſures be adminiſtered by mere laymen, chancellors, that none be excommunicated for Twelve pence-matters, or without conſent of their paſtor; that eccleſiaſtical proceſſes be abridged, and ſome Popiſh canons abro⯑gated; that the oath en officio, requiring men to be [158] their own accuſers, be more ſparingly uſed; that licences for clandeſtine marriages be more rarely granted; &c.

Stung to the very heart by this reforming petition, and terribly afraid of loſing their impropriations, the univerſity of Cambridge enacted, That all ſuch as, in any matter or manner, oppoſed the eſtabliſhed doctrine or diſcipline, ſhould, ipſo facto, be ſuſpend⯑ed from whatever degrees they had obtained, and be for ever incapable to receive any. The univerſity of Oxford publiſhed a vindication of the corruptions complained of in this petition; and tho', excluſive of Puritans and dignified clergy, not any great num⯑ber of the incumbents were much removed from groſs ignorance, or even capable of a regular admiſſion to the Lord's table, they boaſted, that all the other Proteſtant churches could not afford ſo many learned men as England alone. Other petitions like to the above mentioned were preſented to his majeſty, and ſeveral papers enforcing them publiſhed, to which their opponents quickly returned anſwers. The con⯑formiſts much dreaded the enſuing parliament — Whitgift wiſhed rather to account to God for hi [...] conduct, than to it; and actually died before it met

James heartily hated theſe Puritans and their re⯑formations. But, that he might more plauſibly par [...] with them, he appointed a conference between them and their opponents at Hampton court, in the mid⯑dle of January, 1604. Archbiſhop Whitgift, eigh [...] other biſhops, and eight or ten other learned digni⯑taries, were appointed to defend the cauſe of th [...] conformiſts,—while no more than John Reynolds whom his brother William had converted from I'd pery, while himſelf became a Papiſt, and Spark,— doctors of the univerſity of Oxford, and Chadderto [...] and Knewſtubs of Cambridge, were allowed to main⯑tain the cauſe of the Puritans. James himſelf wa [...] moderator; and his courtiers were witneſſes. O [...] the firſt day, the Puritans were not admitted, bu [...] his majeſty repreſented to the biſhops, what he ap⯑prehended [159] wrong in their ſervice book. Bancroft, falling on his knees, begged, that nothing in it might be altered, leſt the Papiſts and Puritans ſhould tri⯑umph over them, as acknowledging, that they had formerly been in an error. Nevertheleſs, to ſatisfy James, they added ſome words in the office of con⯑firmation and abſolution. And they agreed to conſi⯑der, Whether the adminiſtration of baptiſm ſhould be reſtricted to lawful miniſters and midwives, who were ordinarily known to adminiſter it in a due man⯑ner. On the ſecond day, the Puritan doctors being admitted, Reynolds was their principal ſpeaker. He inſiſted, that ſome few words in the Thirty-nine ar⯑ticles might be added, explained, or omitted; that the confirmation of children by the biſhop be conſi⯑dered; that plurality of benefices might be diſallow⯑ed, and preaching miniſters every where ſettled; that the reading of the Apocrypha in the public wor⯑ſhip of God inſtead of his own word,—the baptiſmal interrogation relative to the infant,—the ſign of the croſs in baptiſm,—the ſuperſtitious veſtments,—the ſymbolical ring in marriage,—and the purification of child-bearing women, ought to be aboliſhed, becauſe relicks of Popery. He alſo complained of excom⯑munications by lay chancellors, and intreated, that clergymen be allowed to meet together every three weeks for their mutual improvement.

During this conference, Bancroft again fell upon his knees, and begged, that ſchiſmatics might not be ſuffered to ſpeak againſt their biſhops; and that his majeſty would provide a miniſtry, which could read prayers and homilies; for they had too much preaching already, in which many dared to vent their malice againſt their ſuperiors. The conformiſt diſ⯑putants ſcarcely needed to open their mouths.— Proud of his theological abilities, James, chiefly with hectoring and bluſter, ſo confounded the Puritan doctors, that even Reynolds, that miracle of learn⯑ing, ſunk far below his ordinary dignity, reckoning i [...] vain to oppoſe the torrent of royal, though often [160] pitiful, abuſe. At the end, James told them, that ſince they had no other objections, he would make them conform, or drive them out of his kingdom. To his inconceivable ſatisfaction, he had his labour extolled by Bancroft and others, as if in wiſdom he had almoſt exceeded Solomon himſelf, and had ne⯑ver had a royal equal ſince our Saviour's birth. On the third day, the conformiſts ſatisfied him concern⯑ing the High Commiſſion, and the oath ex officio; which was the more eaſy, as they appeared to be⯑long to his own prerogative. When he extolled the wiſdom of their inſtitutions, Whitgift cried out, that undoubtedly his majeſty ſpoke by the direction o [...] the Spirit of God.

In conſequence of this conference, a committee was appointed to deviſe regulations for leſſening the charges of the High Commiſſion, and for planting ſchools, and for ſettling proper miniſters in Ireland in which the Popiſh party had been lately reduced and on the borders of Scotland and England, wher [...] theft, robbery, and other diſorders exceedingly pre⯑vailed.—The Puritans refuſed to be concluded by thi [...] mock conference. The diſputants on their ſide had not been choſen by them, nor thought many thing ſinful, which their brethren did,—nay, had refuſed to repreſent theſe to his majeſty,—nor had they been permitted to debate the points which they had men⯑tioned, in any proper manner. They complained that Barlow, in his narrative, publiſhed without th [...] knowledge of his Puritan opponents, had given [...] moſt unfair account of the conference, and modeſtl [...] confuted whatever the biſhops had ſaid, in a Repre⯑ſentation directed to his majeſty. But, for their ef⯑fectual conviction, James, without conſulting eithe [...] parliament or convocation, by his royal proclamation commanded their complete uniformity in the uſe [...] the Service Book, as now corrected. Whitgift die [...] about ſix weeks after this conference, and tw [...] months after, Cartwright, his more valuable anta⯑goniſt.

[161]James being naturally fond of abſolute power, the flatteries of his conforming clergy tempted him to exerciſe it. Before the parliament met, he, by a proclamation, charged all the Jeſuits and Popiſh prieſts to leave the kingdom; but carefully informed the world, that it was not on account of their reli⯑gion, but for their maintaining the Pope's power o⯑ver princes.—And by another, he commanded all the Puritans to conform immediately, or underly the ex⯑tremities of law. In his ſpeech to his firſt Engliſh parliament, he acknowledged the Popiſh to be his mother church, though defiled with ſome infirmities and blots, and declared himſelf ready to indulge the Popiſh clergy, if they but renounced the Pope's ſu⯑premacy, and his pretended power to diſpenſe with the murder of ſovereigns; and that he would be glad to meet Papiſts half way in order to union; but ea⯑gerly declared Puritans unſupportable in any well governed ſtate. He moreover informed the parlia⯑ment of his hereditary right to the crown; and that he was anſwerable to none but God for his conduct. The parliament quickly perceived, that they had no longer to deal with the ſagacious and determined Eli⯑zabeth, and ſo took their own courſe. To the great vexation of the biſhops, they appointed all proceſſes in eccleſiaſtical courts to be wholly iſſued in the name of the ſovereign, and under his ſeal of array.—They alſo annulled all grants of church lands, which had been made to the crown for twenty years immediate⯑ly preceding. They legitimated the marriage of cler⯑gymen, by reviving the act of Edward VI. for that effect; for under Elizabeth their marriages had been merely tolerated, and their children were baſtards in law-reckoning.—In the convocation, Egerton, Fleet⯑wood, Wotton, Clark, and other Puritans petitioned for a correction of the ſervice book: but they and their brethren were commanded to conform before Midſummer, or underly the cenſures of the church. In the upper houſe, Rudd biſhop of St. Aſaph, in⯑ſiſted at conſiderable length for ſome indulgence to [162] their ſcrupulous brethren: But he was obliged to drop it.

In this convocation, the Book of canons was approv⯑ed by the clergy, and was afterward ratified by his majeſty's letters patent. It conſiſted of 141 articles, collected from the Injunctions and other epiſcopal o [...] ſynodical acts under Edward VI. and Elizabeth. it enacted, That whoever ſhould affirm the church of England not a true apoſtolical church,—or that her eſtabliſhed form of worſhip was in any reſpect corrupt or ſuperſtitious,—or that any of her Thirty-nine arti⯑cles could not be ſubſcribed with a ſafe conſcience, —or that any of her ceremonies were wicked, and not to be uſed, when commanded by authority,—or her government by archbiſhops, biſhops, deans, &c. was antichriſtian, and contrary to the word of God, —or that any thing in the ordinal for conſecration of biſhops, prieſts, and deacons, was contrary to the word of God,—or that perſons conſecrated accord⯑ing to it, needed any other call or ordination to their office:—And that whoever ſeparated from the communion of the church of England, or ſet up any other communion in oppoſition to it,—or that affir⯑med, that any ſuch was a lawful church,—or affir⯑med, that miniſters or laymen might, without the king's authority, make any rules for church govern⯑ment,—or who ſubmitted to ſuch rules,—ſhould, ipſo facto, be excommunicated, not to be abſolved but by the archbiſhop, after proper evidence of their repentance, and a public recantation of their wicked errors.—It further enacted, That no appeal from any eccleſiaſtical judge ſhall be ſuſtained, unleſs the appellant ſolemnly promiſe conformity to the church of England according to the ſervice book, and ſubſcribe an approbation of it, and of the Thirty-nine articles, and the king's ſupremacy; that none be allowed to preach, lecture, or catechize without ſuch engage⯑ment;—that people bow at the mention of the name JESUS; that all clergymen officiate in the ſurplice and other ſacred robes; that all communicants kneel [163] in receiving the Lord's ſupper; that not parents, but godfathers and godmothers, preſent children to baptiſm; and that miniſters baptize all children ſo preſented, unleſs their parents were excommunicated.

Bancroft, being advanced to the archbiſhoprick of Canterbury, and encouraged by the Lawyers de⯑ciſion of the king to be abſolute governor of the church, perſecuted the Puritans with ſuch unrelent⯑ing rigour, that, burning excepted, they were much about as miſerable as under Mary the bigotted Papiſt. Of above 1500 ſuch preachers, 300 were quickly deprived for ſcrupling to ſubſcribe the articles of uni⯑formity,—ſome excommunicated, ſome impriſoned, and others driven from their country. The king and Starchamber court aſſiſted him in denying them the common privileges of ſubjects ſecured by law. By a ſecond demand of ſubſcription, Bancroft re⯑newed his perſecution. So many of the London clergy refuſed to ſubſcribe again, that a great part of the churches were in danger of being laid deſolate for want of preachers,—had not the prodigious num⯑bers of ſcruplers, which now appeared, alarmed the court, and made them, for a time, to relax their proſecutions. Such as inſiſted for a total ſeparation from the eſtabliſhment, were eſpecially diſtreſſed; hence the moderate Dr. Ames, and Parker, the au⯑thor of the Eccleſiaſtical policy, and ſeveral Browniſts, retired to Holland, where theſe ſoon fell by the ears, and excommunicated one another. This, together with the other Puritans debates among themſelves, relative to the propriety of ſeparation from the church, occaſioned no ſmall joy to their conformiſt oppoſers.

Notwithſtanding king James' boaſting, that the Papiſts might be good ſubjects, while Puritans could not be ſafely tolerated in any well regulated ſtate, they, in 1605, attempted to blow up him and his whole parliament by the force of gunpowder, intend⯑ing to lay the blame on the Puritans. Their enter⯑prize being ſeaſonably diſcovered and prevented, [164] James, in a few days after, told his parliament, That the Puritans deſerved to be burnt for denying the ſalvation of Papiſts. The parliament enacted, That whoſoever came not to church, ſhould pay twelve pence for every Sabbath they were abſent, unleſs they could give a ſatisfying excuſe to the Juſtices of peace. This fell eſpecially on the Puritans, as means were uſed for protecting the Papiſts. The Puritan clergy offered a public diſputation concerning the lawfulneſs of the ceremonies, particularly officiating in the ſurplice, croſſing in baptiſm, and kneeling at the Lord's ſupper; but it was refuſed them. Here⯑upon, theſe in Lincolnſhire drew up an Apology, in which they offered to ſubſcribe to his ſupremacy; but could not ſubſcribe their unlimited aſſent to the Book of common prayer and the Thirty-nine articles, as they thought ſome things in them contrary to the word of God. They objected, That the Book of common prayer or ſervice book leaves out a great part of ſcripture, and often the moſt edifying, never to be read in public; and preſcribes the reading of 104 out of 172 chapters of the Apocrypha, in their room; thac a bad tranſlation of the Bible is appointed to be read in public ſervice; that ſurplices, croſſing in baptiſm, and kneeling at the Lord's ſupper, ought not to be uſed, as they have been abuſed to idolatry by the Papiſts, and have a myſtical ſignification an⯑nexed to them; and becauſe God alone hath power to appoint ceremonies in his own worſhip, &c.— Theſe Objections received an anſwer from biſhop Moreton and Dr. Bourges.—Downham, Sparkes, Covel, Hutton, Rogers, and Ball wrote in favour of the ceremonies, and were anſwered by Bradſhaw, Baynes, Ames, and others.

The ſcruplers being intolerably reproached as he⯑retics, ſchiſmatics, fanatics, preciſians, enemies to God and their king, Bradſhaw publiſhed his Engliſh Puri⯑taniſm, which is a kind of Confeſſion of faith con⯑cerning religion in general; paſtors; elders; church cenſures; and civil magiſtracy,—for the information [165] of foreigners, by means of Dr. Ames, now profeſſor of divinity at Francker in Holland. Some others publiſhed a declaration of their principles concerning [...]he power of magiſtrates about ſacred matters, ſome⯑what of an Independent taſte. The miniſters of Devonſhire and Cornwall publiſhed a vindication of [...]hemſelves and friends on the head of loyalty to his majeſty. About three years before, James had aſſur⯑ [...]d the inhabitants of Jerſey, that he would not make [...]ny change upon their forms of worſhip: but Ban⯑ [...]roft perſuaded him to violate his promiſe, and abo⯑ [...]iſh their order of Geneva, and force them to an u⯑ [...]iformity with the Engliſh church. This occaſion⯑ [...]d no ſmall trouble to both miniſters and people; [...]nd made not a few of them flee into other places.

When the parliament met in 1610, and a mem⯑ [...]er had very boldly inveighed againſt the ambition and tyranny of the eccleſiaſtical rulers, and againſt [...]he king's arbitrary impoſition of taxes,—James, en⯑couraged by Bancroft, and by a royally licenſed pu⯑ [...]lication of his vicar general, bearing, That kings were not bound by laws or oaths, or to regard the [...]onſent of their ſubjects in raiſing of taxes,—called [...]oth Houſes to Whitehall, and told them, that it was ſeditious for them to diſpute what kings may do; —and prohibited them to touch upon any principal [...]oints of his government. Regardleſs of his high words, they aſſerted their rights, petitioned for a [...]trict execution of the laws againſt Papiſts,—a prohi⯑ [...]ition of pluralities,—and an indulgence of Puritan [...]reachers, without obliging them to ſubſcribe the [...]erms of uniformity. They alſo remonſtrated againſt [...]he High Commiſſion, and their tyrannical proce⯑ [...]ure.—About this time, died Bancroft, and was [...]ucceeded in the archbiſhoprick by the pious, and moderate, and almoſt half Puritan, Abbot.—In [...]611 the new, and ſtill authorized tranſlation of the Bible was publiſhed, in conſequence of the Puritans [...]bjections to that of the biſhops, in the conference [...]t Hampton court. It is a moſt valuable tranſlation, [166] but a little marked with Epiſcopalian zeal. Hence come veſtry, veſtments, biſhops, bowing at the name of Jeſus, &c. In 1612, Legat and Wightman, who, I ſuppoſe, had been ſeduced by the then diſperſed So⯑cinian miſſionaries, were burnt for denying the true godhead of Jeſus Chriſt, and the Holy Ghoſt, and a third languiſhed in priſon till he died. What pro⯑per pains were taken to convince them of their er⯑rors, I know not.—About this time died prince Hen⯑ry, a virtuous youth, from whoſe happy ſucceſſion to his father, deliverance from ſpiritual oppreſſions was expected. It was even ſuſpected, that Jame [...] cauſed him to be poiſoned on account of the grea [...] regard paid to him by his ſubjects. But while he [...] and his agents were labouring to ſubvert the true Proteſtant religion and liberty in Britain, God laid the foundation of a far diſtant deliverance in the mar⯑riage of his daughter Elizabeth to Frederic, Electo [...] Palatine of the Rhine, in whoſe iſſue the Britiſh royalty hath been long eſtabliſhed. It is remarkable how heartily the Puritans were attached to, and pray⯑ed for this alliance and its iſſue, when there appear⯑ed no proſpect of their being our ſovereigns.

About A. D. 1616, Henry Jacob having adopted Robinſon's plan of mild Browniſm, and returning from Holland, did, with ſolemn faſting, found th [...] firſt congregational church in England. The Inde⯑pendents claim him for their parent, rather than th [...] ſcandalous Brown.—Not long after, James took [...] journey to Scotland, to introduce his darling cere⯑monies into the worſhip of God there. As he re⯑turned through England, particularly through Lan⯑caſhire in 1617, he was exceedingly grieved to ſe [...] the country ſo deeply infected with Puritanical ob⯑ſervation of the Lord's day; in conſequence of which the holy ſeaſons of Lent and other feſtivzls were let regarded. To check this growing ſanctification o [...] the Sabbath, and thereby confute the Popiſh argu⯑ments againſt the Proteſtant religion, he, contrar [...] to his own proclamation in the firſt year of his reign [...] [167] and contrary to the Iriſh Confeſſion of faith, which [...]ad juſt paſſed under his great ſeal, iſſued a procla⯑mation, bearing, That, after divine ſervice on the Lord's day, his ſubjects ſhould be allowed their law⯑ful diverſions of dancing, archery, leaping, vaulting, [...]lay-games, Whitſuntide-ales, Morris-dances, erec⯑ [...]ion of May-poles, &c. and women be allowed to [...]dorn the churches with ruſhes, &c. before ſermon, —and pretending to prove the lawfulneſs of ſuch [...]ports;—but forbidding bull-baiting, interludes, and ſuch like, as unlawful;—and prohibiting common people to play at bowls, which was reſerved for per⯑ſons of rank at anytime. Papiſts and Puritans were deprived of theſe diverſions, becauſe they came not [...]o their pariſh churches. Had not archbiſhop Abbot [...]nd others interceeded, he had cauſed this procla⯑mation to be read from all the pulpits in the king⯑dom; but it was only done in Lancaſhire, where Papiſts now ſo much abounded. Nothing better could be expected from a king, in whoſe court ſcarce [...]ny thing could be heard but oaths, and language [...]ordering on blaſphemy.

The Dutch Synod of Dort, conſiſting of 38 divines, [...] profeſſors of divinity, and 21 ruling elders from the United Provinces,—with 28 foreign divines, met in 1618. As James had been a furious oppoſer of the Arminians, and violently oppoſed the admiſſion of Vorſtius to be profeſſor of divinity at Leyden, he was glad to have an opportunity of ſending Carleton, Davenant, Hall, Ward, and Balcanquel to Dort.— Dr. Goad ſucceeded Hall, whoſe health could not endure that climate. They all aſſented to every ar⯑ticle of the Dutch Confeſſion, except that which re⯑ [...]ates to parity of miniſters, and to church diſcipline. They heartily agreed with the Synod in their deciſi⯑ons againſt the Arminian doctrines, except that Davenant and Ward held ſome kind of univerſality of redemption, and that ſome not elected might be ſaved. But Davenant, as well as Hall, afterward declared, that the Arminian tenets could not be a⯑dopted [168] in a conſiſtence with the doctrine of the church of England.—Meanwhile, to the great joy of foreign Proteſtants, Engliſh Puritans, and archbiſhop Abbot, the Elector Palatine was choſen king of Bohemia. But James, who hated all elective royalty, and was loth to diſpleaſe the Spaniſh court, from which he expected a wife to Charles his ſon, diſliked his ſon-in-law's advancement, and, notwithſtanding the ea⯑gerneſs of his ſubjects, ſhifted his aſſiſtance, till his daughter and her family were reduced to an almoſt permanent beggary.

In 1620, the congregation of Robinſon, a pious and moderate Browniſt, at Leyden, being on the de⯑cline, thro' the death of old members, and marriage of the young into Dutch families, they reſolved to re⯑move to ſome part of America, under the protection of England, where they might preſerve their religion. They ſold their eſtates, and bought two ſhips; and after ſolemn faſting and prayer for God's bleſſing and protection, ſet ſail for that country. One of their ſhips ſailing, they all embarked in the other, and arrived ſafe at Cape Cod, Nov. 9th. Notwithſtand⯑ing innumerable hardſhips, eſpecially during the firſt winter, they laid the foundation of the New Eng⯑land colony, which hath ſince proved a remarkable refuge for many perſecuted fearers of God, and in which multitudes have been converted to Chriſt.

Buckeridge, Harſnet, Neile, and Laud, having embraced the Arminian errors,—by their flattering of James in his notions and practice of arbitrary go⯑vernment, made him their hearty friend, and were advanced to ſome of his principal biſhopricks. Th [...] Calviniſts zeal to preſerve the liberties of the natio [...] made him heartily hate them. In conſequence here of, he reckoned all that oppoſed his arbitrary ma⯑nagements to be Puritans, who began to be diſtin⯑guiſhed into State Puritans, who contended for a li⯑mited monarchy, and Church Puritans, who main⯑tained the doctrines of the Reformation in oppoſitio [...] to Arminius. When the parliament met in 1621 [169] the Commons drew up a large Remonſtrance, in which they complained of the danger of the Prote⯑ſtant religion from the increaſe of Papiſts, their nu⯑merous conventicles, the remiſſion of the fines im⯑poſed on them by law, the education of many chil⯑dren of rank in Popiſh ſeminaries abroad, and the ſpread of Popiſh books; and they beſought his maje⯑ſty to aſſiſt his ſon-in-law, in recovering his Electo⯑rate; and to break off all attempts toward a marriage of his ſon Charles with the Spaniſh Infanta, and marry him to ſome Proteſtant princeſs. James, hear⯑ing of this, prohibited them to meddle with his go⯑vernment, or his ſon's marriage; and, becauſe they were not as pliable as he wiſhed, he diſſolved them.

Having thus got rid of his troubleſome houſes of parliament, he commanded the Popiſh priſoners to be liberated. About four thouſand Jeſuits and others obtained their releaſe. Informed of this, multitudes of Jeſuits and other Papiſts flocked into England.— Maſs was openly celebrated in the country. In Lon⯑don, their private meetings were ſo crowded, that in 1622, the floor ſunk under one of them, and kil⯑led the preacher, and about 93 others. Meanwhile, the eſtabliſhed pulpits were carefully filled with zea⯑lots for arbitrary power; and ſuch as dared to aſſert the rights of the ſubjects, were puniſhed. Mr. Knight, having, in a ſermon before the univerſity of Oxford, taught, That ſubordinate magiſtrates may defend themſelves againſt their ſovereign, if he become a tyrant, and attempt to force their compliance with idolatry or blaſphemy. Being proſecuted and inter⯑rogated, What authority he had for ſuch an aſſertion, he quoted Paroeus on Rom. xiii. but chiefly his ma⯑jeſty in aſſiſting the Proteſtants of Rochelle againſt their French ſovereign. Himſelf was impriſoned. Paroeus' commentaries were publicly burnt at London and Oxford, and his aſſertion condemned as ſeditious. —The univerſity of Oxford declared, that it was un⯑lawful for ſubjects, upon any account, to take arms againſt their king; and all graduates were obliged to [170] ſubſcribe it, and to ſwear, That they would alway continue in that opinion.—To diſtreſs the Puri⯑tans ſtill more effectually, James commanded his bi⯑ſhops to prohibit clergymen's touching in their ſer⯑mons any thing not contained in the Thirty-nine articles;—to put down all afternoon ſermons, and ſubſtitute an explication of the Catechiſm, Creed, and ten commandments in their place;—and that ſuch as only catechized the children be chiefly countenanced and preferred;—that none below a biſhop or dean ſhould touch on the deep points of predeſtination, or the univerſality, efficacy, or reſiſtableneſs of God's grace; that no preacher ſhould dare to ſet bounds to the royal prerogative, or touch any matter of ſtate; that no preacher ſhould rail againſt Papiſts or Puri⯑tans (who were added for a ſham);—that biſhops and archbiſhops be more cautious in licenſing of preachers;—and that all diſobeyers of theſe injuncti⯑ons ſhall be puniſhed with ſuſpenſion from office and benefice, till the archbiſhops, with advice of their convocation, preſcribe ſome further puniſhment.— Formerly the Puritans had only offended by ſcrupling Popiſh ceremonies or forms of government. Now, their faithful adherence to what they had been re⯑quired to ſubſcribe in the Thirty-nine articles, con⯑trary to Arminianiſm, rendered them offenders, and excluded them from preferment. Nay, in many places, biſhops and their officials reſtricted preachers to the expreſs words of the Catechiſm, in their after⯑noon work.

Having, to his inexpreſſible grief, accidentally killed a man in hunting, archbiſhop Abbot with⯑drew himſelf from the privy council, in which his advice had been little regarded, on account of his tenderneſs to pious and conſcientious ſcruplers.— Having loſt their friend, many of theſe Puritans re⯑tired to America, and Popery came in like a flood. To promote the marriage of Charles with the Spa⯑niſh Infanta, it was agreed, That ſhe, and all her ſervant, children, and deſcendents, ſhould have li⯑berty [171] to profeſs the Popiſh religion; that ſhe ſhould have a church, oratory, and chapel, furniſhed with all neceſſary ornaments and utenſils; that ſhe ſhould have a biſhop and 24 prieſts to officiate with full ju⯑riſdiction; that ſhe and her ſervants ſhould have full liberty to procure diſpenſations, indulgences, jubi⯑lees, &c. from Rome; that no Engliſh laws againſt Papiſts ſhall, in the leaſt, affect the Popiſh deſcen⯑dents of this marriage, or ſtop their ſucceſſion to the crown; that the Infanta ſhall educate her children in her own religion, till they be ten years of age.— To theſe articles James ſwore before two Spaniſh ambaſſadors and twenty-four privy counſellors, who ſubſcribed the treaty. He and his ſon ſwore alſo to ſome private articles, That there ſhould be no future execution of the laws againſt Papiſts, nor any new ones made; that there ſhould be a perpetual tolera⯑tion of the Popiſh religion in private houſes; that the Infanta ſhould never be ſolicited to change her religion; that they ſhould deal with the parliament to reſcind the laws againſt Papiſts.—Charles further ſwore, That he would deal with his father to allow the Infanta to have the education of her children till they were twelve years of age; and that he would diligently hearken to ſuch prieſts as ſhe would em⯑ploy to confer with him on points of religion. The Papiſts began to triumph, and the Proteſtants to tremble. Archbiſhop Abbot, by a letter, earneſtly remonſtrated againſt the match. After all, James ſolemnly called God to witneſs, that he ſincerely deteſted Popery, and that the increaſe of it was a heavy burden on his ſoul. Meanwhile, his parliament preſented him with a liſt of 57 Popiſh lords and knights in office, while ſcarcely any that was but ſuſpected of Puritaniſm could be admitted to be a Juſtice of peace. And, after finiſhing the French match for his ſon, he allowed ten thouſand Papiſts to be confirmed at the French ambaſſador's lodging.

In 1625, James died, not without ſuſpicion of poiſon. He was poſſeſſed of ſome learning, deeply [172] tinctured with pedantry and ſelf-conceit. He ap⯑pears to have been void of all religion or common honeſty, and remarkable for ſilly cowardice, baſe diſſimulation, preſumptuous perjury, profane ſwear⯑ing, lewd ſpeech or behaviour, ambition of arbitrary power, and rage againſt Puritans. During his reign, Papiſts, but eſpecially the Puritans, exceedingly in⯑creaſed, while the high churchmen, by their igno⯑rance, error, and impiety, became the deteſtation of all ſober Proteſtants. Their doctrine became at laſt high Arminianiſm. While himſelf, if he had any profeſſion, was half or wholly a Papiſt. Bent on reconciling the Popiſh and Proteſtant faith, James' new biſhops were almoſt perfectly ſimilar. They maintained the Romiſh to be a true church, and the Pope the principal biſhop in Chriſtendom; they contended for the lawfulneſs of images in churches; and for the real preſence of Chriſt in the ſacrament; and that tranſubſtantiation was but a ſcholaſtic nice⯑ty; they pled for auricular confeſſion, and prieſtly abſolution, and the merit of good works: they gave up with the morality of the Chriſtian Sabbath: they claimed an uninterrupted ſucceſſion of the epiſcopal character from the apoſtles: they were mad on the imitating of Papiſts in rich furniture of chapels and gawdy pomp of worſhip. While they flamed with zeal in compromiſing matters with Rome, they were notoriouſly negligent of inſtructing their people in the truths of God. Almoſt every practical writer of note, as Willat, Dyke, Preſton, Sibbs, Byfield, Bolton, Hilderſham, Dod, Ball, Whatley, &c. were Puritans.

CHARLES I. aſcended his throne, a hearty enemy to the Puritans, looking on them as a kind of ſeditious and treacherous perſons, who would take their firſt opportunity of revolting from the tempo⯑ral juriſdiction, as they had done from the ſpiritual. His queen, whom he almoſt adored, was a bigotted French Papiſt, and had the education of her children [173] ſecured to her till they ſhould be thirteen years of age. Her conſcience was directed by her Confeſſor, aſſiſted by the Pope's nuncio, and a ſecret cabal of Jeſuits and prieſts. Biſhop Laud was of a rough temper, prone to ſeverities, eſpecially againſt the Paritans, impatient of contradiction, very arbitrary and ſuperſtitious; and though not an abſolute Pa⯑piſt, extremely fond of near approaches to Popery, and of being Patriarch of Britain and Ireland. The privy council and the Starchamber, in which the ſame perſons were members, and the High Commiſ⯑ſion managed almoſt every thing. In ſome reſpects the laſt was worſe than the Spaniſh Inquiſition, as they puniſhed people without any breach of law.— Arminianiſm daily gained ground with all ſuch as coveted preferment. Laud had attempted to have it approved by the convocation, had not biſhop An⯑drews perſuaded him, that it was too ſoon to put it to the trial.

Henrietta, the Popiſh queen, had ſcarcely arrived in England, when a plague followed her, and cut off above forty thouſand in London and places about. A ſolemn faſt was appointed, to ſupplicate God for the removal of it. When the parliament met, the Commons earneſtly remonſtrated againſt the increaſe of Popery, and the ſeveral cauſes of it; and begged, that the preaching of God's word might be increaſed, and the labours of pious, peaceable, and learned ſcruplers at the ceremonies uſed;—and that plurali⯑ties, non-reſidences, and commendams might be mo⯑derated. Charles promiſed, in the faireſt manner. But be had already begun to believe, that no faith is to be kept with parliaments. Upon the very day after he had wrote to archbiſhop Abbot, to proceed againſt the Papiſts, and had, by a proclamation, re⯑quired all Engliſh youth to be recalled from the Po⯑piſh ſeminaries abroad, he appointed eleven Popiſh prieſts to be liberated. Fifty-nine Popiſh nobility and gentry were in places of power and truſt. The titular biſhop of Chalcedon was appointed the Pope's [174] vicar general, and archdeacons all over England.— Charles ſent eight of his war ſhips to attack Rochelle. The rough ſailors and ſoldiers, being more pious than the royal martyr, refuſed to fight for Papiſts againſt their Proteſtant brethren, but were betrayed into the hands of French officers.

Montague, one of his majeſty's chaplains, publi⯑ſhed his Gag for an old gooſe; which contained ſeve⯑ral principles calculated to diſturb the church or ſtate. The Houſe of Commons condemned it, and the archbiſhop prohibited him to write any more on ſuch ſubjects. But, encouraged by the court, he quickly publiſhed his Appeal to Ceſar; the tendency of which was to promote Arminianiſm, and reconciliation with Rome, and to advance the king's prerogative above the laws of the land. After examination, the Commons condemned it, as contrary to the doctrine of the church of England, and bound Montague in recognizance of two thouſand pounds for his appear⯑ance at their bar, when called. Apprehending, o [...] pretending, this to be an invaſion of his majeſty' [...] prerogative, and a dangerous precedent, Laud and other two biſhops, through Buckingham, perſuaded Charles to take the cauſe into his own hand; an [...] ſoon after, to ſtill the noiſe about the increaſe o [...] Popery and his aſſiſting of his Popiſh brother-in law againſt the Proteſtants of Rochelle, he diſſolved th [...] parliament. Notwithſtanding his extraordinary ca [...] to prevent the return of any Puritan members, b [...] marking them out for ſheriffs, the parliamentar [...] Commons, next year, fell directly upon Montague errors. He was accuſed of maintaining, That th [...] church of Rome is, and alway was, a true church which had ſtood firm on the foundation of the ſacra⯑ments and doctrine inſtituted by Chriſt; that a [...] doctrine of faith, hope, or charity is controverted be⯑tween Papiſts and Proteſtants, that images are uſe⯑ful for inſtructing the people, and as an excitemen [...] to devotion; that ſome ſaints and angels have a p [...] ⯑culiar patronage over certain perſons and countries [175] that juſtified perſons may fall from grace:—and of branding Puritans, and even exact conformiſts with odious names;—of ſcoffing at preaching, lecturing, and all other appearances of ſerious religion;—and that the ſcope of his book was to reconcile the Eng⯑liſh church to the Roman ſee. Charles again took the cauſe into his own hand, and diſſolved the par⯑liament.

Nevertheleſs, Montague's Arminian errors were refuted from the preſs by biſhop Carleton, doctors Sutliff, Featly, and Goad, and Meſſrs. Ward, Bur⯑ton, Yates, Wotton, Prynne, Rouſe, &c. Several conferences for debating the Arminian errors having happened, Charles, perhaps inſtigated by Laud and Neile, prohibited all further deputing on theſe points. Laud and his friends having the management in their hands, turned the edge of this proclamation wholly againſt the Puritans. They could not have their books printed, if they contained any thing againſt Arminianiſm or Popery, while their opponents were allowed full liberty, and had no ſmall encouragement. Archbiſhop Abbot was ſuſpended from his office, for refuſing to concur in betraying the liberties of church and ſtate into his majeſty's hand, and for his Chriſtian moderation towards ſuch as ſcrupled at the ceremonies, or even the government of the church. And for much the ſame reaſon, Williams biſhop of Lincoln fell under the diſpleaſure of the court. But Montague, Sibthorp, and Manwaring, Arminian ſtretchers of the royal prerogative, were careſſed and preferred. When the parliament met in 1628, they again remonſtrated againſt the increaſe of Pope⯑ry in England and Ireland, in which laſt, Papiſts had boldly refuſed to concur in the defence of the king⯑dom, unleſs they were allowed a legal toleration, and to have houſes for religious worſhip in Dublin, and other places. But ſo impudent, in uttering falſhood, were Charles and Laud, that they pretended all theſe clamours about Arminianiſm and Popery to be groundleſs.

[178]conformity to the rules of the church; that the mat⯑ter preached by lecturers be carefully obſerved;— that none but noblemen and others qualified in law, be allowed to keep chaplains; that care be taken to have reading of prayers and catechiſing as well atten⯑ded as the ſermons. Laud cauſed to tranſmit a copy of theſe Inſtructions to every parſon, for the due ob⯑ſervation of them; and by his archdeacons, made ſearch for all lecturers and chaplains. Theſe lectu⯑rers ſo much ſuſpected, were chiefly of the Puritan ſtamp, who ſcrupling at full conformity, only prea⯑ched in the afternoon, having no legal benefice, but choſen and maintained by the people. Being men of a remarkably holy practice, ſtrict obſervers of the Lord's day, warm preachers, and ſtaunch Calviniſts, Laud accounted them the great plagues of church and ſtate. When a faſt was obſerved in London for the removal of the raging peſtilence, prayers were appointed to be read in all the churches; but not one ſermon was allowed, leſt the people ſhould have wandered after ſome of theſe lecturers. The two Rogers, Dod, Hilderſham, Ward, and many other of the more noted in the dioceſe of London, were ſuſpended. For ſome hints againſt Arminianiſm and Popiſh ceremonies, Bernard, Chauncey, and Smart were proſecuted before the High Commiſſion, Ber⯑nard till he was ruined with poverty; Chauncey till he recanted; and Smart lay eleven years in priſon, till the parliament liberated him. Affected with the conſtant perſecution of their party, and the reducti⯑on of their families to beggary, without any proſpect of deliverance, Meſſrs. Higginſon and Skelton, with about 350 private perſons, retired to America, and ſettled in the Maſſachuſſett-bay, as their friends had formerly done at Plymouth. After landing, they entered into a ſolemn covenant to walk together in the fear of the Lord, and in church fellowſhip with one another. About ſeventy miniſters and four thou⯑ſand planters are ſaid to have retired to that conti⯑nent from the tyrannical rage of Laud and his agents

[179]The perſecutors vented their fury on as many as they could. In 1630, the learned biſhop Davenant, though a friend to univerſal redemption, was brought before the council for ſome Calviniſtical hints con⯑cerning predeſtination, in his ſermon before the king. He was diſmiſſed upon his ſubmiſſion, but never more favoured at court. Mr. Leighton, a Scotch divine, and father to the biſhop of that name, for ſome expreſſions againſt biſhops, canons, ceremonies, and a Popiſh queen, in his Zion's plea againſt Prelacy, was condemned to priſon for life, fined in ten thou⯑ſand pounds ſterling, and to be whipt, and after that fixed on the pillory at Weſtminſter, have one ear cut off, and ſide of his noſe ſlit up, and his face branded with S S. to mark him a Sower of Sedition; and after a few days, to be again whipt and pilloried at Cheapſide, and have the other ear cut off, and ſide of his noſe ſlit. When this inhuman ſentence was pronounced, Laud took off his hat, and thank⯑ed God for it. It was completely executed, except that the parliament, ten years after, releaſed him from priſon.

The church of St. Catherine Creed, London, be⯑ing lately repaired, was ſuſpended from divine ſer⯑vice till it ſhould be again conſecrated. On January 16th, 1630, biſhop Laud, attended by ſeveral of the High Commiſſioners and ſome civilians, went to it. As he approached the weſt door, ſome appointed for that purpoſe, cried with a loud voice, Open-ye the e⯑verlaſting doors, that the king of glory may enter in. The doors burſting open, Laud and his companions entered, and falling on his knees, with eyes lifted up to heaven, and his arms ſpread to form himſelf like a crucifix▪ he pronounced the place HOLY, in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoſt. Then walking through the middle of the Aile, toward the chancel, he took up duſt ſeveral times, and threw it into the air. Approaching toward the rail of the communion table, he bowed himſelf five or ſix times towards it. Returning thence, he and his atten⯑dents [180] went in proceſſion round about the church, re⯑peating the hundredth, and the nineteenth pſalms▪ He then read ſome ſhort prayers, beſeeching God to accept of that beautiful building; and that a [...] that ſhould ever be buried in it, might reſt in peace till Chriſt's ſecond coming, and then riſe to eterna [...] life. Returning to the Aile, and ſitting under a ſin [...] canopy of cloth, near the communion table, he, from a written book, read a number of curſes againſt a [...] ſuch as ſhould profane that holy place, by muſters o [...] ſoldiers, or by holding of civil courts in it, or b [...] bearing of burdens through it; at the end of each curſe bowing toward the Eaſt, and ſaying, Let al [...] the people ſay Amen. He next pronounced an equa [...] number of bleſſings upon all that had any hand i [...] planning or building it, or that ſhould beſtow orna⯑ments or utenſils upon it; at the end of each, bow⯑ing toward the Eaſt, and ſaying, Let all the peopl [...] ſay Amen. After a ſermon ſuited to the occaſion, h [...] then approached the altar, with five or ſix lowl [...] bows. Coming up to that ſide of it, on which brea [...] and wine ſtood covered, he bowed himſelf ſeve [...] times. After reading a number of prayers, he dre [...] near to the bread, and gently lifting the corner o [...] the napkin, which covered it, he retired a ſtep o [...] two, and made other three lowly bows towards it Again advancing, he uncovered the bread, an [...] bowed himſelf thrice more toward it. After layin [...] his hand on the covered cup, he retired a little, an [...] gave it three humble bows; and again approachin [...] it, he ſtepped back and gave it three more: (Q. Di [...] he believe the elements tranſubſtantiated before the [...] conſecration?) After bleſſing of the bread and wine Laud himſelf received the ſacrament, and gave it [...] ſome principal clergymen, who aſſiſted him in the [...] ſurplices, hoods, and tippets. A number of mo [...] prayers being read, the conſecration was finiſhed The church of St. Giles, after it had been uſed fo [...] three or four years, and ſeveral others after ſti [...] [181] longer uſe, were ſuſpended from holy ſervice, and ſhut up, till they were re-admitted by a like conſe⯑cration. When the cathedral churches of London, Canterbury, Durham, and the chapel of Lambeth, were repaired, the Popiſh ornaments, images of di⯑vine perſons not excepted, were carefully preſerved, and new ones were procured, to render the places more comely and ſacred. As the Puritans inveighed againſt theſe Popiſh fooleries or wickedneſs, the High Commiſſion took care to puniſh them for their preſumption.

In 1631, Laud, being made chancellor of the uni⯑verſity of Oxford, expelled ſeveral of the fellows for preaching or teaching anti-arminian doctrine, and appointed others to be ſharply admoniſhed. For his ſingular appearances of piety, and for preaching twice every Lord's day, Mr. Crowder was depoſed and impriſoned by the High Commiſſion.—About four years before, Drs. Gouge, Sibbs, and other cler⯑gymen, had formed a ſcheme to buy up all the ec⯑cleſiaſtical impropriations, that were in the hands of laymen, and not in the ſervice of the church, in or⯑der to beſtow the profits thereof as ſalaries upon faithful and diligent preachers. Pretending, that they chiefly beſtowed them upon Puritans, Laud got them ſtripped of all that they had bought, and ſined to boot. For ſpeaking againſt images in churches, Hayden, a workman, was ſcourged, impriſoned, and forced to live on bread and water; and two miniſters were ſuſpended and excommunicated. Sherfield, a juſtice of peace, having underſtood that ſome igno⯑rant people religiouſly bowed to ſeven images of God the Father, in the form of a little old man, in a blue and red coat, working at the creation of the world, in the painted glaſs windows of the old church of Saliſbury, did, with conſent of the wardens, take out theſe panes, and put new ones in their room. For this he was deprived of his recorderſhip, ſined in 500 pounds ſterling, and committed to cloſe pri⯑ſon, till he paid it. Meanwhile, Laud inſpected the [182] Preſs, and expunged out of every book, for which licence was granted, every paſſage, which diſallowed of religious pictures, or of erecting, bowing, or pray⯑ing to images. Becauſe the Engliſh churches in Holland and Hamburgh refuſed to conform to his ceremonies, he harraſſed the foreign Proteſtants in England. He had ſcarcely returned from aſſiſting his majeſty to promote conformity in Scotland, 1633, when he was made archbiſhop of Canterbury, inſtead of the now deceaſed, but long ago diſgraced and hated Abbot; and in Charles' name remitted ARTI⯑CLES for the royal chapel at Edinburgh, to be a pattern to the reſt that kingdom.

Great complaints having been preſented to Lord Chief Juſtice Richardſon and Baron Denham, in their weſtern circuit, of manifold miſchiefs ariſing from revels, church-ales, clerk-ales, ^* &c. upon the Lord's day,—conform to many precedents under Eli⯑zabeth and James, and even one of 1629, they made an order for ſuppreſſing them, and required every miniſter to read it on three different Sabbaths every year, before Eaſter; and at their return puniſhed ſome who had been guilty of diſobedience. Laud, having complained of their invading the rights of bi⯑ſhops, they were cited before the privy council, ſharply reprimanded, and required to recall their injunctions. Pierce, biſhop of Bath and Wells, in⯑formed Laud, how much the people diſliked the ſuppreſſion of their Sabbath revels; and what bleſſed means they were of bringing people to church, and [183] of promoting mutual affection. Seventy-two of his clergy ſigned this information. Meanwhile, the juſtices of the county repreſented theſe meetings as a remarkable ſource of profanation of the Sabbath, riotous tippling, contempt of authority, quarrels, murders, whoredom, and very prejudicial to the peace, plenty, or order of the country; and there⯑fore begged, that they might be ſuppreſſed. No leſs zealous for ſupporting and encouraging them, Laud cauſed Charles to re-publiſh his father's Book of ſports, adding a particular allowance of the revels above mentioned, along with an order to all the bi⯑ſhops to ſee that it ſhould be read from every pulpit in the ſeveral pariſh churches of the kingdom, that all the ſubjects might know what liberties were al⯑lowed them. Laud thought the Puritans would refuſe to read it from their pulpits on Sabbath, and ſo expoſe themſelves to proſecutions, while his faſhi⯑onable clergy, who reckoned the Sabbath of no more than eccleſiaſtical appointment, and no more but the time of public worſhip holy, would readily read it.

While the courtiers held their balls, maſquerades, interludes, and plays on the Lord's day, and the country people, eſpecially the youth, their revels, dances, wakes, May-games, church-ales, clerk-ales, bid-ales, and other recreations,—many hundreds of the pious clergy were proſecuted before the High Commiſſion, ſuſpended, deprived, excommunicated, and forced to leave the kingdom, for refuſing to read this Book of ſports. Laud and his party reckoned murder, adultery, and the like, almoſt no crimes in reſpect of this. To render the Book of common prayer more agreeable to the Papiſts, and more diſtreſsful to the Puritans, Laud, at his own hand, made ſome alterations in it. In the collect for the royal family, Elizabeth of the Palatinate and her diſtreſſed family were expunged. The prayer againſt the Papiſts for the 5th of November was turned againſt the Puri⯑tans. An order was given to turn the communion [184] tables into altars, and to compaſs them about with rails. Bowing at the name of Jeſus was perempto⯑rily required. Dreadful was the ferment which theſe alterations occaſioned, particularly that which re⯑lated to the communion table. Many miniſters and church wardens were fined and excommunicated, be⯑cauſe they ſcrupled to obey.

Prynne, a noted lawyer, having publiſhed a book againſt ſtage plays, maſquerades, and dancing, it was ordered to be publicly burnt by the hands of the hangman. He was deprived of his degrees in Lin⯑coln's-inn and the univerſity of Oxford: he was pil⯑loried at Weſtminſter and Cheapſide, at each of which places he had one of his ears cut off. He was fined in five thouſand pounds, and committed to perpetual impriſonment. Dr. Baſtwick, a phyſician, having publiſhed a tract againſt the Romiſh biſhops, in which he had denied the divine warrant for the ſuperiority of biſhops above preſbyters, he was deprived of his office, excommunicated, fined in a thouſand pounds, and condemned to ly in priſon till he ſhould recant. Burton, a miniſter, was impriſoned for ſeveral years, becauſe, in his publiſhed ſermons, he had dropt ſome hints againſt Laud's innovations.—While the terrible procedure of the High Commiſſion forced Elliot, Cotton, Davenport, Hooker, Shepherd, and Nor⯑ton, all of them remarkable Puritan miniſters, to ſlee into New England, Laud, having become chan⯑cellor of the univerſity of Dublin, and having lord deputy Wentworth, afterward earl of Strafford, on his ſide, he excluded the Puritan articles which arch⯑biſhop Uſher had eſtabliſhed in Ireland, and intro⯑duced the Thirty-nine Engliſh articles in their ſtead, —denouncing an excommunication againſt all ſuch as ſhould affirm any of them to be ſuperfluous or erro⯑neous. The Dutch and French Proteſtants in Eng⯑land, conſiſting of ten congregations, and about 6000 communicants, had their paſtors ſuſpended, and their churches ſhut up, becauſe they would not agree that their children in the 2d deſcent, ſhould be bound to [185] conformity. Many of theſe foreigners left the king⯑dom, to the great hurt of the manufactures, and the poor employed in them. The Engliſh ambaſſador at Paris, was prohibited to attend public worſhip with the French Proteſtants, but got a chapel of his own furniſhed to the liking of Laud, who declared, that he did not look upon the Hugonots as a part of the Engliſh's brethren in Chriſt. Provoked with theſe things, few of the foreign Proteſtants pitied the Eng⯑ [...]iſh Epiſcopalians in their ſubſequent diſtreſs. Soli⯑cited by his ſiſter Elizabeth, Charles granted a Brief for a general collection through England, for the Proteſtant miniſters of the Palatinate, which had been ſubdued and terribly diſtreſſed by the Popiſh troops of the emperor. But Laud prevented its ſuc⯑eſs, by excepting, that in the Brief Papiſts were called Antichriſtians, and the religion of the Palatine Proteſtants ſaid to be the ſame with that of the church of England.

In ſummer A. D. 1635, Laud performed his me⯑tropolitical viſitation; and had his ſpies every where, that no precentor, or even private perſon, was ſafe to ſpeak in public companies, or even converſe with his neighbours. Terrible were the proſecutions raiſ⯑ed for neglecting to change communion tables into altars, or for other diſconformities to his injuncti⯑ons. Many broke up houſe-keeping, intending to go to America. Informed of their deſign, the coun⯑cil prohibited all but ſoldiers, mariners, merchants, and factors to leave the kingdom without a paſſport from his majeſty. Notwithſtanding this reſtraint, Peter Bulkly and Richard Math [...]ious clergymen, and many others, got off.—To [...]vance eccleſiaſtical power, Laud drew much of the buſineſs of Weſtmin⯑ſter hall into the ſpiritual courts, which the king al⯑lowed him to hold in name of the biſhops. Being allowed a right to viſit the univerſities, he drew up a ſyſtem of new ſtatutes for that of Oxford, in the preface to which he ſeverely reflected on the diſor⯑dering government of Edward VI. and extolled the [186] reign of Mary, as producing a revival of diſcipline and making the univerſity to flouriſh,—candour through the much deſired felicity of the times, ſup⯑plying the place of ſtatutes. The other biſhops were empowered to form new articles of viſitation in their particular dioceſes; and to adminiſter an oath t [...] church wardens, upon which they ſhould anſwer [...] very thing aſked of them. By theſe means, Powe [...] Calamy, Carter, Burroughs, Bridges, Greenhill, an [...] about fifty other noted Puritan miniſters, were ſuſ⯑pended or otherwiſe puniſhed, to the ruin of their families. Afternoon ſermons on Sabbath wered eſpe⯑cially condemned, as they employed Puritan preach⯑ers, and hindered the revels.

Now the leading churchmen had attained their ſummit, graſping not only all eccleſiaſtical juriſdiction but alſo the higheſt preferments of the ſtate. Juxo [...] biſhop of London, was made High Treaſurer, th [...] moſt lucrative office in the kingdom, and which claims precedence next to that of the archbiſhop.— The higher they were exalted, they became the mor [...] unfaithful, indolent, and many of them intolerabl [...] ſcandalous and proud. The ſufferings of their op⯑ponents increaſed in the Starchamber and High Com⯑miſſion,—ſticking at nothing cruel or illegal. A ca⯑talogue of God's judgments on Sabbath breakers, an apo⯑logy to the Engliſh biſhops, and a new litany being pu⯑bliſhed, in which ſome ſentences were ſaid to be ſe⯑ditious, ſchiſmatic, and libellous, Prynne, Baſtwick and Burton, priſoners, were charged with them i [...] the Starchamber. They prepared their anſwers; bu [...] could get no lawyer to ſign them, nor would the cour [...] receive them from their own hands; but condemne [...] them, as confeſſing what was laid to their charge▪ and becauſe Burton, who had got one to ſign hi [...] would not acknowledge it after they had expunged a [...] but nine or ten lines of it, he alſo was held to hav [...] confeſſed. Notwithſtanding their earneſt ſolicitation to have their anſwers read, Burton was deprived o [...] his miniſtry and benefice, and along with Baſtwic [...] [187] was pilloried at Weſtminſter, and had their ears cut off. Prynne had his ſtumps rooted out, and his cheeks marked with S. L. to denote him a Seditious Libeller; and each of them was fined in 5000 pounds, and ſent to different priſons, where they lay without paper, pen, or ink, or acceſs to friends, till the par⯑ [...]iament relieved them in 1640. Nay, ſuch as ſhew⯑ed them any kindneſs as they were carried to priſon, were proſecuted. Laud laboured to vindicate him⯑ſelf from the charge of attempting innovations in re⯑ [...]igion, and thanked the court for their juſt and ho⯑nourable ſentence, and for their zealous defence of [...]he church. Multitudes in the nation, particularly miniſters, lawyers, and phyſicians, did not ſo plea⯑ [...]antly digeſt this ſentence, and the execution of it.

Much about the ſame time, a proceſs was carried [...]n againſt Williams biſhop of Lincoln, and Oſbaldi⯑ [...]on ſchoolmaſter in Weſtminſter. Williams had [...]ad a principal hand in the primary advancement of [...]aud: but he, having got himſelf fixed in the royal [...]vour, removed Williams from all his preferments [...] court. Williams having attached himſelf to the [...]berties of church and ſtate, and become pretty po⯑ [...]ular, happened, among ſome of his clergy, to con⯑ [...]emn Laud's innovations, and to ſay, that the Puri⯑ [...]ns were his majeſty's beſt ſubjects; and that he had [...]id, he would treat them more mildly. Informed [...]f this, Laud got him cited before the Starchamber [...]r revealing the king's ſecrets: but when that could [...]ot be got proved, he was accuſed of tampering with [...]s majeſty's evidence, and without any proper proof, [...]e High Commiſſion fined him in 11,000 pounds, [...]d condemned him to arbitrary impriſonment. As [...]s goods were ſold to pay his fine, and his books [...]d papers ſeized by the court, they found among [...]em two or three letters received from Oſbaldiſton, [...]out five years before, and never ſhown to any per⯑ [...]n, in which there were ſome dark expreſſions, [...]hich Laud applied to himſelf and Weſ [...]on the Po⯑ſh Treaſurer. Upon this Williams was again char⯑ged [188] with ſeditious libelling of the king's privy coun⯑ſellors, fined in 8,000 pounds more, which, becauſe he could not pay, he was detained in priſon till the parliament relieved him. Oſbaldiſton deſerted hi [...] ſchool, and concealed himſelf, till the parliamen [...] met. But thinking that they carried matters too far, he again quitted his ſchool, and eſpouſed hi [...] majeſty's cauſe.

Noblemen ſtill retained Puritan chaplains, an [...] pamphlets were ſtill publiſhed againſt the oppreſſing managers. A proclamation was therefore iſſued prohibiting all books not licenſed by the archbiſho [...] or Juxon of London. Multitudes ſtill retiring to Holland or America, Charles and his council prohi⯑bited any to be allowed to depart without a teſtimo⯑nial of their conformity from their miniſter, or any miniſter without an atteſtation of his conformity b [...] Laud or Juxon.—The court clergy repreſented th [...] differences between the Popiſh and Engliſh churche [...] as very unimportant; declared themſelves for th [...] invocation of ſaints,—the real preſence of Chriſt i [...] the euchariſt,—the maſs and its propitiatory ſacrifice —images and crucifixes in churches,—auricular con⯑feſſion,—and merit of good works. The laws a⯑gainſt Papiſts were ſuſpended, and many of the [...] were advanced to the higheſt places of power an [...] truſt, and had the ear of the queen, whenever the pleaſed. She had her agent at Rome; and the Pop [...] had his nuncio in England. Cardinal Barbarini w [...] conſtituted protector of the Engliſh nation; an [...] Richard Smith, titular biſhop of Chalcedon, exer⯑ciſed epiſcopal juriſdiction over the Engliſh Papiſts by commiſſion from the Pope. Con the legate ſe⯑duced ſeverals, and by preſents of his beloved toy and pictures made attempts upon Charles himſelf.— The civil liberties of the nation were quite unhinged and all the judges, but Crook and Hutton, approve [...] the methods of oppreſſion, as agreeable to law.

Still proceeding in their perſecuting work, th [...] Starchamber and High Commiſſion, in 1638, ſuſ⯑pended [189] and impriſoned Wilkinſon, Walker, Smith, [...]mall, Cooper, Brewer, Foxely, and other Puritan miniſters, while Ezekiel Rogers, Samuel Newman, Charles Chauncey, miniſters, and multitudes of pri⯑ [...]ate perſons ſtill flocked to New England. Eight [...]hips were juſt ready to ſail with ſuch fugitives from [...]ppreſſion, in which, it is ſaid, Cromwel, Hampden, [...]nd other noted opponents of Charles afterward, were [...]oard. But the privy council ordered all the paſ⯑ [...]engers aſhore, and prohibited all maſters and own⯑ [...]s of ſhips to launch for New England, without [...]pecial licence from the council. Shut out from New [...]ngland, Thomas Goodwin, Philip Nye, Jeremiah [...]rroughs, William Bridges, and Sydrach Simſon, miniſters, with ſeveral gentlemen and merchants, [...]ving diſpoſed of their effects, retired to Holland, [...]here they were kindly entertained, and had the [...]utch churches allowed them at different hours for [...]heir public worſhip.

Notwithſtanding all his pretences to friendſhip, [...]harles, in 1639, was labouring to his utmoſt to [...]epare for making war on his ſubjects and brethren [...] Scotland, whom Laud's impoſitions had awakened [...] aſſert their liberties, and reſtore their religion.— [...]e found it neceſſary to call his Engliſh parliament, [...] ſupply him with money for that purpoſe. Not⯑ [...]ithſtanding all their earneſtneſs to oblige his maje⯑ [...]y, they, in their former manner, began with their [...]rievances relative to religion. Highly provoked, [...]harles diſſolved them, when they had ſat about [...]ree weeks, without paſſing one act,—and commit⯑ [...]d their leading members to priſon. Meanwhile, [...]ud and his convocation had been occupied in fram⯑ [...]g 17 new Canons relative to his majeſty's ſuprema⯑ [...] and birth-day; againſt Popery, Socinianiſm, and [...]ctaries; an oath againſt attempting innovations in [...]urch or ſtate; a declaration concerning the cere⯑ [...]onies; preaching up conformity; articles for pa⯑ [...]chial viſitations; converſation of clergymen; chan⯑ [...]llors; patents; and cenſures; excommunications; [190] commutations of penance; juriſdiction; licences to marry; vexatious citations. They alſo intended to compile a Pontificial, containing forms of conſecra⯑ting churches, chapels, and church yards; of recon⯑ciling penitentiaries, and excluding apoſtates; arti⯑cles of epiſcopal viſitation, and a ſhort prayer before ſermon. But the ſudden diſſolution of the parlia⯑ment prevented the accompliſhment of their projects. When their Canons were publiſhed, they were gene⯑rally diſliked. Multitudes could not admit the ab⯑ſolute power of the king, or the unlawfulneſs of de⯑fenſive arms againſt him in any caſe. The Puritan [...] diſliked the 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th. The moſt o [...] the clergy diſliked the 6th, as it required them ſpee⯑dily to ſwear an oath with an ETC. in the midſt o [...] it, after an approved liſt of Popiſh church officers▪ and that they would never conſent to any alteration in the government of the church. Many miniſters▪ ſchoolmaſters, and phyſicians beſought his majeſty that this oath might not be impoſed. Hall, biſhop of Norwich, by a mitigating explication, induced hi [...] clergy to take it. But Laud and his party had forced it down the throats of their underlings, if Charle [...] had not reſtrained them by his letter.

Meeting with bad ſucceſs in his war with the Scots and obſerving that many of the Engliſh either be friended them, or at leaſt would not aſſiſt him againſ [...] them, till they got their own grievances redreſſed, h [...] found himſelf obliged to call another parliament i [...] 1640, when the condition of his court was truly mi⯑ſerable. By his ill uſage of his parliaments, an [...] taking upon himſelf the faults of his miniſters, he ha [...] much loſt the affection of his ſubjects, and had bu [...] few friends of credit and intereſt at home. Bot [...] French and Spaniards were pleaſed with his diſtreſs Foreign Proteſtants abhorred the ruling biſhops, an [...] wiſhed well to their oppreſſed brethren. The que [...] was hated by every body, who regarded either re [...] ⯑gion or liberty. The biſhops could not but expe [...] to have their late tyranny reſented, and their pow [...] [191] abridged. The Judges were contemned and hated, for betraying the laws of their country, and giving their ſanction to almoſt all the illegal proceedings of the privy council and Starchamber. It is neverthe⯑leſs certain, that few members of weight in the par⯑liament, had any intention to ſubvert the Epiſcopa⯑lian government of the church, till the haughty be⯑haviour of the biſhops and ſome other circumſtances gradually led them to it.

Being met, the Commons immediately appointed a committee to receive grievances relative to religion. They ſoon attacked the late Canons, and, after warm reaſonings, found, that the clergy have no power to make any binding canons without conſent of parlia⯑ment; that the late canons, made by the convocati⯑on of London and York, are not obligatory on any of the ſubjects; that they contain many things in⯑conſiſtent with his majeſty's prerogative, laws of the [...]and, rights of parliament, and liberties of the ſub⯑ [...]ects; that their grant of a tax or benevolence is [...]ontrary to law, and not binding upon any of the [...]lergy. It was pled, that they had no power to ſit [...]fter the parliament was diſſolved, and therefore all [...]heir Canons were, ipſo facto, null and void;—that [...]everal of them were bad in themſelves; and that [...]he oath which they had framed, was in ſome points [...]mbiguous, and in others directly falſe and illegal.

The convocation met again along with this parlia⯑ [...]ent; but having no commiſſion from his majeſty, [...]hey tranſacted no buſineſs of importance; and after [...]aud their great ſupporter was impeached, they loſt [...]ll heart, dwindled away, and broke up without ei⯑ [...]her prorogation or adjournment. After he had, or many years, oppreſſed the conſcientious part of [...]he nation, Laud was now loaded with manifold [...]imes. The Scotch commiſſioners accuſed him of [...]aking divers alterations in religion contrary to their [...]anding laws, and impoſing upon them a book of [...]mons and a ſervice book, contrary to the diſcipline [...]ad goovernment of their church; and that he had [192] compoſed a public prayer for their deſtruction as traitors and rebels, and had cauſed it to be read in all the churches in England. The Houſe of Com⯑mons impeached him of attempting to ſubvert their conſtitution by an introduction of arbitrary power; —of procuring ſermons to be preached, and pamph⯑lets printed, in which the authority of parliament is denied, and the abſolute power of the king aſſerted; —of interrupting the courſe of juſtice by his meſſa⯑ges, threatenings, and promiſes to the judges;—o [...] ſelling juſtice himſelf, and adviſing his majeſty to ſel [...] places of judicature; of procuring the canons and oath impoſed by the late convocation; of robbing his majeſty of his eccleſiaſtical ſupremacy, and pre⯑tending that ſpiritual juriſdiction is not derived from the crown; of introducing Popiſh ceremonies, and cruelly perſecuting ſuch as oppoſed them; of pro⯑moting men of corrupt principles and practice to the principal ſtations in the church; of retaining chap⯑lains Popiſhly diſpoſed, and committing to them the licenſing of books, to the ſcandal of the Proteſtan [...] religion; of attempting to reconcile the Engliſh church to the Romiſh; of diſcountenancing ſermons and ſilencing, depriving, impriſoning, and baniſhing godly and orthodox miniſters; of dividing the church of England from her ſiſter Proteſtant churches abroad of being the author of all the late diſturbances in Scot⯑land and England; of endeavouring to deprive th [...] kingdom of its legiſlative power, by alienating hi [...] majeſty from his parliament. Upon this impeach⯑ment, Laud was impriſoned in the Tower, and ſoo [...] after ſuſpended from his archbiſhoprick. After h [...] had lain in priſon about four years, ten other arti⯑cles were exhibited againſt him, not much differen [...] in matter from ſome of theſe mentioned. Notwith⯑ſtanding his own and his advocates remarkable quib⯑bling, ſo much of his indictment was proved, as notwithſtanding his majeſty's pardon, brought him to loſe his head on Tower-hill, Jan. 10, 1645.

[193]Much about the time that Laud was ſent to the Tower, biſhop Williams was diſcharged; and Char⯑les, to gain him to his ſide, promiſed him ſatisfacti⯑on for all the loſs he had ſuſtained. Prynne, Bur⯑ton, and Baſtwick, and Leighton were liberated, and indemnification of their loſſes out of the eſtates of Laud and his fellow members of the High Commiſſi⯑on and Starchamber, voted them. But I ſuppoſe the ſubſequent confuſions prevented their obtaining much of it. A complaint was preferred againſt bi⯑ſhops Pierce, Montague, Owen, and Manwaring, and againſt ſeveral of the inferior clergymen for their zealouſly promoting Popiſh innovations, and cruelly perſecuting ſuch as oppoſed them: but the Com⯑mons had not leiſure to proſecute them. While the parliament manifeſted their abhorrence of the late meaſures, the people could ſcarcely be reſtrained from tumultuouſly pulling down and deſtroying whatever, they were told, had been illegally ſet up. The bi⯑ſhops could ſcarcely officiate according to their late injunctions, or even walk in the ſtreets in their robes, without being upbraided as Popiſh prieſts, &c.— Read prayers were decried as a lifeleſs quenching of the Spirit of God, and not ſuited to the times.

The moderate Browniſts or Independents had ſtill held their meetings as ſecretly as poſſible. Lathorp, having ſucceeded Jacob as their paſtor, one of the members having had a child baptized in the epiſco⯑pal church, this occaſioned a diſpute in the congre⯑gation, Whether it ought to be re-baptized? The greater part holding the negative, ſuch as inſiſted for a re-baptiſm, ſeparated themſelves, and choſe one Jaſſe for their paſtor, who laid the foundation of the firſt Baptiſt congregation that I meet with in Eng⯑land. The reſt of the congregation renewed their covenant to walk together in the ways of the Lord; and notwithſtanding manifold-hardſhips, continued remarkably ſtedfaſt. Diſpirited by the rent of their congregation, Lathorp, and about thirty others, re⯑tired to New England. Canne, the author of the [194] marginal references on the Bible, ſucceeded him: but, after he had preached a year or two in private houſes, Laud's perſecution obliged him to flee to Holland, where he was paſtor to the Browniſts at Amſterdam. Samuel Howe ſupplied his room at London. But Laud's party having excommunicated and impriſoned him, his church choſe Stephen More for their paſtor. Finding how things went in this parliament, they ventured to hold their meetings more publicly. The marſhal of the king's bench came upon about eighty of them aſſembled toge⯑ther, and threw the moſt of them into priſon.— Next morning, five or ſix of them were carried be⯑fore the Houſe of Lords, to whom they honeſtly de⯑clared, That they could own no other Head of the church than Chriſt; that no laws contrary to theſe of God ought to be obeyed; and they diſowned the juriſdiction of the Pope and every other foreigner. Such a declaration, a few weeks or months before, would have coſt them their ears: but now, the Lords diſmiſſed them with a gentle reprimand; and three or four of them went to their meeting next Sabbath, and were not a little ſatisfied with their order in preaching and adminiſtering the Lord's ſupper.

Though the Commons could not yet rectify the old canon law, which had long been an unfathomable ſource of oppreſſion in the ſpiritual courts, they vot⯑ed down the late innovations, and appointed com⯑miſſioners in all counties, to demoliſh and remove out of churches and chapels all images, crucifixes, ſuperſtitious pictures, and other relicks of idolatry, according to the injunctions of Edward and Elizabeth. They prohibited the impoſing of the oath of unifor⯑mity upon the ſtudents of Cambridge and Oxford, at their matriculation. They made it their buſineſs to cut off illegal additions from the worſhip, diſcipline, and government of the church, and to puniſh ſuch as had promoted the introduction of them, contrary to the laws of the land.

[195]The freedom which the Commons uſed with the biſhops and their canons, awakened the attention of the whole nation. The Preſs being now open, ſe⯑veral pamphlets, not in the moſt decent language, were publiſhed againſt theſe dioceſan lords and their office. Archbiſhop Uſher applied himſelf to defend the epiſcopal order as apoſtolical: but by BISHOP be meant no more than a ſtated preſident over preſ⯑byters,—which moſt of the Puritans were willing to admit. His half Preſbyterian ſcheme was far enough from pleaſing his brethren. About a year before, biſhop Hall, directed by Laud, had publiſhed a de⯑fence of hierarchical Epiſcopacy, in which he attempt⯑ed to prove, That it was an apoſtolical inſtitution, and of perpetual obligation; that as the pious Chriſ⯑tian Fathers would not change the form of church government which they had received from the apo⯑ſtles, the univerſal practice of the primitive church, is the beſt rule of judging concerning the apoſtolical practice; and that preſbyterian government, having no foundation in the word of God, or in the prac⯑tice of the Chriſtian church for 1500 years, is alto⯑gether unjuſtifiable. As Laud, in reviſing it, had altered ſeveral paſſages, Hall could ſcarcely go the length of his own book. Nevertheleſs, he now pu⯑bliſhed a Remonſtrance to the parliament, and ſoon after a defence of it in vindication of liturgies and dioceſan epiſcopacy. His performances were anſwer⯑ed by Meſſrs. Stephen Marſhal, Edmund Calamy, Thomas Young, Matthew Newcomb, and William Spurſtow, in their SMECTYMNUS, ſo called from the initial letters of their name, in which they ſhew⯑ed, That the ſcripture no where reſtricts men to ſet forms of prayer; that for 300 years after Chriſt, there were no ſet forms of prayer impoſed by the church; and defy the biſhop to produce one genu⯑ine liturgy within that time. They ſhewed, that the Engliſh liturgy is extracted from Popiſh models, and in many places offenſive to tender Chriſtians; that biſhops and preſbyters are repreſented as the ſame in [196] office in ſcripture; that both ſcripture and the anti⯑ent church allowed preſbyters to ordain paſtors with⯑out biſhops, as archbiſhop Uſher and all the Engliſh biſhops for many years after the Reformation, thought they might; and that, for 400 years after Chriſt, biſhops had no chancellories or commiſſaries. They ſhewed manifeſt differences between the biſhops of the 3d and 4th century, and the dioceſans in Eng⯑land. They concluded, beſeeching the parliament to reduce Epiſcopacy to its primitive ſimplicity, if they retained it, and that the liturgy might be re⯑formed, if they continued it, and not at all impoſed, but left to preachers diſcretion, how much of it ſhould be read, where there was ſermon. Had all the other biſhops been as pious and moderate as Hall, with all his high flights, matters had readily been compromiſed. But the courtiers were too proud to ſtoop an hair breadth to their opponents; and ſo, to the great ſatisfaction of the Papiſts, the contenti⯑ons increaſed till both church and ſtate were in flames.

The fate of the hierarchy being now in the hands of the parliament, petitions ſubſcribed by multitudes, for, or againſt it, were preſented to both Houſes. Some, as that called the root and branch Petition, ſubſcribed by 15,000 citizens, and other inhabitants of London, craved, that the whole fabric of Epiſco⯑pacy might be demoliſhed. Another, ſubſcribed by 1700 beneficed clergymen, only inſiſted for the refor⯑mation of it; in which they were joined by great multitudes in othet repreſentations. Nineteen pe⯑titions ſigned in whole by about an hundred thou⯑ſand, ſix thouſand of whom were noblemen, gentry, and dignified clergy, inſiſted for the continuance of the eſtabliſhment, as it had ſtood ſince the Refor⯑mation. Theſe different petitions furniſhed the Commons with a large field of elaborate debates.— Sir Henry Vane younger, Thomas Bagſhaw, and White, inſiſted for the total aboliſhment of the hierarchy. Lords Falkland and Digby, the moſt noted of the royaliſts, inſiſted for the continuance [197] and reformation of it, repreſenting the preſent biſh⯑ops and their agents, as a ſet of infernal oppreſſors, who had tried how much of the Papiſt they could bring in without Popery, and how much of the goſ⯑pel they could deſtroy, without expoſing themſelves to puniſhment by the civil law. As the Papiſts who flocked about the court, being protected by the queen, ſometimes inſulted the courts of judicature, the Commons beſought his majeſty to iſſue forth a pro⯑clamation for executing the laws againſt Papiſts in ge⯑neral, and to remove them from his court; and all ſuch as refuſed the oath of ſupremacy from the army and garriſon, and to diſarm their whole body, as their number was become dangerous to the nation, there being about 6000 of them in one pariſh of Weſtminſter. Theſe addreſſes did but provoke the Papiſts, the king and queen being determined to protect them as long as they could. Charles even reprived Goodman, a ſeminary prieſt under ſentence of death in Newgate,—which occaſioned warm re⯑monſtrances from both Houſes of parliament.

In 1641, Wentworth, now earl of Strafford, who had once been a moſt zealous aſſerter of the rights of the ſubjects, was attainted of high treaſon for endeavouring to ſubvert the government in England and Ireland, and to introduce arbitrary power of kings. Charles countenanced a plot to draw the army to London, and reſcue him by force. This but enraged the parliament, and made his con⯑demnation the more harmonious. Even Falkland and Digby, who oppoſed his attainder, repreſented him as a moſt inſupportable tyrant. His conduct, as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, too ſtrongly verified it. With great reluctance, Charles ſigned his ſen⯑tence of death, and perhaps not till himſelf had hy⯑pocritically deſired him to do it for the peace of the kingdom. A deſign of Charles' diſſolving the par⯑liament taking air, the citizens of London declared, that they would lend no money upon the parliament's ſecurity, if their ſitting were ſo precarious. Money [198] being immediately needed to pay off the Scotch and Engliſh armies in the North, Charles was obliged to ratify an act, bearing, that the parliament ſhould neither be diſſolved nor adjourned without their own conſent. Alarmed by the diſcovery of a Popiſh plot againſt them, and the flight of the conſpirators, both Houſes, biſhops not excepted, entered into a ſolemn covenant, in the preſence of Almighty God, to main⯑tain with life, power, and eſtate, as far as they law⯑fully might, the Proteſtant religion, againſt Papiſts and Popiſh innovations,—and his majeſty's perſon, honour, and eſtate, and the privileges of the parlia⯑ment, and rights and liberties ef the nation, and of every one concurring in this proteſtation, in every thing they do in proſecution of it;—and by all pro⯑per methods to endeavour to bring to condign pu⯑niſhment all that act contrary to the contents of it; —and by all juſt and honourable methods, labour to preſerve the union and peace between the kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland;—and that nei⯑ther fear, hope, or any other motive, ſhould make them relinquiſh this vow, promiſe, and proteſtation. This was ſubſcribed by eighty lords, ſeventeen biſh⯑ops, nine judges, and four hundred and thirty-eight members of the Houſe of Commons; and it was im⯑mediately printed, and ſent to all the ſheriffs and juſtices, to be taken by the whole nation, the mini⯑ſter reading and taking it himſelf, and then thoſe of his congregation: the names of ſuch as took or re⯑fuſed it, being entered in different regiſters, the Commons ſoon after voted the refuſers of it unfit to bear office either in church or ſtate. This proteſta⯑tion, except what relates to the hierarchy, is mate⯑rially the ſame with the Solemn League.

The Commons next attempted to exclude the bi⯑ſhops from their ſeat in parliament, and to aboliſh deans, chapters, archdeacons, prebendaries, chantors canons, and their officers, and to beſtow their ſalaries in ſupporting preachers for the inſtruction of the people. But both bills were loſt in the Houſe o [...] [199] Lords. Meanwhile, theſe peers had appointed ten earls, ten biſhops, and ten barons, to examine what innovations needed to be removed. Theſe appointed a ſub-committee of biſhops and divines on both ſides. Several rectifications were propoſed in the doctrine, worſhip, and diſcipline. Williams of Lincoln, who was chairman or moderator, preſented a plan for re⯑gulating the power and conduct of biſhops, but which almoſt nothing diminiſhed their power. Archbiſhop Uſher, who was then occaſionally in England, offered another, bearing, That vicars and church wardens ſhould have much the ſame power as preſbyterial ſeſſions; ſuffragans and their clergy ſhould meet e⯑very month in the manner of Preſbyteries; biſhops and their clergy once or twice a year in the manner of Synods; archbiſhops, biſhops, and ſuffragans, to⯑gether with duly choſen repreſentatives of the infe⯑rior clergy, once in three years in provincial Synod [...]; —and both meet in one national Synod when the parliament ſhould ſit. This ſcheme was much the ſame with the Preſbyterian, except that the biſhops or their ſuffragans were conſtant moderators. But, when it appeared, that the biſhops ſtuck together in the parliament againſt all alterations, the committee broke up without agreeing on any plan. This ſtiff⯑neſs of the biſhops provoked their oppoſers to riſe in their demands. Meanwhile, the High Commiſſion and Starchamber courts being aboliſhed, and an act paſſed againſt their future erection, the Puritans de⯑clared their zeal for a Manifeſto, which Charles ſ, he intended for the meeting of the German princes at Ratiſbon, in favour of his ſiſter Elizabeth, queen of Bohemia, and her children, bearing, That he in⯑tended to do his utmoſt to have them reſtored to their electorate.

Baffled in their former attempts to reduce the power of the biſhops, the Commons impeached Laud and other twelve of them, of high crimes and miſ⯑demeanors,—for making and publiſhing the late ca⯑nons, contrary to his majeſty's prerogative and the [200] fundamental laws of the land, the rights of parlia⯑ment, and liberties of the ſubjects. They did not reſign their ſeats as was expected, but craved time to prepare anſwers. As Charles intended to ſet off for Scotland to compleat the Pacification with that king⯑dom, the Treaty between the two nations, and Act of oblivion, excepting the Scotch biſhops and four o⯑thers, were ratified and confirmed. In this Treaty, an endeavouring after an union and uniformity in religion and church government with the Scots, was approved by his majeſty and his houſes of parliament: and on the national Thankſgiving for the peace, the Scots, who had a little before been declared rebels, were, by order of parliament, declared good ſubjects from all the pulpits in England.—Scarcely had he returned from Scotland, when the Engliſh biſhops ſeverely reproached him for conſenting to the aboliſh⯑ment of Prelacy, and ratification of Preſbytery in that kingdom. This, together with his conſenting to the condemnation of Strafford, lay heavy on his heart.—Complaints of want of ſermon in churches being preſented to the Commons, they appointed afternoon ſermons in every church, either by the vi⯑car, or ſome other choſen by the pariſh in his room; and that people may, at their own charge, ſet up lecturers to preach on Sabbaths or other days, where ſermon is wanting. Forty members were appointed as a committee to provide preachers and ſalaries for vacant congregations, and another committee to ex⯑amine complaints againſt ſcandalous clergymen, ma⯑ny of which had been preſented. They alſo appoin⯑ted, that the Lord's day ſhould be more carefully ſanc⯑tified, and no ſports be allowed on it; that all images of divine perſons, or virgin Mary, ſhould be aboliſhed; and bowing at the name of Jeſus, or towards the Eaſt, or the communion table, laid aſide. As archbiſhop Laud, in his priſon, ſtill preſumed to ordain clergy⯑men, the Lords ſuſpended him from his office, and ſequeſtrated his juriſdiction in the hand of inferior officers, till he ſhould clear himſelf from his charge. [201] Notwithſtanding all their zeal for reformation, the Commons ſeverely puniſhed ſuch as pretended to promote it in a tumultuous manner, or dared to preach without orders.

The earl of Antrim and Sir Phelim O'Neal, heads of the Popiſh party in Ireland, having acquainted the queen, the nuncio and prieſts about her, how eaſily they could aſſume the Iriſh government, and aſſiſt his majeſty againſt the Engliſh Puritans, ſhe and Charles by letters authorized them to ſeize the government. They immediately took arms, and bound themſelves by oath to maintain the catholic religion, and bear true and faithful allegiance to the king's majeſty and his laws, and defend them with their lives and eſtates, againſt all opponents. They called themſelves the Queen's army, and publiſhed a declaration, bearing, That they acted by his maje⯑ſty's commiſſion under the Great Seal, and a letter written by himſelf. Having aſſembled, to the num⯑ber of twenty or thirty thouſand, they judged it pro⯑per firſt to maſſacre all the Proteſtants in Ireland, that they might afterwards with ſafety march againſt the Engliſh or Scots, as his majeſty or queen direct⯑ed. Regardleſs of relation, neighbourhood, or hu⯑manity, they maſſacred about two hundred thouſand of them in cold blood, and in the moſt barbarous forms. Notwithſtanding all the pains taken to con⯑ceal and deny it, it now plainly appears from the ac⯑counts given by Burnet, Birch, and lately publiſhed papers of Clarendon, that Charles himſelf, as well as the queen and nuncio, were deeply chargeable with this bloodſhed, though it is probable their agents overdid their orders. The news of this maſſacre ſtruck the Engliſh with the utmoſt conſternation; and the parliament deviſed methods for ſecuring themſelves and nation againſt the Papiſts, and for tranſporting an army to Ireland for the relief of the poor remains of their Proteſtant brethren. Charles inſiſted for ſending over ten thouſand forces from England; but the Commons dreading an inſurrection [202] of Papiſts at home, inſiſted for ſending the ten thou⯑ſand which the Scots had generouſly offered. No [...] were their ſuſpicions groundleſs. Charles appeare [...] extremely unwilling to act againſt his Popiſh friend [...] He had deprived the parliament of their guard: h [...] had turned out the earl of Leiceſter, Lieutenant o [...] Ireland, and Parſons, one of the moſt active Prote⯑ſtant Juſtices in that kingdom. He intercepted tw [...] hundred thouſand pounds ſent by the Engliſh parlia⯑ment to Ireland. He received deputations from th [...] Iriſh Papiſts more reſpectfully than thoſe from h [...] Proteſtant ſubjects. Even during the pacification h [...] could ſcarcely forbear calling the Scots Rebels t [...] bu [...] he had almoſt to be compelled to call the Iriſh cu [...] throats ſuch. After he had done it, no more tha [...] forty copies of his declaration were allowed to b [...] printed, and not one to be diſperſed without furthe [...] orders.

About eight days after his majeſty returned fro [...] Scotland, the Commons preſented him with tw [...] hundred grievances of the nation. They charged th [...] origination of them on the Jeſuited Papiſts, the cou [...] biſhops, the corrupt clergy, and ſome corrupt coun⯑ſellors, who had engaged themſelves in the intere [...] of foreign powers. They repreſented, That the [...] had been carried on by oppreſſing the purity an [...] power of religion,—by cheriſhing the Arminians i [...] the points in which they agreed with the Papiſts,— by introducing ſuch innovations in religion as pro⯑mote a reconcilement with Popery,—and by fomen⯑ing differences between him and his parliament, an [...] encouraging him to illegal and arbitrary methods [...] raiſing ſupplies. With reſpect to religion, they com⯑plained of the cenſuring of many pious, learned, an [...] laborious miniſters; the oppreſſion of multitudes [...] faithful ſubjects by the biſhops; the almoſt Spani [...] inquiſitorial ſeverity of the High Commiſſion, aſſiſte [...] by his privy council; the rigour of the biſho [...] courts, which had driven many from the kingdom the preferring of thoſe to eccleſiaſtical honours, wh [...] [203] were moſt active promoters of ſuperſtition, or viru⯑ [...]ent railers againſt piety and honeſty; the impoſition [...]f Popiſh innovations in Scotland and England, in [...]rder to effect a reconciliation with the Romiſh [...]hurch; the favour ſhown to Papiſts; the late Ca⯑ [...]ens and conduct of the biſhops in oppoſition to his ſupremacy. They repreſented their deſire to have a ſynod of the moſt pious and learned divines aſſembled for giving advice how far it is proper to reform the church, and informed him of their care to promote [...]earning, and provide for the ſupport of faithful and preaching miniſters;—and of their intention to have [...]he two univerſities of Oxford and Cambridge purged of their corruptions.

As the Lords appeared to favour the biſhops, and to ſhift off their trial, the people renewed their ſup⯑plications to the Commons, whom they reckoned the ſupport of religion and liberty. The mayor and al⯑dermen of London preſented a petition, craving, that for the promoting of reformation, the biſhops and Popiſh lords might be removed from the Houſe of Peers. Soon after, the apprentices petitioned, That the Popiſh lords and other noted perſons of that re⯑ligion might be taken into cuſtody, and Prelacy root⯑ed out. The Puritan clergy beſought the parliament ſpeedily to rectify that which they found amiſs in the church. Meanwhile, two petitions were preſented in favours of Prelacy as the only government of apo⯑ſtolical inſtitution, ſealed with the blood of martyrs, and admirably ſuited to the civil government of the nation. About the time the apprentices preſented their petition, ſome began to inſult the biſhops, as they went to, or returned from the Parliament-houſe. They remonſtrated to Charles and the Lords, That, on account of danger to their perſons, they abſent⯑ed; and proteſted, That nothing enacted by the parliament during their involuntary abſence, ſhould be valid in law. The Lords immediately communi⯑cated their proteſt to the Commons, who, upon the footing of it, impeached the twelve biſhops, who had [204] ſigned it, of High treaſon, in endeavouring to ſub⯑vert the fundamental laws of the land, and the ver [...] being of parliaments. The ſame evening they wer [...] ſequeſtred, and ten of them ſent to the Tower. Ha [...] of Norwich and his brother of Durham, on accoun [...] of their former uſeful labours, were but committe [...] to the cuſtody of the Black Rod. Thus William [...] now archbiſhop of York, and his brethren, by an ac [...] of almoſt pure madneſs, entangled themſelves. In⯑ſtead of proſecuting their impeachment, the parlia⯑ment voted them entirely out of the Houſe, and too [...] all temporal juriſdiction from perſons in holy orders▪ and Charles, in hopes that it would ſatisfy the peo⯑ple and prevent all further demands, reluctantly ra⯑tified their deed. As the biſhops were generally hat⯑ed, eſpecially at London, the paſſing of this bill wa [...] attended with bonefires and illumination of window [...]

Being reſolved to paſs no more particular acts rela⯑tive to religion, Charles retired from London, an [...] his queen to Holland;—a plain ſignal of his intentio [...] to break with his parliament. After he and they ha [...] ſome altercation, the Scots, to his great offence an [...] their ſatisfaction, offered to mediate between them▪ Once and again he rejected their offers, and applie [...] to the Papiſts, and the not much better Collegian [...] of Oxford and Cambridge. But the parliament pro⯑feſſed their readineſs to accept the Scots mediation [...] and endeavoured to cultivate a good correſpondenc [...] with them. The Scotch General Aſſembly, by [...] letter, ſolicited the Engliſh parliament to promot [...] uniformity with them in church government an [...] worſhip, and to extirpate Prelacy, as without tha [...] they could not hope to have one Confeſſion of Faith Catechiſm, or Form of worſhip. The parliament re⯑turned a kind reply, deſiring that the Scots woul [...] join them, in beſeeching his majeſty to call an Aſſem⯑bly of divines, and would ſend ſome of their own t [...] it, for promoting the much deſired uniformity. T [...] encourage them to theſe things, they, with amazin [...] [205] harmony, aboliſhed that form of Epiſcopacy which was eſtabliſhed by the Engliſh laws. But as this act only appointed it to ceaſe about a year after, and pro⯑vided nothing in its place, it is probable that ſome of the Engliſh managers hoped, before that time, to ob⯑tain peace with his majeſty, and ſo retain Epiſcopacy with ſome modifications. And, indeed, the whole pertinents of Prelacy were never aboliſhed till after he was reduced.

About this time, an uncommon ſeriouſneſs and devotion prevailed among thoſe that lived in places, to which the power of the parliament chiefly exten⯑ded. The Sabbath was ſanctified with unuſual ſtrict⯑neſs; the churches were crowded with attentive hea⯑rers three or four times a day; the officers of the peace walked in the ſtreets, and ſhut up all public houſes; nor did any travel on roads, or walk in fields, but in caſe of abſolute neceſſity. Religious exerciſes were ſo univerſally ſet up in private families, that at certain hours, one might have traverſed the ſtreets of London, without ſeeing one idle perſon, or hear⯑ing any thing but the ſound of prayers and praiſes from churches and houſes. The parliament prohi⯑bited ſtage plays, as too often expreſſive of levity and wantonneſs,—and other diverſions, as not ſuited to their afflicted circumſtances. They commanded the monthly faſts, which had been appointed about a year before, with his majeſty's conſent, for bewailing the deplorable ciroumſtances of Ireland, to be exact⯑ly obſerved. Morning exerciſes were ſet up in chur⯑ches to pray for perſons in the army or otherwiſe in danger, and to adminiſter proper exhortations.— Morning lectures were ſet up for the benefit of mem⯑bers of parliament. The laws againſt vice were ſo ſtrictly executed, that no ſtews or gaming houſes were to be found; nor was profane ſwearing, or like debauchery to be ſeen or heard in the ſtreets. The like appearances of religion prevailed in the parlia⯑ment's army, the moſt of their ſoldiers not ſo much fighting for pay as for religion and liberty; and they [206] had the moſt noted preachers for chaplains to their regiments. Meanwhile, moſt of his majeſty's parti⯑zans and warriors were remarkably profligate, ready to take every ſober perſon for a Puritan, and to plun⯑der him on that account,—by means of which not a few were induced, or forced, into the parliament's ſide. Many of his preachers knew little more of their buſineſs than to rail at the Puritans and their doctrines of God's free grace.

In 1643, after a ſolemn faſt, in which they and the nation bewailed their own and father's iniquities, the parliament warmly requeſted his majeſty, That the laws ſhould be ſtrictly executed againſt the Pa⯑piſts; and that they ſhould be obliged to abjure the Pope's ſupremacy, tranſubſtantiation, purgatory, and worſhip of images,—and their children trained up in the Proteſtant religion; and that he would give his aſſent to the five acts which they had made,—for ſuppreſſing innovations in God's worſhip; for ſtrict obſervation of the Lord's day;—for the aboliſhment of Prelacy;—for the puniſhment of ſcandalous cler⯑gymen;—for the reſtraint of pluralities of church livings with charge of ſouls, and non-reſidences of clergymen at their charges;—and for calling an aſ⯑ſembly of learned divines to adviſe them in ſettling the government and liturgy of the church. But he was far enough from any honeſt compliance with ſuch demands.

The clergy of both ſides had peculiar hardſhips to endure from both ſides. Charles' partizans had hanged up ſome of the Puritan clergy, if the parlia⯑ment had not threatened to make repriſals. The committee, which the parliament appointed to purge out ſcandalous clergymen, was obliged to ſub-divide [...] itſelf, on account of the vaſt extent of their work. Shocking diſcoveries were made in the lives of not a few of the conforming clergy. Many inſulted the committees and their witneſſes, and threatened re⯑priſals. Notwithſtanding the ejection of multitudes for their ſcandals, not a few, ſcarcely tolerable in [207] their practice, were allowed to retain their charges. The parliament ſupplied the place of the ejected the beſt way they could. Two congregations were ſome⯑times committed to one paſtor, and ſome that were too weak were admitted to others. Meanwhile, they ſeized the biſhops lands, to aſſiſt them in carrying on their war with his majeſty, allowing conſiderable penſions to ſuch of them as had been more decent and leſs wicked. They proceeded in appointing or⯑gans and monuments of ſuperſtition and idolatry to be removed from places of public worſhip. Beſides their monthly faſts on Wedneſdays, which Charles and his friends obſerved on holy Fridays, they ap⯑pointed ſeveral occaſional faſts on account of their diſtreſsful circumſtances. The war between the dif⯑ferent parties being carried on from the Preſs with almoſt as much fury as in the field, the parliament prohibited the printing of any book, which was not licenſed by ſuch as they appointed for that work,— different licenſers being allotted to the different ſci⯑ences to which books pertained.

Deſpairing of Charles' concurrence with them in calling an Aſſembly of divines, the parliament by themſelves called one, not to be an independent ju⯑dicatory of Jeſus Chriſt, but a committee for adviſing them in religious matters proper to be conſidered and eſtabliſhed by civil authority. Having had liſts of the beſt qualified perſons in the ſeveral counties tran⯑ſmitted to them by knights and burgeſſes, they ſe⯑lected an hundred and twenty-one divines, to which they added ten Lords and twenty Commoners, with equal power of debating and voting. When any of theſe died, the parliament choſe his ſucceſſor. Meſt. Alexander Henderſon, George Gilleſpy, Samuel Ru⯑therfoord, and Robert Bailie, miniſters, lord Mait⯑land, the earl of Lowdon, and Archibald Johnſton, afterward lord Warriſton, ruling elders, commiſſio⯑ners from the Scotch General Aſſembly, were, not without ſome reluctance, admitted as members. No more than about ninety-ſix of the Engliſh divines [208] gave any proper attendance. Archbiſhop Uſher, biſhop Brownrig, Henry Hammond, John Hacket, George Morley, Robert Sanderſon, and William Ni⯑colſon, the four laſt of whom after the reſtoration were biſhops of Litchfield, Wincheſter, Lincoln, and Glouceſter, never took their ſeats. Though the parliament had appointed Epiſcopalians, as well as Preſbyterians and Independents, members, few of the firſt kind ever took their ſeats, and thoſe that did, quickly withdrew, when Charles prohibited their meeting, becauſe the members had not been choſen by the clergy, and many of them were either laymen or Puritans. They that continued in it were gene⯑rally men of eminent piety, learning, and faithful⯑neſs to God and their country. Their meeting was opened July 1, with a ſermon by Dr. Twiſſe their prolocutor or moderator. They agreed upon a ſo⯑lemn vow, to be taken by every member at his ad⯑miſſion, That he ſhould maintain no doctrine, but what he believed moſt agreeable to the word of God; and no⯑thing in points of diſcipline, but what he believed to be conducive to the glory of God, and the peace and wel⯑fare of his church. This their ſolemn vow or oath was read to them every Monday morning, to render it deep and freſh in their minds. After fixing the order of their procedure, they petitioned the parlia⯑ment to appoint a ſolemn faſt for divine direction in their important buſineſs; and that they would take ſtill more effectual methods for rooting out the igno⯑rance, profanation of the Sabbath, profane ſwearing, curſing, drunkenneſs, and uncleanneſs ſtill found in the land; that they would ſpeedily purge out igno⯑rant and ſcandalous clergymen, and ſubſtitute pro⯑per miniſters in their ſtead;—that they would exert themſelves for the relief of thoſe miniſters, whom his majeſty's party retained in diſtreſsful impriſon⯑ment at Oxford. A committee of the Aſſembly was appointed to reviſe the Thirty-nine articles, and render them more plain and pointed, particularly in oppoſi⯑tion to Arminianiſm. But, after a review of fifteen [209] [...]rticles, this was dropt, and it was reſolved to draw up a more full Confeſſion of Faith. To mark their [...]eal againſt Antinomianiſm, they condemned ſome notions of Criſp, Eaton, and Saltmarſh, and labour⯑ed, ſometimes not very circumſpectly, to confute them [...]n their ſermons and writings.

The parliament's affairs being reduced to a low ebb, they deputied the earl of Rutland, Sir Henry Vane, and Meſſrs. Stephen Marſhal, and Philip Nye, and three others, to negotiate with the Scotch Con⯑vention of Eſtates and General Aſſembly for ſome aſſiſtance in this critical hour. The Aſſembly conſi⯑dering, That the Engliſh had befriended them in their diſtreſs; and that the Proteſtant religion in Britain was in danger; and that by this means their own religion might be the better ſecured, and an uniformity with their Engliſh brethren promoted,— earneſtly adviſed to grant their requeſt on proper terms. A draught of a ſolemn league with one an⯑other, and covenant with God, approved by the Scotch Aſſembly and Convention of Eſtates, being brought up to London, the parliament referred it to the Aſſembly of divines, where it met with no ſmall oppoſition. Gataker and others refuſed to ſubſcribe it, till they got that which related to Prelacy ſo cir⯑cumſcribed, as, in their view, not to exclude arch⯑biſhop Uſher's ſcheme of primitive Epiſcopacy. The Scotch divines inſiſted to have Prelacy abjured as ſin⯑ful. But moſt of the Engliſh oppoſed this: the In⯑dependents, Eraſtians, and half Epiſcopalians thought that the words according to the word of God, ſufficient⯑ly protected them againſt the inroads of Scotch Preſ⯑bytery; and the Scots thought the following words, according to the practice of the beſt reformed churches, neceſſarily meant their own government and diſci⯑pline. When Coleman, the noted Eraſtian, read it to the Lords, in order to their ſwearing and ſub⯑ſcribing it, he openly declared, that by abjuring Prelacy, they did not abjure all kinds of Epiſcopacy, but only that kind particularly deſcribed in this oath.

[210]After this covenant had been ſworn by both Hou⯑ſes of parliament, the Aſſembly of divines, and the inhabitants of London, the parliament appointed it to be taken by the reſt of the nation above eighteen years of age, and tranſmitted along with it an exhor⯑tation by the Aſſembly to take it,—and directions re⯑gulating the manner of doing it. Great numbers took it chearfully, and with a good conſcience. O⯑thers did ſo, becauſe the parliament and their cir⯑cumſtances required it. When it was impoſed upon the Engliſh in Holland, the Elector Palatine of the Rhine, and who afterward ſat for a time with the Weſtminſter Aſſembly, took it. Not long after⯑ward, the parliament enacted, That none ſhould be counſellors in burghs, or have the power of electing one, unleſs they took it. Miniſters were required to take it at their ordination. None were to be conti⯑nued in truſt, civil or military, who obſtinately re⯑fuſed it. Theſe mandates of the parliament were not very punctually executed. Richard Baxter and ſome other Puritan miniſters much prevented the impoſi⯑tion of this covenant in the corners where they reſi⯑ded. At Oxford and many other places, it was little urged, unleſs upon ſuch as were ſuſpected, or rather well known, to favour the king's party, and not ſo properly as a religious vow, as an oath of obedience to the parliament. After the war, it was impoſed on the royaliſts with much the ſame intent.

The committee for purging out ſcandalous mini⯑ſters, ſometimes made uſe of the covenant for diſco⯑vering malignant clergymen,—which occaſioned a report, That they were turned out for refuſing it. But their immoralities and diſaffection to the parlia⯑ment were ordinarily, if not alway, the true cauſe [...] of their ſequeſtration. Nay, I do not know of on [...] ſingle perſon puniſhed for his ſimple refuſal of thi [...] covenant. Charles, by a proclamation, declared i [...] traiterous and ſeditious; and prohibited all his ſub⯑jects to give or take it. About the ſame time, h [...] agreed to a ceſſation of arms with the Iriſh Papiſts [211] [...]hoſe hands were ſo deeply dipt in murder. But [...]he Scotch troops refuſed to adhere to it; and for [...]everal years ſtood their ground againſt theſe bloody [...]ut-throats, the beſt way they could. He then cal⯑ [...]ed over, not only part of the duke of Oſmond's ar⯑my, but alſo ſome thouſands of theſe Popiſh murde⯑ [...]ers to aſſiſt him againſt his parliament. Fifteen [...]undred of them periſhed at ſea. Such of them as came and ſerved under himſelf, or under Montroſe his agent in Scotland, brought their ſavage diſpoſiti⯑on along with them, killing people in cold blood, ſpoiling the country, and burning what they could not carry off. This alienated the earls of Holland, Bedford, Clare, and Carliſle,—Sir Henry Deering, and others of his beſt friends from him, as they ſaw him regardleſs of the welfare of his kingdom. The parliament ordered the Aſſembly to inform the ſo⯑reign Proteſtants of his artifices, and of the tokens of his diſregard of the Proteſtant religion, notwithſtan⯑ding his ſolemn declarations of attachment to it.— Charles purſued their repreſentation at the heels with a contrary declaration. But his manifeſt obſtinacy [...]n ſupporting the Hierarchy, and diſſimulation, even [...]n receiving the ſacrament from archbiſhop Uſher, made it little regarded. About this time died Chil⯑ [...]ingworth, who, after revolting to the Jeſuits, re⯑turned to the Proteſtants, and ſeemed to be an Arian or Socinian,—and alſo the two famous commoners, Hampden and Pym.

In 1644, Charles held a ſmall parliament at Ox⯑ford, while the majority of the Peers, and three hun⯑dred and eighty of the Commons adhered to the par⯑liament. But their propoſals were too pacific to pleaſe him. Meanwhile, twenty-one thouſand Scots having entered England for their aſſiſtance, the par⯑liament at Weſtminſter took heart, and reſolved to proceed in their intended reformation, and to eſta⯑bliſh a new Form of diſcipline and government. The earl of Mancheſter, with two miniſters, were ap⯑pointed to purge the univerſity of Cambridge, which, [212] though under the power of the parliament, had hi⯑therto proved a ſanctuary for their enemies. Man⯑cheſter proceeded with great mildneſs. And, though he tendered the covenant to many, yet ſuch as be⯑haved peaceably were allowed to keep their places notwithſtanding they declined taking it. About a [...] hundred and fifty of the Fellows kept their places Moſt of the other two hundred had before gone of to the royal army, which was now commanded by Rupert, prince Palatine's brother, and almoſt wholl [...] compoſed of furious banditti. J. Coſins, Tho. Pa [...]k [...] B. Laney, S. Collins, E. Martin, R. Stern, W. Beale [...] T. Comber, R. Holdſworth, S. Ward, R. Brown⯑rigg, who had zealouſly taught their ſtudents, Tha [...] it was unlawful on any account to reſiſt the king were turned out, and L. Seaman, R. Chudworth, R▪ Vines, B. Whichcot, H. Palmer, T. Young, J▪ Arrowſmith, T. Hill, R. Minſhul, W. Spurſtow [...] and afterward J. Lightfoot were put in their place [...] The vacant fellowſhips were filled up with men lear⯑ned and pious, as faſt as they could. The Aſſembly examined the candidates before their admiſſion. I [...] conſequence of this change, not only learning, bu [...] ſanctification of the Sabbath, and other branches o [...] piety, prevailed in the colleges.—The purgation o [...] the ſcandalous clergy ſtill continued. Near tw [...] thouſand were turned out, of whom 1800 wer [...] proved guilty of ſcandal, by the oath of habile wit⯑neſſes.—Unleſs they retired to his majeſty's quarters the parliament allowed them a fifth part of their ſa⯑lary for the ſupport of their wives and children, an [...] theſe that laboured in their ſtead were allowed th [...] other four parts. Theſe were admitted by the choic [...] of the congregations, and examination by a commit⯑tee of the Aſſembly, conſiſting of twenty-two mem⯑bers.

Finding his forces unable to reſiſt the united ſtrength of the parliament and their Scotch allies Charles profeſſed himſelf ready to hearken to term [213] of accommodation. A treaty was for a time proſe⯑cuted at Uxbridge, in which there was perhaps too little ſincerity on either ſide, and each ſuſpected the other. Charles profeſſed chiefly to ſcruple at allow⯑ing or eſtabliſhing of any other form of worſhip or government than had been long uſed. To enlighten his conſcience, Meſſrs. A. Henderſon of Edinburgh, S. Marſhal and R. Vines held a ſolemn conference before him, with Dr. Stewart and others of his par⯑ty, concerning Epiſcopacy and its attendent ceremo⯑nies. Neither party appeared convinced by their op⯑ponents. But Charles, perhaps without any inten⯑tion of performance, promiſed that he would admit of the reduction of Prelacy, almoſt to archbiſhop U⯑ſher's plan. Before the Scots came to aſſiſt them, the parliament would have been glad of his offer; but now they would accept of nothing leſs than the compleat aboliſhment of Prelacy.

Meanwhile, the work of the Aſſembly proceeded but ſlowly, on account of the different parties in it, each of which had their ſupporters in parliament.— The Preſbyterians were the moſt numerous, having the Scotch divines and London miniſters for their principals, and Denzil, Hollis, W. Waller, Philip Stapleton, J. Clotworthy, B. Rudyard,—Maynard Maſſey, Harley, Glyn, and ſome others, for their chief ſupporters in the Houſe of Commons. Selden, Whitlock, Lightfoot, Coleman, and ſome others, like the Engliſh reformers and other Eraſtians, belie⯑ved the government and diſcipline of the church to depend on the will of the magiſtrate,—and had St. John, Widdrington, Crew, Hipſley, and others, to ſupport them in parliament. Thom. Goodwin, Ph. Nye, Syd. Simſon, Jer. Burroughs, and W. Bridge, ſupported the cauſe of Independency, allowing the magiſtrate little power about eccleſiaſtical affairs,— placing the government of the church in the com⯑munity of the faithful, and denying the authority and ſubordination of ſeſſions, preſbyteries, or ſynods of church officers. No Anabaptiſts were members [214] of the Aſſembly; but their number mightily increaſ⯑ed without doors. They ſent one Blunt to Holland for re-baptiſm to himſelf. Having obtained it, he returned and re-baptized Blacklock their teacher, who re-baptized all the reſt. Tombes and Corn⯑wal, learned divines, joining them, added to their credit. Not long after, they publiſhed their Con⯑feſſion of faith, conſiſting of fifty-two articles. Num⯑bers of them appear to have been ſerious Chriſtians: but they were exceedingly given to rail at miniſters having ſtated ſalaries for their ſupport, and not work⯑ing with their hands. They had no ſooner become very numerous, than they ſplit into two parties of general and particular, or Arminian and Calviniſt Baptiſts.

As the biſhops refuſed to ordain the candidates, that were not in the king's intereſt, the Aſſembly conſidered how ſuch might be ordained before they had finiſhed their Directory. Notwithſtanding the warm oppoſition of the Independent brethren, it was carried, That a number of miniſters, in the preſent circumſtances, might ordain miniſters, till church judicatories could be got eſtabliſhed. Ten of the members, with thirteen others, ſeven of whom were a quorum, were appointed by the parliament for that purpoſe. A ſimilar committee of twenty-one was appointed to ordain for the county of Lancaſhire.— The Directory for worſhip being, with much unani⯑mity, agreed upon by the Aſſembly, the parliament ſoon after appointed the obſervation of it in the kingdom inſtead of the Book of common prayer, under the penalties mentioned in the act; and all that preached, wrote, or printed any thing againſt it, were ſubjected to a fine between five and fifty pounds ſterling. In oppoſition to this, Charles, by a pro⯑clamation, prohibited the uſe of the Directory, and requiring the obſervation of the Book of common prayer, under pain of being held diſaffected to both church and ſtate.

[215]When the Aſſembly proceeded to form ſtated Rules for ordination of miniſters, they had hot contention with the Eraſtians on the one hand, and Independents on the other. For ten days, the In⯑dependents contended for the right of every congre⯑gation to ordain their own paſtors. When it carried, That no ſingle congregation, which could unite with others, ought to aſſume the right of ordination,— Goodwin, Nye, Simſon, Burroughs, Bridges, Car⯑ter, and Greenhill, entered their diſſent.—They no leſs warmly diſputed, That no miniſter ought to be ordained, without fixing him to a particular charge. But this was got compromiſed, and the propoſition made to run, That it is agreeable to the word of God, and very expedient, that thoſe, who are to be ordain⯑ed miniſters, ſhould be deſigned to ſome particular charge. The Independents conſented to impoſition of hands in ordination, providing it ſhould be atten⯑ded with a declaration, that it was not intended as the conveyance of office power.—The Directory for ordination being finiſhed, the parliament eſtabliſhed it for the ſpace of a year, to try how it would anſwer. After that, they eſtabliſhed it for three years longer.

When the Aſſembly entered upon the government of the church, both Preſbyterians and Independents heartily agreed againſt the Eraſtians, That Jeſus Chriſt had fixed a particular form of government in his New Teſtament church. But when they proceeded to enquire, What that particular form of church government was? and, Whether it was perpetually binding? the Preſbyterians had hard ſtruggling with the Independents on the one hand, and the Eraſtians on the other. The Eraſtians were content to allow Preſbyterian government to be moſt agreeable to the word of God, and moſt proper to be ſettled in Eng⯑land; but they warmly oppoſed the divine right of it. —For fifteen days, the Independents combatted the divine appointment of Preſbytery, and for as many more contended for the divine right of their own form of church government. Here, the primitive [216] order of the Chriſtian church, the ſcripture warrant for ruling elders, the ſubordination and power of church courts were largely diſputed; and Selden and Lightfoot helped the Independents in times of need. The Preſbyterians having carried their point, the Independents entered their diſſent, and com⯑plained that they had been ill uſed, and ſome of their papers refuſed a hearing. The Eraſtians reſerved their principal effort for the Houſe of Commons, in which they were ſure to be joined by all the Inde⯑pendents againſt the divine right of Preſbytery. In⯑formed of their deſign, the Preſbyterians ſtudied to have their whole ſtrength in the Houſe very early, that they might get their point carried before their opponents came fully up. Perceiving their intent, Glyn and Whitlock ſpake at great length upon di⯑vine right, till the Houſe was quite full, and then it was carried not, That Preſbytery is founded on the word of God,—but as it ſtill ſtands, That it is lawful and agreeable to the word of God, That the church be governed by congregational, claſſical, and ſynodi⯑cal Aſſemblies. Pierced with grief, that the Eraſti⯑ans had carried this point againſt them, the Scotch commiſſioners and other Preſbyterians inſtigated the council, and afterward the miniſters, of London, to beſeech the Commons to eſtabliſh Preſbyterian go⯑vernment, as the government of Jeſus Chriſt. This drew the frowns of the Houſe upon the ſupplicants. The Preſbyterian miniſters next applied to the Lords, —and ſoon after, with the mayor and aldermen of London at their head, gave in a ſecond petition to them. Theſe applications occaſioned a miſunder⯑ſtanding between the city and parliament, which at laſt iſſued in the ruin of the Preſbyterians cauſe.

The Aſſembly's lodging of the power to rebuke, ſuſpend from ſacraments, excommunicate the ſcan⯑dalous, and to abſolve the penitent, in the hand of the Preſbytery or elderſhip, as theirs by divine right, occaſioned a warm debate between them and the parliament. While the Independents claimed this [217] power for the Chriſtian brotherhood in every con⯑gregation, and pled, that no civil ſanction or penalty ſhould attend it,—Selden, Whitlock, and other E⯑raſtians, contended, That church communion ought to be left quite open, and crimes be cognizable and puniſhable only by the magiſtrate. But as paſtors want of power to reſtrain ſcandalous perſons from the Lord's table, had been one of the late popular complaints, the parliament did not think it proper to reject excommunication altogether: but to render it a mere cypher, they required the Aſſembly to fix What degrees of knowledge were neceſſary to ad⯑miſſion to the Lord's table? and, What ſorts of ſcandal deſerved ſuſpenſion or excommunication?— After no ſmall litigation among themſelves, the Aſ⯑ſembly repreſented, That ſuch as did not know and believe the being of a God; the Trinity of perſons in the Godhead; the doctrine of original ſin; of Chriſt's being God-man, and our only Mediator;— and that he and his benefits are applied by faith, which is the gift of God; the nature and importance of the ſacraments; the immediate entrance of de⯑parted ſouls into heaven or hell; the reſurrection of the body, and the future judgment of men,—ſhould be excluded for their ignorance or error.—And that all inceſtuous perſons, adulterers, fornicators, drun⯑kards, profane ſwearers, and curſers, murderers, worſhippers of images or relicks, ſaints or angels, all that make images of divine perſons, or that are at variance with their neighbours; all duellers or car⯑riers of meſſages between them; profaners of the Sabbath by ſports or civil labour; keepers of ſtews; —pimps;—ſuch as marry their children with Pa⯑piſts; conſulters of witches or fortune tellers;— aſſaulters of parents, or of magiſtrates or their offi⯑cers in the legal execution of their office; and per⯑ſons regularly attainted of barratry, forgery, extor⯑tion, or bribery,—ſhould be ſecluded as ſcandalous. The parliament allowed this repreſentation, and en⯑groſſed it into their act; but, by ſecuring an appeal [218] from the higheſt church courts, to the parliamen [...] they, to the great grief of the Scotch commiſſioner [...] and many others, effectually kept the power in thei [...] own hands. They alſo appointed, That churc [...] courts ſhould take no cognizance of civil rights, an [...] that no confeſſion or proof before the elderſhip b [...] made uſe of before civil courts.

Not long after, the parliament ſuſpecting that th [...] Preſbyterians intended to render the church altoge⯑ther independent on the ſtate,—enacted, That ther [...] ſhould be liberty of appeal from every claſſical pre [...] ⯑bytery to the civil commiſſioners of the county.— They next appointed rules for the election of rulin [...] elders, and for diviſion of the kingdom into claſſica [...] Preſbyteries and provincial Synods. They appoint⯑ed two elders for each miniſter to attend Preſbyteries two miniſters, and from four to nine elders, from each Preſbytery, to attend provincial Synods; an [...] two miniſters and four elders, from each Synod, t [...] attend the National Aſſembly. Thus the power o [...] government was chiefly lodged in the hand of th [...] ruling elders.—In this form, was Preſbyterian go⯑vernment ſettled in 1646, for the ſpace of a year, ti [...] it might be diſcerned what further alterations wer [...] neceſſary. It pleaſed no party concerned. The E⯑piſcopalians and Independents were offended, tha [...] they were ſhut out, without ſo much as a toleration Such as reckoned Preſbyterian government founde [...] on the word of God, were offended that the powe [...] was ſo much reſerved for the civil magiſtrate, eſpe⯑cially in the excluſion of perſons from the Lotd's ta⯑ble.—When this ſcheme was laid before the Scotc [...] parliament and General Aſſembly, they inſiſted fo [...] ſundry amendments, That no godly miniſter ſhoul [...] be excluded from ſitting as a member of Preſbyte⯑ries, Synods, or Aſſemblies; that the ordinary tim [...] for the meeting of the National Aſſembly ſhould b [...] fixed, allowing a power for both church and ſtate t [...] conveen it upon any neceſſary occaſion; that congre⯑gational elderſhips be allowed to determine concern⯑ [...]ng [219] ſcandals not expreſſed; that the act for the or⯑ [...]ination of miniſters be made perpetual; that the ar⯑ [...]icles reſpecting the ſubjection of church judicatories [...]o the parliament,—the exemption of perſons of high [...]ank from church cenſures, and obliging of church [...]ulers to admit perſons to the Lord's table, contrary [...]o their conſcience, be altered to general ſatisfaction; [...]nd that the article reſpecting perpetual offices and [...]fficers in the church, the order and power of church [...]ourts, and the directions for public penance and ex⯑ [...]ommunication, be fixed. The Engliſh parliament [...]eplied with ſome warmth, That they had done what [...]hey could, and therefore thought it ſtrange, to find [...]hemſelves ſuſpected of unwillingneſs to eſtabliſh [...]reſbyterian government, becauſe they did not, in [...] manner inconſiſtent with the laws of their land, [...]ſtabliſh near ten thouſand unlimited and arbitrary [...]ourts of parochial ſeſſions in the kingdom. The [...]reſbyterian miniſters in England ſeconded the Re⯑ [...]reſentations from Scotland, and refuſed to accept [...]f the parliament's eſtabliſhment of the church, till [...]hey ſhould part with the key of diſcipline, and go⯑ [...]ernment. Highly offended with their addreſs, the Commons threatened them with a Premunire, for [...]reſuming to diſpute with their ſuperiors, who had [...]alled their Aſſembly merely for advice, not to allow [...]hem to be judges upon any point.—To embarraſs, [...] not divide, the Aſſembly, and at leaſt to gain time, [...]ll they ſhould ſee the iſſue of the Treaty with his [...]ajeſty, who had thrown himſelf into the Scotch [...]rmy, they delivered to them a ſett of captious queſ⯑ [...]ons, relative to the divine right of church govern⯑ment and its ſeveral circumſtances; and required, [...]hat the ſcriptures, proving or diſproving each par⯑ [...]cular ſhould be ſet down at large, and every mem⯑ [...]er ſign his opinion on each point. After ſolemn [...]ſting and prayer for God's ſpecial direction, when [...]en had laid ſuch an entangling ſnare for their feet, [...]e Aſſembly applied themſelves to their taſk.

[220]Before this eſtabliſhment of Preſbyterian govern⯑ment, the Independents had hoped for one to com⯑prehend them. But finding themſelves diſappoint⯑ed, they would no more liſten to any propoſals o [...] comprehenſion with the Preſbyterians; but pled fo [...] ſuch an authoritative toleration as ſhould allow them to ſet up by themſelves, and gather churches of al [...] ſuch as, in the Preſbyterian pariſhes, choſe to join with them. And this they required, not only fo [...] themſelves, but for the ſober Anabaptiſts, and al [...] ſuch others as held the fundamental principles of th [...] Chriſtian religion, though they did not ſeem capable to point out theſe principles in a preciſe manner.— The Preſbyterians, who already found what multi⯑tudes of ſectaries had ſtarted up during the few pre⯑ceding years broken ſtate of the church, and wha [...] trouble the Aſſembly had got with a few of them repreſented to them, the danger, ſchiſm, and con⯑fuſion, that would be occaſioned by this toleration which they requeſted,—and offered to allow them t [...] abſtain from communion with them in the Lord' [...] ſupper, without being cenſurable. The Independent replied, That they did not intend any total ſeparati⯑on from the church, while they held the moſt o [...] theſe things which the Preſbyterians did, in worſhip⯑ing according to the Directory,—in retaining the ſam [...] church officers, and requiring the ſame qualificati⯑ons, in order to admiſſion to the ſacraments, and uſing the very ſame cenſures; that they would hold occaſional communion with them in the Lord's ſup⯑per, and in like manner admit Preſbyterians with them; that their miniſters ſhould ſometimes preac [...] for one another, and they would call Preſbyteria [...] miniſters to attend as companions at their ordinati⯑ons; that they will conſent to have their congrega⯑tions reſtricted to a certain number, which may b [...] receptacles for tender conſciences. The Preſbyteri⯑ans inſiſted on the obvious miſchiefs of tolerations and that if their Independent brethren could hold occaſional communion with them in ſealing ordinan⯑ [...]es, [221] it would be ſchiſmatical in them to ſeparate.— As the Preſbyterians inſiſted for cloſe conjunction [...]nd uniformity, and the Independents rather exten⯑ded their terms of toleration, the committee of Lords [...]nd Commons and Aſſembly of divines broke up wi⯑thout effecting any accommodation between them. Meanwhile, the Scotch parliament tranſmitted to the Engliſh one a declaration againſt the toleration of [...]ectaries. Many pamphlets were publiſhed, and ſer⯑mons preached, particularly before the parliament, [...]n this point. In a letter to the Aſſembly, the Lon⯑don miniſters beſeech them to oppoſe ſuch a lawleſs [...]oleration, as would ſtrangle their church eſtabliſh⯑ment in its very birth. A ſmart anſwer to it openly [...]led for the toleration of ALL opinions; and that [...]o man is anſwerable to civil magiſtrates, for his opi⯑nions, any farther, than they interfere with the ſtate. [...]t is certain, the Preſbyterians' oppoſition to the to⯑ [...]eration loſt them the favour of many, eſpecially of [...]he army. But when one conſiders the ſpawn of [...]errors and blaſphemies, and the almoſt unnumbered [...]orms of ſectaries, which then appeared in England, [...]he will the leſs wonder at their diſlike of the deſired [...]oleration. During theſe contentions, Charles offer⯑ed T. Goodwin and P. Nye large terms of liberty, if [...]hey would oppoſe the Preſbyterian government: [...]ut they informed their Preſbyterian brethren, and [...]o Charles dropt all correſpondence with them.

The parliament's ordinance for introduction of Preſbyterial claſſes never took effect, but in London [...]nd Lancaſhire. In other places, the miniſters had [...]oluntary aſſociations, but without legal juriſdiction. While both Scotch and Engliſh Preſbyterians inſiſt⯑ed, That the parliament would compleat their ſettle⯑ment of the deſired uniformity engaged to in the ſo⯑ [...]emn league, and declare ſuch as were diſaffected to church and ſtate incapable of places of power and [...]ruſt, the parliament gave them fair words, and pre⯑ [...]ended that the delay of the Aſſembly's anſwers to [...]heir late queſtions hindered it, and nothing elſe.— [222] Meanwhile, the Independents and the ſectarians in the army boldly pled for a toleration, and got a num⯑ber of the citizens of London to ſupplicate the parlia⯑ment in their favours. It is probable that the roy⯑aliſts, in order to ruin the parliament, helped forward theſe diviſions. After the Eraſtians had not a little harraſſed the Aſſembly on the divine right of the ſe⯑veral pertinents of Preſbyterian government, Cole⯑man died, and all the reſt, except Lightfoot, ſlipt off, and left the Preſbyterians and ſome few Inde⯑pendents to manage matters as they pleaſed. At laſt, the Aſſembly finiſhed their anſwers to the par⯑liament's queſtions; but, for fear of a Premunire, they never preſented them. The London divines therefore took up the controverſy, and publiſhed their learned view of the divine right of church go⯑vernment.

The parliament ſtill continued to treat with his majeſty. But his concluding a peace with the Iriſh Papiſts, who had but lately maſſacred ſome hundred thouſands of his Proteſtant ſubjects, and his paſſing an act of oblivion of all that they had done, in the courſe of their rebellion,—and his flight into the Scotch army, made them to ſuſpect him; and as he fell in his demands, they roſe in theirs; and both ſeemed rather intent on outwitting, than on amicably treating with one another.—When he fled from Ox⯑ford, as it was on the point of being blocked up by Fairfax, the parliament's general, he, with two or three attendants, came within ten miles of London. Finding it unſafe to enter the city, he firſt directed his courſe toward the ſea, as if he had intended to leave this country, and then turning northward, he to their aſtoniſhment, threw himſelf into the Scotc [...] army at Newcaſtle, without previouſly acquainting them. On his firſt arrival, he ſeemed diſpoſed to⯑ward peace with his parliament; and on May 18th 1646, wrote them to that effect, and aſſured them that he had recalled all commiſſions granted by hi [...] for making war on his ſubjects, and had ordered th [...] [223] diſbanding of all his forces; and that he cordially intended to join with his parliament in eſtabliſhing religion according to the advice of his Engliſh and Scotch Parliaments. But ſome Epiſcopalian bigots, getting acceſs to him, he changed his mind. The Scotch army and their Committee of Eſtates at Edin⯑burgh beſeeching him to ſatisfy his Engliſh parlia⯑ment concerning religion, as without his doing it, they could not, according to their conſcience or co⯑venant, protect him againſt them; and indeed they could not have attempted to do it, without ruining their own country,—Charles profeſſed his willingneſs to confer with any, whom they ſhould appoint, con⯑cerning the lawfulneſs of aboliſhing Prelacy, and e⯑ſtabliſhing Preſbytery, contrary to his coronation oath. Mr. A. Henderſon was brought from Edin⯑burgh for that purpoſe. But Charles had been ſo [...]iutoxicated with the divine right of Prelacy, the ſu⯑perlative excellence of the Book of common prayer, the uninterrupted ſucceſſion of biſhops from the apoſtles, the right of the antient Chriſtian doctors to be judges in controverſies, and the ſtandard of interpreting ſcripture; princes ſole right to reform any thing in religion, and the unlawfulneſs of ſubjects, on any account, taking arms againſt their king, that Mr. Henderſon's nervous reaſoning had no effect upon him. His pretences of regard to his coronation oath, after he had ſpent the firſt fifteen years of his reign in a perpetual violation of it, marked him determined to receive no conviction.

While the parliament having, by new acts, rooted up the foundations of Prelacy; declared it for ever aboliſhed; appointed the biſhops lands and privile⯑ges to be ſold for defraying the expences of the war, and ſupporting preaching clergymen,—they inſiſted with Charles, as the condition of peace, that he would ratify their deeds for the reformation of religion.— Notwithſtanding the moſt importunate intreaties of his truſty and ſenſible friends, he ſtill refuſed, and inſiſted, that at leaſt biſhops ſhould be retained in [224] his quarters, the dioceſes of Oxford, Wincheſter, Bath, Wells, and Exeter. He inſiſted with the Scotch army to protect him. But, as neither their church nor ſtate would hear of his coming to Scot⯑land on his own terms, and they could not retain him in England without an immediate war with the parliament's forces, they ſurrendered him up to the Engliſh parliament, without either aſking or receiv⯑ing a ſingle farthing on that account.

In 1647, the Engliſh Lords and many others, in⯑tended, whenever the Scots marched home, to diſ⯑patch a conſiderable body of their own troops to act againſt the Papiſts and their royal confederates in Ireland, and to retain at home no more than were neceſſary for the peace of the country, and to have theſe commanded by perſons well affected to their covenanted reformation, by which means they hoped to treat with more advantage with his majeſty. The Scotch army, who, on this conſideration, haſtened their departure, were ſcarcely at home, when the Engliſh parliament made an ordinance for the ſup⯑preſſion of hereſy and ſchiſm, and appointed a ſolemn faſt for bewailing their increaſe. They enacted, That no member of the houſe, nor any who did not take the covenant, ſhould command in the army or in garriſons, nor any drunkard, ſwearer, or other⯑wiſe ſcandalous perſon; and that ten thouſand and ſix hundred foot forces ſhould be ſent to Ireland, and 5,300 horſe; and the ſoldiers in garriſons be retain⯑ed at home, and all the reſt diſbanded on the 2d of June enſuing. In conſequence of theſe things, Char⯑les ſent them more ſatisfactory anſwers to their pro⯑poſitions.

Notwithſtanding the above acts of parliament, the ſectaries more and more increaſed. In the army, there were ſtill many ſober and ſerious: but things were haſtening into a chaos of confuſion in religion. The officers became fiery diſputants, and often ſup⯑plied the place of miniſters to the regiments, and of⯑ficiated in the pulpits where they were quartered▪ [225] Thomas Edwards, a zealous Preſbyterian, in his Gangrene of hereſies, reckons up ſixteen different bodies of ſectaries, and a multitude of rampant er⯑rors. But he is too keen to deſerve intire credit.— And indeed, ſuch was the diſorder and licentiouſneſs in religion, that it was ſcarcely poſſible to reduce them to either ſects or opinions. We hear of En⯑thuſiaſts, Ranters, Seekers, &c. &c. many of which died in their infancy, or joined with theſe afterward called Quakers. It is ſaid, that about an hundred Popiſh clergy were ſent from abroad, to join the different parties, in order to increaſe and inflame the confuſions.

Meanwhile, the Confeſſion of Faith, which the Scotch divines had inſiſted for, inſtead of the Thir-nine articles, was finiſhed, not without diſſents rela⯑tive to the imputation of Chriſt's active obedience, church government and diſcipline, liberty of conſcience,—and, along with the ſcripture proofs, tranſmitted to the parliament in May 1647, and, after about thirteen months, and many long debates, the moſt part of it was approved by both Houſes. The 30th chapter, which relates to church cenſures; that part of the 31ſt, which relates to the calling and power of Sy⯑nods; great part of the 24th concerning marriage and divorce; and that part of the 20th concerning the puniſhment of ſuch as vent opinions deſtructive to the peace of the church, were referred to further conſideration, and at laſt laid aſide. After the Con⯑feſſion and Catechiſms were finiſhed, the Scotch com⯑miſſioners went home, and the remaining part of the Aſſembly did almoſt nothing, but examine candidates for the miniſtry, and diſpute concerning the divine right of Presbyterian government. After ſitting five years, and almoſt ſeven months, and hold⯑ing 1163 ſederunts, they intirely diſſolved Febru⯑ary 22, 1649.

For ſome time before their diſſolution, the ma⯑nagement of eccleſiaſtical matters was in the hands of the Provincial Synod of London, which met at [226] Zion college twice every week in 1648, and all the twelve following years, when they could. At the end of every ſix months, the members were changed, and the Synod renewed. The firſt having little op⯑portunity of ſitting, did little beſides agreeing upon ſome rules of order. The ſecond publiſhed a ſolemn Teſtimony againſt the errors of the times, in which they declare their adherence to the Confeſſion of Faith, and their abhorrence of the following tenets, That the ſcriptures of the Old and New Teſtament are not of divine authority, nor the only rule of faith; that God hath a bodily ſhape, and is the principal author of ſin; that there is no Trinity of perſons in the Godhead; that Chriſt is inferior to the Father, and the Holy Ghoſt but a miniſtring Spirit; that God hath equally elected all men to everlaſting life; that no man eternally periſheth for Adam's firſt ſin; that Chriſt died for all mankind, and the benefit of his death is intended by God for all; that every man hath a free will and power in himſelf to repent, obey the goſpel, and do every thing neceſſary for his eter⯑nal ſalvation; that faith is not a ſupernatural grace; that faithful actions are the only ground of our juſti⯑fication before God; that the moral law is not a rule of life to believers; that believers are as pure from ſin as Chriſt, and ſo need not pray for the pardon of it; that God ſeeth no ſin in his people, nor chaſtiſ⯑eth them for it; that there ought to be no churches, ſacraments, or Sabbaths; that baptiſm ought not to be continued among Chriſtians, nor the infants of believers baptized; that forſwearing of one's ſelf is the whole meaning of the 3d commandment; that brethren and ſiſters may lawfully marry together, and divorces be founded upon indiſpoſition, unfit⯑neſs, or contrariety of tempers; that human ſouls are mortal; and there is neither heaven nor hell till the day of judgment. They teſtify againſt the au⯑thoritative toleration of all religions, as the occaſion and ſource of errors, hereſies, and blaſphemies.— They declare their adherence to the Solemn League [227] and Covenant, and to the divine right of Presbytery; and their diſlike of Prelacy, Eraſtianiſm, Indepen⯑dency, Browniſm, and their abhorrence of Anti⯑ſcripturiſm, Popery, Arminianiſm, Arianiſm, Soci⯑nianiſm, Antinomianiſm, Anabaptiſm, Libertiniſm, and Schiſm. This Teſtimony was ſubſcribed by 58 of the principal clergy in London, and afterwards by 64 in Glouceſterſhire, 84 in Lancaſhire, 83 in De⯑vonſhire, and 71 in Somerſetſhire.

This year, the army, mad for a toleration of all, or almoſt all, pretences to religion, aſſumed a ſupe⯑riority over the parliament, and turned out ſome of the Presbyterian members. Charles at once treated with the Engliſh parliament, now governed by the army, and with the diſcontented Scots, that were forming an Engagement, and raiſing an army to re⯑ſcue him. He altered his condeſcenſions, as his cir⯑cumſtances changed, and probably intended merely to amuſe his ſubjects, with treaties relative to religion, which he never meant to fulfil. Notwithſtanding refuſal of ſubmiſſion, and the moſt ſcurrilous abuſe from the heads and ſtudents of Oxford, the parlia⯑ment's commiſſioners viſited that univerſity, which, for ſome years before, had rather been a garriſon, than a place of learning. It is hard to ſay, whether the patience of the parliament, or the inſolence of the univerſity was moſt remarkable, during the two years in which this affair was in agitation. Beſides others, nineteen or twenty maſters were turned out, and Edward Reynolds, Wilkins, Wſlkinſon, Palmer, Sethward, Wallis, L. Moulin, and others were put in their place. Holy-days and ſtage-plays being pro⯑hibited by the parliament, multitudes in ſome places were highly provoked, and abuſed ſuch as dared to work on theſe holy, or rather revelling, ſeaſons.— But they had no reaſon, as in place of them, the parliament allowed ſervants the firſt Tueſday of eve⯑ry month for recreation and viſiting of friends.

In conſequence of a treaty with his majeſty, duke Hamilton and his party of Scots invaded England [228] with an army to reſcue him from the Parliamentari⯑ans, while the Engliſh royaliſts took arms for the ſame purpoſe. Cromwel quickly routed them both. While he and his army were in the North, dealing with the Scots, the Presbyterian members reſumed their ſeats in parliament, and became the majority. Knowing that the army were bent for a common⯑wealth in the ſtate, and an authoritative toleration to attend any religious eſtabliſhment in the church, they, inſtigated by the more zealous clergymen, en⯑acted, That whoſoever ſhould obſtinately deny the exiſtence or perfections of God, or his ſubſiſtence in three perſons equal in power and glory; or the rea⯑lity of Chriſt's manhood, or his ſatisfaction to God's juſtice for ſinful men; or the divine authority of the ſcriptures; or the reſurrection of the dead; or the future judgment, ſhould be puniſhed with death:— That whoſoever ſhould obſtinately maintain, That all men ſhall be ſaved; or that men can turn them⯑ſelves to God; or that God may be worſhipped by images; or, that the ſouls of men either die with their bodies, or ſleep till the reſurrection; or that there is a purgatory; or that the revelations and wor⯑kings of God's Spirit are a rule of faith or practice, even when different from, or contrary to ſcripture; or that men are bound to believe no more in religion, than they can comprehend; or that the moral law is no rule of life to believers; or that believers need not repent of their ſin or pray for its pardon; or that baptiſm and the Lord's ſupper are not appointed in ſcripture to be continued in the church; or that the baptiſm of infants is unlawful; or that the ſtrict obſervation of the Lord's day is not agreeable to the word of God; or that public and family prayers, and teaching of children to pray, are unlawful; or that the preſent Engliſh form of magiſtracy by king and parliament is unlawful; or that all uſe of warlike arms is unlawful,—ſhall be obliged publicly to recant their error in the congregations, in which they had [229] ſpread it; and, in caſe of refuſal, be impriſoned till they find ſecurity, that they will never more main⯑tain and publiſh any ſuch error. They alſo made a new ordinance, in which all their former acts relative to Presbyterian government and diſcipline, were col⯑lected and ratified as the ſtanding laws of the king⯑dom. But no penalty was denounced againſt ſuch as ſhould not ſubmit.

The parliament alſo laboured to accommodate matters with his majeſty, who had ſlipt off to New⯑port in the Iſle of Wight, and were extremely fond to have the treaty concluded before their army re⯑turned from the North. But, notwithſtanding all that their learned doctors could ſay to perſuade him, that Prelacy had no divine warrant, and that he might conſent to the aboliſhment of it, and to the uſe of the Directory for worſhip, without hurting his conſcience, or violating his coronation oath, he, in⯑ſtigated by his bigotted Epiſcopalians, would make no conceſſions, but what were extorted from him. At laſt, he, in this manner, conſented, that all the hierarchy, except the biſhops, ſhould be aboliſhed; that they ſhould not act but in concert with presby⯑ters; that Presbyterian government ſhould continue three years; that after that no epiſcopal authority ſhall be exerciſed, but by authority of parliament; that, if in that time he be convinced, that Prelacy is not agreeable to the word of God, he will utterly aboliſh it. He ſoon after added, that for three years he would make no new biſhops, and would uſe ſome other form of divine ſervice than the Book of com⯑mon prayer in his chapel, and prohibit the ſaying of maſs in the queen's. The Commons voted theſe conceſſions unſatisfactory, but in a few days voted otherwiſe. The parliament's commiſſioners did what they could to bring him a little further, and to per⯑ſuade him that no Prelacy was aboliſhed, but what had been ſet up by human laws; that there was no difficulty in the reverſion of the church lands to the crown; and that the Aſſembly's Directory pointed [] out the matter of public prayers, though not the ex⯑preſs words. But notwithſtanding all that they, and the Scotch commiſſioners from both church and ſtate could do, he would promiſe no more, than to reduce Epiſcopacy to archbiſhop Uſher's plan, and to licenſe the Shorter Catechiſm.

Part of the army returning from the North, and finding, that no toleration of diſſenters from the eſ⯑tabliſhed religion was ſecured, by the negotiations between Charles and his parliament, they were en⯑raged at both. They concluded, that if he could obtain the uſe of the ſervice book in his own chapel, Independents and ſectaries need expect no liberty of conſcience at all; and ſo they had been fighting to ſet up Presbytery, and get themſelves baniſhed the country, or driven into corners. In theſe views, they, after a ſolemn faſt of ſeveral days, reſolved to aſſume the government of the nation, cut off the king's head, and erect a Commonwealth. On Nov. 20th, 1648, they preſented a petition to the parlia⯑ment, ſetting forth the miſcarriage of Charles' go⯑vernment, and his dilatory and double dealing in treaties; and required, That he and other delin⯑quents be brought to juſtice for their conduct; that the prince of Wales and duke of York ſurrender themſelves, and be declared incapable of govern⯑ment; that, for the future, no king be admitted, but by the free election of the people.

Shocked with theſe demands, the Commons ſhif⯑ted the conſideration of them for ten days, till the treaty with his majeſty was quite broken off. But the army detached a party to Newport, who, on the very next day, ſeized his perſon, and brought him to Windſor. Entering London, they apprehended ſorty of the leading Commons, and refuſed entrance to an hundred more. None were left but about 150 or 200, moſt of them officers of the army, who carried every thing by direction from the council of military officers at St. Alban's. They made an ordinance, and erected a juſticiary court for the trial of his ma⯑jeſty, [231] as a traitor to his country. Becauſe the Lords rejected their ordinance, they no move acknowledged them. None but Hugh Peters and John Goodwin of the Independent clergy had any hand in promot⯑ing his death. The bigotted Epiſcopalians encou⯑raged him in that obſtinacy which occaſioned it.— Some Epiſcopalians, as well as Presbyterians, were members of the Houſe of Commons, when the or⯑dinance was made for his trial. But I know not whether any of them concurred in it. The Papiſts are ſaid to have mightily promoted it, in order to throw the nation into confuſion, and afford opportu⯑nity of introducing Popery under the Popiſhly edu⯑cated princes, or otherwiſe. But the moſt furious managers of the tragedy were Sectarians, Indepen⯑dents, Anabaptiſts, and Hobbiſts. They ſolicited the Presbyterian miniſters of London to ſide with the army, or elſe be ſilent. Inſtead of this, forty-ſeven of them publiſhed a monitory addreſs to the general and council of war, repreſenting to them their per⯑jury and wickedneſs in invading the rights of parlia⯑ment, and ſeizing the king. As the Prelatic divines, to avert men's eyes from their own folly and guilt, reproached the Presbyterians as the cauſe of his ma⯑jeſty's diſtreſs, the moſt of thoſe who had ſubſcribed this addreſs, with 19 others, publiſhed a vindication of their own conduct, and a warning to all the ſub⯑jects to avoid every thing tending towards the tole⯑ration of hereſy or blaſphemy,—or to divide the kingdoms of England and Scotland,—and calling them to bewail the ſins which had thus reduced the nation, and to cry to God for his majeſty's delive⯑rance. Nineteen clergymen about Oxford, moſtly Presbyterians, but ſome Independents, addreſſed ge⯑neral Fairfax and his council of war, beſeeching them to lay aſide all thoughts againſt his majeſty's life, and to endeavour to promote a right underſtan⯑ding between him and his parliament; and proteſting, that they ſhall be free of their ſovereign's death, and of all the miſeries that ſhall follow on it. The Scots, [232] by remonſtrances from both church and ſtate, did what they could to ſave him. But nothing could ſtop the wild career of the furious officers, till they had condemned and beheaded him, Jan. 30th, 1649.

Charles was ſober, temperate, and chaſte; a kind husband, parent, and maſter. But his encouraging of ſports on Sabbath, marks him no tender Chriſtian. His favour to, and employment of Papiſts, while be hated and diſtreſſed his Puritan ſubjects, and his now well known hand in the Iriſh maſſacre, are but poor evidences of his being a ſincere Proteſtant. In his treaties with his parliament, want of candour and fidelity appears every where. In politics, his whole government was one continued ſeries of blunders.— Nothing more exalted his character than the publi⯑ſhing of the EICON BASILIKE in his name, which repreſented him as extremely pious and devout, a⯑midſt his manifold troubles. It was printed ſoon af⯑ter his death, and had more than fifty editions. But it was at laſt diſcovered, that Dr. Gauden had wrote the whole of it, except the 16th and 24th chapters, which were written by Dr. Duppa. Since the reſto⯑ration of his ſon in 1660, the 30th of January hath been, by law, obſerved in commemoration of his martyrdom, on which many thouſand falſhoods and fulſome flatteries are yearly retailed from Epiſcopalian pulpits, in the name of the Lord.

A commonwealth being erected, Cromwel and the army quickly, and with no ſmall ſeverity, reduced the Papiſts in Ireland. About an hundred thouſand of them fled into France, and the reſt were pent up in corners, in which they could ſcarcely find ſubſiſ⯑tence. Epiſcopacy was reduced; the univerſity of Dublin was purged, and religion and learning flou⯑riſhed in it. The parliament having formed an en⯑gagement or oath of allegiance to the commonwealth, few Epiſcopalians ſcrupled at it. Many of the Preſ⯑byterian clergy refuſed it, and left their pariſhes, which were filled up with Independents, who migh⯑tily reliſhed the new form of government. For the [233] ſake of peace, the parliament continued the eſtabliſh⯑ment of Presbyterian government, and of the Di⯑rectory for worſhip, but aboliſhed all penalties on ac⯑count of differences in religion. The Presbyterian miniſters at their monthly faſts, being apt to throw out reflections againſt the new government and ma⯑nagers of it, the parliament aboliſhed theſe meetings, and prohibited clergymen's meddling with politics. They alſo prohibited the publication or diſperſion of ſeditious pamphlets. While the parliament provided miniſters and ſchool-maſters for Wales, the Presby⯑terian and Independent clergy laboured fo inceſſantly in the inſtruction of their people, that ſobriety pre⯑vailed almoſt every where in the kingdom. Amidſt all the abſurd fancies which prevailed in the army, ſuch, was their ſtrictneſs, that, when one of their quarter-maſters was convicted of blaſphemy, he had his tongue bored with an hot iron, his ſword broken over his head, and was expelled from the troops, by order of the council of the army. The Papiſts were baniſhed twenty miles from London, and excepted in the parliament's acts of indulgence and toleration. Though no penal laws were in force againſt the other parties, yet every one was required to attend ſome place of meeting on the Lord's day, and on days of faſting and thankſgiving, unleſs they had ſome rea⯑ſonable excuſe. Several ordinances were made to reſtrain uncleanneſs, profane ſwearing, public blaſ⯑phemy, or the encouragement of people to vice.— And for promoting the ſanctification of the Sabbath, they appointed, that every thing cried or put to ſale on it, or on days of humiliation and thankſgiving, ſhould be ſeized. They appointed part of the mo⯑ney procured by the ſale of biſhops lands for the ſupport of ſuch biſhops, deans, and other Epiſcopa⯑ [...]ian clergy as ſtood in need of it. They appointed Juſtices of peace to marry people inſtead of miniſters, and the banns to be proclaimed on three market days, not on the Sabbath.

[234]Profeſſing regard to their covenant, the Scots had admitted Charles II. as his father's ſucceſſor to their crown. But, by defeating his forces at Dunbar and Worceſter, Cromwel quite ruiued their affairs. Mr. Gibbons a gentleman, and Chriſtopher Love a noted Preſbyterian miniſter at London, and ſome other Presbyterians, having manifeſted ſome inclination towards the Scottiſh king, the two firſt were exe⯑cuted as traitors to the commonwealth. It doth not appear, that Mr. Love had any active hand, but only had forborn to accuſe his friends: his death appear⯑ed to drown the curſe of God and hatred of men, on the new government.

The managers finding it neceſſary to have a kind of ſovereign, Cromwel, by his own inſtigation, was choſen to be their PROTECTOR, while he pretend⯑ed his great unwillingneſs to accept of the charge.— The Inſtrument of government, by which he obliged himſelf to govern the kingdom, declared, That the Chriſtian religion contained in the ſcriptures, ſhould be held forth and recommended as the public pro⯑feſſion of theſe nations; that none ſhould be obliged by penalties to conform to the public religion; that all ſuch as profeſs faith in God by Jeſus Chriſt, how⯑ever much they differ from the public profeſſion ſhall be protected in their religious exerciſes, excep [...] Papiſts, Prelatiſts, and ſuch as, under profeſſion o [...] Chriſtianity, practiſe or encourage licentiouſneſs.— Cromwel did what he could to make all the differen [...] parties befriend him. As the Presbyterians had a ſhadow of eſtabliſhment on their ſide, it was agreed▪ That no alteration ſhould be made, unleſs in laying aſide all penalties of nonconformity. Such biſhop [...] or other Epiſcopalians as behaved peaceably, were no [...] preſſed with the Engagement.

Much about the time that the London miniſter [...] publiſhed their divine right of the goſpel miniſtry, a [...] a mean of reſtraining the diſorderly preaching o [...] laymen. Archbiſhop Uſher, J. Owen, T. Good⯑win, Stephen Marſhal, Ph. Nye, Sh. Simſon, toge⯑ther [235] with Meſſrs. Vines, Manton, Jacomb, Cheynel, and Reyner, were, in 1654, appointed to fix the fundamental principles of the Chriſtian religion, ac⯑cording to which the toleration might be limited. R. Baxter, who was put in the room of archbiſhop Uſher, who declined the taſk, inſiſted for no more than an adherence to the Creed, Lord's prayer, and ten commandments. But the reſt agreed upon 16 articles, That the ſcriptures of the Old and New Teſtament are the ſtandard of men's faith and prac⯑tice; that there is one God in three perſons; that Jeſus Chriſt is God and man in one perſon, and the only Mediator between God and men, without the knowledge of whom there can be no ſalvation; that he made ſatisfaction for our ſin, died, roſe again, aſcended to heaven, and for ever continues a perſon, diſtinct from angels and men; that all men are by nature dead in treſpaſſes and ſins, and muſt be born again, repent, and believe, in order to eternal ſalva⯑tion; that we are ſaved by the grace of God and faith in Chriſt, not by our works; that continuance in any known ſin is damnable; that God muſt be worſhipped according to his own will; that ſuch as deſpiſe the duties of God's worſhip cannot be ſaved; that, at the laſt day, the dead ſhall be raiſed, the world judged, and ſome depart into everlaſting pu⯑niſhment, and others into life eternal. By theſe ar⯑ticles, Deiſts, Socinians, Arians, Papiſts, Quakers, and Antinomians are excluded from the benefit of the toleration. But, as Cromwel and his council were for protecting every one that lived peaceably, no uſe was made of this draught.

Not chuſing that Presbyterial claſſes ſhould have the power of admitting clergymen chiefly in their hand, Cromwel and his council appointed a commit⯑tee of twenty-nine of the moſt eminent miniſters in England, partly Presbyterians, partly Independents, three Anabaptiſts, and nine gentlemen, to try ſuch as had entered the preceding year, or ſhould after⯑ward enter to the miniſtry, with reſpect to their gifts [236] and graces. Five were ſtated a ſufficient quorum to approve a man, and nine to reject him. As moſt of the members of this committee reſided at London, ſuch as could not come thither were tried by a ſub⯑committee. No candidate was admitted to trial, un⯑leſs he produced a certificate ſigned by three perſons of known integrity, atteſting, upon their own know⯑ledge, that he was of an holy and good converſation. Finding that ſome ſequeſtred Epiſcopalians ſtood the trial, and were admitted back to their charges, Crom⯑wel and his council appointed that none ſuch ſhould be admitted, till they were ſatisfied of their ſubmiſſi⯑on to the preſent government. Such as were rejec⯑ted, and their friends, exclaimed terribly againſt the TRIERS proceedings. But Baxter, who was far e⯑nough from loving the chief men among them, ſays, They did much good to the church, ſaved many congregations from drunken, ignorant, and ungodly teachers, and admitted ſuch as were learned, godly, and ſerious, be of what tolerable opinion they would; only they too much favoured the Independents, and were too apt to reject Epiſcopalians and Arminians. If the candidate's learning, orthodoxy, piety, and peaceableneſs were manifeſtly certain, as in the caſe of Fuller the hiſtorian, they made little enquiry into his gracious experiences. But when they knew him to be malignant, immoral, a Pelagian or Socinian, they, by examination of his experiences and the like, laboured to have him rejected.

As notwithſtanding all former purgations, there ſtill remained not a few ſcandalous or negligent paſ⯑tors and teachers, Cromwel and his council appointed for every county a committee of laymen with ten or more miniſters to purge them out, and allow them a 5th part of their ſalary for the ſupport of their fami⯑lies.—In 1649, an ordinance had been made for the purgation and proper ſettlement of the churches in Wales. But though they had got 150 miniſters, who laboured to their utmoſt, they were not nearly ſupplied. Some itinerant preachers were therefore [237] appointed to labour among them for the preſent.— Some of the leſſer congregations were joined toge⯑ther, and others of the largeſt ſort were divided.— New committees were appointed to viſit the univer⯑ſities of Cambridge and Oxford. Theſe, as well as the Heads of the colleges, faithfully executed their offices, in conſequence of which ſobriety and godli⯑neſs remarkably prevailed in theſe ſeminaries of learn⯑ing. Stillingfleet, Pearſon, Patrick, Lowth, and others of the greateſt men, that ever appeared in the Engliſh church, were bred up under theſe Puritan doctors; and nothing, but horrid impiety and ty⯑ranny, felt the excluſion of the royal bigots.—Mean⯑while, the Preſbyterian Synod of London finding it impoſſible to eſtabliſh their diſcipline among the Engliſh, and awakened by the ſpread of two Cate⯑chiſms publiſhed by Biddle a Socinian, beſtirred themſelves to promote the religious education of youth, and publiſhed exhortations and directions for miniſters and heads of families in their catechizing work. Animated by their example, the aſſociated miniſters in ſeveral counties publiſhed ſimilar exhor⯑tations.

As the Royaliſts had threatened Cromwel with an aſſaſſination, and had publiſhed moſt dangerous li⯑bels againſt the preſent government, he, by a pro⯑clamation, ordered, that no ejected Epiſcopalians ſhould be chaplains or ſchoolmaſters, or preach, or teach any but their own families, under pain of pro⯑ſecution. But, he more ſecretly intimated, that thoſe who, ſince their ſequeſtration, had or ſhould give proper evidence of their godlineſs and affection to the preſent government, ſhould be uſed as kindly, as could conſiſt with the ſafety of the ſtate. About the ſame time, he threatened the Papiſts, not ſo much for their religion, as becauſe he found them enemies to his government. The Proteſtants of Savoy and Piedmont being terribly perſecuted, he, by applica⯑tion to the kings of Sweden and Denmark, the States of Holland, and the Reformed churches in Germany [238] and France, procured them large contributions. In England alone, 37,079 pounds were collected. He diſpatched Moreland his envoy to the duke of Savoy, to intimate to him, that he intended to exert himſelf to his uttermoſt for the deliverance of his perſecuted Proteſtant brethren. He wrote to Lewis XIV. and to cardinal Mazarine his miniſter to the ſame effect. Unwilling to have Cromwel and his troops ſo near him, Mazarine preſſed the court of Turin to give the Proteſtants ſatisfaction. To ſtrike terror into the Pope, and other Italian princes, he gave out, that as he underſtood, they had encouraged the per⯑ſecution, he intended that his fleet ſhould viſit their coaſts, and cauſe the ſound of his canons to be heard at Rome. He publicly declared, that he would al⯑low no Proteſtants to be any where inſulted, and procured indulgence to thoſe of Bohemia and France. How diſgraceful to the Proteſtant powers, that they have ever ſince ſo little copied his example! Whether he had any hand in founding the charitable fund for the ſupport of miniſters widows and children, which took place about this time, I know not.

The indulgence of ſo many forms of religion in England drew the famous Manaſſeh ben Iſrael, and other rabbies of the Jewiſh nation thither, to ſolicit a freedom for their religion and traffick. As Crom⯑wel thought they might, by the pure preaching of the goſpel, be converted to Chriſt, and might puſh the Engliſh into trade, he inclined to grant them their requeſt. But, in order to do it peaceably, he conveened a council of lawyers, merchants and di⯑vines, to conſider, whether it would conſiſt with the laws of the land, the advantage of trade, and rule [...] of the goſpel? Some were altogether againſt their admiſſion, leſt they ſhould ſeduce people to their re⯑ligion or cuſtoms of marriage and divorce; or their fraud hurt the trade of the ſubjects: Others though [...] they might be admitted, providing they ſhould ſpeak or write nothing againſt the honour of Chriſt or hi [...] religion; ſhould hold no judicatory civil or eccleſiaſ⯑tical; [239] ſhould uſe no Chriſtian ſervants; ſhould bear no public office or truſt; ſhould diſcourage none from uſing means of conviction of the truth of the Chriſtian religion; and that, if any ſhould apoſtatize to Judaiſm, they ſhould be ſeverely puniſhed. The opinions of theſe adviſers being ſo different, the affair was dropt.

In 1656, the Quakers had become conſiderably troubleſome and inſolent, even to Cromwel himſelf, which drew upon them ſome ſeverities. The Papiſts had an oath impoſed upon them, abjuring the Pope's ſupremacy, tranſubſtantiation, purgatory, worſhip of images and relicks,—the merit of human works,— the Pope's power to excommunicate or depoſe magi⯑ſtrates, or give allowance to murder them,—and de⯑claring, that they believed him to have no power at all in Britain or Ireland; and that no power derived from him or the church of Rome could abſolve from this oath. Two thirds of their eſtate, who refuſed this oath, were to be ſeized for public uſe; and all Britiſh ſubjects were prohibited to hear maſs in the houſe of any foreign ambaſſador.

In 1657, Brian Walton, afterwards biſhop of Cheſter, publiſhed his famous Polyglot Bible, in ſix large volumes folio; in the preparation and correcti⯑on of which he had employed not a few of the moſt learned Puritans and others. Dr. Owen highly com⯑mended the work, but blamed Walton for pretend⯑ing that the Hebrew points were not of divine autho⯑rity, and for collecting ſo many various readings from copies of no importance. About this time alſo, the Royal Society began to be founded.

In 1658, the Independents, by Cromwel's permiſ⯑ſion, held an Aſſembly at the Savoy, and drew up their Confeſſion of Faith. It differs but little from that of Weſtminſter, unleſs that the 30th and 31ſt chapters relative to cenſures and Synods, and part of the 20th, 23d, and 24th, relative to the power of civil magiſtrates about religious matters, and to marriage and divorce, are left out. It hath a chapter [240] relative to the Goſpel, and ſome expreſſions more plainly pointed againſt the then rampant errors: and at the end, it hath a chapter relative to the inſtituti⯑on of the church, and to eccleſiaſtical diſcipline.— At this meeting, in which there were miniſters and members from 100 churches, tho' Dr. Owen, Meſſ. Goodwin, Nye, Bridges, Caryl, and Greenhill were the principal managers, it is the leſs wonder, that they formed their Confeſſion in a few days. The difference between it, and that of Weſtminſter, being ſo ſmall, that the modern Independents have almoſt laid it aſide, and uſe that of Weſtminſter as well as the Preſbyterians, excepting the portions above men⯑tioned.

Death having, that ſame year, cut off the bold, and crafty, and perhaps pious Protector, the govern⯑ment devolved on Richard his ſon, a young man of a candid and peaceable temper. Fleetwood his bro⯑ther-in-law, and Deſborough, who had married his aunt, and Lambert, and other diſcontented ſpirits, reſumed their courage, and quickly obliged him to reſign his authority. A commonwealth, of a few weeks duration, enſued: but the officers finding, that the parliament intended to reduce the army, took the government into their own hands. The nation being quickly ſick of theſe military lords, the Preſbyteri⯑ans and Royaliſts agreed to bring home Charles of Scotland, who had been an exile abroad. Having invited General Monk from Scotland, he, by ways and means diſhonourable enough, got to London, reſtored the Preſbyterian members of parliament to their ſeats, from which they had been excluded in 1648, and placed guards about the Houſe, which deterred the Independents from entering. Being now almoſt wholly Preſbyterians, the Commons rati⯑fied the vote of 1648, bearing, that Charles I's con⯑ceſſions from the Iſle of Wight were a ſatisfactory ground of a pacification with him. They annulled the engagement of 1649, to be faithful to the com⯑monwealth, and the late oath abjuring Charles Stew⯑art. [241] In conſequence of a petition from the London miniſters, they approved the Solemn League and Co⯑venant; they declared the Weſtminſter Confeſſion of Faith the public Confeſſion of the church of Eng⯑land; but agreed that due liberty in religious mat⯑ters be ſecured according to the word of God. They approved as valid the ordinations of miniſters accord⯑ing to the Directory, and gave Preſbyterian miniſters full poſſeſſion of their benefices. In May 1660, they diſſolved themſelves, after they had, in divers forms, and with ſeveral interruptions, ſat nineteen years, four months, and thirteen days.

Before their diſſolution, they had enacted, That none, who had warred againſt the parliament ſi [...]ce 1641, and had not ſince manifeſted their affection to it, ſhould be elected members for the next; and that all candidates ſhould declare the parliament's war againſt king Charles to have been juſt and law⯑ful. But now, to avoid all choice of republicans, many Royaliſts and perſons abſolutely atheiſtical and profane were choſen. Meanwhile, Monk began to treat with Charles king of Scots, and ſeveral of the Preſbyterian miniſters repaired to him at Breda in Holland. His embracement of Popery beginning to make a noiſe, he decoyed ſeveral of the moſt eminent Proteſtant clergymen in France to give aſſurances of the contrary. He tranſmitted to London a DECLA⯑RATION, promiſing a general pardon of paſt offen⯑ces, and a liberty in religion to all his ſubjects, if he ſhould be reſtored to his throne. Infatuated by his guileful prayers, and deceitful declarations, and by the fine promiſes of Epiſcopalians, of whoſe perfidiouſ⯑neſs they had had ſufficient experience, the Preſbyte⯑rians permitted the new parliament to invite him home without any terms. After this parliament had ſat about eight months, they were diſſolved, becauſe the members had not been choſen by virtue of royal warrants, and many of them were Preſbyterians; and they had declared the late war with his majeſty's father to have been lawful.

[242]CHARLES had no ſooner arrived at White⯑hall, than, for a blind, he made Meſſ. Manton, Ca⯑lamy, Baxter, Bates, Reynolds, Spurſtow, Aſh, Caſe, and Woodbridge, all Preſbyterians, his ordi⯑nary chaplains. But the old liturgy was reſtored in his chapel and elſewhere,—pretending that, the acts of the long parliament being in themſelves null, for want of the royal aſſent, Epiſcopacy and the ſervice book were ſtill eſtabliſhed by law. The members of parliament quickly ſet the nation an example, in the taking the ſacrament in the ceremonious form. Be⯑fore the year ended, many parochial clergymen were proſecuted for not uſing the ſervice book, the judges pretending, That the laws returned with the king; and that the breaches of them could not be diſpenſed with. The ſequeſtred Epiſcopalians flocked about the court, magnified their own ſufferings as a kind of martyrdom for his majeſty's right, and, notwith⯑ſtanding their moſt notorious ſcandals, were reſtored to their former places, and the pious, learned, and laborious Preſbyterians or Independents turned out to make way for them. Within about ſix months, above 150 doctors of divinity, and as many of law, phyſic, &c. were formed out of the ſelf-applauding Royaliſts. But as moſt of their names ſtand nowhere but in the regiſters of the univerſity, they appear to have been generally of very little importance. A little before the Reſtoration, a fruitleſs attempt had been made to fill the vacant ſees, leſt the epiſcopal ſucceſſion ſhould be ruined: but deans and chapters being now reſtored to every cathedral, ten new biſh⯑ops were added to the nine ſurvivors. Other four were ſoon after added. Four or five ſees were kept vacant, that they might be offered as a bait to the leading divines of the Preſbyterian perſuaſion.

In the preceding period, which hath been ſo much reproached as an age of horrid rebellion, the univer⯑ſities abounded with pious and learned Teachers and Students. Never did another produce ſo many or ſo [243] remarkable ornaments to the Engliſh church. Bet⯑ter laws were never made in England, nor good laws ever ſo well executed. The dreſs, the language and converſation of the people, were ſober and virtuous. Scarcely one inſtance of bankruptcy was known, in a year; nor could bankrupts ever regain their cha⯑racter. Drunkenneſs, whoredom, profane ſwearing, and other debaucheries, were quite out of faſhion. To live as beaſts, without worſhipping God in ſecret and in families, was held infamous. Not one ſtage play was acted for many years in the whole kingdom. Magiſtrates carefully ſuppreſſed gaming and other abuſes in public houſes. Miniſters laboured in pray⯑ing, preaching, catechizing, and viſiting their peo⯑ple, to the waſting of their ſtrength. But no ſooner had Charles aſcended his throne, than debauchery and wickedneſs of every form, like an impetuous tor⯑rent, brake forth and overflowed all ranks in the kingdom. He ſet them a moſt brutiſh and infernal example. He did not believe there was any ſuch thing as honour or virtue, but all men were guided by ſelf intereſt. Atheiſm, profane ſcoffing and ſwear⯑ing, were his daily delight; drunkenneſs and whore⯑dom his principal buſineſs. He could ſcarcely ſpare an hour from them, to mind the affairs of the ſtate. If we may believe his own biſhops and doctors, he ordinarily came from the bed of his harlots to church, or even to the Lord's table. Two play-houſes were erected in the neighbourhood of his court. Female actreſſes were introduced on the ſtage. Plays ſo lewd and obſcene, as might have made Beelzebub to bluſh, were compoſed and acted. Scarcely any thing was to be ſeen at court, but feaſting, hard drinking, re⯑velling, whoredom, and profane ſwearing. The fa⯑voured clergymen were taken with whores almoſt every week, or found, drunk in the ſtreets, or even in the pulpits. All kinds of riot and debauchery prevailed among the people. Some, who had been Parliamentarians, to redeem their credit with the court and the clerical managers, threw off their for⯑mer [244] maſk of religion, turned profane ſcoffers, and forged ſtories to render their old friends ridicu⯑lous. To appear ſerious, read the Bible, pray in ſe⯑cret, or in families, or to make conſcience of ſpeech or behaviour, characterized one a fanatic. Forbear⯑ing to extol the ceremonies, marked one a Preſbyte⯑rian rebel.

Provoked with the Preſbyterians for their ſiding themſelves in the late wars, and for holding ſo many livings in the church, in which they laboured in win⯑ning ſouls to Chriſt, and for being capable to influence the election of members of parliament, (and why not alſo, for their mad zeal, in bringing home Charles, that plague of God, to the throne?) Clarendon and his biſhops reſolved to ruin them, and exclude them from all comprehenſion in the church, while James duke of York, and his Papiſts, inclined to have a toleration for them, that they might ſhare in it.— Still the infatuated Preſbyterians courted the favour of thoſe managers that wiſhed their ruin. They of⯑fered archbiſhop Uſher's plan of church government, as a mean of accommodation,—and inſiſted, that the ſurplice, the croſſing in baptiſm, and kneeling at the Lord's ſupper, ſhould be left indifferent, and ſome corrections made upon the Thirty-nine articles. In June 1660, Meſſrs. Calamy, Reynolds, Aſhe, Bax⯑ter, Wallis, Manton, and Spurſtow, introduced by the earl of Mancheſter, beſought his majeſty to in⯑terpoſe his influence for the healing of their eccleſi⯑aſtical differences, hoping, as Baxter ſaid, that he would outdo Cromwel the uſurper, in promoting re⯑ligion. Charles bade them draw up their propoſals relative to church government and ceremonies, as low as p [...]ſſible, and then he would procure them a conference with the epiſcopal doctors. Having fini⯑ſhed it, they, along with their brethren in London, preſented their propoſals, bearing, That they agreed with their brethren in the doctrinal points of religion, and the ſubſtantial parts of divine worſhip; but hum⯑bly requeſted, That none of their ſerious people [245] might be reproached with abuſive language; that no ſcandalous, negligent, or inſufficient perſon, might be admitted paſtor in any congregation; that none ſhould be confirmed by the biſhops, or admitted to the Lord's table, without a credible profeſſion of faith and holineſs; that effectual care ſhould be ta⯑ken for the public and private ſanctification of the Lord's day; that Epiſcopacy be reduced to the plan propoſed by archbiſhop Uſher in 1641; that ſuffra⯑gans be choſen by their reſpective Synods; that, in their viſitations, biſhops regulate their conduct by the appointments of parliament; that the Book of common prayer be either corrected and purged of that which is offenſive, or a committee of moderate Epiſ⯑copalians and Preſbyterians appointed to compile a new one, as much in ſcripture language as poſſible; —and miniſters not be confined to preciſe forms;— and that croſſing in baptiſm, kneeling at the Lord's ſupper, obſervation of holy days of human appoint⯑ment, officiating in ſurplices, altars in churches, bowing at the name JESUS, or towards altars, be a⯑boliſhed, or at leaſt not impoſed on ſuch as ſcruple them. The anſwer given to this repreſentation, by the Epiſcopalians, occaſioned a ſhort and ſomewhat warm anſwer, by the Preſbyterians.

As many of the ſober miniſters began to be driven from their churches, on account of their not uſing the Book of common prayer, the chief Preſbyterians beſought his majeſty to ſuſpend theſe executions, till the iſſue of their attempts for an accommodation were known; and that he would revoke the ejection of ſuch as had only ſucceeded to deceaſed Epiſcopalians, and prevent the return of ſcandalous clergymen to their former charges. But all was to little purpoſe. After hearing both parties, he corrected and publiſh⯑ed his ſecond Declaration, in which he promiſed to reform Epiſcopacy, and have the Liturgy corrected; and that none ſhould be queſtioned for differences in religion, not tending to diſturb the peace of the kingdom. Not a few of the Preſbyterian clergy were [246] pleaſed with this, thanked his majeſty for it, and upon the foot of it, pious Edward Reynolds accepted the biſhoprick of Norwich, and Dr. Manton, re⯑ceiving a living in Convent garden, ſubmitted to e⯑piſcopal ordination by Sheldon biſhop of London, and to the uſe of the ſervice book in his church. O⯑ther Preſbyterians, ſtill diſſatisfied, again beſought his majeſty to eſtabliſh archbiſhop Uſher's ſcheme of church government, which they thought was conſiſ⯑tent with their Solemn League and Covenant; and inſiſted for further alterations in the ſervice book, than he appeared to have promiſed. They prevailed no⯑thing. When the laſt mentioned declaration was firſt read in parliament, Nov. 9th, both Houſes agreed on an addreſs of thanks for it; but being informed, that Charles and his courtiers never intended to ſtand to it, the Commons refuſed to give it a ſecond read⯑ing.

By this time, the long infatuated Preſbyterians had their eyes opened, and plainly perceived, that his majeſty's declarations were but crafty expedients to keep them quiet, till their Epiſcopalian enemies could bid them defiance: and they had daily more and more evidence, that they had no favour at court.— If they ſpoke or wrote in favour of their covenant with God and one another; if they lamented the dreadful irruption of perfidy, apoſtacy, or vice, e⯑ſpecially of courtiers; if they ſcrupled uſing of the ſurplice, ſervice book, and ceremonies, they were proſecuted in the eccleſiaſtical courts, and hundreds of them turned out, to make way, even for the moſt ſcandalous Epiſcopalians, who had been formerly e⯑jected. Meanwhile, flocks of Papiſts came home, magnified their ſufferings in the late times, and pu⯑bliſhed a liſt of about 179 of their noblemen, knights, baronets, and other perſons of rank, who had loſt their lives in fighting for Charles and his father. His mother returned from France, with a crowd of Po⯑piſh attendants. The prieſts, who had been in gaol, were liberated, and others came over from the col⯑lege [247] of Douay. More Papiſts appeared in England, than in all the twelve preceding years. In Ireland too, which, under the late troubles, had been not a little furniſhed with faithful, laborious, and ſucceſs⯑ful miniſters from England and Scotland, the Papiſts took poſſeſſion of their old eſtates, and turned out the Proteſtant purchaſers. Their prieſts ſent over an Addreſs, congratulating his majeſty's reſtoration, and requeſting the free exerciſe of their religion.— Their Addreſs was graciouſly received, and they were encouraged to hope for a favourable anſwer.— Charles' marriage with the Infanta of Portugal alſo contributed to the promoting of their intereſts.

Venner a wine-hooper, and about fifty others of the Fifth-monarchy men, who imagined that the thouſand years empire of Jeſus Chriſt's perſonal reign on earth was juſt to be erected, took arms, reſolving to overturn Charles' government, or periſh in the attempt. This madneſs, cruſhed in a moment, gave the court an handle for emitting a proclamation, prohibiting all Anabaptiſts, Quakers, and Fifth-mo⯑narchy men, to meet for worſhip any where but in pariſh churches or chapels, or in their own houſes. The Independents, Baptiſts, and Quakers, for their own vindication, publiſhed a declaration of their ab⯑horrence of Venner's inſurrection. To provoke the Preſbyterians to ſome like outrage, the Epiſcopalians or Papiſts inſulted them in the ſtreets, and diſturbed them at their family worſhip, by blowing of horns at their windows, or the like. Amidſt all this abuſe, they maintained a quiet and inviolated loyalty, tho', from the Preſs, they honeſtly contended for their religious principles. Stillingfleet, a very learned, and as yet mild, Epiſcopalian, publiſhed his Irenicum, in which he pled, That no particular form of church government is exhibited in the New Teſtament, and, with great ſtrength of argument, contended, that nothing ought to be impoſed in religion, but what is clearly revealed in the ſcriptures; nothing required but what is plainly indifferent; nothing indifferent [248] required, as a part of worſhip, but only as a mean of duly performing it; that no penalty ought to be inflicted upon perſons, who ſcruple at any thing not clearly revealed in the word of God, till they have ſufficient time and means to be informed of the lawfulneſs of it; and that religion ought not to be clogged with ceremonies, as too many of them eat out the life and vigour of Chriſtianity. But no rea⯑ſoning was able to reſtrain the fury of the Epiſcopa⯑lians againſt the Preſbyterians, who had ſo kindly brought home their king, and put them into poſſeſ⯑ſion of their power.

The new parliament, formed to the taſte of the court, which kept about an hundred members in pay, to vote as they pleaſed, ſat down May 8th, 1661. Beſides advancing his majeſty's abſolute pow⯑er, they declared the ſolemn league and covenant illegal, and not binding upon ſuch as had taken it, and ordered it to be publicly burnt by the hangman; they reſtored the biſhops to their juriſdiction in par⯑liament or otherwiſe; the reſtored to the Epiſcopa⯑lian clergy all the power they had enjoyed under his majeſty's father, except the uſe of the oath ex officio; they denounced a Premuniro againſt all ſuch as ſhould call his majeſty a Papiſt; they enacted, that all in places of power and truſt ſhould declare upon oath, that they believed it unlawful to take up arms againſt the king on any pretence whatſoever, and give it un⯑der their hand, that they renounce the ſolemn league and covenant as an unlawful oath, impoſed contrary to the ſtanding laws of the kingdom; they appointed, that none ſhould act in any civil office, who had not within a year received the Lord's ſupper, according to the ſervice book; they appointed commiſſioners to viſit all the corporations in the kingdom, and turn out of office all ſuch as were ſuſpected of diſreliſhing the meaſures of the court. A ſham plot againſt the government, fathered upon captain Yarrington, Sparry, Mr. Baxter, and others, was trumpetted up, and reported through the nation, in order to [249] make the penal laws againſt the Preſbyterians and other diſſenters paſs the more eaſily. Meanwhile, ſeveral of the French Proteſtant clergymen, who had perſuaded the Preſbyterians to receive Charles with⯑out any conditions, barefacedly congratulated the E⯑piſcopalians upon their re-eſtabliſhment, and the French paſtor at the Savoy conformed himſelf to the Engliſh ceremonies.

By virtue of his majeſty's laſt declaration, twelve biſhops and nine aſſiſtants were appointed to meet with the Preſbyterian chiefs at the Savoy, for fixing what alterations were proper for the ſatisfaction of tender conſciences, and promoting of the good of the church. Calamy, Baxter, and their brethren, ex⯑cepted againſt eight things in the Book of common pray⯑er, as plainly ſinful, viz. that no miniſter is allowed to baptize any without uſing the ſign of the croſs; that no miniſter is allowed to officiate in the public worſhip of God, without wearing the ſurplice; that none are allowed to receive the Lord's ſupper but on their knees; that miniſters are obliged to adminiſter the Lord's ſupper to unfit perſons, whether in health or in ſickneſs, and even to ſome who are unwilling to receive it; that miniſters are obliged, without a⯑ny conditions, to abſolve from ſcandal and guilt of ſin, perſons of whoſe repentance they have not the ſmalleſt evidence; that they are obliged at funerals to give thanks for all baptized and unexcommuni⯑cated perſons deceaſed, as brethren, whom God hath taken to himſelf; and that none are allowed to preach the goſpel, who do not, under their ſubſcription, declare, that there is nothing in the Thirty nine ar⯑ticles, Books of common prayer and ordination, contrary to the word of God. They even preſented a draught of a new liturgy drawn up by Mr. Baxter, the prayers in which were moſtly in the expreſs words of ſcrip⯑ture, which they begged, miniſters might be allowed to uſe. The biſhops took it as an horrid affront, to put a production of Baxter on a level with the long approved biturgy of their church. As the intention [250] of the leading Epiſcopalians in this diſpute, was no [...] to accommodate matters, but to diſcover the Preſby⯑terians ſcruples, that they might ſo fix their term [...] of communion, as effectually to exclude them, they did not allow them opportunity of fair, calm, and thorough reaſoning; but by brow-beating, and by the hiſſing of their attendants, ſtudied to throw them into confuſion. When the conference was finiſhed▪ a convocation was called to rectify what was amiſs in the prayer book, and to ſupply deficiencies. Care was taken to have it compoſed of ſuch as hated the Preſbyterians, or were the obedient dupes of their ſuperiors. They added prayers for the annual cele⯑bration of the martyrdom of Charles I. on the 30th of January; and of his preſent majeſty's reſtoration on May 29th;—and for perſons at ſea; a form of baptiſm for adult perſons. They added ſome new holy days, and ſome new leſſons out of the Apocry⯑pha, as the ſtupid fable of Bel and the dragon, and ſo made the book ſtill more exceptionable. They began to review the CANONS, but made no alterations.

Charles and his agents did not content themſelves with proſecuting ſuch of his father's condemnators as were ſtill alive, but digged up the bodies of Brad⯑ſhaw and Ireton, and gave them a kind of execution. They alſo digged up the bodies of Cromwel's mother, and daughter, and of admiral Blake, Pym, Dr. Twiſſe, Stephen Marſhal, and fourteen others of the Parlia⯑mentarians, to put a public ſtigma upon them.— Theſe were but the moſt harmleſs pieces of their cruelty. By the inſtigation of the court, in May 1662, the Commons, with great readineſs, and the Lords, with no ſmall reluctance, paſſed the Act of uniformity, importing, That every miniſter that did not, before the feaſt of Bartholomew Auguſt 24th, before his congregation, when publicly aſſembled for religious worſhip, declare his unfeigned aſſent and conſent to every thing contained in the Book of com⯑mon prayer as lately corrected, and in the Form of ordination of biſhops, prieſts, and deacons, ſhould be, [251] ipſo facto, deprived of all his ſpiritual promotions;— that all miniſters or teachers in colleges, ſchools, or families who did not before ſaid day, declare under their hand, That it is not lawful, upon any pretence, to take arms againſt the king; and that they re⯑nounce the ſolemn league as unlawful, and not binding on the takers of it; and that they will conform to the church of England, as by law eſtabliſhed, ſhall be deprived of their livings, if they have any, and [...]eachers in colleges or ſchools ſhall, for every offence, ſuffer three months impriſonment; and that none wanting Epiſcopalian ordination ſhall adminiſter the Lord's ſupper, under pain of 100 pounds for every offence; that no other form of common prayer ſhall be uſed in public worſhip; that none ſhall be admit⯑ted as lecturers, who are not approved and licenſed by a biſhop, and read the Thirty-nine articles, and declare their unfeigned aſſent and conſent to the whole of them;—and, at their firſt lecture, and afterwards on the firſt lecture day of each month, before lectur⯑ing or preaching, read the common prayer and ſer⯑vice.—It alſo ratified all the laws made for unifor⯑mity of prayer, &c.

As there were not quite three months of interval between the paſſing and the final execution of this act, it was impoſſible for the newly corrected Book of common prayer, to be got printed, diſperſed through all the corners of England, and read and conſidered before the time elapſed. Nevertheleſs, ſeven thouſand Epiſcopalian clergymen, of whom not one in forty, it is ſaid, had ſeen it, believed as the church did, [...]nd from their pulpits ſolemnly declared their un⯑feigned aſſent and conſent to it. Meanwhile, the Preſ⯑byterian and Independent miniſters were ſo ſqueamiſh, that they could not ſolemnly declare their unfeigned aſſent and conſent to every thing they knew not; and they had unconquerable ſcruples at all the new terms of the eſtabliſhed uniformity. They could not, to the reproach of the foreign churches, and of all their own former miniſtrations, which God had remark⯑ably [252] bleſſed, renounce their former ordination; they could not allow themſelves to lie concerning the Ho⯑ly Ghoſt, that he now moved them to take upon them the office of a deacon, in order to be ordained by a biſhop. They could not give an unfeigned aſſent and conſent to every thing in the ſervice book; they could not believe that baptiſm, even of the infants of pa⯑rents notoriouſly wicked, produced real regeneration, and gave undoubted certainty of ſalvation to ſuch as died before commiſſion of actual ſin; they could not give their aſſent and conſent to the uſe of godfathers and godmothers, to the excluſion of the real parents from being ſponſors for their own children in bap⯑tiſm; nor to the excluſion of Chriſtian infants from baptiſm for the mere want of godfathers or godmo⯑thers; they could not conſent to the uſe of the croſs in baptiſm, or to deny baptiſm to their infants, who ſcrupled at the uſe of it. Moſt of them thought the conſideration of that croſſing as a repreſentation o [...] the cauſe and effects of redemption, according to the 30th canon, was to make it a ſuperadded ſacrament; they could not conſent to kneel at the Lord's ſupper▪ at leaſt to exclude from it all ſuch as ſcrupled at it. They could not aſſent and conſent, that biſhops, prieſts, and deacons, are theee diſtinct orders by di⯑vine appointment, as the Book of ordination aſſerted. They could not conſent, with the funeral ſervice, to pronounce all thoſe undoubtedly ſaved, who had it allowed them, viz. all except the unbaptized, ex⯑communicated, and ſelf-murderers; they could no [...] conſent to read the legends of Bel and the dragon, or of Tobit, Judith, and Baruch, and other apocry⯑phal leſſons, to the number of 106 chapters in the public worſhip of God, under the title and notion o [...] holy ſcripture, for two months together, to the ex⯑cluſion of the word of God; they could not approve the Popiſh tranſlation of the Pſalter, even when con⯑trary to the eſtabliſhed tranſlation of the Bible; they could not conſent that none ſhould be admitted to [253] the Lord's ſupper before they were confirmed, or de⯑ſired to be ſo. No doubt, ſome of them ſcrupled at the reading of prayers, the prieſts and people ſaying them by turns, or the vain repetitions in them. Nor was it a recommendation of the 66 collects, or ſhort prayers, that 47 of them had been taken out of the Maſs book, and ſome of them made worſe than even there. They could not take the oath of obedience to their ſuperior clergy, according to the canons; nor, according to the import of that oath, ſwear, that they were ready to declare thoſe excommuni⯑cated, who charged the Book of common prayer with containiog any thing contrary to the word of God, —or who affirmed that any of the Thirty-nine arti⯑cles cannot be ſubſcribed with a ſafe conſcience,—or affirmed, that the ceremonies of the church of Eng⯑land cannot be approved and uſed with a good con⯑ſcience,—or affirmed, that the government of the church of England by biſhops, deans, archdeacons, &c. as contrary to the word of God,—or who ſhould affirm, that the Engliſh form of conſecrating biſhops, prieſts, and deacons, contains in it any thing contra⯑ry to the word of God,—or who ſhould ſeparate from the church of England, or hold ſeparated ſocieties to be true churches;—they could not aſſent and conſent, that all ſhould be excommunicated, who ſhould affirm, that a convocation called by the royal authority is not a true repreſentation of the church of England,—or ſhould affirm, that abſents are not bound by their decrees, when ratified by the king; and the rather, that the principal writers of the Engliſh church are far from being agreed concerning the ſeat of the ſupreme eccleſiaſtical power. They could not, under oath, ſubmit to the ſuſpenſion, de⯑privation, or excommunication of ſuch miniſters, as repenting of their engagements to uniformity, omit⯑ted ſome of the ceremonies, and kept private faſts. They could not ſwear to refuſe the Lord's ſupper to one who ſcrupled to receive it kneeling, or belonged to another congregation, whoſe paſtor was ſcanda⯑lous, [254] or did not preach; they could not ſwear to promote the excommunication of ſuch as go to other pariſhes than their own to receive baptiſm and the Lord's ſupper,—or to ſuſpend people from the Lord's table, becauſe they do not provide ſurplices for their prieſts,—or to baptize all children offered without exception,—or to preſent to the biſhop or his chan⯑cellor every year, all their pariſhioners above the age of ſixteen, who did not communicate at the preced⯑ing Eaſter, that they may be proſecuted with excom⯑munication and impriſonment for life, if they after⯑ward neglect it. Moreover, they could not ſwear canonical obedience to their ordinary, as he not only means the biſhop, but alſo his lay judges, deacons, officials, commiſſaries, ſurragates, &c. by whom church government is ſeparated from the paſtoral office, contrary to the injunctions of Chriſt. Tho' many of them had never taken the ſolemn league and covenant, yet they could not renounce it as null and void, and not binding upon the takers of it, in every thing not contrary to the word of God. They thought ſuch a renunciation wicked in itſelf, and calculated to tempt the king, who had repeatedly taken it, and many thouſands more, to harden themſelves in per⯑jury. Beſides the ſcruples which ſome of them had at the oaths of allegiance and ſupremacy, as then im⯑poſed, they generally ſcrupled,—ſolemnly to declare, That it was unlawful and horrid to take arms againſt the king or any commiſſioned by him, upon any pre⯑tence whatſoever. For theſe and the like ſcruples, a⯑bout 2100 of the moſt pious and diligent miniſters in England were turned out from their charges, withou [...] the allowance of one farthing for the ſupport of thei [...] families.

Never had hiſtory witneſſed ſuch an extenſive ex⯑cluſion of church men, or ſo barbarous. At the re⯑formation, not above 200 of the Popiſh clergy wer [...] deprived by Elizabeth, and even they had an allow⯑ance granted them for their ſubſiſtence. When th [...] long parliament and Cromwel turned out the ſcan⯑dalous [255] Epiſcopolian clergy, they allowed them a 5th part of their ſalary to maintain them, even though they were in a ſtate of war with them as royaliſts.— Now, above two thouſand, who had laboured for his majeſty's reſtoration, and were generally moſt pi⯑ous and diligent miniſters, were forced from their charges, without the ſmalleſt allowance. Baxter and ſome other leading men quitted their churches be⯑fore the time, leſt falſe reports of their intended compliance ſhould ſeduce any of their brethren.— Reynolds, Wilkins, Hopkins, and Fowler complied, and were made biſhops. Some, who had diſſuaded their brethren, complied themſelves. No doubt, the diſtreſsful circumſtances, to which the ejected were quickly reduced, influenced them. Some of them applied themſelves to civil buſineſs, and were ſup⯑ported by donations from their friends. Many of them having no freedom to alienate themſelves from the public ſervice of God, to which they had ſolemn⯑ly devoted themſelves in ordinations and otherwiſe, —unable to reſiſt the calls of the people, who beg⯑ged their aſſiſtance in the ſalvation of their ſouls,— afraid of the curſe of the unprofitable ſervant, who hid his Lord's money,—ſenſible of the inſufficiency of thoſe that were placed in their charges,—and con⯑vinced of the continuance of their office and miſſion from Chriſt, and of their duty to perpetuate a faith⯑ful miniſtry,—preſumed to preach the goſpel; for which, as faſt as they could be apprehended, they were caſt into priſon, where many of them periſhed by hunger and cold,—their hearers ſharing much the like perſecution.

The condition of the Engliſh church was now ex⯑ceedingly deplorable. The old clergymen were ge⯑nerally deſpiſed and deteſted, becauſe of their ſcan⯑dalous behaviour. Such as had been trained up un⯑der the Puritans did ſome ſervice; but many of them had neither due age nor experience. A ſtaunch but candid Epiſcopalian informs us, That about 3,000 were admitted, who were unfit to take charges, be⯑cauſe [256] of their youth; that 1500 clergymen were ſcandalous, and many of them ignorant;—and about 1350 factious;—that of 12,000 eccleſiaſtical livings, 3,000 were impropriated, and 4165 ſinecures. Af⯑ter all theſe deductions, how little room is left for an honeſt and painful miniſtry?

Charles and his Popiſh courtiers and friends were glad, how many of them were turned out from the church, as they hoped it might occaſion a toleration for the Papiſts along with others. When the Pro⯑teſtant nonconformiſts talked of retiring to Holland or New England, the courtiers or Papiſts diſſuaded them by hints of a toleration,—and laboured to di⯑vide them from the eſtabliſhed clergy as much as poſſible. Even the conform clergy were ſplit into two parties. The court party, which furiouſly railed againſt the Preſbyterians and their moderate breth⯑ren,—zealous bigots for the ceremonies and for paſ⯑ſive obedience to kings, let them be as tyrannical as they will; but careleſs of the inſtruction or morals of their people. They, for forty years, were moſt nu⯑merous, and ſtood fair for preferment. The country party, to which Reynolds, Wilkins, Cudworth, Whichcot, Tillotſon, and for a time Stillingfleet, belonged, were much ſuperior in ſenſe, and grieved at the excluſion and perſecution of the Preſbyterians.

Encouraged by Charles and his courtiers, and dri⯑ven by perſecution, the Preſbyterians, through Man⯑ton, Baxter, and Calamy, beſought him to deviſe ſome method of allowing them to teach his ſubjects obedience to him and to God. Clarendon and bi⯑ſhop Sheldon of London, who mortally hated them, oppoſed every degree of indulgence. Nevertheleſs, about four months after, when Clarendon was abſent▪ and perhaps none but real Papiſts in the council▪ Charles declared his intentions to procure a parlia⯑mentary indulgence for his Proteſtant and other ſub⯑jects, who could not in conſcience comply with th [...] eſtabliſhed religion. When the parliament met, th [...] Commons preſented an addreſs againſt any indul⯑gence. [257] So the Preſbyterian miniſters were left to ſhift for themſelves. Baxter, Bates, Calamy, and ſome others attended as laymen on their pariſh chur⯑ches, before, or after they had exerciſed their mi⯑niſtry in private houſes. Others forbore all manner of conformity.

In 1663, Sheldon ſucceeded Juxon in the archbi⯑ſhoprick of Canterbury. The courtiers, which had procured the ſeverity of the terms of conformity, as a mean of occaſioning indulgence to the Papiſts, in⯑ſtigated the Proteſtant diſſenters to apply for a tole⯑ration, hinting, that if they did not obtain it, they would be forced to the uniformity eſtabliſhed. The Independents applied; but the Preſbyterians know⯑ing that it was properly deſigned for the Papiſts, for⯑bore, and thus drew on themſelves the frowns of both courtiers and perſecuted brethren. Meanwhile, ſome republicans having talked too freely, it was pre⯑tended, that the Independents, Baptiſts, and Fifth-monarchiſts had formed a plot againſt the king.— This ſerved for an handle of reviving the act of Eli⯑lizabeth condemning to baniſhment, and to death, in caſe of return, ſuch as peremptorily refuſed atten⯑dance at their pariſh churches;—and further enact⯑ing, That every perſon, above ſixteen years of age, that ſhould be preſent at any diſſenting meeting for the worſhip of God, in which above four more than the family were preſent, ſhould, for the firſt offence, pay five pounds, or ly three months in priſon,—for the ſecond, pay ten pounds, or ly ſix months in pri⯑ſon,—and for the third, pay an hundred pounds, or ſuffer ſeven years baniſhment, not to return under pain of death. Married women were to ly two months in priſon, unleſs their huſbands paid two pounds for their redemption;—and the perſons, in whoſe houſe the meeting was held, to be liable as other offenders. Dreadful was the execution of this act among the Proteſtant diſſenters. If they did not immediately pay their fines, their goods were ſeized; and if theſe did not ſatisfy the law, their perſons were hurried [258] to priſon. To make the matter ſtill worſe, ſpies and informers were placed every where, who had part of the fines for their hire. To avoid the penalty of ob⯑ſtinate abſenting from church, many Preſbyterians occaſionally attended. But the Independents, Bap⯑tiſts, and Quakers, looking upon perſecution as an undoubted mark of a falſe church, utterly refuſed their attendance. Such was the ſeverity of the Jud⯑ges, that ſome were afraid to pray in their families, or aſk a bleſſing on their meals, if above four of their friends were preſent.

In 1665, the plague raging in London and places about, till eight or ten thouſand died in a week, and about an hundred thouſand were cut off, moſt of the eſtabliſhed clergy fled, and left their people to die and be damned, as they pleaſed. But Meſſrs. Cheſ⯑ter, Janeway, Turner, Grimes, Franklin, Vincent, and other perſecuted miniſters, at the double hazard of their lives, from the peſtilence and from their per⯑ſecutors, flew to the city, &c. and by preaching to multitudes, who looked for an almoſt immediate ap⯑pearance before the tribunal of God, had remarkable ſucceſs in winning of ſouls to Chriſt, and preparing them for death. Inſtead of calling the nation to humble themſelves under the mighty hand of God, the parliament, which had fled to Oxford, took this opportunity to rain down their vengeance on the Pu⯑ritan miniſters, and enacted, That they ſhould be obliged to ſwear, That it was unlawful to take up arms againſt the king, or any commiſſioned by him, on any account; and that they would never endea⯑vour any alteration in the government of either church or ſtate. And further enacted, That if, be⯑fore taking of this oath, they ſhould come within five miles of the places in which they had been paſ⯑tors, or of any city, corporation, or borough, even in travelling the road, they ſhould be fined of forty pounds for every offence; and that if they refuſed this oath, they ſhould be incapable of teaching a private ſchool, or of boarding or dieting any perſons [259] to be inſtructed. No honeſt man, as Southamptch obſerved, could take this oath as it ſtood. But the Judges declaring, that by commiſſioned by the king, was meant legally commiſſioned; and by not endeavou⯑ring to alter the government, was meant not unlaw⯑fully endeavouring to alter it, Bates, Howe, and a⯑bout forty others of the Preſbyterian clergy took it, in that ſenſe, to avoid the charge of ſedition. But moſt of the ejected miniſters refuſed it altogether, and were expoſed to the moſt terrible hardſhips.— Some refuſed them houſes, unleſs at extravagant rents. Others were afraid to admit them into their houſes, leſt it ſhould render them ſuſpected. Some miniſters boldly preached till they were caſt into priſon, chooſing rather to periſh in ſuffering for Chriſt, than to be ſtarved. Some of them rode thir⯑ty or forty miles, and preached in the night to their flocks. Inſtigated by the informers, the ſoldiers committed terrible outrages on their families. Next year, a fire, kindled by the Papiſts, having burnt 13,200 dwelling-houſes and eighty-nine churches in London, ſeveral Preſbyterians and Independents ventured to ſet up meetings, the beſt way they could, for preaching the goſpel.

Clarendon, having loſt his credit at court, and be⯑ing ſoon after baniſhed, could no more wreak his malice againſt the Proteſtant diſſenters. But when Charles, in 1667, moved for a general toleration to nonconformiſts, the Commons begged him to put the penal laws in execution againſt the conventicles, or meetings of Proteſtant diſſenters for worſhipping of God. Charles grew ſick of the tyrannical cruelty of Sheldon and other biſhops, who adhered to the maxims of Clarendon; and blamed the indolence and miſbehaviour of the eſtabliſhed clergy▪ for provok⯑ing the Puritans to abſent from the church, and ſet up conventicles. The miſeries occaſioned by the Dutch war, the decay of trade, and fears occaſioned by the French invaſion of the Low Countries, awake⯑ned ſuch as had any conſcience or conſideration.— [260] Lord keeper Bridgeman, Judge Hale, biſhops Rey⯑nolds and Wilkins, doctors Burton, Tillotſon, Stil⯑lingfleet, and others, thought it high time to pro⯑mote the peace of the church and the union of Pro⯑teſtants in the nation; and deviſed a plan of compre⯑henſion for moderate diſſenters, and of toleration for others. Wilkins and Burton formed an overture of correction of the Books of common prayer and ordina⯑tion, with which Baxter, Bates, and Manton were almoſt pleaſed: and no doubt Dr. Owen and his brethren would have been glad of the three years to⯑leration propoſed. Judge Hale prepared a Bill for the parliament anſwerable to their agreements: but the perſecuting biſhops prevented its appearance, and, contrary to his majeſty's inclination, revived the proſecutions againſt the Proteſtant diſſenters.— As the reaſonableneſs of toleration began to be warm⯑ly diſputed without doors, S. Patrick, afterward bi⯑ſhop of Ely, and many others, who courted prefer⯑ment, laboured by their publications to render the diſſenters odious. Parker, afterward biſhop of Ox⯑ford, abuſed them in the moſt falſe and virulent manner. Dr. Owen publiſhed a ſober refutation. But Andrew Marvel's rehearſal tranſproſed, went more to the quick. Its delicate though keen ſatyre made almoſt every body read it. Nor do I know that it received any other reply, than by one of Parker's friends ſending Andrew a letter, ſwearing, That if be printed it, his throat ſhould be cut. But God's providence preſerved him as an honour to the Houſe of Commons and to his nation. The well known Sherlock abuſively ridiculed the Calviniſt principles and experiences founded on them, and was anſwered by Polhill and Alſop. Nay, the pious behaviour, edifying ſermons, and even the texts of the Puritan miniſters, became a leading topic of the abuſive ridi⯑cule of the ſtage.

King, queen, and court, were altogether ſhame⯑leſs in wickedneſs. They went about maſked, en⯑tered [261] into houſes, and committed the vileſt indecen⯑cies and maddeſt frolicks. Wilmot, afterwards earl of Rocheſter, and other uncommonly debauched profligates, were their principal favourites. What money the parliament beſtowed upon Charles, he threw away upon his freaks and whores. Nor were the Commons niggardly of what was not theirs, but the nation's. Licentious profaneneſs prevailed in both univerſities. The harangues of the young cler⯑gy were ſtuffed with encomiums on the church, and ſatyres againſt the diſſenters, while the truths of the goſpel and practical religion were quite out of faſhi⯑on. Regardleſs how many thouſands or millions ran headlong to hell, in ignorance or impiety, the eccle⯑ſiaſtical managers directed all their zeal againſt the Puritans. A new act was made in 1670, bearing, That every ſuch preacher ſhould forfeit twenty pounds for the firſt offence, and forty for the ſecond; that whoever knowingly ſuffered conventicles in their houſes or yards, ſhould forfeit twenty pounds for each offence;—that the fines ſhould be levied by ſeizing and ſelling the offender's goods, and the third part of them given to the informer; that Juſtices of peace might break into any place where they were informed of a conventicle, and apprehend all the perſons preſent;—that ſuch Juſtices as refuſed to execute this act, ſhould forfeit five pounds for each offence; that no defects or miſtakes in the warrant for apprehending ſuch conventiclers, ſhould render them illegal; that all clauſes in this act of parliament ſhall, to the utmoſt, be explained in oppoſition to conventicles, and ſuch as attend them. Many Juſti⯑ces of peace, who had any honeſty or humanity, re⯑ſigned their office, rather than be concerned in exe⯑cuting this abominable act. Multitudes of the vileſt miſcreants commenced Informers, and what they gained by fines almoſt innumerable, they ſpent in drunkenneſs and whoredom. Archbiſhop Sheldon ſent his biſhops another circular letter, worthy of the Spaniſh Inquiſition, in order to quicken their [262] perſecution of every body concerned in conventicle [...] —and copies of it were ſent to the officers in ever [...] pariſh. For not bringing in Pen and Mead, Quaker [...] guilty of attending a conventicle in the ſtreets [...] London, the members of the jury were fined in fort [...] marks ſterling each, and thrown into priſon till the [...] paid it,—while theſe Quakers themſelves were ſine [...] and impriſoned.

Aſſiſted by the lords Clifford and Shaftſbury, wi [...] the earl of Arlington, and dukes of Buckingham and Lauderdale, commonly called the CABAL, Char⯑les made wide ſteps toward abſolute power. Th [...] exchequer was ſhut up, that no payment of pub⯑lic debt could be obtained. At the inſtigation o [...] Lewis XIV. of France, who penſioned the king an [...] his courtiers with a million ſterling yearly, it wa [...] reſolved to deſtroy the Dutch, becauſe they wer [...] Proteſtants. In 1672, Charles publiſhed an indul⯑gence; but it was principally in favours of the Papiſts of whoſe increaſe the Commons had complained.— Though the diſſenters mightily diſliked an indulgenc [...] founded on the king's arbitrary power to diſpenſ [...] with the laws, yet many of them took the opportu⯑nity of ſetting up meetings for public worſhip. A weekly lecture was ſet up at Pinner's Hall, in which four leading Preſbyterians and two Independents a⯑greed to preach by turns, in defence of the doctrine [...] of the Reformation, in oppoſition to Popery, Soci⯑nianiſm, and infidelity. Baxter, Bates, Manton▪ Jenkins, Drs. Owen and Collins, and afterwards Alſop, Howe, Cole, &c. chiefly diſtinguiſhed them⯑ſelves at theſe meetings.—In the parliament 1673, Charles and Shaftſbury his chancellor, extolled this indulgence. But the Commons having become leſs tractable than their predeceſſors, held it as deſtruc⯑tive to the liberties of the kingdom. None were more zealous againſt it, than the diſſenters. Alder⯑man Love, a member from the city of London, de⯑clared, that, notwithſtanding all that they had ſuf⯑fered for the twelve preceding years, he and all his [263] fellow Proteſtant diſſenters would rather want their own rightful liberties, than have them in a way de⯑ſtructive of the liberties of the nation, and of the Proteſtant cauſe. Charles was therefore obliged to part with his indulgence, and to call in the licences which he had given for meeting-houſes. The Com⯑mons, perhaps affected by Love's generoſity, brought in a Bill for relieving Proteſtant diſſenters from the penalties of not coming to church, and of holding conventicles. But by the influence of the court and biſhops it miſcarried.

Charles having refuſed to diſmiſs the Papiſts, whom he had openly admitted to places of power and truſt, the Parliament, in 1675, enacted, That none, under the penalty of five hundred pounds, ſhould hold any office of profit or truſt, unleſs they had ſworn the oaths of allegiance and ſupremacy,—and had received the Lord's ſupper in the manner of the Engliſh church, and ſolemnly renounced the doctrine of tranſubſtantiation. This act, requiring the recep⯑tion of the Lord's ſupper before the miniſter, church wardens, and other two credible witneſſes, as a con⯑dition of admiſſion to civil offices under the crown, ſtill remains in force, to the diſhonour of Chriſt and reproach of religion. By the above act, the Cabal was diſſolved, and Shaftſbury and Buckingham be⯑came advocates for the liberties of the kingdom.— Provoked with this excluſion of Papiſts from places of power and truſt, Charles and his courtiers labour⯑ed to increaſe the ſeverities againſt the diſſenters.— Their clergy were impriſoned, plundered, and ruined. Sheldon, by another circular letter, quickened their perſecution. But the Judges were become more mild, and ſhunned the informers, who had rendered themſelves odious. Multitudes of lay conformiſts pitied their neighbours, when they ſaw them impri⯑ſoned and ſpoiled, for nothing but a ſcrupulous con⯑ſcience, or an holy life. In vain, the court attemp⯑ted an act of parliament, requiring, That every voter in the election of members of parliament, and all [264] members of it, or of the privy council, ſhould ſwear, That it is unlawful, upon any pretence whatſoever, to take up arms againſt the king or thoſe commiſſi⯑oned by him; and that they ſhould never endeavour any alteration of either church or ſtate. Quite infu⯑riated with the loſs of this arbitrary and enſlaving bill, the courtiers, to their utmoſt, oppoſed all toleration of the diſſenters, and a new encouraged the infamous informers, and inflamed the cruel perſecution. Sir Roger L' Eſtrange, a moſt profligate ſcoundrel, was hired to expoſe them from the Preſs, and to encou⯑rage the ſevereſt treatment of them, as a people who had ruined the late king, and done every thing hor⯑rid. While the lower clergy retailed his calumnious abuſe from their pulpits, the biſhops oppoſed every motion for accommodation of differences with the Puritans, and applied to his majeſty for a more vigo⯑rous proſecution of the penal laws againſt them.

In 1678, a Popiſh plot for rendering Charles and his ſucceſſors abſolute monarchs, and for introducti⯑on of the Popiſh religion, broke out. The parlia⯑ment committed five Popiſh Lords to the Tower; iſſued forth a proclamation againſt all Papiſts; and requeſted the king to remove James duke of York, his brother, who had for ſeveral years profeſſed him⯑ſelf a Papiſt, from his perſon and councils. The court did all, that in them lay, to ſtiffle the evi⯑dence of this Popiſh plot, and employed L' Eſtrange to repreſent it as ridiculous. The patriots employed one Carr to publiſh weekly diſcoveries of the frauds and ſuperſtition of the church of Rome. But he was quickly fined and his paper prohibited by the King's Bench. Nevertheleſs the parliament, by an act, diſqualified from a ſeat with them, all ſuch as refuſed to abjure the doctrine of tranſubſtantiation and worſhip of ſaints. To avert the odium from themſelves, the Papiſts pretended to diſcover a Preſ⯑byterian plot. Dangerfield, the principal manager, having conveyed a number of ſeditious letters into one Marſhal's houſe, ſent the officers to ſearch for [265] prohibited goods, who ſoon found the letters, he had laid fair for their hand. But they being proven counterfeits, he confeſſed, that the Popiſh Lords in the Tower and others, had hired him to forge them.

In 1679, the parliament attempted to exclude the duke of York from ſucceeding to the crown, becauſe he was a Papiſt. Baffled in this, they attempted a comprehenſion of the diſſenters; the Papiſts being now almoſt able to balance all the Proteſtants in the kingdom. Baffled in this alſo, they, with no ſmall oppoſition in the Houſe of Lords, repealed the ſta⯑tute of Elizabeth concerning the penalties of non-attendance upon eſtabliſhed churches. But the clerk of the crown, by Charles' ſecret inſtructions, with⯑drew this act, when, along with others, it ſhould have received the royal aſſent.—In imitation of the court, ſome conformiſt clergymen changed their wonted moderation into furious rage and perſecution. Inſtead of an IRENICUM, Stillingfleet now publiſh⯑ed his Miſchief of ſeparation; and highly condemned all the diſſenters, of the moſt criminal ſchiſm. He was anſwered by Owen, Baxter, Alſop, Howe, and Barret. Meanwhile, it ſeems, Charles hired Fitz-Harris, an Iriſh Papiſt, to forge a new Preſbyterian plot. He ſent letters to the Peers, who had proteſt⯑ed for the excluſion of the duke of York from the crown, reviling the king and his family as Papiſts, and calling them to take up arms againſt him. But the farce was diſcovered.

In 1681, the parliament again attempted to ex⯑clude the duke of York from the throne. But Charles diſſolved them to prevent it; and notwith⯑ſtanding his ſolemn promiſe, never called another.— The univerſity of Cambridge and many others ſent him flattering addreſſes in favours of arbitrary power; and ſome preſſed the vigorous execution of the penal laws againſt Proteſtant diſſenters. Hence they were now perſecuted with uncommon fury. Not a few of the eſtabliſhed clergy, in country places, who could drink and ſwear, as abandoned rakes, were [266] made Juſtices of peace. They readily judged in their own cauſe, and fined ſuch diſſenters as abſent⯑ted from their churches but a ſingle day. To ſpeak againſt Popery, was enough to make one ſuſpected and reproached as a Puritan. The very Quakers, from whoſe hoſtilities no body was in danger, were impriſoned and ſpoiled of their goods. Moſt of the clergy extolled paſſive obedience to ſovereigns, let them act as wickedly and tyrannically as they could. By their publiſhed decree, the univerſity of Oxford declared it impious, ſeditious, ſcandalous, damnable, heretical, blaſphemous, and infamous to Chriſtianity itſelf, to maintain, That there is any original contract between the king and his ſubjects; or, That kings may be reſiſted, when they ſubvert the conſtitution of the king⯑dom, and become abſolute tyrants.

The imprudent talk of ſome perſons in taverns, or the like, gave the courtiers an handle to pretend what they called the Rye-houſe plot. By witneſſes bribed for the purpoſe, the earl of Eſſex, lord Ruſ⯑ſel, Algernon Sidney, Rumbold, and Houblon, were impeached as guilty. Not content with the mur⯑dering of theſe innocent patriots, the court made their own farce a reaſon of new cruelties againſt the diſſenters. Twenty young men at Newcaſtle, were impriſoned a year, for meeting together for private prayer and ſpiritual conference. Meanwhile, the clergymen publiſhed their three and twenty Caſes againſt diſſenters, in order to perſuade the world, that all the ſeverities uſed againſt them were juſt and reaſonable. The diſſenters were ſhut out from their own vindication by the reſtriction of the Preſs. More daring than ſome others, Tho. de Laune, an Anabaptiſt ſchoolmaſter, when publicly challenged for an anſwer by Dr. Calamy, a furious conformiſt, publiſhed his ſenſible Plea for the nonconformiſts, and on that account, was caſt into priſon, where, notwith⯑ſtanding all he could do for relief, he continued till he and his wife and two children periſhed of hunger and cold, or the like.

[267]In 1685, Charles died, not without ſtrong ſuſpi⯑cious of poiſon from Popiſh hands, for the eſtabliſh⯑ment of whoſe religion he was thought not ſuffici⯑ently zealous and active. James duke of York, a bigotted Papiſt, ſucceeded him, and ſolemnly engag⯑ed to preſerve the government of both church and ſtate. As if ſuch a ſovereign had been an ineſtima⯑ble bleſſing, the conformiſts pulpits, all over the nation, rang with thankſgivings; and all the coun⯑ties ſent up their fulſome addreſſes. The univerſity of Oxford, in the moſt unlimited manner, declared, That it was impoſſible to move them from an unli⯑mited ſubjection to all his commands. His parlia⯑ment procured to his liking by bribery and other too common arts, ſettled two millions ſterling yearly up⯑on him, that he might never be embarraſſed for want of money, as his brother and father had been; and they beſought his vigorous execution of the laws a⯑gainſt the Proteſtant diſſenters. The perſecution was revived; and occaſion was taken from Monmouth Charles' baſtard ſon-in-law's invading the kingdom, to make it more and more terrible. The royal army in the Weſt lived on the people at free quarter.— Colonel Kirk cauſed a number of priſoners, without any trial, to be hung up for diverſion, while he and his companions drank and danced beſide the gibbets. Jefferies, now Chief Juſtice, whoſe ſavage temper had been ſufficiently manifeſted, was appointed judge in the Weſtern circuit. Alway drunk, or in a fury, he raged among the poor people as an abſolute infer⯑nal. By repeated confinements, he forced juries to bring in people guilsy, whether they had proof, or believed them guilty, or not. He perſuaded many of the priſoners to plead guilty, in hopes of a pardon, and then ordered them to be executed immediately, without having a moment for recommending their ſouls to God. About ſix hundred were hanged, and the quarters of two or three hundred were fixed on trees and gibbets by the way ſides, to the great an⯑noyance of travellers. He ſold a multitude of par⯑dons, [268] from the rate of ten to fourteen thouſand gui⯑neas a piece. By ſuch methods, ſome diſſenters were forced into the church, and multitudes fled to Holland or America; and Spademan, Raſtric, Bur⯑roughs, Scoffin, Quipp, and other conforming cler⯑gymen, were, by the power of conſcientious convic⯑tions, forced from the church, to join the perſecut⯑ed diſſenters.

Meanwhile the Popiſh party mightily increaſed.— Multitudes of Jeſuits and regular prieſts were invited from abroad. Jeſuitical ſeminaries of learning were erected in London and in the country. Maſs-cha⯑pels were erected in almoſt every conſiderable town. Four Popiſh biſhops were conſecrated in the royal chapel. Multitudes of tracts for ſeducing people to Popery were publiſhed. Multitudes frequented the Popiſh chapels, as that, and zeal for James' abſolute power were the ſole road to preferments. All the ſubjects were prohibited to ſpeak diſreſpectfully of his majeſty's religion. At laſt, ſome conformiſts o⯑pened their eyes, and began to preach againſt Popery. James prohibited the inferior clergy to touch upon controverted points of religion. Hereupon Drs. Til⯑lotſon, Stillingfleet, Tenniſon, Patrick, Wake, Whit⯑by, Sharp, Atterbury, and others, began to copy the example, which the diſſenters had ſet them, ſome years before, in their morning exerciſes, and pu⯑bliſhed a number of ſenſible diſcourſes againſt the principal corruptions of Popery. It ſeems, that Richard Baxter, and ſome other nonconformiſts, offered to aſſiſt them in writing on theſe points.— But their productions were not allowed to be print⯑ed. The eſtabliſhed clergy did not appear fond of their help; nor had they proper acceſs to the books neceſſary for ſuch work; nor would it have been pru⯑dent to have provoked James beyond what they had done, in refuſing to concur in the repeal of the Teſt Act. Provoked with the conformiſts oppoſition to his religion, James declared againſt the cruelty of [269] the church of England. And, encouraged by the Judges, who interpreted the laws, he, by his abſolute diſpenſing power, granted an indulgence to the diſſen⯑ters, courted their affection, and encouraged them to ſet up their conventicles. They improved this opportunity of preaching the goſpel, but had no good opinion of his end in granting it.

After a conſtant perſecution of twenty ſix years, the extremity of the Puritans ſufferings now came to an end. About ſixty thouſand had ſuffered much on religious accounts. Five, if not rather about ten, thouſand had periſhed in priſons. Of the Quakers alone, three hundred and fifty died in jail, and a⯑bout fourteen hundred were now releaſed. Multi⯑tudes had retired to America, Holland, &c: never⯑theleſs, the number of remaining diſſenters was much the ſame as at the beginning of the perſecution.— Their firmneſs and conſtancy in ſufferings convinced the world, that they were not governed by humour, but by conſcience. Their ſermons, being plain and practical, had no ſmall ſucceſs: their morals were remarkably anſwerable to the commandments of Chriſt: they had carefully trained up their children their own way, and laboured to impreſs their minds with a ſenſe of religion. They ſtudied to keep up a ſucceſſion of faithful miniſters. Theſe things, to⯑gether with the perſecuting rage and licentious be⯑haviour of the conformiſts, made the numbers of Pu⯑ritans continue amidſt all their temporal diſcourage⯑ments.

James and his prieſts being thoroughly enraged a⯑gainſt their conformiſt oppoſers, he appointed com⯑miſſioners all over the kingdom, to enquire into the [...]oſs ſuſtained by the diſſenters, that their perſecutors might be obliged to refund it. The informers, jud⯑ges, and many others, laid their account with imme⯑diate ruin. But the Puritans generally concealed their injuries, when it was in their power to have them revenged, and their loſs refunded. By the ad⯑vice of chancellor Jeſſeries, and contrary to a ſtand⯑ing [270] law of 1641, and to James' own ſubjection to the Pope, a new High Commiſſion was erected to viſit the nation, reform the diſorders of the church, and pu⯑niſh clerical offenders with ſuſpenſion, deprivation, excommunication, &c. Sancroft, archbiſhop of Can⯑terbury, was afraid to act in this terrible work. But the biſhops of Durham and Rocheſter, Jefferies him⯑ſelf, the earl of Sunderland, Herbert, and Wright, chief Juſtices, and Fenner, recorder of London, ſome of them profeſſed Papiſts, were not ſo ſqueamiſh.— The univerſities of Cambridge and Oxford were com⯑manded to fill up their vacancies with ſcandalous Popiſh fellows and governors; but they obſtinately refuſed.

By his abſolute power, James now publiſhed a de⯑claration of his intentions, or rather a promiſe to pro⯑tect the church of England, as by law eſtabliſhed,— and to grant a toleration in religion to all his ſubjects, and to aboliſh all penal laws againſt diſſenters,—or impoſition of oaths or teſts upon ſuch as held public employments. The Baptiſts, Quakers, Independents, and Preſbyterians, thanked him for his favour, but promiſed no abſolute obedience. Notwithſtanding the preſence of two courtiers, moſt of the Preſbyte⯑rian clergy, at their general meeting, ſeemed willing rather to forfeit their liberty granted, than declare for his majeſty's power. Sir James Shorter mayor of London, declined his freedom from the Teſt, and from conformity to the Engliſh church, which diſpleaſed the king. Lobb an Independent miniſter, Penn the Quaker, and ſome few other diſſenters, complied not a little with James and his courtiers meaſures: but the bulk of the diſſenters ſtood off; and not⯑withſtanding all that the court could do, refuſed to aſſiſt in the deſtruction of thoſe that had ſo long per⯑ſecuted them. Theſe perſecutors now implored their aſſiſtance, and promiſed a redreſs of their grie⯑vances, as ſoon as their common danger from Po⯑pery ſhould blow over. Some of the biſhops waited upon the leaders of the diſſenting clergy, and be⯑ſought [271] them to uſe their influence with their party to ſtand aloof from the court; in doing which, they might aſſuredly expect redreſs of their burdens, as ſoon as poſſible. The Marquis of Halifax, by advice of the church dignitaries, repreſented to the diſſen⯑ters, That they had no ground to truſt the Papiſts, and that they ought not to proſecute their reſentment at the expence of the public ſafety; and that they might ſee, how the conformiſts reſentment had brought themſelves to the brink of ruin. About twenty thouſand copies of this letter were diſperſed, and had a very good effect.

The rupture between James and the church of England having become quite open and manifeſt, both parties prepared for their own defence. By turning out magiſtrates and placing others in their room, according to the powers claimed by him in the new charters, and by diſplacing ſuch officers in the kingdom as diſliked his abſolute power, and by a tour through the country to ingratiate himſelf with his people, James laboured to procure a parliament for repealing the penal ſtatutes concerning religion. Mild methods not ſucceeding to his wiſh, he aban⯑doned himſelf to the direction of his furious Po⯑piſh prieſts; made father Petre, one of them, his prime miniſter, intending to make him archbiſhop of York, and a cardinal of the Holy Conclave. — The earl of Caſtlemain was diſpatched ambaſſador to Rome, and the Pope's nuncio received a ſolemn au⯑dience at Windſor, notwithſtanding the law of Hen⯑ry VIII. ſtill made it treaſon to correſpond with his Holineſs. Parker, biſhop of Oxford, was employed to publiſh reaſons of abrogating the Teſt. In his performance he ſaid what he could to excuſe tran⯑ſubſtantiation, and to clear the Papiſts from the charge of idolatry. But a ſmart reply by Dr. Bur⯑net, ſunk the reputation of Parker. In Ireland, every thing was modelled for an immediate intro⯑duction of Popery. In England, James was buſy at the like work. Proteſtant officers were turned out [272] of the army. Portſmouth and Hull, the principal ports of the kingdom, were committed to Papiſts. Iriſh Papiſts came over in multitudes. Some regi⯑ments being formed only of Papiſts, and ſcarcely a troop or company without ſome placed in them by order from court, the army was brought to Black-heath, to awe the city of London and the parliament.

There being ſtill danger from a Proteſtant ſucceſ⯑ſor, as Mary his eldeſt daughter had been married to William prince of Orange, ſon of Mary, daughter of Charles I. James wrote her a letter for perſuading her to embrace his Popiſh religion, and employed one James Stewart a Scotch lawyer, to cauſe Fagel, William's principal confident, labour to promote his converſion to Popery, or at leaſt his approbation of the repeal of the penal laws againſt it. William and Mary's anſwers giving James no ground to expect their converſion, he reſolved to have a new heir to his crown, by his long barren queen. The Jeſuits pretences, that ſhe obtained this child by a vow to the virgin Mary of Loretto, and their predictions that it would be a prince,—together with the total neglect of the requiſite proofs of the queen's pregnancy and delivery, and many other ſuſpicious circumſtances, made moſt of the Proteſtants in the nation believe it an impoſture. Encouraged by the hopes of an un⯑born ſucceſſor, James, in April 1688, by his abſolute power over all laws, publiſhed his ſecond declaration for liberty of conſcience, and appointed the biſhops to cauſe it to be read from every pulpit, during the time of divine worſhip. Crew of Durham, Barlow of Lincoln, Cartwright of Cheſter, Wood of Litchfield, Walters of St. David's, Sprat of Rocheſter, Parker of Oxford, and Herbert of Hereford complied; and all but Herbert returned their fulſom addreſſes of thanks to James. Eighteen biſhops, and the chiefs of their clergy refuſed to publiſh it; ſo that it was [...]ead in no more than about 200 churches, ſeven of them in London. Sancroft of Canterbury, Loyd of St. Aſaph, Ken of Bath and Wells, Turner of Ely, Lake of Chi⯑cheſter, [273] White of Peterborough, and Trelawney of Briſtol, in an addreſs to James, attempted to juſtify their not publiſhing his Declaration, as they could not but think the diſpenſing power contrary to the laws of the land. For their preſumption they were ſent to the Tower; which indeed they richly de⯑ſerved on another account, as they had for twenty-ſeven years laboured to eſtabliſh kings arbitrary pow⯑er and paſſive obedience to it, till it came to be turn⯑ed againſt themſelves. Upon the 29th of June, af⯑ter a trial of ten hours, theſe biſhops, to James' in⯑expreſſible vexation, but to the joy of the city and part of the army, were acquitted.

Finding that Mary his princeſs was now excluded from the Britiſh crown by an heir, whoſe royal birth was at beſt extremely doubtful, William began to liſten more attentively to the many invitations he re⯑ceived from England, beſeeching him to come over and deliver the nation from Popery and ſlavery.— Lewis XIV. of France informed James of his ſon-in-law's intention to invade his kingdom, and offered him fifteen thouſand troops, or more, if neceſſary, to withſtand him. But the earl of Sunderland, who had been lately converted to Popery, perſuaded him not to accept of theſe offered troops, as it would make all the Proteſtants believe that he intended an overthrow of their religion and liberties. Perſuaded of William's intentions to invade his kingdom, James, to regain the favour of his Proteſtant ſubjects, iſſued forth warrants for calling a parliament;—by advice of the biſhops, took off the ſuſpenſion of the biſhop of London, which had been inflicted for his refuſing to ſuſpend Dr. Sharp for preaching againſt Popery, before he had tried him;—diſſolved the eccleſiaſtical commiſſion; reſtored the charter of London, and the fellows of Magdalen college at Oxford; and re⯑nounced ſeveral other illegal practices. But he no ſooner heard, that William's ſleet was diſperſed by a ſtorm, than he ſtopt his redreſſing of grievances.

[274]UPON Nov. 1ſt, William again put to ſea with fourteen thouſand men; and on the 5th landed at Torbay in the ſouth of England, the wind having almoſt miraculouſly favoured him, and reſtrained James' fleet. He publiſhed a Declaration, in which he enumerated the grievances of the nation, relative to religion and liberty, and the fruitleſs attempts which had been made to have them redreſſed;—and proteſted, that his intention in his expedition was to procure a free parliament, in which theſe grievances might be redreſſed, and an agreement eſtabliſhed be⯑tween the church of England and the Proteſtant diſ⯑ſenters.—Finding by this declaration, that William had been invited by not only nobles and others, but alſo by a number of the biſhops, and that they re⯑fuſed to declare their deteſtation of his invaſion, James placed all his hopes in his army, which he endeavour⯑ed to ſtrengthen from Scotland, and eſpecially from Ireland, in ſo much that many in Britain were afraid of a new Popiſh maſſacre. This fright being over, the London mob pulled down the Popiſh chapels.— Father Petre, with ſhoals of Jeſuits and prieſts, who had flocked about the court, fled out of the king⯑dom. Several of James' miniſters of arbitrary power left him, and concealed themſelves. Jefferies was apprehended in a ſailor's habit, and would have been torn to pieces by the mob, had not a ſtrong guard e⯑ſcorted him to the Tower, where he died, before he came to his trial. When William came to Exeter, many of the nobility ſigned an aſſociation, in which they promiſed to aſſiſt him in the purſuance of his declaration, and to revenge whatever attempt ſhould be made on his perſon. Finding that ſo many of his nobles and part of his army had gone over to his ſon-in-law; that Anne his younger daughter and her huſband prince George of Denmark had left him; and that the univerſity of Oxford, archbiſhop San⯑croft, and ſeven or eight other biſhops, had ſigned the above mentioned aſſociation,—James, after not a [275] little perplexity, contempt, and abuſe, followed his queen into France. When William came to London, many of the eſtabliſhed clergy, and about ninety diſ⯑ſenters in a body, preſented their congratulatory ad⯑dreſſes to him, and were graciouſly received. When he and Mary his conſort were enthroned, the diſſen⯑ters preſented an addreſs to each of them, which were favourably accepted. And indeed, during their whole reign, the diſſenters were their moſt hearty and ſtea⯑dy friends.

Many of the clerical conformiſts now behaved in a moſt ſhocking manner. After they had long prea⯑ched up the unlimited power of the king, and en⯑couraged the impoſition of oaths acknowledging it, they plainly ſhewed, that they regarded it only ſo far as it was exerciſed to ſupport themſelves. After they had ſeduced James into his extravagancies, they left him to periſh in his ruins. After they had ſolemnly engaged to ſupport William, they almoſt conſtantly laboured to compaſs the ruin of his perſon and go⯑vernment. Sancroft of Canterbury, Loyd of Nor⯑wich, Turner of Ely, Frampton of Glouceſter, Tho⯑mas of Worceſter, Lake of Chicheſter, and White of Peterborough, refuſed to ſwear allegiance to him. Many, who did ſwear it, by their diſtinction between a king de facto and one de jure, plainly manifeſted, that they ſubmitted to William and Mary as mere uſurpers, whom they thought it their duty to pull down, if ever they could. No ſooner was their dan⯑ger from the Papiſts over, than they caſt all their kind promiſes to diſſenters at their heels, and appear⯑ed as ready to perſecute them as ever. The eight biſhops above mentioned, pretended to move for a comprehenſion of ſome diſſenters, and for a tolera⯑on of the reſt, and meanwhile inſtigated their friends to oppoſe it, and to repreſent the promoters of it as enemies to the church. The bigotted clergy threa⯑tened their moderate brethren with a new ſeparation, if any important mitigation of the terms of commu⯑nion were allowed to the diſſenters; and by that [276] means deterred them from correcting the Book of common prayer, leſt theſe zealots, by adhering to the old form of it, ſhould draw over the body of the nation to their ſide.

When king William came to his firſt parliament, 1689, he recommended the excluſion of Papiſts from all places of power or truſt, and the unhampered ad⯑miſſion of all his Proteſtant ſubjects. Some members moved, that the receiving of the Lord's ſupper, at leaſt in the manner of the eſtabliſhed church, ſhould not be held a neceſſary qualification for a civil office: but the contrary was carried. The diſpenſing with kneeling at the Lord's ſupper, or croſſing in baptiſm, and an allowance for perſons to explain aſſent and conſent, in their ſubſcription of the Thirty-nine arti⯑cles, were refuſed in the Houſe of Lords.—An act of toleration for all Proteſtants, except Socinians, by which they were exempted from the penalties of nonconformity, providing they take the oaths to the government, and ſubſcribe the doctrinal articles of the Engliſh church, was got carried, but with great difficulty.

During the dependence of the above acts in parlia⯑ment, a motion was made in the Houſe of Lords, for a comprehenſion of the moderate diſſenters, and a removal of theſe things at which they principally ſcrupled. Some moved, that, as under Henry VIII. and Edward VI. a mixed committee of clergymen and laymen, ſhould prepare the draught of correcti⯑ons and terms of agreement. This motion was re⯑jected by a ſmall majority. Burnet laments, that he oppoſed it for fear of offending the eſtabliſhed cler⯑gy. By the advice of Dr. Tillotſon, king William referred it to a Synod of clergymen, that their body might the more readily receive it, and the Papiſts have leſs handle of objecting againſt it. Lamplugh archbiſhop of York, Loyd, Sprat, Burnet, and ſix other biſhops,—Stillingfleet, Tillotſon, Sharp, Be⯑veridge, Scot, Grove, Patrick, Kidder, Tenniſon, Fowler, and ten other divines, were appointed to [277] meet and prepare ſuch alterations of the liturgy and canons,—and to frame overtures for the reformation of the eccleſiaſtical courts,—and to conſider every other like matter, which might tend to the peace and welfare of the church. Biſhops Mew and Sprat, and two divines withdrew, that they might have no hand in relieving the diſſenters. Some who remain⯑ed, pled, That making of alterations upon the conſti⯑tutions of the church for gratifying an obſtinate and peeviſh party, would but render them more inſolent, would occaſion a rent in the church, and make peo⯑ple diſeſteem the liturgy, which needed correction. —Nevertheleſs, the committee finiſhed their work, and agreed, That certain parts of canonical ſcripture be read in place of the apocryphal leſſons; and that the Athanaſian creed might be omitted, and that a⯑ſcribed to the apoſtles uſed inſtead of it. They drew up new collects more agreeable to the epiſtles and goſpels. Kidder formed a new verſion of the Pſalms from the Hebrew. They ſubſtituted more plain and ſafe expreſſions inſtead of thoſe which had been ex⯑cepted againſt in the liturgy. They agreed, That the ſinging of God's praiſe by muſical inſtruments in ca⯑thedrals, be laid aſide; that legendary ſaints days ſhould be omitted in the Calendar, and not obſerv⯑ed; that the uſe of the croſs in baptiſm, and of god⯑fathers and godmothers be left to the option of pa⯑rents; that kneeling in the Lord's ſupper be left in⯑different; that the uſe of the ſurplice be left indiffe⯑rent, and at the diſcretion of the biſhop of the dio⯑ceſe; that the re-ordination of ſuch as have been ordained by preſbyters be only conditional; that the name of prieſt be changed into that of miniſter, &c. &c. Theſe alterations would have probably brought in three fourths of the diſſenters to the eſtabliſhed church. But the bulk of the clergy reliſhed no ſuch condeſcenſions. While the committee were employ⯑ed in their work, many raiſed a terrible outcry, That king William and his agents, intended to pull down Epiſcopacy, and ſet up Preſbytery. The univerſities [278] of Oxford and Cambridge furiouſly declared them⯑ſelves againſt all alterations; and that ſuch as pro⯑moted them were undoubted enemies to the church.

Care was taken to appoint ſuch members for the convocation, as would ſo judge of the work of the committee, as to put an end to all attempts of alte⯑rations. When they met, K. William deſired them to conſider what he had to lay before them, with due and impartial zeal for the welfare of the church. But the lower Houſe at the firſt reſolved to enter on no debate relative to the Book of common prayer and Conſtitutions of their church. They had ſcarce⯑ly temper enough to thank his majeſty for his promi⯑ſed protection of them and their church. Nor could the biſhops bring them to acknowledge any Chriſtian fellowſhip with the Proteſtant churches abroad, as had been done in the addreſs of the upper Houſe.— Finding the Lower Houſe behave in this furious manner, William diſſolved their meeting; and ſince they were in no temper to do good, he, by pro⯑roguing their aſſemblies, reſtrained them from doing any hurt for ten years to come. The ſettlement of Preſbytery in Scotland was improved by theſe mad zealots, as an handle for calumniating his majeſty, and oppoſing all condeſcenſion toward the diſſenters.

Terrible was now the contention between the E⯑piſcopalian clergy that took the oaths of allegiance and ſupremacy to K. William, and ſuch as did not. The Nonjurants repreſented their opponents as men who had trampled on their conſciences for the ſake of preferment,—and pretended, That the impoſition of the oath warranted them to ſeparate from their brethren; that they had their ſpiritual authority from Chriſt, and could not be deprived of it by the civil powers,—and ſo were ſtill bound to take care of the ſouls of their people. The Jurants replied, That they were ſchiſmatics, in ſeparating from the church; that though the ſtate had deprived them of their livings, they ought not to revenge it upon the church, in a ſchiſmatical withdrawment from her [279] communion; and that magiſtrates may lawfully de⯑prive clergymen of their extrinſical power of exer⯑ciſing their miniſtry. All along from the reformati⯑on, and eſpecially for near 30 years paſt, the Epiſco⯑palian clergy had maintained the power of princes in eccleſiaſtical cauſes, and an unlimited paſſive obedi⯑ence to them. But now the High Church party re⯑fuſed to admit of his majeſty's power in ſpiritual cauſes; and both they and the Williamites gave up with their doctrine of paſſive obedience.

Having now loſt hopes of acceſs to the eſtabliſhed church, the bulk of the Preſbyterians and Indepen⯑dents formed a plan of concord between themſelves, bearing, That all who are united to Chriſt, are mem⯑bers of his catholic inviſible church, and all viſible believers and their children members of the viſible; that ſocieties of viſible believers, who, under Chriſt, ſtatedly join together for communion in all the ordi⯑nances of the goſpel, are particular churches; that none ought to be admitted as members to all ſealing ordinances, but ſuch as know and believe the funda⯑mental truths of the goſpel, and are of blameleſs lives, marked with viſible godlineſs and honeſty; that a competent number of viſible ſaints become the ſubjects of ſtated church fellowſhip, upon their agreement to walk together according to goſpel rules; that though parochial churches are not of divine inſtitution, yet, for edification, the members of a particular church ought to live as contiguouſly as poſſible; that every particular church hath a right to chooſe their own paſtors; and being furniſhed with them, hath authority from Chriſt for the exer⯑ciſe of government, and diſpenſation of ordinances within itſelf; that in adminiſtrating church power, it belongs to officers to rule, and to the brotherhood to conſent; that all Chriſtians, as they have oppor⯑tunity, ought to join, and ſtedfaſtly continue in com⯑munion with ſome particular church; that the mi⯑niſterial office is appointed by Jeſus Chriſt, for the gathering, edification and government of his church, [280] till the end of the world; that ſuch as are called or admitted to the miniſterial office, ought to be marked with proper gifts, grace, and holy converſation;— that in ordinary caſes, none ought to be ordained paſtors, but in relation to ſome particular church; that it is proper, that the paſtors of neighbouring congregations be conſulted in the calling of miniſters, and aſſiſt at their ordination; that it is proper, that the gifts of candidates for preaching the goſpel be tried by paſtors, and that they be ſent forth with ſolemn approbation and prayer; that in every church admonitions and excommunications of ſcandalous perſons ought to have place; that in order to pro⯑mote the communion of churches, all the members ought to walk Chriſtianly towards one another,—no church ought to uſurp authority over one another, nor to decoy members from another, or to blame the proceedings of another, till it hath had an opportu⯑nity of defending itſelf,—and every one ought rea⯑dily to give account of its procedure, in order to prevent offence; that deacons, who take care of the poor, are appointed by Chriſt; that no breach ought to be made with reſpect to the inſtitution of ruling elders; that Synods ought to be held at leaſt for conſultation about church affairs, and their deciſions to be received with reverence, and none to diſſent from them, without apparent ground from the word of God; that all men ought to pray for, obey, and ſupport civil magiſtrates.

They agreed pretty well in condemning the ex⯑preſſions of Davis of Rothwel, ſundry of which bor⯑dered on Antinomianiſm or Anabaptiſm; but ſoon fell into a terrible flame of contention relative to ſome of the diſtinguiſhed truths of the goſpel. For almoſt forty years preceding, Richard Baxter had been attempting to form a medley of Calviniſtical and Arminian doctrines, particularly concerning our redemption by Chriſt and juſtification before God, and had been refuted by Dr. Owen, Crandon, Brown, and many others. Nevertheleſs, his fame of piety [281] and penetration had decoyed moſt of the Engliſh Preſbyterians to his ſide. In 1690, the ſermons of the eminently pious Dr. Criſp, who had flouriſhed about fifty years before, and had been blamed for ap⯑proaching too near Antinomianiſm, were re-publiſhed by his ſon. Several miniſters atteſted, that they be⯑lieved the additional ſermons to be genuine. This atteſtation was pretended to be a countenancing of their contents. Mr. Williams publiſhed his Goſpel truth ſtated and vindicated, in which he attempted to refute ſeveral poſitions laid down by Dr. Criſp. As he ſteered a middle courſe betwixt Baxterianiſm and Calviniſm, or rather refined upon Baxter, it was not difficult to procure a ſolemn approbation of his book from clergymen of his acquaintance. But it was re⯑futed with great warmth by Iſaac Chauncey, in his Neonomianiſm unmaſked. Robert Trail alſo publiſhed a letter in vindication of the Proteſtant doctrine of juſtification through the imputed righteouſneſs of Chriſt alone, and of the practiſers and profeſſors of it, from the unjuſt charge of Antinomianiſm.

Great pains were taken by ſome to heal this un⯑happy breach, which hindered the ſucceſs of the goſpel, and mightily pleaſed the conformiſt enemies of both parties. But by mutual reproaches it was more and more widened. A breach was made in the lecture at Pinner's Hall. Nothing leſs than the ex⯑cluſion of Williams could ſatisfy his opponents.— Bates, Howe, and Alſop, who were all inclined to his ſentiments, went off with him. Mead and T. Cole remained, and had four others added in place of thoſe that went off. Mather, Lobb, Goodwin, and others, appeared in oppoſition to Williams' ſcheme of the goſpel being a new law, and his de⯑nial of a legal change of perſon between the elect and Chriſt as their ſurety. Lobb appealed to Stilling⯑fleet, now biſhop of Worceſter, and to Dr. John Edwards, both of whom favoured Dr. Williams' ſcheme. After the two parties, by hot debates, of ſeveral years continuance, had rendered themſelves [282] a reproach, they, in ſome ſort, referred their diffe⯑rences to Herman Witſius, a Dutch profeſſor of divinity. To compoſe them, he publiſhed his Ani⯑madverſiones Irenicae, in which he, with great can⯑dour, meekneſs, and preciſion, pointed out the truth, and reproved the ill-guarded expreſſions of them that held it. He ſhewed, That all the ſins of elect men, being laid upon, borne, and ſatisfied for, by Chriſt, as their ſurety, there behoved to be an exchange of perſons between him and them in law-reckoning; that though Chriſt bore the ſins of his people, not not only during his laſt ſufferings, but in his whole ſtate of humiliation, he ought not to be repreſented as a ſinner, blaſphemer, adulterer, &c. or as abomi⯑nable to, and abdicated by, his Father; that, tho' Chriſt abſolutely and unconditionally purchaſed e⯑ternal redemption for all his elect, yet his righte⯑ouſneſs is not imputed to their perſons, till the mo⯑ment of their regeneration and ſpiritual unition to him; that though Chriſt and his elect were legally united together from all eternity, that their ſins might be laid on him and ſatisfaction demanded from him in the fulneſs of time, yet their myſtical union is not begun till he apprehend them by his Spirit, nor compleated till they receive him by faith; that Chriſt's holineſs of nature and life under the law, as well as his ſatisfactory ſufferings, are imputed by God to all believers, which conſtitute them perfectly holy and righteous in law-reckoning before him, as their infinitely exact Judge; that men's juſtification before God in no reſpect depends upon any kind of works of theirs, nor on faith, which is, and neceſſarily pro⯑duceth good works, as a work, as a condition or diſ⯑poſing cauſe, but merely as an inſtrument of receiv⯑ing Chriſt and his righteouſneſs and juſtification thro' it; that though many true believers have not any bold confidence, that Chriſt and his ſalvation are theirs in poſſeſſion, yet faith, in itſelf, is a moſt firm perſuaſion of one's own particular right to Chriſt and all his ſaving benefits; and this perſuaſion is weak [283] or ſtrong, as faith itſelf is in the heart; that repen⯑tance, in the root of it, being coeval with the habit of faith, may be ſaid to precede actual pardon of ſin, as well as faith; that, though all the ſins of believers, paſt, preſent, and to come, be fully and irrevocably pardoned in their juſtification, on account of which, God, as a legal judge, can ſee no ſin in them, in order to condemnation, yet, as an omni⯑ſcient and holy Father, he ſees much ſin in them to be highly diſpleaſed with them, and which excee⯑dingly hurts and defiles them,—and therefore they ought to be burdened with, confeſs, and mourn o⯑ver it, and pray for the pardon of it; that though Chriſt's ſurety-righteouſneſs be the only proper con⯑dition of the covenant of grace, yet the Lord hath appointed faith to be the mean of his elect's entrance into the actual enjoyment of the bleſſing of it; that though our graces and good works are of no avail as the condition of our juſtification before God, nay, as dwelling in our ſinful nature, and proceeding from us, are but as loſs, dung, and filthy rags before him as a judge, yet as proceeding from the Holy Ghoſt, and accepted through Chriſt, they are of great uſe as a preparation for heaven, and as means of averting God's judgments, and drawing his delights and be⯑nefits on us, as his friends and children in Chriſt; that the law of God, as a covenant of works, and as a Rule of life, and the goſpel, particularly as ſtrictly taken, ought to be carefully preached in their proper connexions with each other; and that, though the beginning of our ſpiritual life is produced by the goſpel ſtrictly taken, conveying God's grace into our heart, the progreſs and increaſe of it, is produced both by the goſpel, and by the law as a rule of life.

Theſe contentions had more abundantly expoſed the diſſenters concerned to the ridicule of their con⯑formiſt neighbours, had they not been as hotly en⯑gaged among themſelves. Mr. Howe had publi⯑ſhed a letter, pleading with both conformiſts and nonconformiſts, that they would think of, and be⯑have [284] Chriſtianly and charitably towaad each other, as the points in which they differed were of ſmall im⯑portance, in reſpect of thoſe in which they agreed. But whatever good effect this might have upon ſome diſſenters, it had none upon moſt of the conformiſts. Stillingfleet and others exceedingly grudged at the late toleration. To allay their heats, Locke, ſo well known in the learned world, at different times, pu⯑bliſhed his Letters on toleration, in which, amidſt not a few looſe hints, he hath exhauſted his ſubject, and ſhewed that force is an improper mean of con⯑viction; and that men ought not to be compelled by it, into the faith, profeſſion, and practice of religion.

After patient waiting for ſeveral years, the ſees of the Nonjurant deprived biſhops were filled up in 1691; and the rather, as Turner of Ely had been accuſed of having a hand in a conſpiracy againſt king William. John Tillotſon was made archbiſhop of Canterbury, Ed. Fowler biſhop of Glouceſter, Sam. Patrick of Ely, J. More of Norwich, Rich. Kidder of Bath and Wells, Rich. Cumberland of Peterbo⯑rough, Robert Grove of Chicheſter, and Edward Stillingfleet of Worceſter. Tillotſon died about three years after, greatly lamented by all the friends of in⯑genuity, charity, and moderation, and was ſucceed⯑ed by Tenniſon. Many of the inferior clergy refuſed to hold communion with theſe new biſhops, but ad⯑hered to the old, and thus formed a church of Non⯑jurors. They maintained, That James ſtill continu⯑ed the only lawful king of Britain; that all ſuch as acknowledged another, were, by the 2d canon, ipſo facto, excommunicated; that the deprivation of bi⯑ſhops by civil authority is utterly invalid, and ought not to be regarded; that the authority of the church of England, and conſequently the church itſelf, re⯑ſides in the Nonjurors and their ſucceſſors, who have ſtedfaſtly adhered to her true conſtitutions; and that all that depart from them, or join the new ſchiſma⯑tical biſhops, are ſchiſmatics, and all ſuch clergy as do ſo, forfeit their office, and cannot diſpenſe the [285] ordinances of God to any edification. Hicks, Ket⯑tlewell, and Leſly, were principal ſupporters of this ſcheme. Hellier and others, but eſpecially Hoadly, afterward biſhop of Wincheſter, oppoſed them.

As king William had long reſtrained the convo⯑cation from meeting and tranſacting buſineſs at the ſame time with the parliament, a Remonſtrance was publiſhed in 1697, bearing, That convocations were now as neceſſary, as ever they had been in the Chriſ⯑tian church; that William had ſworn to maintain the rights of the Engliſh church; that the convo⯑cation ought to be called whenever the parliament ſits; that they are a ſpiritual parliament, conſiſting of an Upper and Lower Houſe,—and have power to proceed againſt ſuch as are guilty of hereſy, ſchiſm, or any other ſpiritual offences, without reſtriction by any act of parliament; and that their canons are binding, if agreeable to common ſenſe, his majeſty's prerogative, and the laws of the land. This kindled a new controverſy, which was not ſoon, if ever ad⯑juſted. Dr. Wake, afterward archbiſhop of Canter⯑bury, in ſeveral tracts, laboured to prove the power of Chriſtian princes over eccleſiaſtical Synods, and was anſwered by Hill and Atterbury, in his Rights, powers, and privileges of an Engliſh convocation ſtated and vindicated, who, in their turn, were anſwered by Kennet, Burnet, &c.

The conteſts of the diſſenters concerning the doc⯑trines of the goſpel, and of the Epiſcopalians con⯑cerning church government, were not finiſhed, when the convocation ſat down in A. D. 1700. Bent up⯑on aſſerting their own independency of the Upper, the Lower Houſe refuſed to adjourn, when required by the archbiſhop. Without any allowance from the king, they collected and read ſeveral books, and marked their errors. Some members complained with great warmth of Burnet's expoſition of the Thirty-nine articles. They intended to have ſtrength⯑ened the church with additional canons. But, as his majeſty had given them no licence to proceed to bu⯑ſineſs, [286] the archbiſhop prorogued their meeting till May, after they had ſitten ſome months to no pur⯑poſe. A new conteſt enſued, Whether the Lower Houſe of convocation have power to adjourn or con⯑tinue themſelves, as they pleaſe? Many tracts re⯑lative to this point were publiſhed. The Upper Houſe laboured by all the expedients they could de⯑viſe, to have peace and harmony with the Lower, till at laſt his majeſty's death in March 1702, for a time huſhed their debate.

ANNE had ſcarcely ſucceeded him, when the Preſbyterian, Independent, and Baptiſt diſſenters preſented her with a joint addreſs. Their conform⯑ing enemies already hoped to revive their former oppreſſion. Before this, Clarkſon had publiſhed his Account of the primitive biſhops and liturgies, King his Conſtitution of the primitive church, James Owen his Plea for the validity of Preſbyterian ordination, and Tong his Vindication of the diſſenters,—none of which pleaſed the Epiſcopalian bigots. Sir Humphrey Ed⯑win, a diſſenting mayor of London, about five years before, had carried the regalia, or badges of his of⯑fice, to the meeting at Pinner's Hall. Some tracts had been publiſhed for and againſt the occaſional conformity of diſſenters, bearing public office.— Having got rid of king William, whom they hear⯑tily hated, and got a queen of their own temper, their enemies reſolved to hamper their toleration with additional reſtrictions and conditions, and to exclude them from all public office, unleſs they fully and conſtantly conformed to the church.

No ſooner had the parliament met, than the Com⯑mons appeared chiefly bent for carrying a Bill for the excluſion of all occaſional conformiſts from pub⯑lic offices under the crown, and bearing, That who⯑ſoever, after taking of the ſacramental Teſt for offi⯑ces of truſt or magiſtracy in corporations, frequented any meeting of diſſenters for the public worſhip o [...] God, ſhould pay a fine of 500 pounds ſterling; and [287] five pounds more for every day he retained his office after he had been at any ſuch meeting. As the Lords would not agree to it, it was dropt. In 1703, the Commons altered their Bill a little, but the Lords again rejected it. In 1704, the Commons brought it in a third time, and many of them attempted to tack it to a money bill, that the one might not be got rejected without the other. But this miſcarried, and the Lords refuſed the Bill a ſecond reading. None oppoſed it more earneſtly than biſhop Burnet and his moderate Epiſcopal brethren.

This Bill occaſioned a prodigious number of pub⯑lications for and againſt occaſional conformity. The enemies of the diſſenters pled, That, if they could occaſionally conform for the ſake of an office, their ſeparation was not matter of conſcience with them, but a real ſchiſm; that if occaſional conformity was lawful, conſtant conformity muſt be ſo likewiſe; and that either their occaſional conformity or their ſtated nonconformity muſt be hypocritical. The diſſenters and other friends of occaſional conformity pled, That though they thought it duty to maintain ſtated com⯑munion with ſuch as they reckoned wrongfully ex⯑cluded from the national church,—as a teſtimony a⯑gainſt ſuch perſecution;—with ſuch as adminiſtered Chriſt's ordinances with leaſt mixture of human in⯑ventions;—with ſuch as aſſerted the liberty of Chriſ⯑tians from human impoſitions in the worſhip of God; —with ſuch as denied admiſſion of perſons ignorant, or ſcandalous, to the ſeals of his covenant;—with ſuch, whoſe principles moſt admitted of Chriſtian charity;—and in whoſe adminiſtrations their ſouls experienced moſt ſpiritual edification:—Yet they reckoned occaſional conformity lawful, that therein they might imitate the practice of John Baptiſt and of Jeſus Chriſt and his apoſtles; that they might ſhew their charity and regard to thoſe of different ſentiments, and their readineſs to join the eſtabliſhed church, if they had but a proper opportunity afford⯑ed them. After both parties had written themſelves [288] out of breath, an act againſt the admiſſion of occa⯑ſional conformiſts to any places of power and truſt, paſſed in 1711.

Inſtigated by biſhop Burnet, Anne, in 1704, re⯑mitted the arrears of the tithes to the poor clergy, and offered to allot her whole ſhare of the firſt fruits and tithes for that end. The parliament paſſed an act for alienation of this branch of the revenue for ſaid end, and for forming a corporation to ſee to the application of it accordingly; and they repealed the ſtatute of Mortmain, ſo far as to allow perſons to diſpone what they pleaſed for the augmentation of benefices. This kindneſs did not reconcile the cler⯑gy to Burnet, whom they had long ſo heartily hated. The Lower Houſe of convocation ſtill contended with their ſuperiors in the Upper. They beſought her majeſty to protect them, and take the point of de⯑bate between them into her own hand for deciſion. In 1705, the Upper Houſe, having drawn up an addreſs of thanks to her for her affectionate care of the church, which the parliament had lately declared to be in no danger, the Lower One, without offer⯑ing any reaſon, refuſed to concur in it, and formed one of their own, in a very different ſtrain, which was rejected by the archbiſhop. In conſequence of this, the addreſs was dropt, and all communication between the two houſes ſhut up. The queen, by a letter, ſignified to the archbiſhop, That ſhe reſolved to maintain her ſupremacy, and the due ſubordina⯑tion of preſbyters to biſhops, and hoped that he and his ſuffragans would act accordingly,—in doing which they might expect her protection; and ſhe appointed him to impart this declaration to the biſhops and clergy, and to prorogue the convocation to ſuch time as ſhould appear moſt convenient.

In 1707, the parliament readily agreed to make the perpetual ſecurity of the church of England a fundamental article of the incorporating union with the Scots. But the Lower Houſe of convocation ſtill continued to wrangle with their ſuperiors.— [289] They reſolved to remonſtrate to the Commons againſt the union, as dangerous to their church. Apprized of their intentions, her majeſty required the arch⯑biſhop to prorogue them for three weeks,—before the expiration of which, the act for the union had paſſed in parliament. They remonſtrated to the Upper Houſe againſt the prorogation, and pretended, that the convocation had never been prorogued dur⯑ing the ſitting of parliament. But from the records it appeared, that on ſeveral occaſions it had been prorogued, while the parliament ſat, and in ſome inſtances had ſat after the parliament had been diſ⯑ſolved. Informed of their behaviour, the queen wrote to the archbiſhop, that ſhe looked on them as invading her ſupremacy; and that if they attempted any ſuch thing for the future, ſhe would take care to puniſh the offenders. About the ſame time, the French Proteſtants proſecuted Elias Marion, John Cavalier, and Durand Fage, before Compton biſhop of London. They were declared impoſtors. Not⯑withſtanding this ſentence was confirmed by the bi⯑ſhops, theſe French prophets, or rather enthuſiaſts, held their aſſemblies in London, under the counte⯑nance of Sir Richard Bulkley and John Lacy;—re⯑viled the eſtabliſhed clergy;—and denounced the judgments of God againſt London and the whole Britiſh nation. The French Proteſtants therefore again proſecuted them, and each of them was ſined in twenty marks, and condemned to ſtand twice on a ſcaffold, with papers on their breaſt, exhibiting their offence.

For twenty years, multitudes of the Engliſh con⯑formiſts had continued reviling the Revolution. K. William had ſcarcely expired, when his character and conduct were moſt rudely abuſed. So loud were the outcries of the church being in danger, eſpecially by thoſe that lived more like brutes or devils, than like Chriſtians, that the parliament, in 1705, had been obliged to take this matter into conſideration, and had reſolved, That the church was in a flouriſh⯑ing [290] condition; and that whoever attempted to per⯑ſuade people, that ſhe was in danger, ſhould be held an enemy to the queen, church, and kingdom. Not⯑withſtanding all this, Dr. H. Sacheverel, in 1709, publiſhed two ſermons, in which he pretended, that the neceſſary means of bringing about the Revoluti⯑on were odious and unjuſtifiable; that the act tole⯑rating Proteſtant diſſenters was unreaſonable and un⯑warrantable; that the eſtabliſhed church of England was in great danger under her majeſty's adminiſtra⯑tion; that the preſent adminiſtration of both church and ſtate tended to deſtroy their conſtitution. The Commons declared his ſermons ſcandalous and ſedi⯑tious libels; and impeached himſelf of high crimes and miſdemeanors before the Lords. The Commons too warm proſecution of him diſguſted many that were of moderate principles. The Tories pretended, that the Whigs had formed a deſign to pull down the church, and by this proſecution meant to try their ſtrength in the parliament, before they at⯑tempted their principal object. Theſe reports were too readily credited and ſpread by many of the clergy, in order to inflame their people in favour of Sache⯑verel. During his trial, of three weeks continuance, her majeſty every day attended in the Houſe, though not in her royal appearances, and crowds of people attended him to and from it, and preſſed to kiſs his hand, as if he had been ſome famous Confeſſor.— They beſet the queen's chariot, and cried, That they hoped, ſhe was for Dr. Sacheverel. After his coun⯑cil had finiſhed their defence, he, in a ſpeech, ſo⯑lemnly juſtified his intentions toward her majeſty and government, reſpectfully mentioned the Revolution, and Proteſtant ſucceſſion to the crown; but main⯑tained the doctrine of paſſive obedience to ſovereigns, as a maxim of the Engliſh church. As Anne ſe⯑cretly favoured his cauſe, her chaplains encouraged and extolled him as the champion of the church.— After much virulent altercation, he was found guilty, condemned to forbear preaching for three years, and [291] his ſermons to be publicly burnt by the hangman of London. His friends conſidered the lenity of his ſentence as a proof of their victory over his oppo⯑nents.—Being preſented to a living in North Wales, he went thither with all the pomp and magnificence of a prince, was received by the univerſity of Oxford, and the magiſtrates of ſeveral towns, in his way, in much the ſame manner as if a king, and was often attended by about a thouſand horſe, and nothing was heard, but the cry of The church and Dr. Sacheverel. No ſooner was his ſentence expired, in 1713, than the new Houſe of Commons called him to preach be⯑fore them, and the queen preſented him to the rich benefice of St. Andrews, London.

Q. Anne having turned out all her Whig mini⯑ſters, except the duke of Marlborough, and diſſolved her Whiggiſh parliament, great care was taken to provide members to her taſte for the next. Such was the enthuſiaſtical zeal for Dr. Sacheverel, that few were returned members, but ſuch as had diſtin⯑guiſhed themſelves in oppoſition to the Whig admi⯑niſtration. Being met in 1711, they appointed fifty new churches to be built in London, and excluded the diſſenters from all civil offices or places of power and truſt, unleſs they became conſtant conformiſts. The Lower Houſe of convocation choſe Dr. Atter⯑bury, a furious Tory, for their prolocutor and direc⯑tor, while the queen marked her contempt of the biſhops, many of whom were too Whiggiſh for her new ſchemes of introducing a Popiſh pretender, and overturning the liberties of both church and ſtate. She called the two houſes of convocation to repreſs the attempts of profane perſons againſt religion.— Atterbury drew up a repreſentation of the ſtate of religion ever ſince the Revolution, containing moſt ſevere ſtrictures upon the adminiſtration. The biſh⯑ops drew up one more moderate, and propoſed ſeve⯑ral regulations. But the Houſes could agree in almoſt nothing, but the cenſuring of the Arian tenets vented by Whiſton, profeſſor of mathematics in the univer⯑ſity [292] of Cambridge. But, as they did not cenſure himſelf, and the queen did not ratify their cenſure on his doctrine, he continued publicly juſtifying and pleading, that the apoſtolical conſtitutions were not only canonical ſcripture, but in point of authority preferable to our Goſpels. To prevent the growth of ſchiſm, the parliament, in 1714, notwithſtanding great oppoſition in both houſes, enacted, That no diſſenters ſhould be allowed to teach in any ſchool or academy. But the queen dying on the very day on which the force of this ſtatute commenced, it became null and void.

WHEN king George I. came to the throne, he marked an evident bias toward the Whigs, who had ſo earneſtly laboured for his advancement. This provoked the Tories, and even the populace againſt him. Dangerous tumults were raiſed at Birming⯑ham, Briſtol, Chippenham, Norwich, Reading, &c. The cry of the party was, Down with the Whigs, and up with Sacheverel for ever. As the diſputes relative to the Trinity, which had been carried on about twenty years, ſtill increaſed, his majeſty required the biſhops to ſee, that nothing ſhould be taught on that head, but what is contained in the holy ſcripture; and that no clergymen ſhould meddle with the affairs of ſtate. The parliament, in 1717, repealed the act againſt admiſſion of occaſional conformiſts into places of power or truſt, and the act prohibiting Proteſtant diſſenters to teach in ſchools and academies. Hoadly, now biſhop of Bangor, diſtinguiſhed himſelf in plead⯑ing for the repeal, as he thought that no man ought to be deprived of civil privileges on account of his religious opinions. As he had publiſhed a Preſerva⯑tive from the principles and practices of the Nonjurors, and a ſermon on the nature of Chriſt's kingdom, the convocation appointed Drs. Moſs, Sherlock, Friend, Sprat, Canon, and Biſſe, to examine them. In their remarks, they repreſented both, as tending to ſubvert [293] all diſcipline and government in the church of Chriſt, and to reduce it to anarchy and confuſion, and as im⯑pugning the royal ſupremacy in cauſes eccleſiaſtical, and the power of the parliament to enforce obedience in religious matters by civil ſanctions. To reſtrain their heats, his majeſty appointed the archbiſhop to prorogue them. Their publications afterward ex⯑poſed them to the deriſion of moderate on lookers. Snape and Sherlock were Hoadly's principal antago⯑niſts. Never ſince, hath the convocation been al⯑lowed to tranſact any buſineſs, beſides complimentary addreſſes to the king.

The proſecution of Biſſe for maintaining James to be lawful king of Britain, and George an uſurper, and that for 30 years paſt, there had been neither king, laws, nor parliament;—and his condemnation to ſtand on the pillory at Charing-croſs, and at the Royal Exchange, and to ly four years in priſon, and pay a fine of 600 pounds:—the parliament's admiſſi⯑on of a ſolemn declaration from the Quakers inſtead of an oath; and their condemnation of Atterbury, biſhop of Rocheſter, in 1722, as a traitor, to forfeit all his dignities and benefices, and to baniſhment from the kingdom, never to return under pain of death:—the attempt of the Quakers to get them⯑ſelves freed from payment of eccleſiaſtical dues:— the intended naturalization of foreign Proteſtants and Jews:—the propoſal of correcting the Book of com⯑mon prayer: the act for the public ſolemnization of marriage: and the late attempt of Arians, Socinians, and others, to have the ſubſcription of the Thirty-nine articles laid aſide: and the act for toleration of Papiſts, are perhaps too late, or too unimportant for a place in this abridgment. It is more pleaſant to obſerve, that within theſe fifty years paſt, the doctrines of the free grace of God reigning thro' the imputed righteouſneſs of Jeſus Chriſt, have, by Hervey and o⯑thers in the eſtabliſhed church, as well as by diſſen⯑ters of different denominations, been not a little re⯑vived, [294] and ſucceſsfully ſpread, and are at preſent preached by hundreds, though too often with a re⯑ſtriction of the goſpel offer to ſenſible ſinners.

BRIEF SKETCH of the HISTORY of the CHURCH of IRELAND.

PERHAPS, by means of the Diocletian per⯑ſecution in England and France, the goſpel had been introduced into Ireland in the 4th century. About A. D. 428, Palladius, the deacon, with twelve aſſiſtants, being ſent to form the believers there into an Epiſcopal church, landed in Leinſter, and gained ſome proſelytes, and founded three churches. But being rudely treated by the heathen inhabitants, he retired to North Britain, and ended his labours a⯑mong the Picts. Patrick, a native of Bretagne in France, or rather of Scotland near Glaſgow, was fired with zeal for the converſion of the ſavage Iriſh. Being driven from Leinſter, after he had converted Cormac a prince, and ſome others, he fled to Ulſter, where Dichu a prince, and the whole court of Tarah were converted to Chriſt. It is ſaid, that he eſta⯑bliſhed a biſhoprick at Clogher, and an archbiſho⯑prick at Ardmach, committing the firſt to M'Cur⯑tin, and the laſt to the pious Binen; and that, ſoon afterwards, he carried thirty holy men from Britain to Ireland, and made them all biſhops; and that, by his inceſſant labours, of about ſixty years continu⯑ance, he ſpread the Chriſtian religion through Lein⯑ſter, Ulſter, and Munſter, baptized twelve thouſand converts, and erected 365 biſhopricks, to be ſure not dioceſan ones, and died in A. D. 491. About [295] ſeventy years after, one Columb is repreſented as coming from the weſt of Scotland, with no leſs than twenty biſhops, forty prieſts, fifty devoted monks, and thirty ſtudents in his train, and puſh⯑ing his way into the Convention of Eſtates, which was ſitting at Dromoeat. Some writers repreſent Ireland in theſe times as famous for learning and piety; but I could never find any proper evidence of it, beſide monkiſh devotions. Congall, Columba, Aidan, Finan, Furſey, Cuthbert, Colman, Clement, Albin, Claude, John Erigena, and the famous Cor⯑mac, archbiſhop of Caſhell and king of Munſter, who ſettled the pſalter of Caſhell, are marked as their principal men of learning. But, I ſuſpect, the moſt of theſe were rather natives of Scotland.

The almoſt perpetual wars of the many Iriſh kings, one with another,—the invaſions of the country by the Picts and by the Welſh, &c. in the 8th centu⯑ry, rendered the nation miſerable enough. But the depredations and conqueſts of the Danes and Nor⯑wegians, in the ninth and tenth centuries, rendered their condition abſolutely wretched. Theſe northern ſavages, not only almoſt extirpated all appearances of Chriſtianity, but, by fire and ſword, barbarouſly waſted and took poſſeſſion of the beſt of the country. —Notwithſtanding theſe heathens were at laſt driven out, about A. D. 1050, there was but little regard paid to true Chriſtianity, when the Engliſh, in con⯑ſequence of a grant of the country by the Pope to king Henry II. and an invitation by one of the ſeven kings, a vile adulterer, for his own protection, con⯑quered at leaſt part of it, and introduced their laws into it, about A. D. 1170. During theſe two cen⯑turies, Marian Scot, Tigernach, Meliſa of Munſter, Gilbert of Limerick, and Malachy, the famed arch⯑biſhop of Ardmach, who is ſaid to have emitted the Prophecy of the Popes, were their principal learned men. In order to render the Iriſh church liker to the Engliſh, Henry, after ſplendidly feaſting the princes and other chiefs, conveened a national Synod [296] at Caſhell, which enacted, That none ſhould marry their couſins or any other of their near kinsfolk; that children ſhould be catechized without the church door, and be baptized in the fonts appointed for that end in the churches; that the tithes of corn, cattle, and other increaſe and profits, ſhould be faithfully paid to the church; that all church land and pro⯑perty ſhould be free from all ſecular exactions and impoſitions; that no clergyman, however near of kin, ſhould pay any part of ERIC, or compoſition for murder; that Chriſtians, being ſick, ſhall make their teſtament before the prieſt and their neighbours, dividing their moveables, which remain after pay⯑ment of all debts, into three parts, one for the wi⯑dow, another for the children, and a third for the performance of the Will; and, if he have no chil⯑dren, one half for the widow, and the other for the performance of his teſtament; that all that die in the catholic faith be brought to church and regularly bu⯑ried; and that all the parts of divine ſervice be per⯑formed in the churches of Ireland, in the ſame order and manner, as in the church of England.

Either at the college of Oxford, or by means of ſome Waldenſes that had fled into Ireland, Richard, archbiſhop of Ardmach, appears to have obtained ſome diſcernment of the Popiſh abominations, which occaſioned to him not a little trouble from the Pope and his monks. King Henry VIII. having broken off from the Pope, becauſe he refuſed to diſſolve his marriage with Catherine of Arragon, introduced his Engliſh reformation into Ireland, and required the clergy to abjure his Holineſs' authority, and acknow⯑ledge himſelf head of their church in his ſtead. But, except Brown, archbiſhop of Dublin, few of the dig⯑nified clergy heartily complied. The primate of Ardmach not only hindered moſt of his ſuffragans and inferior clergy from ſubmiſſion, but laid a curſe on all the people that ſhould own Henry's ſupremacy; pretending that, as the country had been characte⯑rized the The holy Iſland, it belonged to none but [297] the biſhop of Rome. And, indeed, ſuch was the brutiſh ignorance of both clergy and laity, and their zealous attachment to the idolatries and ſuperſtitions of Rome, that they needed no inſtigation. The parliament meeting in A. D. 1535, confirmed his majeſty's eccleſiaſtical as well as civil ſupremacy, and aſſerted his power to reform hereſies, errors, and o⯑ther eccleſiaſtical corruptions; and enacted, That none ſhould appeal to Rome under pain of Premu⯑nire; that the Pope had no authority in Ireland; that whoever dared to aſſert or defend his uſurped ju⯑riſdiction, ſhould incur a Premunire; that all per⯑ſons in civil or eccleſiaſtical offices, ſhould ſwear the oath of ſupremacy appointed, or be liable to the pains of treaſon; that none ſhould ſlander his majeſty or queen, or their title, under pain of treaſon; that the monaſteries be ſuppreſſed; that clergymen pay their annats, or revenues of the firſt year to the king; that the twentieth part of the annual profits, belonging to any archbiſhoprick, or any other ſpiri⯑tual promotion, be yearly paid to him and his ſuc⯑ceſſors; that no benefices be given to any that can⯑not ſpeak Engliſh, unleſs where ſuch as ſpeak it, can⯑not be got; and that, if neceſſity require the ad⯑miſſion of one that has only the Iriſh language, he ſhall give his oath, that he will do his utmoſt to learn the Engliſh language, and obſerve the Engliſh order, and teach theſe under him to do the like, and will keep an Engliſh ſchool in the pariſh for that purpoſe; that no Peter Pence, or any other penſion or portion, be ever hereafter paid to the Pope or his agents.— Lord Grey, lieutenant, by king Henry's order, la⯑boured to force the Iriſh to acknowledge the royal ſupremacy. But, though many of them ſwore the oath, few of the native Iriſh intended any real ſub⯑miſſion. The Pope, inſtigated by the archbiſhop of Ardmach, tranſmitted an order, prohibiting both clergy and laity to acknowledge Henry's ſupremacy, and fixing his dreadful eurſe upon all ſuch as had done it, unleſs they penitentially confeſſed their fault with⯑in [298] forty days;—and requiring them to ſwear to main⯑tain and defend, to the utmoſt of their power, the ſupremacy of the Pope, in all things ſpiritual as well temporal,—and all the laws, liberties, and privileges of the Roman church againſt every oppoſer, and not to obey, but oppugn all edicts or commands of he⯑retics, made in oppoſition to the church of Rome,— and to hold all ſuch as ſhould obey them, however near relations or friends, ACCURSED.

Not long after, K. Edward VI. came to the throne in 1546, he tranſmitted orders to Ireland, which a⯑bout five years before had been declared a kingdom inſtead of a lordſhip, That the Liturgy and prayers of the church, as now tranſlated into Engliſh, ſhould be uſed by the clergy there. St. Leger, the lieute⯑nant, called an aſſembly of the clergy, and repre⯑ſented to them his majeſty's order, and the reaſons of it. Dowdal of Cordmach ſtill oppoſed, and at laſt withdrew, with all his ſuffragan biſhops, except the biſhop of Meath. Brown of Dublin readily complied. Not long after, Edward not only requir⯑ed his deputy to propagate the worſhip of God in the Engliſh language, but alſo to get the ſervice tran⯑ſlated into the Iriſh language, where the Engliſh was not underſtood.—On Q. Mary's acceſſion to the throne in 1553, the Popiſh religion was re-eſta⯑bliſhed. The married clergy were turned out, and Lancaſter, biſhop of Kildare, Travers of Leighlin, Bale of Oſſory, and Caſy of Limerick, being Prote⯑ſtants, left the country, and Popiſh prelates were in⯑ſtalled in their room. But the rebellious Iriſh ſcarce allowed the governors any opportunity of perſecuting the handful of heretics in that country.

Q. Elizabeth having ſucceeded her ſiſter in 1558, a parliament meeting in the beginning of 1560, re⯑ſtored the Proteſtant religion to much the ſame con⯑dition it had been in during the reign of Edward VI. aboliſhed the Pope's authority, repealed the ſtatutes of Mary concerning hereſy, and declared, That no⯑thing ſhould be held ſuch, but what had been de⯑termined [299] ſo by expreſs ſcripture, or by the firſt four, or ſome other general councils,—nor any man held guilty of it, but on the depoſition of two proper wit⯑neſſes;—reſtored the ſupreme juriſdiction, ſpiritual as well as temporal, to the crown, and required, That all perſons in either civil or eccleſiaſtical offices, ſhould take the oath of ſupremacy, under pain of loſing his office;—and enacted, That there be an uniformity in common prayer as in England, and in the conſecration of biſhops and archbiſhops; that the firſt fruits or annats, and 20th part of ſpiritual bene⯑fices, be faithfully paid to the crown; that ſuch as maintain the Pope's or any foreign authority, over either church or ſtate, ſhould, for the firſt offence, loſe all his goods, or be impriſoned for a year, if he had not 20 pounds worth of goods,—and alſo loſe his benefice, if a clergyman,—and ſhould, for the ſecond, incur a Premunire,—and for the third, in⯑cur the pains of high treaſon;—that ſuch, as ſhould ſpeak againſt the queen's right to the crown, ſhould incur a Premunire, and ſuch as ſhould write againſt it, be held guilty of treaſon. Another meeting of parliament, ſome years afterward, appointed, that as many of the eccleſiaſtical dignities were enjoyed by the baſtards of the Popiſh dignitaries, who could not ſpeak the Engliſh language, but had got in by force, ſimony, or the like, the Lord Lieutenant ſhould, for ten years, have the ſole nomination of the moſt of the inferior clergy in Munſter and Connaught, that had not charge of ſouls, and none ſhould be preſent⯑ed, unleſs he were of full age, and in church orders, and could ſpeak Engliſh, and would reſide at his charge. They alſo enacted, That ſchools ſhould be erected in all the ſhire towns, by the direction of the biſhop and ſheriffs, and their ſalaries paid by the bi⯑ſhops and their clergy; and that the biſhops of Ard⯑mach, Dublin, Meath, and Kildare, ſhould nomi⯑nate Engliſh ſchoolmaſters for their reſpective dio⯑ceſes. Encouraged by Pope Pius' excommunication of Elizabeth, and his plenary indulgences granted to [300] ſuch as took up arms againſt her, and by the aſſiſtance of the Spaniards, the Iriſh Papiſts, more generally than formerly, brake out into an open rebellion a⯑gainſt her, under the earl of Tyrone and others, which continued about twenty years.

The Spaniſh univerſity of Valladolid having, it ſeems, informed the Iriſh Papiſts, that they ought not to obey or aſſiſt a Proteſtant king, it was not without difficulty, that king James could be got proclaimed in Ireland, and notwithſtanding the late ſubmiſſion of Tyrone, the cities of Cork, Waterford, Waxford, and many others, reſtored the Popiſh religion by force. The Papiſts ſent over their commiſſioners to complain of the uſage they had met with, whom James graciouſly received, and entertained with a long pedantic harangue, which not ſatisfying them, they appeared as ready to revolt from their benevo⯑lent friend, as they had from his haughty and ex⯑communicated predeceſſor. Provoked with their be⯑haviour, James was obliged to think of ſome new method of reſtraining them. Though the Engliſh had, for more than four hundred and thirty years, claimed the government of Ireland, no more than a⯑bout a third or fourth part of it, in the provinces of Leinſter and Munſter, or counties of Lowth, Meath, Dublin, and Kildare, had really been ſubject to them. In the reſt of the country, crimes could not be puni⯑ſhed, or taxes levied, but by military force. And even within their PALE, the Engliſh inhabitants were often terribly harraſſed by the Iriſh natives, in their neighbourhood. Ulſter, the largeſt province of Ireland, having been poſſeſſed by the moſt rude and ungovernable part of the Iriſh, had, by means of Tyrone's obſtinate and repeated rebellions, been rendered an almoſt deſolate wilderneſs. James hav⯑ing attainted the rebels, ſeized on their lands, and ordered them to be diſtributed to ſuch Britiſh Pro⯑teſtants, as could and would undertake rightly to plant them. The difficulties of planting that coun⯑try, [301] country infeſted by wolves and other wild beaſts, and by ſtill more barbarous Iriſh Papiſts, obliged both James and the undertakers, to encourage both Scots and Engliſh to go thither. Being perſecuted at home, not a few of the Preſbyterians went thither from Scotland, and of the Puritans from England, in or⯑der to enjoy their liberty of worſhipping God, ac⯑cording to his own word. To encourage them, James granted full liberty of conſcience to them, as well as he did afterward, to the planters of New Eng⯑land. The chiefs of the eſtabliſhed church were far more moderate and kind to the Puritans than their court-favoured brethren in Britain. Loftus archbi⯑ſhop of Dublin invited over Mr. Travers, who had been perſecuted by Whitgift of Canterbury; and in 1592, made him provoſt of the newly erected college of that city. Meſſrs. Fullerton and Hamilton, two Scotch Preſbyterians, the laſt of them tutor to the afterward famous biſhop Uſher, were two of the firſt fellows of that college. Theſe gave ſeveral of the Iriſh doctors and dignitaries a tincture of Purita⯑niſm. The lord deputy, who had been a pupil of Cartwright at Cambridge, brought over Mr. Hubart, his fellow pupil, and fixed him miniſter at Carrick⯑fergus. Sir John Clotworthy entertained Meſſrs. Ridge and Calvert, the firſt of whom was placed at Antrim, and the other at Carrickfergus. From Scotland, Meſſ. Bryce came to Broad iſland, Cuning⯑ham to Holywood, Dunbar to Learn, Welſh to Templepatrick, and afterwards Hamilton to Bally-water, Blair to Bangor, Stewart to Dunagor, and Livingſton to Killinſhie, &c. &c. all of whom, though Preſbyterians, enjoyed the eſtabliſhed chur⯑ches and tithes. Knox, biſhop of Rapho, and ſome others of his brethren, were ſo condeſcending as to require no more in the ordination of Preſbyterian miniſters, than that themſelves ſhould be preſent, as miniſters, to make the deed legal, along with ſuch, others as the candidates pleaſed; and allowed all the paſſages of the form of ordination, at which theſe [302] candidates ſcrupled, to be omitted. The biſhops conſulted them about affairs of common concern to the church, and ſome of them were members of the convocation in 1634. At the deſire of the biſhop of Down, Mr. Blair preached before the judges of aſ⯑ſize on the Lord's day, before his curate adminiſter⯑ed the ſacrament to them. They had no Preſbyte⯑ries for the exerciſe of church diſcipline; but every miniſter with his ſeſſion exerciſed it in his own con⯑gregation. Yet they had a monthly meeting at An⯑trim, in which they uſed to ſpend two days in pray⯑ing, preaching, and religious conference, and in de⯑viſing proper means for the further ſpread of the goſpel, and extirpation of Popery. By their amaz⯑ing diligence in praying, preaching, catechizing, viſiting from houſe to houſe, obſervation of ſolemn faſts, and celebration of the Lord's ſupper, the plan⯑ters were remarkably reformed. Their communions, which they obſerved in each congregation, at leaſt twice a year, were exceedingly crowded, and many thouſands thereat converted to Chriſt. It is ſaid, that about a thouſand underwent that bleſſed change at one ſacramental occaſion.—Their piety, peaceable⯑neſs, and uſefulneſs in reforming the people, made archbiſhop Uſher and his moderate brethren, and the civil governors of the country, approve, protect, and encourage them. But no ſooner had Laud be⯑come biſhop of London, and eſpecially when ad⯑vanced to be primate of Canterbury, than he, by ſtirring up enemies againſt them, both in England and Ireland, laboured to ruin them, and ſo weaken the Proteſtant intereſt in that kingdom. Meſſrs. Livingſton, Blair, Cunningham, Ridge, Bryce, Ha⯑milton, and Calvert, were depoſed by the biſhop.— They, and about 140 others, in the end of 1636, failed about 400 leagues for New England, but by a dreadful ſtorm were driven back to Ireland, from whence ſeveral of them ſoon after came to Scotland, and aſſiſted in the remarkable reformation there, in 1638.

[303]Hitherto the few Iriſh Proteſtants had contented themſelves with a practical regard to the Thirty-nine articles of the Engliſh church. But the Proteſtant religion being now ſomewhat eſtabliſhed, their con⯑vocation in 1615, agreed, after the manner of other Proteſtant churches, to draw up a Confeſſion of Faith of their own, which might at once manifeſt their principles, and mark their independence on the church of England. Uſher, then provoſt of the college of Dublin, drew it up, in 104 articles, con⯑cerning the ſcriptures and creeds; God's nature, per⯑ſons, purpoſes, and works of creation and provi⯑dence; man's fall, and natural ſtate of ſin and mi⯑ſery; Chriſt's perſon and mediation; union with him in effectual calling; juſtification and faith;— ſanctification and good works; ſervice and worſhip of God; power of civil magiſtrates; duty to neigh⯑bours; church, and her goſpel miniſtry; church authority, general councils, and biſhops of Rome; ſtate of the Old and New Teſtament; ſacraments, baptiſm and Lord's ſupper; ſtate of departed ſouls, —reſurrection,—and laſt judgment. In this Con⯑feſſion, (1.) The anti-Arminian articles of Lambeth, mentioned in our Engliſh hiſtory, are plainly incor⯑porated. (2.) The morality of the Chriſtian Sabbath is ſtrongly aſſerted, and the ſpending of it wholly in religious exerciſes is required, Art. 56. (3.) The obſervation of Lent is declared not to be religious, but merely for promoting political advantages, Art. 50. (4.) The validity of ordination by preſbyters is acknowledged, Art. 71. (5.) The power of the keys is ſaid to be only declarative of the will of Chriſt, Art. 74. (6.) The Pope is declared Anti⯑chriſt, Art. 80. (7.) Probably to avoid all diſtin⯑guiſhing between biſhops and prieſts, no mention is made of the conſecration of archbiſhops or biſhops. (8.) No power of making canons, or of cenſuring the infringers of them, is aſcribed to the church.— Theſe articles were approved by the Iriſh convoca⯑tion and parliament, and ratified by his majeſty K. [304] James and his council. They appear to have been contrived to compromiſe the differences between the church and the Puritans; and they had that effect, till, by the influence of archbiſhop Laud and the earl of Strafford, they were ſet aſide in 1634, and thoſe of the church of England adopted in their room.

King James had not a little indulged the Papiſts. Charles I. had no ſooner come to the throne, and married a bigotted Papiſt, than they mightily in⯑creaſed, and became extremely bold and inſolent,— being, as biſhop Bedell informed Laud, about nine parts of ten of the nation, and having prieſts ſettled in almoſt every pariſh, while the eſtabliſhed clergy, not knowing their language, were of little or no uſe in a great part of the iſland. When lord Falkland the deputy, conveened their chiefs at Dublin in 1626, for contributing towards the defence of their country againſt a Spaniſh invaſion, they roundly told him, that they would contribute nothing, unleſs they got an authoritative toleration, and liberty to build religious houſes. This awakened the Prote⯑ſtant biſhops to meet and form a ſolemn proteſtation, bearing, That, as the religion of Papiſts is ſuperſti⯑tious and idolatrous, and their church apoſtatical, the granting of them a toleration, would be exceed⯑ingly ſinful, as it would involve the granters and ap⯑provers in an approbation of all the abominations of Popery, and in the perdition of theſe ſouls that pe⯑riſh thereby; and that, to grant them it on account of money any way given by them, would be to ſet religion to ſale, and with it the ſouls which Chriſt had redeemed by his blood. This was ſigned by archbiſhop Uſher, and eleven of his fellow biſhops, and preſented to the lord deputy and council. This retarded theſr deſired toleration. They nevertheleſs became more and more inſolent, and erected public oratories, colleges, maſs houſes, and convents. Their archbiſhops and other rulers, exerciſed their autho⯑rity derived from Rome, and excommunicated ſuch [305] as appeared at the courts of the Proteſtant biſhops, and even openly ſaid maſs in the eſtabliſhed churches. Lord Falkland publiſhed a proclamation againſt their conduct, but without effect. In 1628, they obtained a toleration, in conſideration of one hundred and twenty thouſand pounds, to be paid to government within three years.

Archbiſhop Laud, being now chancellor of the univerſity of Dublin, and having Strafford, the de⯑puty, ready to aſſiſt him, inſiſted in the convocation 1634, that, for ſilencing the Papiſts objection of the Proteſtants diverſity of principles, the Thirty-nine articles of the Engliſh church, ſhould be adopted, as their eccleſiaſtical ſtandard. The convocation in⯑advertently complied, and even made a canon, ap⯑pointing, That whoſoever ſhould maintain that any of theſe articles might not be ſubſcribed by him with a good conſcience, ſhould be excommunicated.— Thus they denounced a ſentence of excommunication againſt all the Puritans. They excluded their own articles, which ſo plainly condemned Arminianiſm, and maintained the Pope's ſanctification of the Chriſ⯑tian Sabbath. This, together with the proſecution of the Preſbyterian miniſters above mentioned, by biſhop Bramhall and others, divided, weakened, and diſpirited the Proteſtants, while it encouraged the Papiſts, in their hopes of ſpeedily carrying all before them. No ſooner had Strafford heard of the Scots reformation, and their entering into covenant with God, in 1638, than he impoſed an oath on all Scotch men and Scotch women, promiſing an unlimited o⯑bedience to all his majeſty's commands, and to enter into no oath or covenant without his authority, and to renounce all covenants contrary to this oath. The diſſenters generally refuſed this oath, becauſe it was not impoſed by the parliament;—they knew that his majeſty was bound, by his coronation oath, to rule his ſubjects according to the word of God and laws of the land. The allegiance, promiſed in it, was explained to them, as including an obſervation of [306] all the ceremonies and government of the church e⯑ſtabliſhed, or to be eſtabliſhed by his majeſty; they thought it abſurd to ſwear, that they would not en⯑ter into a bond of mutual ſelf defence againſt the Pa⯑piſts, without his majeſty's command; they ſaw that it was intended to diſgrace or root the Scots out of Ireland, and bound the ſwearers to renounce and condemn the Scotch covenanters proteſtations and covenants; they grudged, that it bound them never to reſiſt the king or any commiſſioned by him; they liked it the worſe, that an army of eight thouſand Iriſh Papiſts were ſent to force this oath upon them in Ulſter, which obliged the refuſers of it to flee into Scotland. This forced flight was made the mean of their preſervation from the ſubſequent maſſacre, in which moſt of the compliers, not only loſt their worldly ſubſtance, for the ſake of which they had defiled their conſcience, but their lives and the lives of their families.

Encouraged by Laud and Strafford, Bramhall and other high-flying biſhops and clergymen, all along from 1634 to 1640, exceedingly diſtreſſed the Scotch, of whom there were then about an hundred thou⯑ſand, and the Engliſh Puritans, in Ulſter. In their petition for redreſs of grievances, preſented to the Engliſh parliament in 1640, they complain, That even before they had ſo much as a pretended canon for their warrant, ſome of the biſhops had violently urged the obſervation of their ceremonies,—had ſi⯑lenced ſeveral of their moſt learned and faithful mi⯑niſters, and oppreſſed others in their courts for non-compliance; that, in 1634, the convocation had made ſuch canons, as enjoined many corruptions in the worſhip of God and government of his church, and which exceedingly retarded the work of refor⯑mation, encouraged Papiſts, and made way for many Popiſh ſuperſtitions; that their moſt painful, pious, and learned miniſters had been ſilenced, deprived, nay forced to flee the country, and afterward excom⯑municated, and ſome of them loſt their lives; that [307] while ignorant, lazy, erroneous, profane, and cruel men had been obtruded on them for miniſters, others, for ſcrupling at the new ceremonies, or even merely for their holy lives, were kept out of office; that while faithful miniſters were hindered from execut⯑ing their office, or enjoying their benefice, biſhops held many livings in commendam, and conferred four, five, or ſix livings on their children, or other favou⯑rites, who were no way capable to take care of ſouls, but hired ſome pitiful curates, as cheap as they could, while themſelves were permitted to reſide where they pleaſed; that while the biſhops ſeldom preached themſelves, they earneſtly ſuppreſſed after⯑noon ſermons on the Lord's day, and all weekly lec⯑tures, ſo that a lecturing miniſter is in more danger before them, than a Popiſh prieſt or trafficking Je⯑ſuit; that, to prevent faithful and pious ſcruplers at the ceremonies from being uſeful in teaching ſchools, they urged on ſchoolmaſters a ſubſcription beyond their canons, and excommunicated ſuch as refuſed it; that they favoured Popery, permitted Papiſts to keep ſchools, ſome of them ſo large as to reſemble univer⯑ſities, in which, not only languages, but alſo liberal ſciences, were taught, and permitted multitudes of maſs prieſts publicly to celebrate maſs, and permitted friaries and nunneries in their dioceſes; that the bi⯑ſhops publiſhed or encouraged wicked libels, and uſed profane raileries and curſings, &c. to render the Scots and their late reforming procedure odious; that they practiſed and encouraged the ſelling of church cenſures and ſacraments,—and by the moſt baſe means draw in gain to themſelves from old ſu⯑perſtitious cuſtoms,—and will not marry the poor, who cannot pay the dues, nor ſuffer their dead to be decently buried,—and excommunicated multitudes, for not payment of the moſt unjuſt or trifling de⯑mands; that, in their High Commiſſion court, they ſat judges in their own, and all other cauſes, and terribly oppreſſed men by fines and impriſonments, that they not only condemned the Scotch co⯑venant [308] of 1638, but had concurred with Strafford in impoſing an oath for renouncing it, in conſequence of which many thouſands had been hunted out, ap⯑prehended, fined, or impriſoned, and even women, juſt before childbirth, ſeized, threatened, and terri⯑fied; that theſe biſhops, and their faction, had un⯑juſtly ſeized upon the beſt lands, bereaving almoſt every gentleman of part of his inheritance; that, by their own ſwearing, curſing, drunkenneſs, and Sabbath-breaking, and by their having the moſt profane ſervants in the kingdom, they were a re⯑proach to the goſpel, and a ſtumbling block to the Papiſts.

In 1641, K. Charles finding himſelf obliged to yield to the Scots, and not a little embroiled with his Engliſh parliament, by the inſtigation of his queen, appears to have encouraged the Papiſts in Ireland to ſeize the government of that country, and then to aſſiſt him with an army againſt the Puritans in England, or Preſbyterians in Scotland. Glad of this opportunity, the Papiſts, encouraged by their clergy, reſolved on a general maſſacre of all the Pro⯑teſtants in the kingdom, without regard to ſtation, age, ſex, or relation. They laid their ſcheme and kept their ſecrets ſo well, that it was in a great mea⯑ſure out of the Proteſtants power, who were but a⯑bout a ſixth part of the nation, if ſo much, to pre⯑vent the execution of it. It was diſcovered by Owen O'Conolly an Iriſhman, who, being ſervant to Sir John Clotworthy, had become a Preſbyterian diſſen⯑ter; by means of which the ſeizure of Dublin was prevented,—and the Scots in the north of Ireland were impowered to take arms againſt the Popiſh mur⯑derers: and the Lords Juſtices tranſmitted accounts of their deſperate condition, unleſs they ſhould be ſpeedily relieved with men and money, to Charles and his Engliſh parliament. Notwithſtanding his fair pretences, he, in many things, behaved like one that wiſhed theſe Proteſtants utter deſtruction, and [309] the Papiſts ſucceſs in their work, and that was ex⯑ceedingly averſe to declare them rebels. Meanwhile, they puſhed on their murdering work, in the end of October 1641, and afterwards. In the province of Ulſter alone, 154,000 are ſaid to have been deſtroyed in the cruelleſt forms. The day before the maſſa⯑cre began, the prieſts diſmiſſed the people from maſs with an encouragement to ſeize on the property of the Proteſtants, and to kill them, as a certain pre⯑ſervative againſt the pains of purgatory. When it began, the Popiſh gentry perſuaded many of their Proteſtant neighbours to bring them their goods, and they would preſerve them for them, and at leaſt ſe⯑cure them a ſafe retreat from the country. Having got their goods, they next ſtripped many of them, particularly women and children, ſtark naked, and turned them out to periſh, amidſt the froſt and ſnow, by cold and hunger. So many thouſands of them died, that the living being inſufficient to bury them, their carcaſes were heaped up together in large holes of the earth. Multitudes they ſportfully drowned, hanged, or ſtabbed to death, even after they had given them promiſes of ſafe conduct,—or had cruelly driven them along, puſhing them forward with ſtabs of their ſwords or bayonets. Sometimes they diſ⯑patched them ſo quickly, by hewing them in pieces, or otherwiſe, that they would allow them no time to pray. Sometimes they ſhut them up in lothſome dungeons, with, or without bolts or fetters on their legs, that they might languiſh to death in great mi⯑ſery. Others they buried alive, or hanged up on tenter hooks, or dragged them by ropes through waters, woods, or bogs. Others, particularly—wo⯑men or children, had their bellies ript up, and guts taken, or let fall out. The unborn babes that fell from their mother's belly, they trod under foot, gave to their dogs and ſwine to eat, or caſt into ditches. Other infants they held upon the point of their ſwords, that their ſprawling might divert them.— Some they cruelly ſlaſhed in their heads, faces, [310] breaſts, &c. and then left them wallowing in their blood, to languiſh, ſtarve, and pine to death. O⯑ther, they ſhut up in houſes, and ſportfully burnt them in them; or they plucked out their eyes, and cut off their hands, and then turned them out to wander in the fields, till they periſhed. Some they decoyed to murder their own parents, or to profeſs themſelves Papiſts, and then cut their throats, or drowned them. Others they worried with dogs, or by ripping up their belly, tied one end of their tripes to a tree, and drove them round about it, till all their bowels were gradually pulled out. ln theſe, and many ſimilar forms, the Proteſtants were mur⯑dered. Many of their dead bodies were left unbu⯑ried, and eſpecially theſe of women, expoſed and a⯑buſed, in the moſt ſhameful manner, and had can⯑dles made of their greaſe. One Papiſt boaſted, That his hands were ſo wearied with killing Proteſtants, that he could not lift them to his head; another, That he had killed ſixteen of them in a few hours▪ others, That they had killed ſo many, that the greaſe which ſtuck to their ſwords, might make an Iriſh candle. Nay, two boys boaſted, That at ſeveral times they had murdered 36 women and children.— The Popiſh women were no leſs ready to inſtruct, excite to, or aſſiſt their huſbands and children in cruelty. Such Bibles as were found, were profanely trodden under foot, or otherwiſe deſtroyed. Such was the piety and humanity of the Papiſts, whom we have lately adopted as our dear friends and chil⯑dren.

Though the embroiled ſtate of affairs in Britain not a little hindered their aſſiſting of the Iriſh Pro⯑teſtants, yet the Scots, who took arms in the North, aſſiſted by ſix thouſand brave troops from their mo⯑ther country, repreſſed the Papiſts power in Ulſter, while the Engliſh troops, under Coots and Monk, gave them ſeveral rebuffs in Leinſter,—notwithſtan⯑ding all that Owen Roe, their great general, who had come to their aſſiſtance, could do to prevent it. [311] They, who had a little before, in their convention, laboured in planning a form of government for the kingdom, were, in 1643, diſpoſed to offer their ſubmiſſion to Charles. A ceſſation of arms was a⯑greed on, for a year, which neither pleaſed the zea⯑lous Proteſtants, nor the bigotted Papiſts, the latter of whom paid little regard to it, but went on with their murdering work. The Popiſh chiefs repreſen⯑ted to their Popiſh queen, That if they could obtain a peace to their mind, they would aſſiſt Charles with ten thouſand troops againſt his parliament in England. In conſequence hereof, not Ormond, lord lieutenant, who was too zealous for the Proteſtant church of England, but the earl of Glamorgan, was, by Char⯑les, impowered to conclude a ſecret treaty of peace with the Iriſh Papiſts, while Ormond and they were, for a ſham, travelling to eſtabliſh a public one. By this private treaty, the Papiſts had the free exerciſe of their religion, and all the churches which they had poſſeſſed ſince 1641, ſecured to them, and were fully freed from all the authority of the Epiſcopal church.

Notwithſtanding theſe favours, the Iriſh were not ſo ready, as Charles expected, to ſend over their ten thouſand troops to England, pretending, That they had only bound themſelves to aſſiſt in tranſporting them over by ſea. Meanwhile, this ſecret treaty was diſcovered. Finding that both Engliſh and Scots were highly diſpleaſed with it, Charles, in his de⯑ceitful manner, diſavowed the ſolemn commiſſion which he had given to Glamorgan, and that noble⯑man was impriſoned by Ormond. The Preſbyteri⯑ans of Ulſter, as well as the whole Proteſtants of Munſter, declared themſelves againſt this infamous peace. Nor did the Iriſh Papiſts take care to fulfil the conditions of it. While duke Hamilton, and his party in Scotland, projected their relieving of king Charles in 1648, without any limitations of his power, Ormond, by the inſtigation of the queen and prince of Wales, now in France, concluded a peace [312] with the Papiſts, bearing, That they ſhould enjoy the free exerciſe of their religion, and enjoy all chur⯑ches and livings which they now poſſeſſed, and all juriſdiction reſpecting them, without being required to ſwear the oath of ſupremacy to the king; that a parliament be held within ſix months, or whenever after the Papiſts deſire; that all laws and indictments of Papiſts ſhall be vacated; that Papiſts ſhall be ad⯑mitted members of parliament, and enjoy all honours, truſts, and employments equally as Proteſtants; that not only ſhall every thing done by Papiſts in the time by paſt, be paſſed in oblivion, but ſuch of them as have had their eſtates taken from them, or wrong⯑ed by grants, ſince king James came to the throne, ſhall have their grievances redreſſed, and loſſes re⯑funded; that his majeſty ſhall grant whatever is ne⯑ceſſary to Papiſts. Charles himſelf, in a letter to Ormond, but which came not to his hand, till after the treaty was finiſhed, diſavowed it. Ormond how⯑ever, probably by private directions from the king or queen, made twelve Papiſts ſharers with him in his authority, that he could neither levy ſoldiers, nor raiſe money, nor erect garriſons, without the conſent of a majority of them.

No wonder, that the true Proteſtants in Britain and Ireland, were highly diſſatisfied with this treaty, ſince by it, theſe bloody murderers, who had filled their ſkirts with the innocent blood of about two hundred thouſand Proteſtants, and by rapine, trea⯑chery, and cruelty, had laid waſte a flouriſhing king⯑dom, during the laſt ſeven years, were not only pardoned, but well rewarded for their work; and their idolatrous and wicked religion had ſuch ſecuri⯑ty given it, as it had never before received in Ireland. The number of theſe malecontents in Ireland was greater than could have been well expected. In 1641, the moſt of the Epiſcopalian clergy were either murdered, or had fled into England, the Scots not only ſent over miniſters with their troops in 1642, but afterwards, on applications from Ireland, ſent [313] over in different years, a conſiderable number of Preſbyterian miniſters, who laboured with remark⯑able ſuccſs in the work of the Lord. Not a few, who had fled from Strafford's perſecution, returned to Ireland, as ſoon as the Scotch inhabitants and troops had almoſt cleared Ulſter of the Popiſh maſſacrers. Theſe all, with great zeal, avowed their adherence to the doctrine, worſhip, diſcipline, and government repreſented by the Aſſembly of Weſtminſter in the ſtandards which they compiled, and entered into the ſolemn league and covenant, for the perpetual main⯑tenance thereof. The Engliſh parliament required the reſt of the Proteſtants in Ireland to do the ſame, according to their ordinance for that effect, in the kingdom of England; in obedience to which not a few took it. Few of theſe covenanters, perhaps a⯑bove an hundred thouſand in all, but were highly diſſatisfied with the late treaty of peace.

During the preceding years, Ormond had labour⯑ed to gain over the parliament's party in Ireland, particularly their military commanders Jones, Coots, Monk, &c. but without ſucceſs. He now laboured to unite the ſeveral parties in the kingdom for Char⯑les II. who, from the Hague, had written him a letter confirming the late peace, and continuing him lord lieutenant of Ireland. He had no ſucceſs with Jones, Coots, and other parliamentarians. But he had more ſucceſs with the Scots of Ulſter, who, like their fellow Preſbyterians in Britain, were many of them infatuated in favour of their royal family, and eaſily impoſed upon by Charles' and his agents fair pretences. Sir John Clotworthy's regiment laid down their arms, rather than enter into an army with malignants and Popiſh confederates: but theſe under the lord of Ards, as well as thoſe commanded by Monro, who had juſt returned from Scotland, whither he had gone to aſſiſt in the Hamiltonian en⯑gagement,—joined Ormond, and turned their arms againſt their fellow covenanters, and took Belfaſt and Carrickfergus. As the Iriſh Preſbyterians had re⯑newed [314] their covenant with God, about the end of 1648, Meſſrs. Greig of Carrickfergus, and Cuning⯑ham of Broad iſland, and other miniſters, reflected on thoſe that had joined with Ormond and his Popiſh confederates,—they were therefore threatened by both Scotch and Iriſh officers, and obliged to flee for their ſafety. This alarming the people, the Lord of Ards, now viſcount and commander of all his majeſty's for⯑ces in the province of Ulſter, publiſhed a declaration, repreſenting the reaſons of his conduct, and many fair promiſes to take care of their religion and liber⯑ties, to the utmoſt of his power, as ſoon as the par⯑liament's forces ſhould be driven out. The preſby⯑tery of Bangor, in July 1649, publiſhed a counter de⯑claration, in which they teſtify againſt all compliance with the Sectaries on the one hand, or with Ormond and his malignants and Papiſts on the other, but pa⯑tiently to ſuffer rather than ſin,—and faithfully ex⯑poſe the deceit of Ard's proclamation, and warn all that wiſh to be faithful to their covenant with God, to give him and his party no countenance,—as the righteous vengeance of God would quickly overtake them; which indeed it did, within about a month after, by the parliament's army. Ormond had no ſucceſs with the bigotted Papiſts, who were headed by the Pope's nuncio, and who ſometimes aſſiſted the parliamentarians againſt him: but they at laſt obliged him to retire to France, and leave the earl of Clanrickard general of his majeſty's army and lieute⯑nant of Ireland in his room. Charles' renunciation of his confirmation of the peace, and his approbation of the Scotch covenant, and profeſſed reſolution to hold the friends or enemies of it, for his friends or enemies, made the Iriſh Papiſts lay aſide their intentions to puſh him into his throne. They then entered into an agreement with Charles IV. duke of Lorrain, to accept of him as their ſovereign: but their diſſatisfaction with Clanrickard, and the par⯑liament's forces taking their towns one after another, put a ſtop to it. Their conqueſt of the country being [315] finiſhed in May 1652, Fleetwood, Ludlow, Corbet, Jones, and Weaver, eſquires, were appointed by the Engliſh parliament, to command the army, and to govern the nation in their name. High courts of juſtice were erected at Dublin, before which Sir Phe⯑lim O'Neal, the chief manager of the maſſacre, and about 150 others of theſe murderers, were tried, con⯑demned, and executed.

During the following eight years, the Popiſh inte⯑reſt was lower than ever it had been in Ireland, ſince its firſt introduction into it. Multitudes, perhaps above an hundred thouſand of them, fled into France and Spain. Such as remained, were generally pent up in Connaught, the weſtern province of that iſland, while their eſtates in other places were parcelled out among the conquering troops, and other adventurers. Their very name was reckoned deteſtable. Indepen⯑dents, Anabaptiſts, and others from England went thither; and while they laboured in propagating the goſpel of Chriſt, had the peculiar countenance of the government. The zeal of the Preſbyterian cler⯑gy for the royal family expoſed them to manifold hardſhips. Immediately after the execution of king Charles I. they publiſhed a declaration againſt the actors of it as traitors and murderers, from all their pulpits, and warned their people to beware of own⯑ing their authority. When colonel Venables came to their country, they continued to teſtify againſt the uſurpations of the Sectaries, and to pray publicly for the reſtoration of Charles II. to his throne.— Many of them were therefore impriſoned, or forced to flee their houſes, and walk diſguiſed, and to preach in the fields or hills. As they and their peo⯑ple, when before the council of war at Carrickfergus, unanimouſly refuſed to take the Engagement againſt kingly government, an act of baniſhment was paſſed againſt the miniſters, becauſe they kept alive the in⯑tereſt of the king among the people, and reproached thoſe in power, as treacherous to his majeſty, and breakers of covenant. No perſuaſion could prevail [316] with them to preſent any addreſſes to Cromwel, when the moſt of the three nations did it. They would never pray for him, nor his underlings, or read the cauſes of their faſts or thankſgivings, or obſerve their days of humiliation, becauſe they could not own them as magiſtrates. No encouraging offers or af⯑frighting threatenings of Cromwel or his fellow u⯑ſurpers could detach them from their loyalty to the really profligate, but as yet maſked Charles. Dur⯑ing their troubles, theſe Preſbyterian miniſters were not a little uſeful, in winning many ſouls to Chriſt.

No ſooner did the motions for Charles' reſtoration to his throne begin to gain ground, than the Preſby⯑terian miniſters of Ireland, like their infatuated bre⯑thren in Britain, puſhed it on with all their might. At firſt, Charles entertained them with fair words, and a promiſe of 600 pounds ſterling to theſe mini⯑ſters that ſurvived, and to their widows who had died before his reſtoration, as a reward of their attach⯑ment to him, during the ten preceding years. But he was no ſooner fixed on his throne, than he and his agents having reſtored Epiſcopacy, and indulged Popery, expelled them from their churches, and perſecuted them, as well as the Independents and A⯑nabaptiſts, to their utmoſt, as circumſcribed by their indulgence. It is probable, they had been more cruelly handled, had it not been for giving ſome co⯑lour to the court-indulgence practically granted to Papiſts. Theſe very men who had complied in every thing with Cromwel and his ſectaries, now reproach⯑ed them as diſloyal and treacherous. Moſt of the Papiſts that had retired to France or Spain, now re⯑turned. They and their brethren expected, that, as Charles had been bred up in their religion, and had not long before ſolemnly profeſſed himſelf a member of their church, they would enjoy the favours grant⯑ed by the treaty of 1648 above mentioned, and every one of them have his lands reſtored to him, which had been given to ſoldiers or undertakers, for the [317] expence of the war, by Cromwel's ſettlement. The Engliſh parliament ſupported Cromwel's ſettlement in this matter, and ordered ſuch lands only to be reſtored to the Papiſts, as had any flaw in the con⯑veyance. The determination of theſe diſputed claims occaſioned no ſmall contention between the Papiſts and Proteſtants. In conſequence of the Papiſts inſo⯑lence, the Engliſh parliament, in 1677, petitioned his majeſty, That he would maintain the act of ſet⯑tlement of property in Ireland, and recall his Commiſ⯑ſion of inquiry granted January laſt, becauſe it in⯑cludes new powers, tending to invalidate that ſettle⯑ment, and to occaſion many unneceſſary law-ſuits; that he would order that no Papiſt be continued, or hereafter admitted to be any kind of judge in that kingdom; that he would command all the Popiſh archbiſhops, particularly Talbot archbiſhop of Du⯑blin, and other dignitaries, who exerciſe eccleſiaſti⯑cal juriſdiction by the Pope's authority, to depart out of Ireland, and all other his dominions; and that all convents and other Popiſh ſeminaries of learning ſhould be diſſolved; that no Iriſh Papiſt be allowed to dwell in any part of the kingdom, without ſpecial licence; and that he would recall his letter of 1672, and the order of council founded thereon, which require, That none proſecute any of the Iriſh for any thing committed during the laſt rebellion. But, this no way hindered the increaſe of Popery. The Popiſh plot in England, which happened ſoon after, occaſioned ſome ſevere orders againſt them: but their influence was quickly ſuſpended.

JAMES II. had no ſooner aſcended the throne in 1685, than his Popiſh brethren in Ireland hoped to carry every thing before them, and, in about three or four years, committed more inſolencies upon the Engliſh, than theſe had done upon them in five hun⯑dred years paſt. They did all they could to inform againſt ſuch Proteſtants, as they ſuſpected to be ill affected to James, with reſpect to their words, deeds, [318] or meetings. The duke of Ormond reſigned his ſword of ſtate to the archbiſhop of Ardmach and the earl of Granard, though the chief power was really veſted in the earl of Tyrconnel, who, being lieute⯑nant of the army, modelled his troops, ſo as might beſt anſwer his maſter's deſigns. He was ſoon after advanced to be lord lieutenant. In that ſtation, he acted in the moſt arbitrary and deſpotic manner. He turned the Engliſh Proteſtants out of the army, in the moſt reproachful and afflicting manner he could. By frequently changing the ſeven or eight thouſand ſtanding troops, he got five times that number taught the uſe of their arms. He iſſued forth Quo War⯑ranto's againſt all the charters of the nation at once, in order to ſubvert the corporations, and ſecure a Popiſh parliament. Popiſh judges were appointed in each court. Papiſts were alſo appointed high ſheriffs, and juſtices of peace, and members of privy council, ſo that they were able to rule all wherever they came. —James had not long retired to France, from before his ſon-in-law, who invaded his kingdom, in order to reſcue it from his tyrannical oppreſſions, when he landed from thence in Ireland, with about two thou⯑ſand ſtaunch Britiſh and Iriſh Papiſts to ſupport his intereſts. As king William had greatly overlooked the circumſtances of Ireland, and colonel Hamilton had treacherouſly deſerted him, and reduced his friends in that country to the very brink of deſtruc⯑tion, James had here the moſt promiſing appearan⯑ces in his favour. All the kingdom, except Ulſter, being in obedience to him. Tyrconnel had ready for him an army of about forty thouſand, horſe and foot. Had James taken the advice of Claverhouſe and others of his friends, to tranſport his powerful army to Britain, he might have ſhook, if not over⯑turned the unſettled authority of his ſon-in-law.— But he choſe firſt to make himſelf maſter of every corner of Ireland. He therefore beſieged the remains of the Proteſtant troops in Londonderry. Notwith⯑ſtanding the cowardice, or treachery of Lundie their [319] commander, and the villany of General Kirk, in not making due haſte to relieve them,—and notwithſtan⯑ding the dreadful famine they ſuffered in the ſiege, they held out againſt the enemy. Roſen, a French general under James, provoked by the valour of the beſieged, now reduced to ſkeletons with hunger, cauſed his troops to burn every houſe for ten miles around, and to bring all the inhabitants, men, wo⯑men, and children to him. Theſe, to the number of ſix or ſeven thouſand, he drove with drawn ſwords under the walls of the city, threatening the beſieged▪ That if they did not ſurrender the place, within ten days, he would put every one of theſe poor people to the ſword before their eyes. This horrid device ſhocked the beſiegers, and animated the beſieged with a furious valour. After theſe poor creatures had continued two days without any food, ſuch as were able were permitted to go away; but the deſtruction or plunder of all that had belonged to them, rendered them abſolutely miſerable.—After that about 7000 of the beſieged had periſhed with hunger and other⯑wiſe, and theſe that remained, were ſunk with fa⯑tigue, and had no more than proviſion for two days, they offered to capitulate. Hereon, Kirk making a bold attempt to throw in ſome proviſions, ſent up the river three victualling ſhips, with a man of war to protect them. By warmly diſcharging her guns on the batteries, which the enemy had planted on the ſides of the river, the war-ſhip drew their fire on herſelf. Meanwhile, the foremoſt of the Victuallers having a favourable gale of wind, puſhed forward with ſuch force, as to break the ſtrong iron boom, which king James had laid acroſs the river, but ran herſelf a-ground by the violence of the ſtroke, to the inexpreſſible grief of the beſieged, and joy of the beſieging beholders. But, in a few minutes, by the rebound of her own diſcharged guns, ſhe got off, and, along with her two followers, got ſafe into the harbour. James and his Papiſts raiſed the ſiege next day, after continuing it about three months and an [320] half. His army, under Schomberg, being unſuc⯑ceſsful, king William came over himſelf to command them,—and by his own victory at the river Boyne, and General Ginkle's at Agrim, and the taking of Limerick, juſt when the French fleet were ready to relieve it, finiſhed the war. The Limerickers ob⯑tained for themſelves and their fellow Papiſts very advantageous conditions, that without taking any o⯑ther but the oath of allegiance, they ſhould enjoy the ſame freedom of exerciſing their religion, and the ſame title to their civil property, as under king Charles II. Their repeated inſolence, occaſioned by the commiſſioners management of the forfeited eſtates, prompted the parliament of 1703, to reſtrict this act, and to appoint, That all the eſtates of Pa⯑piſts ſhould be equally divided among their children, unleſs that he to whom they were left, took the ſa⯑cramental Teſt, and joined in the communion of the eſtabliſhed church. But this act hath been lately re⯑pealed.

The Proteſtant diſſenters, Preſbyterians, Indepen⯑dents, and others, had an authoritative toleration granted them by king William's firſt parliament.— Some of the eſtabliſhed biſhops exceedingly grudged them this liberty, and the rather, that their number was about double to that of the eſtabliſhed church. Meſſrs. Boyſe and M'Bride, two of the moſt bold and faithful diſſenting miniſters, had their ſhare of troubleſome proſecution, on account of ſome free ſpeeches they were ſaid to have uttered againſt Epiſ⯑copacy and its ſuperſtitious connexions.—By means of influence from England, queen Anne's firſt parlia⯑ment impoſed the ſacramental teſt on the diſſenters, as a condition of their admiſſion to any ſhare in the government. What trouble any of them endured for refuſing this, or the oath of abjuration impoſed a⯑bout the ſame time, I know not. Meanwhile, Em⯑lyn, who had learned the Arian tenets in England, came over, and for eleven years was aſſiſtant to Mr. Boyſe at Dublin, where he ſecretly ſpread them.— [321] Notwithſtanding all his ſubtilty, he was at laſt de⯑tected by Mr. Boyſe, and obliged to return to Eng⯑land, where, till about 1737, he aſſiſted Dr. Clark and Jackſon to impugn the true divinity of Jeſus Chriſt, in oppoſition to Dr. Waterland and his or⯑thodox aſſiſtants. But the infection which he had introduced, continued, and even ſpread among the diſſenters in Ireland, and occaſioned no ſmall con⯑tention. Between 1720 and 1730, the Synod of Ulſter, in ſeven ſeveral meetings, had very warm diſputations concerning the propriety of requiring candidates for the miniſterial office, to declare their adherence to the Weſtminſter or any ſimilar Confeſſi⯑on of Faith, by ſubſcription or otherwiſe. Many o⯑ther diſſenting clergymen, who deteſted the Arian blaſphemies, became tainted with Baxterian and Ar⯑minian errors, attended with not a little looſeneſs of practice. Offended herewith, not a few of their Preſbyterian hearers, ſoon after the depoſition of the Seceding miniſters in Scotland by the Aſſembly 1740, applied to them for the ſupply of evangelical preach⯑ing and other miniſtrations; in conſequence of which, there are now about fifty or ſixty ſeceding congrega⯑tions in that kingdom, eſpecially in the province of Ulſter. Of about four and twenty hundred thouſand inhabitants in Ireland, it is ſaid, that about two thirds only are now profeſſed Papiſts, and the other eight hundred thouſand, Proteſtants. But, I fear, ſcarce the half of theſe deſerve the Proteſtant name.

BRIEF SKETCH of the Hiſtory of the Proteſtant Churches in AMERICA.

IT is probable, that America was, for the moſt part, peopled from the eaſtern parts of Aſia.— But, when Columbus, in A. D. 1492, firſt diſco⯑vered that country, there did not appear in it the ſmalleſt veſtiges of the goſpel of Chriſt; nor did the Spaniards murdering of about fifty millions of the inhabitants, in the leaſt inſtruct them in, or attach them to it. Elizabeth and James' cruel perſecution of the Engliſh Puritans obliged part of them to flee to Holland, and afterward to America, where they landed in the country, ſince called New England.— Finding that their Independent congregation was like to dwindle to nothing in Holland, part of Mr. Robinſon's people, after a ſolemn faſt, and much fervent prayer, firſt ſet ſail for America, in two ſhips, and, after terrible diſtreſs by the way, occaſioned by the treachery of the ſhipmaſters and the bad weather, they at laſt, in Nov. 1620, arrived, to the number of about an hundred, having loſt one of their ſhips. In the place, to which Pro⯑vidence directed them, contrary to their own incli⯑nations, God had prepared room for them, by a plague, which, in the preceding year, had carried off about nine tenths of the inhabitants. But the fa⯑tigue of their voyage, and the ſeverity of the winter, cut off not a few of them. Some others of them were killed by the ſavage natives. It was not till midſummer, that ſupply came to them from Eng⯑land. [323] The ſeaſon being very untoward, their firſt crop was bad. Contentions, kindled by incendiaries among themſelves, added to their miſery. In ex⯑pectation of Mr. Robinſon and the reſt of his congre⯑gation following them, they had no miniſter among them for eight years: but Mr. Brewſter, who had been ruling elder of their church at Leyden, preach⯑ed, viſited and examined them; and, at their week day meetings, ſome of the elder brethren prayed and expounded ſome portion of ſcripture to the reſt.— Hearing of Mr. Robinſon's death, they, in 1629, choſe and ordained for their paſtor, one Mr. Ralph Smith, by faſting and laying on of the hands of the elders. Except their placing the ſupreme govern⯑ment of the church in the community of the faithful, under Chriſt, and holding every particular congre⯑gation for an entire Chriſtian church, independent of their Preſbytery or Synod, their principles were the ſame with thoſe contained in the Weſtminſter Confeſſion of Faith, Directory for worſhip, and Form of church government. They admitted ſuch as were communicants in the French, Dutch, and Scotch churches, to communion with them.

In 1625, Mr. Conant and his friends, inſtigated by Mr. White of Dorcheſter, retired to America, and in 1627 got a royal patent for ſo much of the country. They, after ſome conſultation and ſolemn covenanting with God and with one another, to avouch the Lord for their God, and to walk ſoberly, righte⯑ouſly, and godly before him; and to be obedient to their ſuperiors in both church and ſtate; and to train up their children and ſervants in the knowledge and fear of the Lord,—joined together, and choſe Mr. Skelton for their paſtor, Mr. Higginſon for their teacher, and Mr. Houghton for their ruling elder,— who were ordained to their offices by prayer and lay⯑ing on of the hands of theſe appointed to repreſent the brethren. Meanwhile, ſome Prelatiſts, and one Chriſtopher Gardiner, a diſguiſed Papiſt, gave them ſome trouble, and miſrepreſented them in England. [324] Meſſrs. Wilſon, Cotton, Hooker, Stone, Mather, and ſeventy-two other miniſters, who had fled from the perſecution in England, had all ſettlements, and ſome of them numerous flocks of the perſecuted peo⯑ple, who had come along with them, as early as 1641. About twenty others had not got ſettlements, or had been turned out for their ill behaviour, or for their Epiſcopalian and Anabaptiſt principles. The Harvard college, for the education of youth in all the literal arts, was erected at Newtown, or Cambridge, about ſix or eight miles from Boſton, and ſoon after furniſhed with a valuable library. Meanwhile, their ſtate had no ſmall trouble with the Indian ſavages in their neighbourhood, and their church no leſs with the Antinomian and Familiſtical errors, that ſprung up among them. The male members of the church at Boſton uſed to meet once a week to repeat the ſermons they heard on the Lord's day, and to debate on their contents. As none of the women were al⯑lowed to mingle in theſe debates, ſome of them re⯑ſolved on having ſeparate meetings of their own.— Mrs. Hutchinſon, having ſet up one at her houſe, had ſoon ſixty or eighty women at her weekly meet⯑ing, to hear her pray, and repeat, and explain Mr. Cotton's ſermons. Under pretence of exalting the free grace of God, ſhe taught her diſciples, That believers in Chriſt are perſonally united with the Holy Ghoſt; that commands to work out our ſalva⯑tion with fear and trembling, belong only to unbe⯑lievers; that ſanctification is not a ſufficient evidence of a gracious ſtate; that believers have immediate revelations concerning future events, as infallible as the ſcriptures themſelves, &c. The women readily embraced theſe notions, and inſinuated them into their huſbands, as the doctrines of Mr. Cotton. Such as continued otherwiſe minded, were reproached as le⯑galiſts; and the old miniſters were ſtarved away, and mechanics ſet up in their room. Violent ſtrug⯑gles were made to have new faſhioned goſpellers for [325] the only magiſtrates, and officers in their armies.— Mrs. Hutchiſon's modeſt behaviour before Mr. Cot⯑ton, and his too charitable opinion of her, rendered him too tardy in oppoſing her ſeductions. But, both church and ſtate being like to be thereby ruined, a Synod for conſultation and advice, compoſed of miniſters, and meſſengers of the churches, and ſome magiſtrates, was held at Newtown, in Auguſt 1637. During three weeks, and after hearing all that the Antinomians could ſay, about eighty of their opini⯑ons were unanimouſly condemned; excepting that Mr. Cotton differed, at leaſt in words, from his bre⯑thren, on three or four of them. But Mrs. Hutchi⯑ſon and her followers ſo inſolently oppoſed the de⯑termination of the Synod, that it was found neceſſary for both church and ſtate to exert themſelves in re⯑preſſing them.

The civil war breaking out in England, the Puritans got liberty at home; and the colonies of New England, for twenty years, inſtead of receiving new recruits, loſt a number of their gentlemen, together with Meſſ. Samuel Mather, Giles Furmin, Hugh Peters, and nine other miniſters, who returned to England.— The planters, who had already built fifty towns and villages, and thirty or forty churches, &c. reſolved to ſeize on the Iſlands on the coaſt, and propagate the goſpel among the natives. They alſo granted three of their miniſters to the Virginians. But the governor ordered them to leave the country, unleſs they would conform to the Engliſh ceremonies. A war with the Indians quickly iſſued in a treaty of peace, and in a more cloſe confederation of the four colonies of New England. About 1646, Mr. Elliot, in the province of Maſſachuſett, and Mr. Mayhew in Martha's vineyard, applied themſelves to the inſtruc⯑tion of the Indians, with an amazing, aſſiduity and zeal, and were inſtrumental in converting ſeveral thouſands of them to Chriſt. Elliot tranſlated the Bible, Catechiſms, and ſome other practical books in⯑to the language of his Indians. The Engliſh parlia⯑ment, [326] 1649, eſtabliſhed a corporation of ſixteen for the propagation of the goſpel in New England, and appointed a collection for that purpoſe, which ena⯑bled the ſociety to purchaſe an eſtate of five or ſix hundred pounds ſterling yearly rent. Bedinfield, a Papiſt, from whom they bought it, after Charles' reſtoration, ſeized upon it; but the ſociety, now in⯑creaſed to the number of 45, with no ſmall trouble, recovered it,—with the rent of which, and with the large collections gathered in New England, they have been ſometimes able to maintain ten miſſionaries, and to erect ſchools, and educate Indian children. It is to be lamented, that, for ſome time paſt, part of the money is too readily applied for ſupporting naughty Epiſcopalian miniſters in that country; and that any American miſſionaries that appear bent on winning ſouls to Chriſt, are ſo much oppoſed and diſcouraged by the Engliſh planters and merchants.

The ſecond Synod of New England met at Cam⯑bridge in 1648, and approved the Weſtminſter Confeſſion of Faith. Their chief work was to frame a Platform of church diſcipline. In this, they aſſert, That all the parts of church government are exactly deſcribed in the word of God, and no man may add, diminiſh, or alter any thing in it; that, even circumſtances of time and place, muſt be regulated by the apoſtolical preſcription of doing all things decently and in order; that the catholic church comprehends all elected and redeemed men; that though the ſtate of the viſible, militant church, under the law, was national, it is now, under the goſpel, only congregational; that a congregational church conſiſts of a company of ſaints by calling united into one body by an holy covenant, for the public worſhip of God and mutual edification of one another, in the fellowſhip of Chriſt; or con⯑ſiſts of ſuch as underſtand the principles of religion, profeſs their repentance and faith in Chriſt, and walk in blameleſs obedience to all his commands; that every particular church has a miniſtry appointed for its particular ſervice, and no other, and the members [327] ought never to be more, than can conveniently meet in one place, nor fewer than carry on church work; that the form of a particular viſible church, is that covenant by which they give up themſelves to the Lord Chriſt, to obſerve his ordinances in the ſame ſociety; that all believers ought to join themſelves, as they have opportunity, to ſome particular church, that they may profeſs their ſubjection to the order and ordinances of the goſpel; that the ſupreme pow⯑er over the church belongs to Chriſt, power of office to the elderſhip, and power of privilege and appoint⯑ing to office to the brotherhood; that church offi⯑cers are appointed by Chriſt as neceſſary to the well-being of his church, till the end of the world,—and are either extraordinary, as apoſtles, prophets, evan⯑geliſts, or ordinary, as elders teaching and ruling, and deacons; that paſtors and teachers are diſtinct officers; but both are to adminiſter ſacraments and church cenſures; that antient widows ought to mi⯑niſter in the church, in attending on the ſick; that none ſhould be ordained officers in the church with⯑out ſufficient trial, and the power of election as well as depoſition is in that particular church in which, they ſerve; that the church ought not only to chooſe, but, by laying on of hands, ordain their officers;— that election conſtitutes one a church officer, and or⯑dination doth but ſolemnly admit him to his work. The laying on of hands is to be performed by the el⯑ders of that church, or other elders deſired by them, or by ſome of the brethren choſen for that purpoſe; that if any officer be diſcharged from his office in his own church, he may not exerciſe it in any other, until he be again called to office, and be re-ordained; that the power granted to the brotherhood, lies in their admitting members, chooſing and depoſing of⯑ficers, and in determining differences,—and the power of the elders, to feed and rule the church, conveen them on proper occaſions, preſide and keep order in debates, examine officers and members in order to admiſſion, receive accuſations, pronounce [328] ſentences, and bleſs the people in the name of the Lord; that, as it is the duty of people decently to ſupport their miniſters, deacons and, magiſtrates ought to ſee to their doing it; that, in order to ad⯑miſſion to be church members, they be examined concerning their faith and repentance, and profeſs the ſame,—but if they be unable to declare the work of God on their ſouls before the church, it may ſuf⯑fice to do it before the elders, who may relate it be⯑fore the church; that members may not remove from any particular church without her conſent, unleſs where duty, ſafety, or ſubſiſtence render it abſolute⯑ly neceſſary; that in offences originally private, one is only to be excommunicated, if obſtinately deaf to private dealings and admonition of the church, but if the offence be of a very heinous and public nature, he is to be excommunicated at once; that excommu⯑nication doth not deprive men of their civil offices or rights, nor exclude them from hearing the word or occaſional admonitions; that none ſhould with⯑draw from the communion of a church, becauſe ſome diſorderly perſons cannot be removed out of it; that ſiſter churches ſhould care for, conſult with, admo⯑niſh, and hold occaſional fellowſhip with one ano⯑ther; and when a church becomes too numerous, it ought to form another of ſuch members as are wil⯑ling to remove; that Synods, compoſed of elders and meſſengers of churches, are very often neceſſary to the well being of churches,—to debate and deter⯑mine controverſies of faith and caſes of conſcience,— to give directions from the word of God in worſhip and government,—and to bear witneſs againſt cor⯑ruption of manners and mal-adminiſtration,—but they are not to inflict any cenſure, or make any au⯑thoritative act; that ſuch Synods may be called, ei⯑ther by the churches themſelves, or by the magi⯑ſtrate; that magiſtrates may not compel their ſub⯑jects to become church members, or partake of ſacra⯑ments, nor meddle with any work proper to church officers; that magiſtrates ought to reſtrain and pu⯑niſh [229] not only diſhoneſty, murder, and the like, but alſo idolatry, blaſphemy, hereſy, open profanation of the Sabbath, contempt of the word, or diſturbance of the worſhip of God, or even ſchiſmatical diſtur⯑bance of churches. Some of theſe rules have been long diſuſed. Miniſters have adminiſtered the ſa⯑craments to vacant churches; only the neighbouring miniſters lay on hands at ordinations. None are re⯑quired publicly to declare the work of God upon their ſoul; and ruling elders are generally dropt.— For ſupporting religion and virtue of every kind, a ſett of the moſt excellent civil laws were gradually eſtabliſhed.

Some falling into the Anabaptiſt opinions, about 1650, and ſetting up a ſeparate meeting, gave both the churches and magiſtrates no ſmall trouble, and loaded them with plenty of contempt. Some of the Quakers arriving from England, in 1656, were ſtill more troubleſome; nor could the cutting off of their ears, or baniſhment, reſtrain their ſeditious conduct. Two of them were put to death, on account of their obſtinate refuſal to comply with their ſentence of baniſhment. This drew upon the magiſtrates a tor⯑rent of obloquy, and obliged them to publiſh a vin⯑dication of themſelves, which was not univerſally ap⯑proved. The magiſtrates therefore reſolved to exe⯑cute no more of the turbulent Quakers, but to whip them, as vagabonds, out of their juriſdiction. K. Charles alſo tranſmitted an order, in 1661, that put an end to the proſecution of Quakers for their public blaſphemies and profanities, ſuch as women's running naked through the ſtreets, or into aſſemblies met for worſhip, and abuſing and threatening magiſ⯑trates, &c.

As the miniſters baptized none, but the children of their own members, many children, of ſuch as had not joined themſelves to any church, remained unbaptized, there aroſe a warm debate, Whether children had a right to baptiſm by their grandparents being church members, though their immediate pa⯑rents [330] had never entered into communion? A Synod met, by order of the magiſtrates, to conſider this queſtion. They were moſtly of opinion, That the children of church members are under the care and government of the church, and liable to her cen⯑ſures, though not admittable to the Lord's ſupper, or to have their children baptized, till they have ſo⯑lemnly joined themſelves to the church; but if they appeared to have been properly qualified, but were hindered by death, or ſome other extraordinary pro⯑vidence, from publicly joining themſelves to a church, their children were to be baptized. This deciſion was not a little oppoſed, eſpecially by Davenport, who ſucceeded the pious and peaceable Mr. Wilſon, at Boſton. In this ſame year, 1662, fourteen mini⯑ſters, who had been driven from their charges in England, came over hither, and laboured in the work of the Lord, in place of thoſe that had come over above twenty years before, moſt of whom were now dead.

An uncommon meteor in the form of a ſpear, and ſome other incidents, ſtirred up the magiſtrates, in 1668, to iſſue an exhortatory letter to the miniſters, begging of them to be more and more diligent in their viſitation of families, and in training up of the youth,—which, by the bleſſing of God, proved ef⯑fectual for the reſtraining of vice and immorality,— and for keeping alive the dying power of religion a⯑mong the riſing generation. The ſeverity of the magiſtrates againſt the Anabaptiſts, who had gather⯑ed one church at Boſton, and another at Swanzey, drew a remonſtratory letter from Drs. Goodwin, Owen, and eleven others of the Independent clergy in England; but it had but little effect. Some few of the Quakers being puniſhed for their diſorderly practices, their friends in England preſented a Re⯑monſtrance to the king and parliament, in which they, without any regard to truth, exceedingly ag⯑gravated their ſufferings. Eleven of the principal Preſbyterian, Independent, and Anabaptiſt miniſters, [331] alſo wrote a letter to a miniſter of Boſton in their favour. After all, the Quakers, then and ſince, had no reaſon to complain of ſeverities, but what they drew upon themſelves, by refuſing to pay the fines impoſed for not attending the military exerciſes on four training days a year, with arms and ammu⯑nition, or not aſſiſting in the military watches kept in the towns, or not paying the ſtipends annexed to the eſtates which they held. They wanted to enjoy the protection of government, but refuſed to do any thing for the ſupport of it.

For about forty years, the people of New England had met with little diſturbance from their Indian neighbours: but at laſt, in 1675, a moſt bloody war with Philip, king of the Wompanoags, commenced, and continued almoſt two years, till Philip was be⯑trayed and killed. In this war, the Chriſtianized Indians proved remarkably faithful, in aſſiſting the Engliſh. No ſooner was the war ended, than the people gave over their ſolemnities of faſting and pray⯑er, and many began to grow intolerably licentious in their morals.—Pride, intemperance, ſwearing, Sab⯑bath breaking, and covetouſneſs came to an uncom⯑mon height. The general court of the Maſſachu⯑ſetts called a Synod to meet at Boſton, for preventing the further growth of this impiety and profaneneſs. —They agreed, That miniſters and magiſtrates, in their different ſtations, ſhould labour to their utmoſt, in order to reform the country from theſe vices; and they recognized and confirmed their fore-mentioned Platform of church diſcipline.

After New-Hampſhire had been ſeparated from the Maſſachuſetts, by the influence of one Maſon, who quickly employed, in his new government, per⯑ſons mean, baſe, or of deſperate fortunes, who aſ⯑ſiſted him in oppreſſing the people, king Charles, in 1683, took their charters from the colonies of Maſ⯑ſachuſett, Plymouth, and Connecticut, while that of Rhode-Iſland peaceably ſubmitted to his pleaſure. Thus the whole country had their antient conſtituti⯑on [332] deſtroyed, and was made abſolutely dependent on the crown of England. This, with another Indian war of ten, or rather fourteen, years continuance, and the cruel oppreſſions of Ardroſs their governor, brought the country to the brink of ruin. But, king William coming to the Britiſh throne, the people took arms againſt their oppreſſors, and got them⯑ſelves re-eſtabliſhed in their wonted privileges, ex⯑cepting that the king, in their new charter, reſerved for himſelf the appointment of their principal gover⯑nors, and for his governor the whole power of the militia, and of appointing juſtices and ſheriffs with the conſent of his council, together with a negative upon all laws, elections, and acts of government, of the general aſſembly and council;—and all laws made by the general aſſembly, and approved by the gover⯑nor, were to be tranſmitted to his majeſty for his ap⯑probation. The colonies were far from being pleaſ⯑ed with theſe encroachments on their liberties, but judged it beſt to ſubmit. About the ſame time, their miniſters of the Independent and Preſbyterian per⯑ſuaſions, having conſidered the articles of agreement between their Engliſh brethren of theſe denomina⯑tions, in 1690, adopted the ſame, and have ever ſince lived together in conſiderable peace and friend⯑ſhip, upon the footing thereof.

Dreadful was the diſtreſs of New England in 1692, for while the French and Indians were ravaging the frontiers, the inhabitants were hanging one another for ſuſpected witchcrafts and ſorceries. The daugh⯑ter and niece of the reverend Mr. Paris of Salem, girls about ten years of age, ſuddenly began to play unaccountable pranks, and to fall into convulſion fits, and to be ſtruck dumb, and have their mouth and limbs ſtrangely diſtorted, and to complain of being bitten and pinched by inviſible agents, and particu⯑larly of being pinched, pricked, and tormented by an Indian woman that lived in the houſe, and two other women in the town. As the phyſicians could not account for the diſtemper, it was ſoon blazed a⯑broad, [333] that they were bewitched; and Mr. Paris kept ſeveral days of faſting and prayer on their ac⯑count. The women accuſed, were called before the magiſtrate, examined, and impriſoned. The Indian, frightened out of her wits, and forcibly inſtigated by her maſter, confeſſed herſelf to be guilty, and ac⯑cuſed the other women, as her partners in the witch⯑craft. The contagion, like a peſtilence, ſpread thro' ſeveral parts of the province, till the priſons could ſcarcely contain the number of the accuſed. The afflicted had their bodies horribly diſtorted,—pinched black and blue,—bliſters raiſed upon them, or pins run into them. They pretended to ſee the ſhapes of the perſons who tormented them, while others around did not. Probably part of theſe afflicting ap⯑pearances were counterfeited; but I cannot poſſibly conceive, how they all could be ſo, or produced by na⯑tural cauſes. The witneſſes deponed many odd things reſpecting the accuſed. As they that confeſſed them⯑ſelves witches or wizards, and accuſed others, were ordinarily ſpared, no doubt, ſeverals were hereby, as well as by the confounding tediouſneſs of their ex⯑aminations, and ſometimes tortures, led to confeſs themſelves guilty, when they were not. An aſſem⯑bly of miniſters, ſummoned by the governor in June, declared themſelves of opinion, That, conſidering the power and craft of Satan, apparitions of perſons afflicting others, or alterations made on the afflicted by a look or touch of the accuſed, were no proofs of their being witches; and that a good name, obtained by a good life, ought not to be forfeited by mere ſpec⯑tral accuſations:—but this declaration was too little regarded. Twenty-eight were condemned to death, and nineteen of them executed, all of whom died proteſting their innocence.

The number of the confeſſing witches, who accuſed others to ſave themſelves, now amounting to fifty, and the afflicted overdoing their part, people began to fear every one for himſelf and his friends. They who had, a little before, been in danger of being [334] torn to pieces by the mob, or had been put to death, eſpecially ſuch as had died with remarkable appear⯑ances of ſeriouſneſs, were univerſally pitied. Pro⯑ſecutions were ſtopped, and about 150 relieved from their impriſonment. One of the judges, and the twelve jurymen, publicly acknowledged their miſ⯑take in the proſecution. Mr. Paris, who had begun and zealouſly promoted it, acknowledged his ſin, and begged pardon of God and men; but nothing leſs than his removal from them, would ſatisfy his con⯑gregation. It was certainly faulty, that the accuſers were not ſtrictly tried, and brought to condign pu⯑niſhment.

Since the beginning of this century, except as to a gradual decay of the power, and even of the ap⯑pearances of religion, the church in New England has continued on much the ſame footing. Indepen⯑dents, connected with half Preſbyterians, compoſe their eſtabliſhed church: but Epiſcopalians, Ana⯑baptiſts, and Quakers are freely tolerated. By the miniſtrations of Meſſrs. Jonathan Edwards, George Whitefield, Gilbert Tennent, and others, very re⯑markable impreſſions were made on the ſouls, and even on the bodies of multitudes, in 1736 and 1740. This many highly extolled, as an extraordinary work of the Spirit of God, while others decried it as a de⯑luſion of Satan. It is certain, that the imprudence and error of ſome of the miniſters, and eſpecially of the illiterate exhorters, who promoted it, and their raſh cenſures of others, and their pretences to viſions, prophecy, and abſolute perfection in holineſs, and other extravagancies,—and the ſudden return of multitudes of the ſubjects of theſe impreſſions, to th [...]ir wonted, or greater, abominations, tended much to [...]eſſen the credit of it. The truly great Mr. Ed⯑wards, ſeems to have been at laſt convinced, that th [...]re was a ſad mixture of deluſion incorporated with, or joined to it. At preſent, I do not know, that the ſtate of the church in New England is much preferable to that in Britain. About 1740, the pro⯑vince [335] of Maſſachuſett contained about 100 Engliſh congregations and 30 Indian ones,—of all which, not above three or four followed the forms of the Engliſh church.—Another revival of religion is ſaid to have taken place in it of late. There are about ſeven or eight hundred churches in New England, of which thirty-ſix are Epiſcopalian, and not a few Preſbyterian.

The province of NEW YORK continued in the hands of the Dutch from A. D. 1604 to 1664, when the Engliſh took it from them. About 1686, king James gave order for admiſſion of the French miſſio⯑naries from Canada into it, in order to convert the inhabitants to Popery. But Dungan, the Popiſh governor, perceiving that theſe miſſionaries would decoy the people into the French intereſt, comman⯑ded them to leave the country. Since which, tho' that of the church of England hath had a ſort of eſtabliſhment, yet not only the Dutch and Swedes, who continued in the country, but all others, except Papiſts, have been here tolerated in the free exerciſe of their religion, whether Lutherans, Calviniſts, Preſbyterians, Independents, Baptiſts, &c.

NEW JERSEY was taken from the Dutch, about the ſame time with New York. James, duke of York, being conſtituted principal proprietor, per⯑haps for a trial of what might be expected from his like conduct in Britain,—indulged, if he did not en⯑courage Papiſts, rigid Epiſcopalians, Quakers, Preſ⯑byterians, Independents, and Baptiſts, to become proprietors and ſettlers in it. Notwithſtanding the encouragement given to the Epiſcopalians from Eng⯑land, the far greater part continued to profeſs them⯑ſelves of the other denominations, while the Dutch and Swedes perſevered in their own forms.

PENNSYLVANIA, ſo called from PENN, the fa⯑mous Quaker, to whom king Charles granted it in 1681, hath all along had Quakeriſm for its eſtabli⯑ſhed religion, as the greateſt part of the inhabitants, at leaſt of the proprietors, have profeſſed their adhe⯑rence [336] to that. But, to invite others to ſettle among them, PENN and his council made it the firſt funda⯑mental article of their conſtitution, That every man ſhould have an unlimited freedom to worſhip God in what manner he thought beſt, providing that he did not diſturb or injure his neighbours in their civil pro⯑perty. Hence, Lutherans from Sweden and Ger⯑many, Dutch and Scotch Preſbyterians, Indepen⯑dents, Moravians, Epiſcopalians,—and Dunkards, whoſe men and women live in ſeparate communities, much like the Popiſh monks and nuns, but in a much more decent, laborious, ſimple, and inoffen⯑ſive manner, have all their full liberty. The Epiſ⯑copalians have not many churches here; but it is ſaid, that ſome of their congregations, particularly that in Philadelphia, is exceedingly large. It is ſaid, that Preſbyterians have near 200 congregations in this country. Near to Philadelphia, is the flouriſh⯑ing college of New Jerſey, of which Davis, Dickin⯑ſon, Burr, Edwards, &c. have been the reſpectable preſidents.

MARYLAND began to be poſſeſſed by Lord Balti⯑more and his Popiſh friends from Britain about 1634. Hence, many of the inhabitants continued adhering to the Romiſh church. His ſucceſſor, in 1662, got the aſſembly of the province to enact, That Chriſti⯑ans of every denomination ſhould be allowed the free exerciſe of their own religion. But, by a diviſion of the province in 1692, into thirty pariſhes, ſixteen of which were ſettled with Epiſcopalian clergy from England, and by Dr. Bray's tranſmitting thither a number of practical Proteſtant books, the Prelatica [...] party became the moſt powerful, and a kind of eſta⯑bliſhed church.

VIRGINIA had its plantation with Engliſh begun by Sir Walter Raleigh, about 1584. It had its name from Queen Elizabeth, but has alway made a poor figure in religion. About forty years ago, it was di⯑vided into 54 pariſhes, of the form of the church of England, and had only two Preſbyterian and three Quaker meetings.

[337]CAROLINA, about A. D. 1622, began to be peo⯑pled with ſome, who had fled from the frontiers of Virginia and New England, to avoid being maſſacred by the neighbouring ſavages. Theſe, it is ſaid, drew over ſundry of the natives to embrace the Chriſtian religion. In 1663, Lord Clarendon, and ſome o⯑ther Engliſhmen of rank, obtained a grant of it from king Charles II. As ſundry of theſe were no friends to the Engliſh act of uniformity, they, to encourage people to ſettle on their lands, agreed, That diſſen⯑ters ſhould not there be obliged to approve or ſub⯑mit to the government or worſhip of the Engliſh church. Locke, who drew up the original conſtitu⯑tions for this province, took care, therein to ſecure full freedom, not only for all ſcrupulous Proteſtants, but even for Jews and heathens; but, meanwhile, to require every one, above ſeventeen years of age, to join himſelf to ſome particular worſhipping ſociety, under pain of forfeiting all the protection of law.— About 1703, the governor and his council enacted, That none ſhould be admitted into office without taking the ſacramental teſt, and conforming to the Engliſh church. But ſuch loud complaints of this impoſition were tranſmitted to Queen Anne and her Lords, that it was dropt, as contrary to the original conſtitution of the colony. About 1732, a colony of 600 Swiſſe Proteſtants ſettled here, as one of Scots had done ſometime before, and another of Vaudois did ſoon after. About the ſame time alſo, a number of the twenty thouſand Saltzburgers, who had left their own German dwellings, to enjoy freedom of conſcience, ſettled here, while others of them fixed their reſidence in Georgia. All theſe, after ſome contention with the Quakers and Epiſcopalians, &c. lived peaceably together.

GEORGIA did not begin to be occupied by the Engliſh till A. D. 1732. The firſt ſettlers were ge⯑nerally of the Engliſh church. Meſſrs. J. Weſley and G. Whitefield had charges here, which they forſook, and commenced itinerant preachers in Bri⯑tain and America. Diſſenters of every denomination [338] have had much the ſame freedom here as in other colonies.—It is ſaid, that archbiſhop Secker had for⯑med a plan to bring all theſe colonies under the yoke of the Engliſh church; but his death and the late war prevented it. Mr. Whitefield's Orphan Houſe is now a thriving ſeminary of learning,—in which, and the Epiſcopalian colleges of Virginia and New York, not a few are educated in the liberal ſciences; but, for ought I know, divinity is much overlooked.

In theſe parts, which ſtill pertain to Britain, Po⯑pery is properly the eſtabliſhed religion in CANADA. The French inhabitants of NOVA SCOTIA ſtill ad⯑here to their Popiſh idolatries, while the Proteſtants are allowed to chooſe their miniſters of any denomi⯑nation they pleaſe. The ISLANDS, or WEST IN⯑DIES, are under the inſpection of the biſhop of London, as moſt of the Engliſh provinces of Ame⯑rica lately were. But I cannot find, that the bulk of the inhabitants deſerve to be ranked in any denomi⯑nation of Chriſtians, any more than thoſe pertaining to Britain in the Eaſt Indies.—Nay, their ignorance of, and inattention to, every ſpiritual and eternal concern,—their atheiſtical neglect of God's worſhip, and profanation of his name and Sabbath,—their whoredom, and other uncleanneſs,—their robbery, murder, and cruel enſlaving, eſpecially of the poor heathens,—render the moſt of them a diſgrace to human nature.

THE Britiſh Parliament had ſcarcely eſtabliſhed the Antichriſtian abominations in their lately con⯑quered province of CANADA, when God began to tear from them THIRTEEN of thoſe American pro⯑vinces, which they had formerly governed, and which contain about three millions of inhabitants.— Having procured their Independence by Antichriſtian aſſiſtance, theſe provinces, in their new Conſtitutions of government, have generally placed Jeſus Chriſt and his adverſary the devil on an equal footing, in giving the ſame eſtabliſhment to the delutions, er⯑rors, [339] blaſphemies, ſuperſtitions, and idolatries, in⯑vented by the one, as to the infinitely precious truths declared, and the true worſhip of God appointed by the other. Only the Conſtitution of the Maſſachu⯑ſetts and of the two Carolinas appear to reſtrict their eſtabliſhment to ſuch things as theſe, called Prote⯑ſtants, have adopted, under the notion or religious ſentiments or practices, and merely to tolerate Pa⯑piſts, &c.

About 1750, both Seceders and Old Diſſenters, in conſequence of repeated applications, began to ſend their reſpective miſſionaries to America, which iſſued in the ſettlement of a conſiderable number of their miniſters there, particularly in the province [...] of New York, Jerſeys, and Pennſylvania. After theſe had long acted in three ſeparate communions, anſwerable to the ſtate of their connexions in Britain, they, having obſerved, that their ſubjection to judi⯑catures in Britain, did rather involve them in dry local controverſies, which were improper to affect the communion of ſaints in America, if any where, eſpecially after its becoming independent on the civil government of Britain, than do them any ſervice,— did, in 1782, agree to unite in one body, under one Synod, on the following terms, viz. That they ſhould cleave to the Weſtminſter Confeſſion of Faith, Lar⯑ger and Shorter Catechiſms, Directory for worſhip, and Form of church government, as their eccleſiaſtical ſtandards, except that they left theſe articles in the Confeſſion, which reſpect magiſtrates power about re⯑ligious matters, to a future candid examination; that they approved the Britiſh COVENANTS of their fa⯑thers with God, and with one another, and all other regular contendings and teſtimonies to the truths of Chriſt, in the preſent and preceding ages, and re⯑ſolve to proſecute the ends therefore, as far as their circumſtances allow; that while they continue to honour their brethren in Britain and Ireland, they reſolve to drop all diſputes relative to burgeſs oaths in Scotland, or requiſites to the legal [...]y of Britiſh [340] magiſtrates; that their terms of fixed church fellow⯑ſhip, ſhall be ſoundneſs in the Chriſtian faith, ſubmiſ⯑ſion to the government and diſcipline of the church, and a holy converſation; and that none ſhall be either de⯑poſed or excommunicated, but for groſs errors or practical violations of God's law; that though, for preventing diſorderly confuſions, it be requiſite, that they uſe great caution with reſpect to occaſional communion with theſe Chriſtians that are not em⯑bodied with them, yet they reckon it their duty to treat the godly of other denominations with great at⯑tention and tenderneſs,—and particularly, to be very cautious in admitting either perſons or ſocieties, which had belonged to their fellow Preſbyterians in the country, to any fixed communion with them.

They have ſince compoſed a FORMULA of queſti⯑ons to be put to miniſters, elders, and deacons, at their ordination to their office, in anſwering which, they muſt declare their approbation of their above mentioned conſtitutional articles, which are to be al⯑way read on ſuch occaſions,—and promiſe te adhere thereto, in oppoſition to all Deiſtical, Popiſh, Arian, Socinian, Arminian, Neonomian, and Sectarian, and other errors, which are contrary to ſound doctrine and the power of godlineſs;—that they will meekly ſubmit to the admonitions of brethren, and not fol⯑low any diviſive courſes, either by complying with the defections of the times, or giving up themſelves to a deteſtable neutrality in the cauſe of God;—that zeal for the glory of God and the edification of ſouls, are their principal motives inducing them to accept their office;—that they hava uſed no undue methods to procure their call to it;—that they will ſtudy an holy and exemplary converſation in their perſonal, family, and official conduct;—and that they will faithfully and diligently perform all the duties per⯑taining to their reſpective offices.

They have alſo enacted ſeveral Rules for the right ordering of their Synod, Preſbyteries, and Seſſions.