DISSERTATION I. On the reciprocal ADVANTAGES OF A PERPETUAL UNION BETWEEN GREAT-BRITAIN AND Her AMERICAN COLONIES.

NEVER hath the cauſe of Liberty employed the pen of any of her votaries upon a ſubject of greater importance to Britain and her Co⯑lonies,Introduction. than the reciprocal advantages of which a perpetual UNION between them muſt neceſſarily be productive. To inveſtigate theſe advantages, and to place them in a clear and conſpicuous point of view, requires much ſkill and ingenuity, and affords ample ſcope for a vigorous exertion of the brighteſt genius, aſſiſted and improved by the moſt extenſive literature. A competent knowledge of the great and fundamental principles of govern⯑ment, [2]of the nature of the Britiſh conſtitution, the particular rights and privileges of the ſeveral Colonies, together with the hiſtory of their produce, trade and commerce, is indiſ⯑penſably neceſſary to ſuch an undertaking.

UNEQUAL as I am to the arduous taſk,Motives for this undertak⯑ing. and trembling, leſt the ſubject ſhould ſuffer under my unpractiſed hand, I have been almoſt tempted to decline it; but when I conſider myſelf at once as a Briton and an American, and reflect upon the invaluable privileges and benefits, to which, in both theſe characters and capacities, I am ſo happy as to be en⯑tituled, every apprehenſion vaniſhes; an ho⯑neſt confidence takes place, and I venture to deliver my ſentiments, rude and unpoliſhed as they are, upon this intereſting theme, depending for ſucceſs upon that love of li⯑berty, and that warm zeal for my country's welfare, with which my boſom does, and, I truſt, will always glow. 'Tis this alone gives me reaſon to hope for that candour from my dear countrymen, to which I am well con⯑vinced my poor abilities can lay no claim.

BUT I have an additional incentive to this undertaking: for I am called to it,Further mo⯑tive. as the ſon [3]of an Inſtitution, wherein I imbibed the true principles of Liberty, and was taught to ad⯑mire the beauty and excellency of that civil conſtitution, in which the governing powers mutually controul, and are controuled by each other, in which the rights of prince and people are accurately diſcriminated, and li⯑berty and property effectually ſecured by a government of laws, not of men; in which civil and religious rights and privileges are held ſacred and inviolable, and declared to be no leſs the birth-right of the meaneſt ſubject, in the moſt diſtant and obſcure corner of the realm, than of the higheſt courtier that baſks in the ſun-ſhine of royal favour.

THIS Britiſh American ſeminary, which was founded upon theſe principles, and is careful to tranſmit them pure and uncorrupted to all her children, is juſtly intituled to a greater tribute from me than I have it in my power to pay. She has often inculcated this leſſon upon my youth, "That my head, my hand and my heart ſhould be at the ſervice of my country." My head and my hand perhaps may fail of rendering her ſuch aſſiſtances as ſhe receives from better heads and abler [4]hands: but the preſent occaſion will, at leaſt, enable me to ſhew, that I have an heart as deeply intereſted in my country's welfare, as any of her ſons. 'Tis upon this principle alone, that I ſtand a candidate for the honours which are now propoſed "to the beſt diſ⯑ſertation on the reciprocal advantages of a perpetual Union between Great-Britain and her colonies."

IN treating of this important ſubject,The plan of treating the ſubject. was I to enter upon a full and compleat enumera⯑tion of all theſe advantages, I ſhould doubtleſs exceed the limits uſually preſcribed to per⯑formances of this nature. The principal arguments that I ſhall advance in favour of this perpetual union, ſhall be derived from one or other of theſe two ſources.

Firſt, From a conſideration of the nature and extent of the Commerce that ſubſiſts between Great-Britain and her Colonies, and the amazing increaſe of riches and power which they reciprocally derive from that Com⯑merce.

Secondly, From the glorious proſpect of the advancement of the Proteſtant Religion, [5]which they profeſs, and ſpreading the Goſpel in its purity, through the vaſt benighted re⯑gions of this weſtern world.

BUT a full diſcuſſion of the ſeveral argu⯑ments to be drawn even from theſe two ſources, would require a volume, inſtead of a ſhort diſſertation. I ſhall therefore confine myſelf chieſly to thoſe which may be drawn from the firſt ſource, and only touch upon the ſecond, in the cloſe of the performance.

IN the firſt place then,A general view of the preſent ſtate of the colonies if we do but take a general view of the preſent flouriſhing con⯑dition of the Colonies, and reflect upon the very ſmall beginnings from which they have roſe, in ſo ſhort a time, to ſuch a height as now renders them the richeſt jewel in the crown of Britain; if we conſider the figure that New-England, New-York, the Jerſeys, Pennſylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and Caro⯑lina make at this day, compared with the ſtate of theſe countries in the hands of their original proprietors; if we attend a little to the amazing increaſe of their inhabitants, their products and exports, the prodigious quantities of manufactures they take off [6]from England, and the ballance of trade which ſhe obtains from their commodities, the ſhipping this commerce requires, the ſea⯑men it raiſes, the mouths it feeds, the hands it employs, and the accumulated wealth which it brings to thouſands, nay millions of ſub⯑jects, we cannot but be fully convinced of the vaſt importance and advantage of a per⯑petual Union between Great-Britain and her American colonies.

CAN the warmeſt imagination form to itſelf an idea of aught more ſublime and delightful,Their great improvement. than thoſe happy effects which commerce, and the full enjoyment of civil and religious liberty, have ſo ſuddenly produced in coun⯑tries, which were not long ſince the dreary haunts of ſavage beaſts and ſavage men. Where ignorance and barbarity frowned over the uncultivated earth, gay fields now ſmile, bedecked in the yellow robe of full-eared har⯑veſt; cities riſe majeſtic to the view; fleets too croud the capacious harbour with their ſwell⯑ing canvas, and ſwarms of chearful inhabitants cover the ſhore with monuments of their induſtry, through a long tract of two thou⯑ſand miles.

[7]FROM this general view of the amazing [...]ncreaſe of our American Colonies,A detail of the ſubject. I naturally proceed to a particular detail of the advan⯑tages which are derived from them to the mother country.

CERTAIN it is,Advantages of planting colo⯑nies. that nothing can contribute more to the flouriſhing ſtate of any trading nation, than the eſtabliſhing of ſettlements in foreign parts. Experience evinces the truth of this. Their American plantations hereto⯑fore rendered the Portugueſe and Spaniards rich and powerful; and theſe are now, not only the greateſt and conſtant, but almoſt the only ſource of their wealth. Nor have either the French or Dutch been inattentive to this im⯑portant object. Witneſs the ſettlements of the latter in the Eaſt-Indies, which, by their application to commerce, under the bleſſings of a moderate government, in a few ſcore years, from the low and diſtreſſed ſtates of Hol⯑land, rendered them high and mighty. Witneſs the efforts which France made the laſt war for the conqueſt of America, a prize worthy to be contended for by the moſt powerful nations. The city of Tyre, "whoſe mer⯑chants were as princes, and her great men [8]the honourable of the earth," was, like Great-Britain, ſituated upon an iſland, and like Great-Britain, maintained the dominion of the ſea by her commerce. The principal ſeat of her trade, and great ſource of her wealth, was the noble colony of Carthage, which ſhe founded; the power and naval ſtrength of which was carried to ſuch a height, by means of commerce, that forty years were ſpent by the Romans, before they were able to ſubdue this mighty people.Preceptor Vol. 2, On Trade and Commerce.

To a nation ſituated on an iſland,Particularly to Great-Britain. as Great-Britain is, accommodated with every conve⯑niency for trade, the eſtabliſhing of foreign plantations to promote her commerce is par⯑ticularly beneficial, ſince the inhabitants have no other way of conveying abroad their pro⯑duct and manufactures but by navigation, which breeds ſeamen, and brings in wealth to maintain them. This renders England con⯑ſiderable by her fleets, reſpected by her allies, and the ſcourge of her enemies. Such hands therefore as are employed for thoſe uſeful purpoſes, deſerve all kind of encouragement, for on the pillars of her commerce depend the ſafety and ſtrength of England.

[9]ONE of the moſt conſiderable advantages therefore,One of the moſt conſiderable. which Great-Britain derives from her American colonies, ariſes from their ſup⯑plying her with commodities of her own, whereby a vaſt treaſure is ſaved to the nation, which would otherwiſe be ſpent in foreign Kingdoms.

IN North-America, Natural ad⯑vantages of America. we have almoſt every kind of climate as well as ſoil, to the extent of ſeven hundred leagues or upwards, on the ſea-coaſt, from North to South. Theſe lands are capable of the greateſt improvement by cultivation. They yield ſome of the moſt valuable commodities for trade, and ſuch as are in the higheſt demand in other countries, ſuch as cotton, ſilk, indigo, rice, and great quantities of all kinds of corn of the beſt quality; and the number of commodities might be eaſily augmented. Vines are natural to many parts of the country; a variety of medicinal drugs, gums and plants, is not wanting; flax for linen, and hemp for cordage, are brought here to very great per⯑fection; the woods yield materials for ſhips, houſes and cabinet work; the pine trees will furniſh a plenty of maſts and yards, with pitch, turpentine, tar and roſin. The woods [10]alſo abound in game; furs, and all ſorts of peltry are furniſhed from hence. In the bowels of the earth there are mines of iron, copper and coal, in great abundance; there are various ſorts of uſeful earths for bricks and tiles, and a variety of uſeful ſtones for building. Laſtly, North-America has ſpaci⯑ous and ſafe harbours for ſhipping; and navi⯑gable rivers variouſly interſect the country, to facilitate the communication from one part to the other.

Now if the planting of colonies is ſo bene⯑ficial to a commercial people;Its convenien⯑cies for ſettling of colonies. if theſe are more eſpecially advantageous to an iſland, ſurrounded with ports, and where every inle: may prove a convenient harbour; and if a country abounding with uſeful commodities, bleſſed with a fertile ſoil, and a variety of healthy climates, is particularly calculated for the planting, growth and increaſe of colonies we may readily conclude that the ſettlement of the Britiſh American colonies muſt hav [...] proved of the utmoſt advantage to Great-Britain. Nor is ſuch a concluſion void [...] foundation, as we ſhall be fully convinced, b [...] [11]comparing the preſent condition of England with what it was, whilſt yet ſhe had no plantations.

BEFORE that period,Condition of England before ſhe had any co⯑lonies. it is computed that the people of London did not exceed one ſixth part of their preſent number. England was then obliged to pay to foreigners for all the commodities ſhe now gets from America, at a moſt exorbitant price, and now exports thoſe very goods to the very ſame nations from which ſhe was wont to get them. It is in⯑geniouſly obſerved by an able pen, that rum, ſugar and tobacco, if we had no plantations, would prove ſo many iſſues to drain us of our circulating caſh, which are now the ſources of private wealth and the public revenue.

AT the time when queen Elizabeth entered upon her government,In queen Eli⯑zabeth's reign. the cuſtoms produced but thirty-ſix thouſand pounds a year, a ſum far leſs than what one of her colonies now brings into the treaſury. The legal intereſt of money was then at 12 per cent. It is now but 5, and England abounds in riches. Her ſhipping too is increaſed to the moſt aſtoniſh⯑ing degree. In the year 1575, queen Eliza⯑beth's time, the whole royal navy conſiſted but [12]twenty-four ſhips, and all the ſhipping then in England, both great and ſmall, fell ſhort of eight hundred fail; a number not equal to half the veſſels which are employed at this time to carry on the commerce of America. According to an abſtract made about thirty years ago,See the Preceptor on Trade and Commerce, Vol. 2. the royal navy conſiſted of three hundred and twenty-two ſail, carrying twelve thouſand two hundred and ſeventy pieces of cannon; and ſince that time has been conti⯑nually increaſing. If the whole royal navy had been in commiſſion at the end of the laſt war, and manned to its full compliment, it could not have amounted to much leſs than one hundred thouſand ſeamen.

ALTHOUGH the manufactures of England are,The colonies are uſeful in taking off the manufactures of Great-Bri⯑tain. within a very few years, prodigiouſly augmented, the plantations alone take off near one half. By their conſumption of Engliſh ma⯑nufactures, great are the advantages which re⯑dound to Great-Britain from her empire in America. The plantation trade is by far the moſt valuable of any whereof England can boaſt the enjoyment. What we may place great ſtreſs upon, it is continually improving. [13]It is a mine in which we ſtill find richer and nobler veins. Whilſt other ſprings of com⯑merce are drying up, this overflows. It is permanent, whilſt others are ſhifting place. What crowns its value, it is our own, in which other nations cannot rival England, nor can they deprive her of it.

GREAT as the preſent product of our trade is,The American trade may be rendered ſtill more beneficial it might be made much more beneficial, as it is computed by intelligent writers, that above a million annually might be ſaved or added to the ſtock, by a proper encourage⯑ment of many articles that might be raiſed in America. By the purchaſe of them abroad, we contribute to enrich other nations, who extort very exorbitant ſums from us, and who have it in their power to diſappoint us of them, perhaps, when they become moſt ne⯑ceſſary to us.

SEEING then,It is impolitic to import Ame⯑rican commo⯑dities from o⯑ther nations. from the preceeding account of the colonies, England may be ſupplied from thence with ſome of the moſt valuable commodities, ſuch as raw ſilk from Georgia, for her own manufactures; hemp for cordage, iron for various arts, a great abundance of naval ſtores of all kinds from Pennſylvania, [14]Carolina, New-Jerſey, New-York, and New-England, as planks, timber, maſts, yards, and all materials for ſhip-building, it is a reflec⯑tion on our politics to expend our money with other nations for theſe articles. For hemp, indeed, exported from the plantations a bounty has lately been allowed by par⯑liament, from which England will unqueſ⯑tionably derive great benefit to herſelf. The ſame encouragement will produce the ſame good effect in regard to iron and pot⯑aſhes. A bourty allowed on theſe articles, though inconſiderable, muſt ſoon be reim⯑burſed manifold, by ſaving vaſt ſums of money yearly remitted to foreigners for theſe commodities.

THE bounty allowed upon pitch,Pitch, tar and turpentine. tar and turpentine, has brought the price of theſe commodities in England to ten ſhillings ſter⯑ling a barrel, which uſed to amount to fifty ſhillings; for which too was paid ready money. This regulation therefore prevents five time the ſum of its coſt from going out of the king⯑dom to Sweden and other northern power [...] and aids the colonies to make returns for the immenſe quantity of goods ſent to them fro [...] [15] England. The above articles now come ſo cheap to the ſhip-builders of Great-Britain, that the charge is hardly felt by them; and the bounty that is paid by the nation on the importation of thoſe commodities, is doubly repaid by leſſening the proportion between the importation and exportation that was againſt us in theſe articles, which is called the ballance of trade.Introduction to the Britiſh Empire in America. "It is agreed by all who pretend to underſtand trade,Ballance of trade, what. ſays judge Littleton, that a country does then grow rich, and then only, when the commodities exported out of it are of more value than thoſe that are imported into it."Judge Littleton's Treatiſe on the Groans of the Plan⯑tations. It is but wiſdom therefore in Britain to encourage the raiſing of every commodity in America, of which ſhe ſtands in need herſelf, or which may increaſe the ballance of trade in her favour.

AND here we may properly take notice of the conſiderable advantages derived from an interchange of manufactures and commodi⯑ties between Great-Britain and America. Benefits of an interchange of manufactures and commodi⯑ties. The labour that is neceſſary in manufactures, the [16]expenfive carriage and different hands they paſs through, muſt greatly heighten their value. Whilſt commodities generally employ but one ſet of people, manufactures employ many. They afford a ſubſiſtance to the poor, collect people into villages, extend the buildings of towns and cities, improve the ſoil, enhance the property of landlords, and create a conſiderable intercourſe between artificers and merchants.Value of the manufactures from the hands they paſs thro'. The conſumers of Engliſh woolen manufactures in America, are obliged to pay about 75 per cent. advance on the firſt coſt, by way of profit to the different hands, which theſe manufactures paſs thro' before they arrive to them, viz. To the wool⯑ſtapler, the clothier, the woolen draper, the merchants in England and America, for freight and inſurance, and to the retailer. This calculation is made by an ingenious and in⯑telligent merchant of Philadelphia, well verſed in this ſubject. Whence it appears, that manufactures are not more valuable in themſelves, than from the number of perſons they ſupport.

HENCE it follows likewiſe,The export of American com⯑modities re⯑cōmmended. that while Great-Britain is employed in manufactures, [17] America ought to be encouraged in raiſing all ſorts of commodities, and exporting them to Britain. By which means the mother country will be ſupplied with materials for carrying on her manufactures, and the Colo⯑nies be enabled to purchaſe thoſe manufactures of which they ſtand in need; and thus they will become reciprocally neceſſary to each other.

IT is judged,The trrade of America with England that the whole trade of Ame⯑rica to all parts of the globe employs, one year with another, above two thouſand ſail of Engliſh ſhips, by which treaſures of greater wealth are conveyed to Britain, than are de⯑rived from Mexico or Peru. The amount of the caſh and bills of exchange, and of the commodities ſent to England in payment for her goods, and of the duties on theſe com⯑modities, cannot be leſs than two millions yearly. From the commodities of America, chiefly manufactured in England, and con⯑veyed through innumerable channels of trade to every quarter of the globe, Great-Britain acquires immenſe wealth, keeps up a ſpirit of induſtry among her inhabitants, and is en⯑abled to ſupport mighty fleets, great in peace and formidable in war.

[18]BUT further,The American Colonies ad⯑vantageous to Britain in time of war. the American Colonies are not only very beneficial to the trade of Britain in time of peace, but are highly advantageous to her in caſe of war with France or Spain, the moſt common and natural enemies of Britain. The very ſituation of the Britiſh iſlands in America renders it eaſy to annoy thoſe of the French or Spaniards. The continental Colo⯑nies too, on an emergency, are able to furniſh many thouſand brave men, who, when joined by any body of regular forces from England, and convoyed by a Britiſh ſquadron, would ef⯑fectually ſhake the French and Spaniſh domi⯑nions, both in North and South-America. This has been done, and may be done again, when any future provocation calls them to unite their force with that of Britain againſt their common enemy. Thus it appears, I think, with the higheſt degree of evidence, that Britain owes much of her well-being, her riches and her power, to her American colo⯑nies. 'Tis from her union with them ſhe draws the ſinews of war, whereby ſhe is enabled to conquer and preſcribe terms of peace to her enemies, and to fix her glory upon a ſure and laſting baſis.

[19]BUT if, from what has been ſaid,It is the inte⯑reſt of the American Co⯑lonies to per⯑petuate their union with Great-Britain. it appears to be the intereſt of Britain to perpetuate her union with her Colonies in America, it will appear no leſs manifeſt, by the ſequel, that it is the intereſt of thoſe Colonies to perpe⯑tuate their union with Britain.

THE American Colonies,Proved from the ſupport & commerce of England. by the ſupport and commerce of Britain, have emerged, as it were, out of darkneſs into light, and in leſs than two centuries have become a numerous and happy people. Between two and three millions, at leaſt, of ſubjects, by tranſplan⯑tation from Europe, and by natural increaſe, now inhabit theſe colonies. For this in⯑creaſe of numbers, wealth and power, they are indebted originally to Britain, from whence they derived their mild government, their equal laws and ſecure property. Muſt they not then naturally deſire a perpetual union with their mother country, whilſt they taſte the ſweets of Britiſh liberty, and enjoy the advantages of her trade and commerce.

AND this leads me to mention another rea⯑ſon why the Colonies ſhould wiſh to perpe⯑tuate their union with Britain, The demand for Britiſh ma⯑nufactures. viz. the conſiderable benefit which they derive from the Britiſh manufactures. The price of labour [20]in America is too great to allow the inhabi⯑tants to manufacture for themſelves. They ſupply all their wants from Britain, and are enabled to make good remittances by their commodities, which might otherwiſe lie uſe⯑leſs on their hands.

AGAIN,And the ad⯑vantageous al⯑liance [...] Ame⯑rica [...] Great-britain. were the American colonies to be conſidered as having no union or connection with Britain, what power could ſecure them from her conquering arm, whenever ſhe was diſpoſed to ſtretch it forth? But while the Union is perpetuated between them, and the colonies are conſidered as a part of the Britiſh empire, Britain ſurely, by her formidable fleets, and brave and diſciplined armies, could afford them ſpeedy ſuccour in the day of danger, and effectually ſecure them from the hoſtile attempts of any power in Europe. I aſk once more then, muſt not the colonies naturally deſire a perpetual union with their mother country, ſince it is from her they enjoy the ſweets of Britiſh liberty, the ad⯑vantages of Britiſh commerce, and the pro⯑tection of Britiſh power?

I HAVE ſaid the leſs of the importance of Great-Britain to the American Colonies,An erroneous principle con⯑ſidered. be⯑cauſe [21]this is a ſubject, upon which every writer ſeems to be agreed; whereas there have been ſome narrow, ſhort-ſighted poli⯑ticians, who have attempted to diminiſh the importance of the colonies to Great-Britain. 'Tis for this reaſon, that I have entered upon a more minute detail of the latter, and have moreover ſubjoined to the end of this diſſer⯑tation, an Appendix, containing a ſummary view of the American commerce, the produce and exports of the ſeveral colonies, whereby the national ſtock is ſo conſiderably aug⯑mented.

THUS have I endeavoured to point out the reciprocal advantages of a perpetual union between Great-Britain and her Colonies,Concluſions to be drawn from this view of commerce. from a particular view of the nature and extent of the commerce that ſubſiſts between them, and the vaſt acceſſions of wealth and power which they reciprocally derive from that commerce. I have ſhewn how neceſſary they are to one another, and that they muſt ſuffer and decline in proportion as the preſent union betwixt them is weakened or deſtroyed. I have only to add further, under this head, a few obſervations upon the moſt probable methods of preſerving and perpetuating this union.

[22]WITH reſpect to Great-Britain, The ſureſt means of pre⯑ſerving this union conſi⯑dered on the part of Great-Britain. I think, the ſureſt method ſhe can take to preſerve this union inviolate is to conſider the inte⯑reſts of America as her own, to encourage the willing obedience of a dutiful and loyal peo⯑ple, by equal laws and a free and open commerce, rather than attempt, by unequal laws and too ſevere reſtrictions, to force an unwilling ſubjection. The ballance of trade will return more clear money from the Ame⯑rican Colonies, than can be extorted from them either by armies, taxes or tribute. "It is more ſafe, as well as virtuous, to accept the chaſte embraces of conjugal affection, than by violence to extort forbidden pleaſures, which commonly fail the expectations."^‖

IT is an ill-judged policy,Impolitic re⯑ſtrictions of trade. therefore, which would prevent the Colonies from enriching themſelves by trade at the expence of their neighbours. For theſe are only the channels through which the riches of foreign nations are poured into the coffers of Britain. And if theſe channels are once dried up, the watchful enemies and rivals of Britain would ſoon avail themſelves of our errors. Com⯑merce, once forced from her wonted courſe, is [23]ſeldom or never brought into it again. Fo⯑reigners would ſoon uſurp our trade, and thrive in proportion as we decline.

To ſecure the liberty and property of all its ſubjects is, or ought to be,What is, or ought to be the end of go⯑vernment, and common ſtandard of action. the end of every government. So long as this end is kept in view, ſo long are the people united by the firmeſt bond of ſociety, the intereſt of the whole. This end muſt be the common ſtandard, by which the particular actions of the ſeveral members towards each other ought to be regulated. Particular ranks of men have particular feelings peculiar to themſelves, and often contrary to the inte⯑reſts and feelings of the reſt of the ſociety, and therefore have no right to make, and much leſs to impoſe laws on their fellow-ſubjects, inconſiſtent with and oppoſite to thoſe intereſts and thoſe ſeelings; therefore a ſociety, government or real public, muſt conſiſt of freemen, chuſing or conſenting to laws themſelves. "To watch over ſuch a ſyſtem, and to promote its good as much as lies in our power, to reſiſt every encroach⯑ment on it, and to defend it to the utmoſt, is the political duty of every citizen."^‡ But [24]to ſacrifice the intereſts of one part to thoſe of another part weakens the affection of ſub⯑jects, inasmuch as the preſervation of our rights, the ſecurity of our perſons, liberties and property, on the one hand, and obedience to government, on the other hand, are the re⯑ciprocal duties of the rulers and ruled.

IF the ſuperſtructure of a government be raiſed on any other foundation than the ge⯑neral intereſt of the whole community,viz. The gene⯑ral intereſt of the whole com⯑munity. it can not be durable. Like the image of Daniel's viſion, the head whereof was of fine gold, the belly and thighs of braſs the legs of iron, and the feet part of iron and part of clay, which cannot cleave together, it muſt, when ſmote upon, be broken to pieces. But the conſtitution of a country, in which the hap⯑pineſs of the whole community is regarded, is like a firm oak that withſtands the fury of the jarring elements rouſed up into a ſtorm, fixes its roots deeper in its native earth, and lifts its majeſtic head to the ſkies. Whilſt this principle is kept up in its full vigour, it will endure the ſhocks of contending nations, and be ſtill more firmly eſtabliſhed. It will yield to nought but time, before which the "Sun himſelf ſhall fail, and nature ſink in years."

[25]WHEN the public is ſafe and trade encou⯑raged,Which is the happineſs and ſupport of a country. every man participates of the common felicity, and has means of acquiring property. The riches of a good King conſiſt in the wealth of his ſubjects. The affections of his people are his ſecurity and happineſs. All they poſſeſs, their fortune and property, are at his diſpoſal, becauſe they are employed to ſecure both him and themſelves. A wiſe government ought therefore to ſecure the poſſeſſion of property, and raiſe no taxes but what they ſhall ſee a real neceſſity for doing, and continue them no longer than that ne⯑ceſſity requires. It ſhould be done in a man⯑ner moſt agreeable to the ſentiments of the people, who beſt know what they can en⯑dure; for a virtuous and public ſpirit, a ſpirit of Liberty, is the chief, if not the only ſupport of a country.^†

SHOULD any ignorant or ſelfiſh politicians in the mother country ever have influence enough to get ſuch laws enacted,An oppoſite conduct in what reſpect pernicious. as would bear hard upon the liberty or property of the Colonies; this meaſure would doubtleſs have a natural tendency to ſow the ſeeds of diſ⯑content [26]among them, and to alienate their affections. Inſtead of conſidering Britain then as connected with them by the natural ties of a mother country, they would begin to look upon her as a foreign power, treating them as her tributaries, and attempting to enſlave them. For the ſame noble ſpirit of freedom, which actuates an Engliſhman, born in the iſland of Britain, beats in every pulſe and pants in every breaſt of the Britiſh ſub⯑jects in America. Add to this, the Colonies were ſettled upon a preſumption, that the ſame extenſive privileges, which were origi⯑nally granted to them, ſhould not in after⯑times be contracted or withdrawn. When Great-Britain has attained to ſuch a pitch of grandeur by the induſtry and ſucceſs of her Colonies, as hath rendered her the admiration and envy of her neighbours, would it be con⯑ſiſtent with the maxims of juſtice, for her to reſume the privileges ſhe has granted, under which they have ſo amazingly flouriſhed, and which they have never forfeited? No, the rights of Americans are eſtabliſhed on the ſame foundation with thoſe of Britain herſelf. She cannot violate them, without, at the ſame time, undermining her own conſtitution; and [27]the ſame ſword that is ſheathed in the bowels of America muſt inevitably pierce the vitals of Britain too, Far other returns, however, may be hoped for by a people, whoſe com⯑merce has proved ſo beneficial to Britain; who have, at the expence of ſo much treaſure and ſo much blood, aſſiſted her in gaining a compleat aſcendency over their common ene⯑my. They are a people too, who contributed much by their bravery, in a former war, to procure an honourable and unlooked for peace to their mother country, when ſhe was of herſelf in no condition to preſcribe her own terms.^*

THUS it appears,A violation of the American rights impoli⯑tic. that the moſt effectual method, which Great-Britain can take to per⯑petuate her union with the Colonies, is to continue them in the full exerciſe of thoſe liberties and privileges, both with reſpect to commerce and taxes, which they have hither⯑to enjoyed; and to do nothing that can juſtly [28]be looked upon as a violation of their rights, which might end in a breach of this deſirable union.

WITH reſpect to the Colonies,The method by which the Colonies may preſerve the preſent union. the ſureſt method they can take to preſerve inviolate their union with Britain is, upon every oc⯑caſion, to demonſtrate their loyalty to the beſt of Kings, and their ſubordination to the go⯑vernment of Great Britain, by exerting their united efforts, in the ſupport and defence of the dignity of the Britiſh crown, and the rights of the Britiſh parliament; and by chearfully and conſtantly ſubmitting to the juſt determination of the grand council of the realm. A conduct oppoſite to this would make them forfeit the rights of ſons, and juſtly bring upon them the indignation and chaſtiſement of the mother country.

THESE are the methods,The effects of ſuch a conduct which to me ap⯑pear moſt likely to perpetuate the glorious union between Great-Britain and her Colo⯑nies, which will enſure ſtrength and ſucceſs to the common cauſe, and baffle every at⯑tempt of their enemies to injure or moleſt them. Thus will the commerce, riches and power of Britain, be carried to an envied [29]pitch of greatneſs, and as far ſurpaſs what they now are, as they do at this day exceed what they were, before Great-Britain could boaſt of a colony.

I HAVE enlarged ſo much upon the advan⯑tages of a perpetual union between Great-Britain and her Colonies,Benefits of this union to Reli⯑gion and the Proteſtant in⯑tereſt. collected from a view of the nature and extent of the com⯑merce that ſubſiſts between them, and the immenſe acceſſion of riches and power, which they reciprocally enjoy from that commerce, that I can now ſay but little of the glorious proſpect, which this union preſents to us, in the promotion of the Proteſtant Religion, which they profeſs, and extending the Goſpel in its purity, throughout the vaſt benighted regions of the weſtern world.

THIS conſideration is indeed as far ſuperior to that which I have hitherto dwelt upon,Superior to that of mere commerce, &c. as things eternal are to thoſe of a mere temporal nature. One relates to the greateſt of this world's good, even liberty and property. The other extends to a future and eternal world; and is employed upon ſuch objects as are moſt likely to ſecure the happy enjoyment of it. 'Tis the glory of Britain, that ſhe en⯑joys both theſe advantages in the higheſt de⯑gree; [30]that the means of preſerving the for⯑mer is ſecured to her by the beſt civil conſti⯑tution, and the means of obtaining the latter by the beſt religious eſtabliſhment in the world.

WITH the ſons of Britain the Proteſtant religion was tranſplanted into the Colonies.By the ſpread⯑ing of the Goſ⯑pel. It has taken root, grown and flouriſhed in the kindly ſoil. It has already become a fair and lofty tree, and, if it is ſtill well nurtured and ſufficiently watered, it may e'er long extend its boughs beyond the ſetting ſun, even to the verge of the eaſtern world, and perhaps ſhel⯑ter the native country from whence it origi⯑nally ſprung. Thus Britain has already been an happy inſtrument in the hands of Heaven, of bearing the tidings of the Goſpel to one of the darkeſt corners of the globe, to nations, who had long ſat in darkneſs and the ſhadow of death. By perpetuating an union with her Colonies, ſhe may likewiſe, through them, carry theſe glad tidings further ſtill, even to the utmoſt ends of the earth, and thus haſten, if I may ſo ſpeak, that glorious period, when "righteouſneſs ſhall overflow the earth as the waters cover the ſeas." And when all the kingdoms of the world ſhall become the kingdoms of the Lord and of his Chriſt.

[31]IF ſuch, then, are to be the happy conſe⯑quences of this glorious union,Concluſion. ſhould not every American, every Britiſh Proteſtant, ar⯑dently wiſh and pray, that it may be faithfully and inviolably preſerved and continued "as long as the Sun and Moon endure?"

DISSERTATION II.

THE ſituation of Great-Britain, ſeparated from the reſt of the world by the ſurrounding ocean, and deſtitute of thoſe endleſs re⯑ſources, which an extent of continent affords its inhabitants, very early ſuggeſted to ju⯑dicious and obſerving men, that a naval force would be the eaſieſt and moſt ſure means of her defence, againſt foreign encroachments. The great Alfred, of glorious and immortal memory, was fully convinced of this impor⯑tant truth. He knew, by ſad experience, that the want of ſuch a force had ſubjected the iſland to the inſults and depredations of the Danes, and other Northern robbers. Ani⯑mated with affection for his ſubjects, and fir'd with a juſt reſentment of the injuries they had received, he reſolved, if poſſible, to ſupply ſuch a fatal defect. By equipping, with in⯑credible expedition, a fleet, conſiderable in [50]thoſe days, he rendered himſelf maſter of the ſea, and freed his people from the dread of being plundered. But in a few years, this beneficial, this glorious project, unſupported by a ſufficient fund, was almoſt entirely laid aſide. The inhabitants, employed in the ex⯑erciſe of arms, or agriculture, and raiſing what was barely neceſſary for their own ſubſiſtence, could not poſſibly defray the expence of having a fleet always in readineſs. The Danes, taking advantage of their remiſſneſs in this important affair, ſoon over-run and ſub⯑dued the greateſt part of the iſland; but in⯑attentive to a leſſon, which their own ſucceſs might have taught them, they, in their turn, fell a prey to an innundation of Normans.

THUS the Britiſh navy, though ſeveral at⯑tempts were made to render it reſpectable by monarchs, who underſtood their own intereſts, continued, nevertheleſs, to make no great figure, till the reign of queen Elizabeth. Till this time alſo the trade of England was very ſmall, and contracted within a narrow com⯑paſs. It conſiſted chiefly in exporting Tin, Lead, Wool, and a few other articles, which ſerved to purchaſe what foreign goods were [51]wanted. That wiſe queen, aſſiſted by a wiſe and experienced miniſtry, diſcovered the grand ſecret unknown to her predeceſſors; they knew the advantages of a fleet, but the conſequent expences they knew not how to defray. An extenſive commerce was now very judiciouſly conſidered as the only ſource adequate to ſuch large and continual diſburſements. This it was thought, would not only afford a ſup⯑ply of money, ſufficient to equip and main⯑tain a powerful navy, but would alſo be a ſchool or nurſery of ſeamen.

ON theſe conſiderations, encouragement was given to the perſecuted Walloons to re⯑move and ſettle in England. They very wil⯑lingly embraced an opportunity of tranſport⯑ing themſelves to a land of freedom, and brought with them the Woollen manufactory, which, favoured with the countenance and protection of a wiſe government, ſoon arrived at great perfection. In purſuance of the ſame plan, a trade was opened to Turkey, Muſcovy, the Eaſt-Indies, and almoſt every conſiderable country in the known world. Under the auſpices of the ſame queen, plan⯑tations were begun in AMERICA, and proſe⯑cuted [52]with vigour. They at firſt met with nearly inſuperable difficulties; nevertheleſs, by the indefatigable induſtry and perſeverance of the planters, and the generous aſſiſtance of their mother Country, thoſe difficulties were ſur⯑mounted, and the Colonies brought to a pitch of greatneſs, that, conſidering the ſhort time of their growth, is almoſt incredible.

I HAVE taken this retroſpect in order to ſhew, that the Britiſh Trade, the Britiſh Navy, and the Britiſh Colonies in America, ſprung up together. They are moſt nearly allied, being children of the ſame good policy; and it is worthy the notice and attention of every politician, who ſtudies to promote his coun⯑try's welfare, that as they had their riſe at the ſame time, they have ever ſince continued to increaſe and flouriſh in proportion. Their de⯑pendence is mutual, and if either of them be affected, the others ſooner or later will feel it in a very ſenſible manner.

GREAT has been my ſurprize at the ig⯑norance or malevolence of ſeveral late pro⯑ductions. The writers of them, either blinded by paſſion, or employed and inſtigated by the [53]enemies of the Britiſh empire, have endea⯑voured to ſow diſcord and diſſention between the Mother Country and her American Colo⯑nies. Some have ſtrove to render the colo⯑niſts ſuſpected, by repreſenting them as an ungrateful, licentious people, aiming at in⯑dependence, and impatient of any ſubordi⯑nation to Great-Britain; whilſt others, no leſs enemies to the welfare and proſperity of both, would excite their jealouſy, by under⯑valuing the aſſiſtance ſhe has offerded them, and placing her in the light of a cruel Step⯑mother.

I am too well convinced of the good ſenſe of my countrymen, both of Britain and America, to imagine them capable of being deluded by ſuch partial repreſentations, Conſidering themſelves as members of one grand body politic, they will naturally con⯑clude, that the good of the whole muſt reſult from a due connection and harmony of all the parts; and from the mutual exchange and intercourſe of friendly offices. Nevertheleſs, as this point ſeems to have been controverted, a few obſervations, tending to evince, that a "perpetual UNION between Great-Britain and her American Colonies, will be mutually and [54] reciprocally advantageous," may not be leſs agreeable, than neceſſary, in the preſent Diſ⯑ſertation.

THIS is a ſubject, the moſt truly important and intereſting, which can claim a Briton's notice, and does honour to that worthy gen⯑tleman who propos'd its diſcuſſion by the Sons of this Seminary. Struck with its vaſt delicacy and importance, and conſcious of in⯑ability to treat it in a manner ſuited to its dignity, I had almoſt declin'd the arduous taſk; but it is a glory even to fail in great at⯑tempts; and if I ſhould afford a hint to ſome abler pen, or contribute to remove the ſmalleſt prejudice, I ſhall think myſelf ex⯑tremely happy in being ſo far beneficial to the public.

WE have already obſerved, that the de⯑fence, the ſtrength and glory of Britain, principally depend on her Navy; and that her Navy can only be maintained by Trade and Commerce. Theſe are points too plain to be denied or diſputed by the moſt obſtinate and perverſe ſceptic: and it is a very natural in⯑ference from theſe premiſes, that whatever contributes to enlarge and extend her com⯑merce, is highly advantageous to Great-Britain.

[55]IT muſt likewiſe be acknowledged, that new ſettlements and young countries ſtand in need of the aſſiſtance and protection of ſome powerful commercial ſtate. Deſtitute of theſe, they would be expoſed to the attacks of lawleſs invaders, for want of ſtrength to defend themſelves, and to the inclemency of weather for want of proper cloathing; for manufactures cannot be brought to any de⯑gree of perfection, or extended to advantage, except in well-ſettled countries; although agriculture, where the land is tolerably fer⯑tile, and the ſettlement ſecure, may enable the inhabitants to procure the neceſſary manufactures in return for its productions.

I HOPE therefore to make it appear, that a reciprocal emolument will ariſe from a per⯑petual union between Britain and her Ame⯑rican Colonies; as ſhe may by their means greatly enlarge her trade and commerce, and become ſtill more rich and powerful; and as they will reap the advantage of her riches and power, by being protected from their ene⯑mies, and ſupplied with the conveniencies of life at a cheaper rate, and of a better quality than if manufactured by themſelves.

[56]IF we take a ſurvey of the commerce of Britain, we ſhall find it extended to almoſt every part of the known world; there is ſcarcely any place conſiderable for trade that is not viſited by her adventurous merchants. The means which have enabled her to ac⯑quire, and ſupport with dignity and advantage, ſuch large mercantile connections, are to be ſought for in her various manufactories; amongſt which the Woollen is univerſally al⯑lowed the preference. Commercial writers have taken much pains to enumerate the par⯑ticular kinds of Britiſh manufactures; to ſhew their mutual dependence, and wherein the peculiar advantage of each conſiſts. As their works are in every one's hands, it is the leſs neceſſary for me to repeat their ſubſtance, and to particularize the articles which con⯑tribute to ſupport the trade of Britain.

BUT there are two branches of commerce, whcih though not ſo generally attended to, are nevertheleſs moſt highly beneficial. The Fiſheries of Newfoundland, Cape-Breton and St. John's, and there-exportation of foreign goods, have greatly increaſed the Britiſh navigation, [57]riches and power. It is ſuppoſed that 2000 ſail of veſſels are employed in thoſe fiſheries: the number of hands neceſſary to navigate them, to cure and dry the fiſh, muſt be very large; and great the conſumption of pro⯑viſions, nets and other utenſils, brought almoſt entirely from England.

GOODS for re-exportation are received from different quarters; ſome from Germany, Flan⯑ders, &c. but in the greateſt quantities from the Eaſt-Indies and America. The bullion ſent to the former, is made an objection to that trade, the force of which it is not my province to determine. Nothing of this ſort can, however, be objected to the trade to the American plantations, which is of all moſt ad⯑vantageous to the nation. There is ſcarcely any one ſpecies of Engliſh manufactures, that is not vended in America; thoſe of India likewiſe come here to a ready market. In ſhort, it is from Great-Britain, that the Colo⯑nies import almoſt every thing, requiſite for cloathing, agriculture, and other uſes. In return for theſe, they ſend her Sugar, To⯑bacco, Rice, Furs, Pot-aſh, Naval Stores, [58]Gold and Silver, and the ballance of a conſi⯑derable trade with Portugal, Spain, and other countries, bordering on the Mediterranean, in Bills of Exchange.

HERE is an occaſion to expatiate on the be⯑nefits deriv'd to Britain from each of theſe particulars; to obſerve the prodigious prices ſhe paid for them to foreigners, before their production in Britiſh America, and the com⯑comparatively ſmall prices for which they are procured at preſent. The large quantities re-exported to foreign markets, and pro⯑ducing a demand upon them for very great ſums annually, might alſo be mentioned with much propriety. Nor would it be amiſs to ſhew the immenſe addition theſe articles bring to the revenue. But all theſe topics have been ſo largely inſiſted on in late pamphlets and detached pieces, and muſt be ſo well known to every one, that further mention of them is unneceſſary. Only I would beg leave to obſerve a particular ſtill unnoticed; in the year 1703, the government of Sweden refuſed a ſupply of Pitch and Tar, unleſs for ready money, at their own price, and in Swediſh [59]bottoms. Such a groſs impoſition awaken'd the indignation and reſentment of Britain, and taught the true policy of deriving them from the Colonies. Encouragement was thereupon given, and ſoon produced a ſuffi⯑cient quantity to anſwer all her demands. But the ſpirit of the nation was again lull'd; the Sweeds reſumed their trade, and that of Ame⯑rica was very much neglected.

SOME, perhaps, will readily grant, that the exportation of theſe articles from America, is beneficial to her, and ſerves to enrich her inhabitants; but in what reſpect can it be eſteemed advantageous to Britain?

THIS queſtion admits a very obvious ſolu⯑tion. It is advantageous to Britain in various reſpects. It affords freight for many thou⯑ſand ton of her ſhipping, and a nurſery of ſeamen for the royal navy; the commiſſions enrich her merchants, and the re-exportation brings abundance of wealth into the kingdom. The duties they pay are an immenſe increaſe of the revenue, and they are received from the plantations in return for Britiſh produc⯑tions and manufactures, of which the Colonies [60]take off more than any foreign market what⯑ever. The importation of Britiſh goods, and thoſe received by the way of Britain, has, on a medium, for ſeveral years paſt, amounted to upwards of two millions annually; a ſum ſo immenſe, that although the Colonies abound with valuable articles, extremely well adapted to the Britiſh market, and very beneficial to her trade and navigation, and though they make large remittances by the way of Spain, Portugal and Italy, in bills of exchange, yet the produce of all theſe ſources leaves a large ballance in favour of Britain, which they pay her in gold and ſilver. This in part furniſhes bullion for the Eaſt-India trade; on account of which, and the vaſt conſumption of India goods, the flouriſhing condition of that valu⯑able branch of commerce, may, in no ſmall degree, very juſtly be attributed to the American Colonies.

THUS we ſee, that not only every ſpecies of the manufactures of Britain, but alſo her fo⯑reign trade and navigation are much indebted to America. Hence riches have flowed into her coffers, and enabled her to ſupport a fleet, [61]ſufficient to maintain the empire of the ocean. And whoever conſiders the ſtate of the Co⯑lonies, muſt conclude, that they have not been loſers by their intercourſe with their mother country. Conſideration being had of the ſhort time the American ſettlements have been made, the inhabitants have increaſed in riches and number to admiration; though far from en⯑joying that affluence, of which ſome would repreſent them poſſeſſed. The advantages of their trade have been mutual. She, by their means, has continued to riſe in wealth and power; whilſt they, in the ſunſhine of her aſ⯑ſiſtance and protection, and the enjoyment of a beneficial commerce, have grown up and flouriſhed, and ſtill continue to flouriſh, the equal advantage, ornament, and glory of Britain.

BUT, ſhould we only take a retroſpect, ſhould we confine ourſelves barely to what is paſt, much injuſtice would be done to this animating ſubject, and we ſhould loſe a proſ⯑pect which cannot but afford the higheſt pleaſure to every Briton. Let us therefore look forward to the mutual benefits, which, with proper attention, may hereafter ariſe.

[62]IN order to this, it will be neceſſary briefly to enumerate thoſe articles of Great-Britain's foreign importations, which have relation to the preſent ſubject. They are raw, thrown and wrought Silk, Velvets, Linens, Timber, Boards, Pot-aſh, and all kinds of Naval Stores. Several writers on trade have computed the ballances paid by Britain for thoſe ſorts of goods to France, Italy, Germany, Flanders, Norway, Denmark, Sweeden and Ruſſia; and none I have met with make the amount leſs than two millions annually; this ſhe diſcharges in gold and ſilver. Perhaps matter of fact may be oppoſed to this eſtimate, becauſe there is not ſo great an exportation of bullion; but the argument is not hereby invalidated. If the ballance on ſome other trade: which would elſe be brought home and added to the national ſtock, be diverted and ſent to thoſe places, it is equally pernicious to the kingdom, as if it was imported and then ex⯑ported. And this is certainly the caſe. Bri⯑tain on her particular trade with Holland, for inſtance, has a right to a very large ballance in ſpecie; but the latter, by keeping in her Debt the nations abovementioned, or ſeveral [63]them, who have demands on Britain, is en⯑abled by their means to ſatisfy her Britiſh creditors, and ſave her money; and beſides this, bullion is ſent to Holland to anſwer bills of exchange drawn in favour of thoſe nations.

THE conſideration of this muſt deeply af⯑fect every one, who has at heart the trade and proſperity of Great-Britain, and would preſerve her independent of her European neighbours; eſpecially as the wollen manu⯑factory is in its decline. France not only ſupplies her own people with woollens, but by the cheapneſs of her goods, and the counte⯑nance of the court of Spain, has in a great meaſure ſupplanted England in the Spaniſh markets. The Spaniards themſelves, ſenſible of their impolitic conduct, ſeem determined to perſiſt no longer in an error, the reſult of ill-grounded principles and miſtaken notions of honour. They have made ſeveral efforts to eſtabliſh manufactories of their own Wool, which have by no means proved fruitleſs. Other nations of Europe, obſerving the ſuc⯑ceſs of France, have copied her example, by [64]which England has loſt much of her woollen trade, particularly with Portugal, where the importation of this ſtaple commodity ſeems to meet with many diſcouragements.

FROM this reflection our attention is natu⯑rally turned to America, which will be her ſureſt, and perhaps in time, her only market, as reſtored fabrication is likely to take place in every part of Europe. If under theſe cir⯑cumſtances, ſuch large ſums are continually paid for foreign imports, the ballance of trade in favour of Britain will be materially di⯑miniſhed. The only remedy for this grow⯑ing evil is to be found in America, who can furniſh a variety of the moſt uſeful raw ma⯑terials on terms mutually beneficial.

GREAT quantities of Furs and Peltry have been, and ſtill are, ſent from the Colonies to Britain, the acquiſition of Canada having thrown that whole trade into our hands; but it is capable of greater improvement, and may well ſuperſede the fur trade to Ruſſia. The Northern Indians, with a little encou⯑ragement, will bring their Ermines and other fine furs from the 70th degree of latitude, [65]which is parallel with the European countries, where the moſt valuable Furs are procured. The diſtance thoſe people will travel to trade with our ſettlements, is well known to all acquainted with their affairs. This would likewiſe be a means of diſperſing Britiſh manufactures amongſt a multitude of Indian tribes, at preſent unknown to our traders.

IRON mines are ſo plenty in almoſt every province on the continent, that it is thought with good reaſon, they could ſupply all the markets in Europe.

As for Timber, Boards, Pitch and Tar, they may likewiſe be procured here in great abundance. Britiſh America, extended along the coaſt more than 2000 miles, and reaching an unknown, but prodigious way into the continent, is almoſt one continued foreſt, fill'd with every kind of uſeful timber, not⯑withſtanding the great devaſtions made within the two laſt centuries.

HERE it may poſſibly be objected, that the expenſive freight of theſe bulky articles, would render them unfit for the Engliſh markets. The Danes, Swedes, and others, [66]employed at preſent in the Lumber trade, are no doubt by long experience become ſkillfull and can afford their goods at the cheapeſt. rates: but the Colonies might be put upon a par with them by encouragement from the legiſlature. Greater difficulties in other in⯑ſtances have yielded to the efforts of Britiſh adventurers. America may vie with any coun⯑try whatever in plenty of materials, and other conveniences; and if large bulky ſhips were built, of ſeven or eight hundred tons, capable of being navigated by fewer hands in pro⯑portion to their burthen, than thoſe in preſent uſe, the expence of navigation would be much diminiſhed. The difference of diſtance be⯑tween America, and the Gulphs of Bothnia and Finland, from London, is inconſiderable; and America is neareſt to Liſbon, Cadiz, and all the markets to the Southward of Cape Finiſterre, and therefore might more conve⯑niently ſupply thoſe markets.

THE inconvenience, and even abſurdity of being ſupplied with Naval Stores by foreign⯑ers, beſides the diſadvantage of conſuming the national wealth, is very evident. Every one knows, that ſhould a war be entered into with thoſe [67]nations, or ſhould they be confederated with the enemies of Britain, by cutting off the ſinews of her ſtrength, they might reduce her to the utmoſt diſtreſſes. Both inconve⯑niences would be remedied, if Naval Stores were entirely procured from America; who, being connected with the Mother Country by every powerful tie, would not fail to afford them in plenty on any emergency.

HEMP, Flax and Silk, manufactured and unmanufactured, are articles for which Britain pays large ſums to foreigners, as was ob⯑ſerved before. Rough materials may be procured in the Colonies, which abound with low bottoms and deep rich ſoils, requiring only cultivation to produce the moſt luxuriant crops of Hemp and Flax, particularly in the Southern Colonies. To confirm this, I might mention the fertility of Egypt, which lies nearly under the ſame parallels of latitude with Florida, Georgia, Carolina and Virginia and is famous for the production of theſe commodities in the greateſt perfection; but experience is preferable to a thouſand ar⯑guments.

[68]I MENTION Silk, becauſe the abundance of Mulberry-trees in the Southern Colonies, ſeems naturally to point out the cultivation of that valuable article. To this may be added, that their ſoil, climate and marme ſituation, are pretty much the ſame with Nankin and Chekiang, the moſt famous Silk provinces in all China. Theſe circumſtances afford good reaſon to believe, the Silk-worm would thrive very well here, and experience heightens the belief into certainty. Small trials have been made, and ſome ſilk produced in Carolina, was eſteemed by good judges equal to the fineſt of China or Italy. The hands employed in the cultivation of Hemp and Flax, will have ſuf⯑ficient leiſure to gather the leaves and feed the worms, which will enable the planters to afford all theſe articles cheaper than may at firſt be imagined.

FROM this it ſeems evident, that materials for carrying on the Silk and Linen manu⯑factories to the greateſt extent, may be pro⯑cured from America. And in Great-Britain are prodigious numbers of poor, who would chearfully work to maintain themſelves and families, doom'd to miſery for want of em⯑ployment. [69]To eſtabliſh manufactories of thoſe goods by public encouragement, would therefore be an undertaking of the higheſt utility both to Britain and the Colonies. "Fas eſt et ab hoſte doceri." It could be no diſgrace to imitate in this reſpect the policy of France, who knowing that trade is the only ſolid foundation of greatneſs, is en⯑deavouring to monopolize the three grand branches of manufactures.

NOR need the woollen manufacturer be afraid, that his buſineſs would hereby receive the ſmalleſt prejudice. There is a ſufficient number of hands in the three kingdoms to carry on each of them to the greateſt ad⯑vantage. Many who at preſent can't afford themſelves the neceſſary covering, would then be able to purchaſe more decent and com⯑fortable cloathing; and the Colonies having their ſources of remittance enlarged, would increaſe their already enormous demands for Britiſh manufactures.

SHOULD this beneficial ſcheme be carried into execution, more than two millions would be annually ſaved to the nation; ade⯑quate [70]employment provided for an incredible number of hands in Britain and America; and the trade, navigation and riches of both would receive very large additions.

IT may poſſibly be thought from my ap⯑pearing to confine fabrication to Great-Britain, that I am no friend to the Colonies, as there has of late been ſo many propoſals for erect⯑ing manufactories in America. I ſhould eſteem myſelf very unhappy in the diſpleaſure of my countrymen. None of the numerous ſons of Britiſh America more ardently wiſhes her proſperity than myſelf, or has a heart more devoted to her ſervice. Conſcious there⯑fore of the rectitude of my intentions, I will not doubt of being heard with candor, tho' I venture to maintain, that to divert their hands from their preſent lucrative Employments, and ſet them to work on manufactories, would be incompatible with the true intereſt of the Colonies.

THE number of their inhabitants, though near three millions, is ſmall in proportion to the extent of continent they poſſeſs. Lands are conſequently cheap, and labour dear; [71]whatever therefore can be produced by means of the land with little labour, muſt prove moſt advantageous. Hence ariſes the pro⯑priety of ſhip-building, wherein the materials, thus procurable, are of primary conſideration.

For the ſame reaſon, agriculture will bring more emolument to the Colonies, than could poſſibly ariſe from manufacturing goods, whoſe chief value depends on the artificer's labour. Nor will this circumſtance render them at all more dependent. Abounding with the neceſſaries of life, and materials for fabrication, the produce of the willing earth, they can at any time command a ſupply of the goods they want, in greater plenty, and of a better quality than would have been the reſult of their labour, employed in manufactures. I would not be underſtood by this reaſoning, to exclude the induſtrious farmer from work⯑ing up his Wool, and other coarſe articles, unfit for exportation; this will be doubly advantageous, it will be a ſaving to himſelf, and enable him to pay for the finer goods he may purchaſe with greater eaſe and punc⯑tuality.

[72]Now upon a review of the whole we find, that the trade of Great-Britain to ſome places is vaſtly advantageous, bringing large ſums of money into the kingdom; to others, al⯑though no returns are made in ſpecie, but as much of their produce and manufactures re⯑ceived as is ſent them of Britiſh, it is never⯑theleſs profitable, affording employment for her people; to a third ſort, though perhaps lucrative to ſome private merchants, it is very pernicious, and unprofitable to the nation in general, as it drains the kingdom of great quantities of gold and ſilver. We may alſo obſerve, that the neceſſity of continuing the latter is removed by the colonies, which are capable of furniſhing, at leaſt, materials for manufacturing all the particulars procured thereby, with mutual benefit. It likewiſe appears, that a great part of her moſt ad⯑vantageous trade depends on the Colonies, and that it may be ſtill farther improved by America; that whilſt the Colonies have contri⯑buted ſo much to enrich and aggrandize their mother country, they have themſelves been enriched and protected; and that the ſcheme for rendering them ſtill more advantageous to Britain, promiſes them an equal ſhare of profit.

[73]WHOEVER conſiders theſe circumſtances, will, I am perſuaded, anticipate my conclu⯑ſion; but I cannot diſmiſs the ſubject without ſuggeſting another argument, which will not be eſteemed a trifling one by men of ſeriouſ⯑neſs and reflection. The benefits ariſing from the Proteſtant Religion to thoſe ſtates which have embraced it, and indeed to the world in general, are very obvious. Every one, ac⯑quainted with the affairs of Europe, muſt ac⯑knowledge their ſituation is far better than it was four or five centuries ago; the religious and civil liberties of mankind, are underſtood with more clearneſs and preciſion; the human mind, which before was crampt and confined in its reſearches, has become more expanded, and acquired much clearer knowledge in the Arts, in Philoſophy and Divinity. It is now very well known, that Philoſophy does not conſiſt in monkiſh jargon, and that without Virtue there can be no Religion. Even thoſe countries, that are enemies to Proteſtantiſm, have been ſharers in its happy eſſects; the rays of knowledge have, in ſome meaſure, illuminated their clouded underſtandings; but like thoſe of the ſun within the Polar climates, they are weak and languid.

[74] Great-Britain has been the bulwark of the Proteſtant intereſt, ever ſince its exiſtence; and by her the attacks of its enemies have been repelled. The Britiſh Colonies, eſta⯑bliſhed on principles of Civil and Religious Liberty, have hitherto been protected therein by their own noble efforts, and her kind aſſiſtance; and while they remain united, the enjoyment of their liberties of both kinds, will, no doubt, be continued in its full extent. What would be the conſequence of a diſ⯑union, none can tell; but there is more than a probability, that theſe particulars would be deeply affected. France, our ever-watchful enemy, will be ready to ſeize any advantage that may offer. She would have her arma⯑ments prepared to enter by St. Lawrence and the Miſſiſippi, and might poſſibly over-run all the Colonies. Should this be the caſe, the candle of Science would be ſoon extin⯑guiſhed, and Ignorance introduced, in order to keep up a blind devotion and implicit obedience. The Genius of Liberty would be driven from Britiſh America, where ſhe hath hitherto delighted to reſide; and whether the mother country would be more fortunate, I leave to the conſideration of her Patriot Sons. ALL

[75]SINCE, then, ſo many reciprocal advantages are the reſult of Union between Britain and America; to render that Union perpetual, will be the only means of ſecuring and tranſmit⯑ing them to poſterity, together with thoſe immenſe benefits, which are yet in proſpect. Intereſt and affection,—all the tender and endearing ties, which connect mankind,— backed by the venerable authority of Religion, plead for it with irreſiſtable eloquence.

WHETHER the Union ought to remain on its preſent eſtabliſhment, or whether it ſhould receive a new form and impreſſion, are mat⯑ters foreign to my purpoſe: Only permit me to ſuggeſt that, in the important determina⯑tion, no partial views ſhould be purſued; but the intereſt of each, and its relation to the whole, ſhould have a proper conſideration.— He muſt be either a madman, or a novice in politicks, who would ſet the intereſt of one in competition with that of the other.—They are inſeperably connected, and muſt ſtand or fall together.—That maxim of Mr. Pope may be here applied with much truth and propriety;—"Self love and ſocial are the ſame:" each will find their accounts in pro⯑moting [76]the others happineſs and proſperity, In the diſcuſſion, the trade of the colonies me⯑rits a peculiar attention. Should thoſe me⯑thods, I have taken the liberty to mention, be fallen upon to enlarge it, and free ports eſtabliſhed in ſome parts of Britiſh America, the national riches would be greatly increaſed. The inhabitants of the Spaniſh, Portugueſe, and other American ſettlements, would reſort thither for ſupplies of Britiſh manufactures, and the produce of the Colonies; leaving in exchange for them large quantities of gold and ſilver; a very conſiderable part of which would ultimately center in Great-Britain.

WARMED and animated with a ſincere love for my country, I cannot but indulge a pleaſ⯑ing hope, that Britain and her colonies, ſen⯑ſible of their true intereſt, will ſteadily and with unremitting zeal purſue meaſures calcu⯑lated to cement this Union.—The repeal of a lateThe American Stamp Act. act of the Britiſh parliament, and the preſent favourable diſpoſition of that moſt reſpectable body, fill us with the higheſt joy, and promiſe redreſs of all our grievances: and I am well perſuaded, my fellow ſubjects [77]of America will not be wanting in any pro⯑per expreſſions of deference and ſubordina⯑tion to the head of the Britiſh empire..... The wound, which ſeemed to be attended with ſymptoms fatal to the mutual confidence ſub⯑ſiſting between them, will now be healed, and I flatter myſelf without a ſcar, by way of remembrance. Jealouſies will ſubſide; ani⯑moſities be forgotten; harmony will be pre⯑ſerved in every part of the body politick; and innumerable bleſſings entailed on poſte⯑rity.

DISSERTATION III.
Divide et impera.

HOWEVER mankind, as indivi⯑duals, may be ſwayed by the different motives of paſſion, pre⯑judice, and honour; yet, when formed into ſtates and communities, theſe all ſubſide; and Intereſt becomes the grand pre⯑vailing principle that actuates all their moti⯑ons. It is the Pole-ſtar by which the political pilot muſt ever guide the helm of govern⯑ment, where too keen a purſuit of it does not interfere with the faith of treaties, or the natural rights of mankind. An accurate diſ⯑cernment therefore of the true intereſt of a nation, and a ſteady active prudence in the purſuit of it, conſtitute the true political wiſdom that ought to diſtinguiſh every ſtateſ⯑man. [80]And ſo ſenſible are miniſters of every complexion of the truth of this doctrine, that, however ſelfiſh and pernicious their views, they ſeldom fail to cover them over with the plauſible and ſpecious colouring of na⯑tional advantage.

THE eſtabliſhing a grand COMMERCIAL INTEREST ſeems now to be the great ob⯑ject of the regard and attention of the different ſtates of Europe. To this they are every day ſacrificing the leſs important conſiderations of national pride and prejudice. Whatever, therefore, tends to promote or obſtruct this great principle of government, is now become a matter of ſerious conſequence, which deſerves the cloſeſt attention and the tendereſt care. And amidſt the rivalſhip and contention of the ſeveral European powers in attaining this capital point, happy will that nation be, whoſe adminiſtration ſhall lead to ſuch meaſures as are moſt conducive to this end, as a ſuperi⯑ority may now be gained that may blaſt the hopes, and at once daſh the expectations, of its aſpiring competitors.

IF there is any one, who at preſent bids fair⯑eſt for this pre-eminence, it is Great-Britain, [81]whoſe free and happy conſtitution moſt ad⯑mirably protects and cheriſhes an enterprizing commercial ſpirit. A ſecurity of perſon and property is eſſentially neceſſary to the very being of a commercial nation, and in this re⯑ſpect none of its rivals can claim ſuperiority to the happy ſubjects of Britain, whoſe wiſe and valiant anceſtors have handed down to them this glorious ſecurity, ſealed with their blood. But not even this, nor her natural ſituation ſo well adapted for ſafety from her enemies and the advancement of her trade, nor yet the active genius and temper of her children may be ſufficient to enſure her ſuc⯑ceſs, if her colonies are neglected or oppreſſ⯑ed. If properly attended to, they will prove the true ſources of her wealth and power, and enable her to ſoar above her emulating neigh⯑bours, who will view her rapid progreſs with envy and admiration. To enumerate the many mutual advantages they have already received from their cloſe and intimate con⯑nection would be no eaſy taſk—but it would require little leſs than inſpiration to forſee all the reciprocal advantages that will attend a future Union between them formed upon proper, upon generous principles.

[83]To point out thoſe that are moſt obvious, and which muſt neceſſarily follow, is the de⯑ſign of this Eſſay, which pretends to no more than ſketching out the imperfect out-lines of a picture, whoſe beauty has indeed been ſhaded: but we truſt and believe that time and experience will point out thoſe blemiſhes, and ſoon reſtore it to its former purity and luſtre. To facilitate this has been the deſign of the generous friend to this inſtitution, who propoſed the diſcuſſion of the preſent ſubject; and it is a deſign worthy the benevolent patriotic ſpirit of an Engliſh Senator.

Rome the miſtreſs of the world and arbiter of nations, by her wiſe policy and prudent con⯑duct to her allies and coloniſts, raiſed herſelf to an aſtoniſhing pitch of grandeur and power; ſhe encouraged, ſhe incorporated, and never deprived them of any eſſential privileges. By theſe rules ſhe gained their affections, and of factious, turbulent citizens, and often of in⯑vererate enemies ſhe made faithful, zealous, and uſeful ſubjects. Great-Britain has at much expence of blood and treaſure ſecured and protected her American colonies from the deſigns of France, who viewed their riſing power and growing importance with a jealous eye, and therefore determined to nip them in [83]the bud, before they could ripen to any de⯑gree of formidable perfection. Happily for us theſe ambitious and fatal projects were cruſhed by the united valour and ſkill of Great-Britain and her provinces. To a hap⯑py and ſucceſsful Union in War, let us then add the happy and harmonious Union of Peace, nor loſe its bleſſings by in-attention to, or diſregard of, the ineſtimable advantages that may, nay that muſt attend it.

Colonies are emigrations from the mother country, either occaſioned by a quick Popula⯑tion, ſo as to render it too ſmall for the ſupport of its growing inhabitants; or by Oppreſſion, Tyranny, and undue exerciſe of Power; or ſometimes by the diſtreſſes and deſolation of War.

In the firſt caſe, they are always formed not only with the countenance, but with the expreſs encouragement and direction of the mother country.—In the ſecond inſtance un⯑leſs prohibited by legal authority, they ge⯑nerally go with its implyed conſent. In the laſt, which was the caſe of the Trojans after the deſtruction of Troy, they go under a ne⯑ceſſity which is ſuperior to all law. In either of theſe caſes then, but eſpecially the two [84]firſt, they cannot be ſuppoſed to relinquiſh their claim to any of the rights and privileges of the country from which they go, nor yet to have forfeited it. No; however remote, they ſtill continue ſubjects of the ſame kingdom, and unleſs ſpecially relinquiſhed, intituled to all the liberties, privileges, and immunities of that country, of which they form one or more of the conſtituent parts. If this be as true in fact as it is grateful in ſuppoſition, the analogy made by an eminent writerDr. Strahan's Preface to Domat's Civil Law. between the American colonies and thoſe of Spain, which he ſuppoſes to be ſettled upon the ſame principles, and therefore to be governed by the ſame policy, muſt appear very ſtrange. But the principle upon which it is founded, is as erroneous as the conſequence deduced from it is derogatory to ENGLISH LIBERTY.

The AMERICAN COLONIES have been entire⯑ſettled by thoſe who came under the immedi⯑ate protection and countenance of the govern⯑ment, or fled to it as an aſylum from arbi⯑trary and oppreſſive power. A due conſider⯑ation of the rights they claim, and the duties they owe to the mother country, may be ne⯑ceſſary in ſome degree to aſcertain with pre⯑ciſion the advantages that will accrue from a [85]compleat, and perfect Union. Theſe rights and duties are RECIPROCAL, as well as the Intereſt which ariſes from them.

THE Rights we claim are the full and free enjoyment of CONSTITUTIONAL LIBERTY, PROTECTION from foreign invaſions, and en⯑couragement in every commercial intereſt, which does not directly interfere with that of the mother country.

THE Duties we owe, are OBEDIENCE under conſtitutional and legal reſtrictions, and an excluſive preference to the mother country in every article of commerce and trade. Under one or other of theſe heads, however widely diffuſed, may be comprized every duty, either owing to or from the mother country. And and it is by a due and mutual obſervance of theſe only, that their reſpective and reciprocal intereſts can be promoted. From this juſt and wiſe policy will flow all thoſe advantages which render a cloſe and perfect Union ſo de⯑ſirable an object—and theſe may be conſider⯑ed either as they tend to increaſe the power and glory of Great-Britain, or as they ad⯑vance its grand commercial intereſt, and [86]become the channels of its wealth. Or with regard to the Colonies, as they conduce to their ſafety, nouriſhment and protection; for though the true riches of a nation are ſaid to conſiſt in the number of its inhabitants, and treaſures are called the ſinews of war, it is very certain a nation may be very poor, and very powerful at the ſame time; or abound with wealth, and yet be weak and impotent. Rome, in its early ages, was poor in every thing but the public ſpirit and bravery of her people, while ſhe was the dread and terror of the nations round her. And Spain is at preſent a lively inſtance that wealth and power are not inſeparable; who, as the treaſures of the Indies have flowed in upon her, has loſt the martial animated ſpirit of her anceſtors.

As ſubjects of the ſame kingdom, bearing allegiance to the ſame Prince, and controuled by the ſame executive power, the Americans are bound to contribute, in proportion to their numbers and abilities, to the defence and ſafety of the common cauſe. What an acceſſion of power to the Britiſh empire then is three millions of ſubjects, dutiful, loyal and brave, who have on many occaſions [87]diſtinguiſhed themſelves, and ſhewn they were not unworthy the glorious ſtock from which they ſprung; who intereſt themſelves in the honour and glory of the nation, and partake of the veneration and reſpect due to it?

HERE is a fund of hardy, brave ſoldiers, inured to fatigue and frugality, ready to engage in the ſervice of Great-Britain, when⯑ever ſhe thinks proper to require them. From this fruitful, this increaſing ſource, her armies and navies may receive conſtant ſupplies, not of mercenary hierlings ready to engage in the ſervice of the higheſt bidder, but faithful, dutiful children, animated with becoming fortitude, freedom and loyalty. Theſe, if encouraged, cheriſhed and protect⯑ed, will indeed prove

IN order to make a colony of the moſt uſe and benefit to the mother country, it is ne⯑ceſſary that its climate, its ſoil, and natural [88]produce, ſhould be eſſentially different from hers. This will create a neceſſary connection and dependance between them. The Inter⯑changing the commodities and produce of the one, for thoſe of the other, will not only deſtroy the heart-burnings and jealouſy of a competition, but produce an intercourſe equally beneficial and durable to both. It is happy, therefore, when the ſubjects of Com⯑merce cannot be the ſame, as they thereby reap an advantage, from which other nations are excluded, who might either by with⯑holding diſtreſs them, or raiſe the ballance againſt them when their neceſſities were not mutual and equal. In this reſpect, Great-Britain is peculiarly happy in her Colonies, whoſe wide extent and different ſituations in⯑clude a variety of climates, ſoils and produce, and thus form a proper baſis for the com⯑mercial intereſt, to which every other con⯑ſideration ſhould ſubmit. The iſlands produce commodities which the mother country muſt uſe, and yet cannot raiſe; theſe therefore ſhe muſt procure by an intercourſe with her co⯑lonies, or lie at the mercy of thoſe powers whoſe intereſt it might occaſionally be to [89]diſtreſs her. But what adds to the ad⯑vantage is, that the ſubjects of commerce are not only eaſily procured, but procured by a mutual exchange, equally convenient and ſatisfactory to both; and at the ſame time a large revenue ſecured, not only upon the home conſumption, but on the ſurplus be⯑yond their reſpective wants and neceſſities. Thus alſo, as to the continent, Great-Britain, both as a naval and commercial nation, would be in a critical, dangerous ſituation, if ſhe did not hold within her own reach, all the materials neceſſary for the ſupport of both. An intire dependance upon any of her neigh⯑bours for one neceſſary article would, in ſome degree, make her ſubject to that neighbour. But her Colonies ſet her above every appre⯑henſion of this kind. Her Northern provinces abound with timber of every kind, neceſſary for building and equipping her navies. Im⯑menſe bodies of Ore, both Iron and Copper, are already diſcovered and uſefully employ⯑ed; and, doubtleſs, much more lies ſtill con⯑cealed in the bowels of the earth, whoſe ſoil, it properly cultivated and encouraged, is richly productive of Hemp and Flax; for [90]the former of which Great-Britain pays, com⯑munibus annis, £. 300,000 ſterling. Her more Southern Colonies furniſh her with the few remaining marine articles of Pitch, Tar and Turpentine.

HERE then are found all the materials of Timber, Iron, Cordage, and every other ſpe⯑cies of Naval Stores, neceſſary for the ſupport, nay, the exiſtence of Great-Britain as a ma⯑ritime power. Should I here mention bodies of Saltpetre, the ſpontaneous produce of the earth, I may perhaps be thought too pre⯑mature; but if the promiſing appearances of that uſeful and expenſive, but neccſſary com⯑modity, be happily confirmed, here is a new ſource of national wealth and independance. A large and conſtant ballance, which Great-Britain pays to the Indies in ſpecie, will be inſtantly ſaved, and a ſurer, quicker, and cheaper ſupply at once ſecured. Next to the ſubjects of COmmerce, which are neceſ⯑ſary to enable the mother country to main⯑tain her independance and rank among the other powers or Europe, we may place all theſe, which are articles of convenience, Luxury, and the ſurplus of thoſe com⯑modities [91]which are not applied to naval purpoſes. The real and abſolute neceſſaries of life are but few, the ſubjects of Com⯑merce are many and various, as they contri⯑bute not only to the real, but the imaginary, capricious wants, of mankind. To provide therefore againſt theſe wants, upon advan⯑tageous terms, is a juſt and neceſſary policy; and there are few, very few, of theſe articles, which the coloniſts cannot furniſh, under proper encouragements. The iſlands tender the various produce of their climate equal in quantity and quality with thoſe of their neigh⯑bours. The Southern Colonies of North-America have, as far as the infancy of the country will permit, produced the different articles of Silk, Rice, Indigo, Tobacco, and even the Tea plant has not been altogether uncultivated. Some of theſe have been car⯑ried to a much greater degree of cultivation than others; but where it has, Great-Britain has received a proportionate benefit. In the inſtance of Tobacco only, ſhe has become not only the ſole vender, but almoſt the ſole ma⯑nufacturer for Europe, beſides the immenſe revenue flowing immediately into her ex⯑chequer.

[92]WINES are an article of luxury, and it is perhaps upon that account they have not been ſo much attended to by the frugal, temperate American; but it is certain, not only from theory, but experience, that the ſituation and ſoil of many parts of this ex⯑tended continent, are well adapted for pro⯑ducing them. To what degree of perfection not only the cultivation of theſe, but the other articles of convenience and luxury may arrive, is difficult to determine; but it is eaſy to ſee, that the great, the eventual profit, will terminate in Great-Britain. I mentioned before the produce of the Colonies as Naval Stores, but conſidered as the raw materials of great and extenſive manufactories, which give bread to thouſands; and of idle, clamorous ſtarving ſubjects, make uſeful and induſtrious citizens, I cannot err, when I ſay they are immenſely uſeful to their mother country. Upon a view of the foreign trade of Great-Britain, we ſhall find, that except that to Portugal, the ballance is againſt her in every one. To Ruſſia, to Sweden, to Denmark, to Germany, ſhe pays annually large ſums in ſpecie, for thoſe very commodities which her American Colonies can and do produce; and a great writer has obſerved, ‘That a country [93]which conſtantly exports fewer manufac⯑tures or commodities than it receives, will ſoon find the ballance ſinking, will re⯑ceive leſs and leſs, till falling into extreme poverty, it will receive nothing at all.’

HERE then we may trace the great utility of the Colonies, not only that they afford a con⯑ſtant and ſure ſupply of the ſubjects of com⯑merce, neceſſary for the ſupport of the power and manufactures of the mother country, but in that ſhe has an indiſputable excluſive preference in the ſale of them; and the Colo⯑nies in return are the fixed and conſtant cuſtomers for all her manufactures and com⯑modities, to which they are indiſpenſably obliged to give the preference over thoſe of other countries; for as the deſign of colo⯑nizing was not to found a new empire, but to extend the old, there is no impropriety in appropriating the trade of the Colonies to the mother country only. If the ballance was therefore in favour of Colonies, as is the caſe between Great-Britain and the Eaſt-Indies, it would be more eligible it ſhould fall into the hands of its own ſubjects, however remote, than into thoſe of a foreign power. But where that ballance is actually and [94]greatly in favour of the mother country, it becomes an intereſt that ought to be very dear; to the cultivating of which, the greateſt care and attention of government ſhould be applied. That this is the caſe of Great-Britain and her continential Colonies, the vaſt exportation of bullion, and the ſtill remain⯑ing debt of five millions, moſt evidently evince. With what a rapid, aſtoniſhing pro⯑greſs, this beneficial, this lucrative trade has advanced, the growing increaſe of the ex⯑ports declare, which aroſe from the Year 1744, from £. 1,436,227, to the amazing amount of £. 2,710,520. To this the mo⯑ther country, in a great meaſure, owes her con⯑tinuance as a trading nation, when deprived of her valuable Levant trade and her inter⯑courſe even with Portugal greatly diminiſhed, and leſſened by her active induſtrious rivals, the French and Dutch. It is from this foun⯑tain thoſe treaſures flow, which enable her to pay the reſpective ballances to thoſe countries with whom ſhe trades, on a diſadvantageous footing. America, it is true, does not extract them immediately from her own bowels. She has a more valuable and durable reſource, in [95]in the labour and induſtry of her inhabitants; who exchange the ſurplus of their commodi⯑ties, beyond their own conſumption, (and which might, in ſome reſpects, interfere with the ſtaples of the mother country, or at leaſt be uſeleſs to her) for thoſe treaſures which are only valuable to the coloniſts, as they enable them to diſcharge paſt, and contract future engagements for the manufactures of Great-Britain.

WHILE, therefore, ſhe poſſeſſes a market, which ſhe can call excluſively her own, ſubject to her own regulations, and the ballance always in her favour; whatever the Colonies may acquire from any collateral branches of trade, will quickly flow to the mother coun⯑try, as the great centre of all their external proſits. To reſtrain, therefore, or rather ſtop up thoſe channels of remittance, is, in effect, to prohibit the conſumption of the manufactures of Great-Britain, as our deſires to procure them have at all times been equal to, and ſometimes exceed, our ability to pay for them. Whence it follows, that a policy which enſures a ſmall immediate revenue, at the expence of a great, though indirect [96]national gain, is mean and ſordid, unworthy the noble enterprizing ſpirit of a commercial nation.

BUT I ſhould leave this ſubject very imper⯑fect indeed, if I ſhould omit two great funds of national wealth and power, the FISHERIES and the FUR-TRADE. The firſt of theſe is a mine richer than that of Potoſi, and more inexhauſtible. For while our Fiſheries ſerve as a great ſubject of commerce, they are alſo a fruitful nurſery of brave, hardy ſeamen, trained up to fatigue, to difficulty and danger.

THE FUR-TRADE, which is now ſecured almoſt beyond the reach of accident, is dou⯑bly valuable, as it is enjoyed ſolely and ex⯑cluſively —an advantage which is not confined to a monopoly of the raw materials, and en⯑hances their price only, but enables Great-Britain to be both the merchant, and the manufacturer alſo, and that upon her own terms; while other nations muſt depend up⯑on a precarious uncertain ſupply, which which may either be raiſed in its price, or totally withheld, as the fluctuating policy of intereſt or friendſhip ſhall require. This [97]acquiſition is not only valuable, as it will probably revive a languiſhing, dying manu⯑factory, but as it is a preſent, an actual, and conſiderable ſource of revenue, both on the home conſumption, and alſo on that of foreigners.

THESE are a few of the principal advantages with which a proper cultivation, eſtabliſhment and tender regard of the Colonies may be attended to the mother country. She has likewiſe many inferior ones. The reſidence of thoſe of affluent fortunes who may be led thi⯑ther by veiws of education, or mere curioſity is not altogether unworthy regard. Theſe all depend on, and can only flow from a perfect compleat Union—by ſupporting that relati⯑onſhip between the Mother country and her Colonies, which has planted in their boſoms ſo ſtrong and lively an affection, as to diſ⯑tinguiſh Great-Britain by the tender endear⯑ing appellation of HOME.

BUT 'tis time now that we ſhould turn to the COLONIES and ſee what advantages they may propoſe to themſelves from a dutiful and affectionate UNION with the mother country; and from our paſt feelings we ſhall readily [98]acknowledge we ſtand in need of her protec⯑tion, nurture and care. Expoſed by our ſituation, by a rivalſhip and competition of Intereſts, and yet in a ſtate of infancy, it would be extremely difficult, if not impoſ⯑ſible, to form any Union among ourſelves that would be ſufficient to repel the attacks of a formidable invader. In this weak, this defenceleſs ſtate, therefore, we muſt look up to our indulgent parent, whoſe vigorous, ſalutary aid we have ſo often already expe⯑rienced. Upon her we muſt rely for ſupport, and under her wing ſhelter ourſelves againſt any attempts of thoſe, whoſe principles and government are incompatible with our Re⯑ligion and Liberty. A ſeparation would be attended with certain ruin to the Colonies, in thier preſent ſituation, as they muſt ne⯑ceſſarily fall a prey to one or other of thoſe powers, who would ſnatch with eagerneſs ſo tempting a prize.

THE firſt principle of nature, ſelf-preſer⯑vation, therefore, dictates to the Colonies, a ſteady, a ſtrict adherence to the mother coun⯑try, as upon that depends the enjoyment of every invaluable privilege of a civil or religi⯑ous nature. But we may not only conſider her [99]as the protector, but as the nurſing mother of her Colonies. Arts, Sciences, Agriculture and Commerce, riſe by ſlow degrees, and are long before they arrive to any degree of per⯑fection. They are not of quick or ſpon⯑taneous growth. They muſt be planted, cheriſhed and encouraged. And have we not experienced the tenderneſs of our mother country in this reſpect, by her bounties diſ⯑perſed not only in public channels, but by private ſocieties and patriotic individuals? Have we not reaſon to expect a continuance and perhaps an increaſe of her benevolent efforts in our behalf? Thus taking our enter⯑prizing genius by the hand, and leading it on in the paths of induſtry and uſeful im⯑provements.

To turn the attention of the Colonies to the cultivation of thoſe ſubjects of Commerce which the mother country does not, or can⯑not produce, tho' to her it may be eventually profitable, is to the Colonies immediately and directly ſo; and when it is done by mild, by bountiful meaſures, deſerves our gratitude and thankful returns. A fixed and perma⯑nent UNION between Great-Britain and her Colonies, is abſolutely neceſſary for the pre⯑ſervation [100]of the peace and harmony of their internal adminiſtration. For to form the conſtitution and plan of a new government, or even to new model and reviſe the old, is no eaſy or inconſiderable taſk. That of the mother country has been the work of ages; and, to uſe the words of an eminent writer, ſeems dictated by wiſdom itſelf. While, therefore, the coloniſts can enjoy all the bleſ⯑ſings of an Engliſh conſtitution undiminiſhed and uninterrupted, it would be ſuperlative madneſs and folly to run the riſk of a change, which could not poſſibly be for the better, and might be infinitely worſe. Unconnected and divided as they are at preſent, both in ſituation and intereſt (owing to the difference of Settlement, of Charters, of Religion, and Commerce, which are often claſhing) how difficult, and next to impoſſible, would it be to reſcue them from a ſtate of anarchy; and form a conſtitution, for which I will venture to ſay from the extent of America, there can no precedent be found; a conſtitution which at the ſame time that it reconciles theſe jar⯑ring intereſts, muſt preſerve every religious and civil Liberty intire?

[101]THE difficulties of an Union for the purpoſes of empire, are almoſt inſuperable. To canton out the provinces into petty independent kingdoms, beſides the arduous taſk of ſettling the internal police, would ſubject them not only to perpetual quarrels with each other, but render them an eaſy prey to ſome foreign power, as they would ſingly be weak, though united under one head, truly formidable. The only remaining reſource of deſperate diſtreſs, muſt be to form the provinces into diſtricts, having full power of legiſlation within themſelves—but ſubject to the con⯑troul of ſome ſupreme, ſuperintendant au⯑thority raiſed out of the collective body, as in ſome inſtances in Germany, or with more probability like Holland or Switzerland. But this the vaſt extent of the Colonies will render almoſt impoſſible, as it would give being to an ariſtocracy—a kind of government as re⯑pugnant to the genius and temper of America, as deſpotic monarchy.

I THEREFORE repeat it, that the preſer⯑vation of our laws, commerce, and every other bleſſing of domeſtic peace, by the wiſe policy of the mother country, can only be made the baſis of a cloſe and firm connection between her and them.

[102]NEXT to the ſecurity of a ſtate, its wealth and convenience are to be regarded, and to judge how beneficial Great-Britain is to the Colonies in this reſpect, it may be proper to remark, that as other countries produce the ſame commodities, and have hitherto been able to underſell the Americans in a variety of articles, wherever an excluſive, or even a pre⯑ferable market has been given to the latter, the advantage muſt be obvious. This has been done in many inſtances by prohibitions, or by duties charged on ſuch commodities as interfered with thoſe from the Colonies, which in ſome caſes amount to a prohibition. The Britiſh Whale Fiſhery has been almoſt wholly given up, in favour of the American Fiſheries. Sugars, Hemp, Indigo and Tobacco, beſides a variety of other articles from the Colo⯑nies, have met with every mark of encourage⯑ment, while the ſame commodities from other countries have been diſcountenanced, or whol⯑ly prohibited. This is wiſe and juſt policy in the mother country, at the ſame time that it diſcovers a tender regard to her children, and makes it their intereſt to unite more cloſely. In ſhort they have every thing that can make a nation great, happy and power⯑ful to hope from a Union, every thing that is dangerous to fear from a diviſion.

[103] "Divide et impera," was the Roman mot⯑to. May it not be applicable to Great-Britain and her American Colonies, who, if united, have proved themſelves equal, nay ſuperior to two of the principal powers of Europe; but if divided, if ſtruggling with in⯑teſtine commotions and civil diſcord, I fear will prove unable to contend with either. This, to uſe the expreſſion of a great and eminent friend of the Colonies, is the grand FAMILY COMPACT, which muſt be cemented by every tie of duty, loyalty and affection from the Provinces, and every mark of kind protecting tenderneſs from the mother coun⯑try. A fatal, underſcerning policy had almoſt ſnapt theſe intereſting cords aſunder, never perhaps to have been cloſed again; but the guardian genius of Britain and of America ſtept between them and ruin, and with out⯑ſtretched hand ſaved a ſinking nation.

THE Romans decreed a crown to him who ſaved the life of a citizen in battle; but what crowns or ſtatues can do ſufficient honour to the Man or Men who ſave a country, a king⯑dom, in the hour of diſtreſs, and reſcue a fal⯑ling ſtate from the brink of ruin? Rome may juſtly boaſt her Brutus's, her Curtius's, her [104] Cato's and her Tully's — they were the PITTS, the Conways and the Barres of that age, alike warmed by the ſacred fire of Liberty, alike crowned with Immortality, and handed down to poſterity the wonder and delight of ad⯑miring nations. Theſe glorious architects, nobly aided by many others whoſe names will be held in long veneration, have prop'd the tottering fabrick of the Britiſh EMPIRE, and pointed out that noble, generous policy, which will make one great ſyſtem of govern⯑ment, whereof Britain will be the common centre of attraction.

UNDER ſuch a policy, we can with joy look forwards, and behold PEACE, LIBERTY and COMMERCE diffuſing their kindly influence over all the parts of GREAT-BRITAIN's Em⯑pire; whoſe true happineſs and permanent ſecurity can be no way effectually eſtabliſhed but by "a perpetual UNION between her and her AMERICAN COLONIES!"

DISSERTATION IV.

AT this important juncture, when the eyes of all America are lifted to the mother country in anxious expectation; when trembling fear or bold defiance, enlivening hope or myſteri⯑ous ſurmiſe, diſtract every breaſt and ſit in every brow; what ſubject can be more inte⯑reſting than the "Reciprocal advantages of a perpetual Union between Great-Britain and her Colonies"? and yet there is no ſubject, perhaps, which the public is ſo little diſpoſed to receive with candour, and judge of with impartiality. How then ſhall a native of America, and an unexperienced writer, eſ⯑pecially in matters of ſuch high importance, preſume to draw his pen? But the worthy Gentleman who has propoſed this ſubject, and back'd his propoſal with the reward of diſtinguiſhed honour, has raiſed in us who are [106]candidates on this occaſion, that ambition which hath, in all ages, prompted men to greater undertakings than cooler judgement would have ſuffered them to engage in.

I Do not mean, in this little Eſſay, to cal⯑culate the advantages of trade between Great-Britain and her Colonies, in order to ſhew that they are reciprocal. By the very nature of Commerce they muſt be ſo. There is no country in the world that exports ſtaple com⯑modities or manufactures, but for an advantage to be gained; or imports them, but for the ſame reaſon.

As the God of nature has adapted different countries to abound in different kinds of pro⯑duce, or excell in various uſeful arts; it is evident, that a commercial intercourſe muſt redound to the benefit of the whole. But how muſt this advantage be increaſed when we conſider that Great-Britain, in her trade with her Colonies, does not ſupport a foreign peo⯑ple, whoſe religion, politics and cuſtoms are different from her own; but ſhe ſupports and nouriſhes her own offspring, at the ſame time that ſhe enriches herſelf by the natural profits of an extenſive trade; and ſhe ſtrengthens herſelf by protecting and encouraging her own religion, government and cuſtoms, tranſ⯑planted to America.

[107]COMMERCE between Great-Britain and her Colonies, is like the wholeſome food which a man eats. He cannot ſay, his head, his hands or his feet, are more particularly bene⯑fited by it; but the finer parts thereof circu⯑late through the whole body, and the whole body is nouriſhed and ſupported.

THE three grand objects worthy the atten⯑tion of a wiſe people, are the ſtate of their Commerce, Liberty and Religion. If the Com⯑merce, the Liberty, and Religion, both of Great-Britain and her Colonies can alone be ſup⯑ported and ſtrengthened by a cloſe and laſting Union between them, then the reciprocal ad⯑vantages of ſuch an UNION muſt be ſelf-evident.

I HAVE ſlightly touched the firſt of theſe. There have been ſo many accurate mercantile calculations made in almoſt every pamphlet that has been lately publiſhed on the ſubject, that I take it for granted, as a truth univerſally admitted, that the advantages of trade between Great-Britain and her Colonies are reciprocal.

WITH reſpect to political Liberty, ſhould it not be the glory of England to tranſplant, to water and carefully to nurſe, even in a [108]diſtant land, a ſyſtem of government which is the admiration of the world; and ſhould not America adopt, and chearfully ſubmit to ſuch a government? Were it poſſible for Great-Britain, with an high and arbitrary hand, to think of ſnatching from her Colonies the eſſential privileges of Engliſhmen, and yet would have them ſubmit as Engliſhmen to her government, and bear only the name and ap⯑pearance of the free-born ſons of Liberty; it would be to dreſs her ſlaves in livery, and deck America in robes of paper, to make her the contempt and deriſion of every other nation. On the other hand, ſhould the Colonies, with baſe ingratitude, attempt to throw off all dependance on the mother country, they would put themſelves in the ſituation of a ſilly girl, who leaves the guidance and pro⯑tection of a wiſe and affectionate parent, and wandering away expoſes herſelf to ruin by the artful inſinuations of every wicked and deſigning ſtranger. But why ſhould the mutual connection between the parent⯑country and her Colonies ever come into queſtion? Are we not one nation and one people? And do we not own obedience to [109]one common King? Thoſe who adopt the ſame religion, the ſame plans of government, and the ſame cuſtoms, are undoubtedly of the ſame nation. Different climates and dif⯑ferent ſoils mark out countries, but not nations. We of America, are in all reſpects Engliſhmen, notwithſtanding that the Atlantic rolls her waves between us and the throne to which we all own allegiance. Nor can we, though in ever ſo flouriſhing a ſtate, throw off our dependance, or diſſolve this Union, with⯑out breaking the very bonds of nature. As well might the branch ſay unto the trunk, See how I glow with bloſſoms and wave with foliage: I have no further need of thy ſap, keep it for thy own nouriſhment!

ON the other hand, does not Great-Britain by tranſplanting her conſtitution into America, as a ſcion from the ſtock, propagate her own likeneſs? Nay, does ſhe not make unto her⯑ſelf another crown and another ſceptre?

IN all attacks that ſhall be made upon Great-Britain by the numerous rivals of her power, and enemies to her proſperity; her colonies, like a number of dutiful and pro⯑miſing [110]children, growing up round her, will more and more add to her ſtrength, and contribute to her importance. And ſhould it ever happen, amid the revolution of things human, that thoſe enemies ſhould prevail againſt her, what could her ſons loſe but the beautiful iſland they have ſo long poſſeſſed? Even in that caſe (which we truſt and believe will never happen) they might find in the Colonies a ſure aſylum; thither they might remove with all the noble privileges of their conſtitution, as to a people and coun⯑try they can call their own; and the Britiſh throne might yet ſhine with undiminiſhed glory even in the preſent wilds of America.

LASTLY, with reſpect to the religious li⯑berties of the people of England, how precious they are, let the price which has been paid for them declare — And theſe will be as much ſtrengthened by a perpetual Union with the colonies, as their civil liberties.

BUT excluſive of this conſideration, it cer⯑tainly muſt be the glory of Great-Britain to propagate, protect and encourage in her co⯑lonies that ſacred ſyſtem of religious truth [111]which ſhe holds ſo dear. Indeed that ſhe herſelf judges in this manner is evident from her many charitable donations for promoting the intereſt of learning and virtue in America.

IN ſhort, the Proteſtant Religion, and par⯑ticularly that excellent branch of it the na⯑tional Church of England, is the pure and healthful air in which the political conſtitution of Great-Britain, moves and breathes with health and vigour; religious Liberty being hereby fixed on as firm and broad a baſis as Civil Liberty; both of which are ſo eſſentially interwoven with the nature of her govern⯑ment, that it cannot be adminiſtered without them. Nor can her empire be more effec⯑tually ſtrengthened, than by extending with it whatever ſhe finds valuable in her own poſ⯑ſeſſion. This is her intereſt, and it muſt be her honour, as it is likewiſe the intereſt and honour of the Colonies to receive, nouriſh and join with her in the ſupport of every thing of this kind, which can only be done by a perpetual Union between them.

How deteſtable then muſt the politician be, who ſhall ever attempt to kindle the de⯑ſtructive [112]flames of jealouſy between two friends, whom nature ſeems to have united in the cloſeſt bonds, and whoſe hearts and in⯑tereſts are and ever ought to be one? Should any one ever ſucceed in this (which God for⯑bid) I doubt not but that after much cruel contention and unnatural bloodſhed, each would ruſh into the other's arms, and em⯑phatically cry out, "We are both in the wrong."

THIS ſubject might be expanded into vo⯑lumes, and no doubt will be; but I leave the full diſcuſſion of it to more able hands; and humbly hope this little Eſſay will be accepted as the oblation of one who intimately feels the importance of this great truth, that "a perpetual Union between Great-Britain and her Colonies will ever be reciprocally ad⯑vantageous."