[]THE HISTORY OF THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.

CHAP. XVII. Foundation of Conſtantinople.—Political Syſtem of Conſtantine, and his Succeſſors.—Military Diſ⯑cipline—The Palace.—The Finances.

THE unfortunate Licinius was the laſt rival who oppoſed the greatneſs, and the laſt captive who adorned the triumph, of Conſtantine. After a tranquil and proſperous reign, the Conqueror bequeathed to his family the inheritance of the Roman Empire; a new capital, a new policy, and a new religion; and the innovations which he eſtabliſhed have been embraced and conſecrated by ſucceeding genera⯑tions. The age of the great Conſtantine and his ſons is filled with important events; but the hiſto⯑rian muſt be oppreſſed by their number and va⯑riety, [2] unleſs he diligently ſeparates from each other the ſcenes which are connected only by the order of time. He will deſcribe the political in⯑ſtitutions that gave ſtrength and ſtability to the empire, before he proceeds to relate the wars and revolutions which haſtened its decline. He will adopt the diviſion unknown to the ancients, of civil and eccleſiaſtical affairs: the victory of the Chriſtians, and their inteſtine diſcord, will ſup⯑ply copious and diſtinct materials both for edifi⯑cation and for ſcandal.

After the defeat and abdication of Licinius, Deſign of a new ca⯑pital. his victorious rival proceeded to lay the founda⯑tions of a city, deſtined to reign, in future times, A. D. 324. the miſtreſs of the Eaſt, and to ſurvive the empire and religion of Conſtantine. The motives, whe⯑ther of pride or of policy, which firſt induced Diocletian to withdraw himſelf from the ancient ſeat of government, had acquired additional weight by the example of his ſucceſſors, and the habits of forty years. Rome was inſenſibly con⯑founded with the dependent kingdoms which had once acknowledged her ſupremacy; and the country of the Caeſars was viewed with cold in⯑difference by a martial prince, born in the neigh⯑bourhood of the Danube, educated in the courts and armies of Aſia, and inveſted with the purple by the legions of Britain. The Italians, who had received Conſtantine as their deliverer, ſubmiſ⯑ſively obeyed the edicts which he ſometimes con⯑deſcended to addreſs to the ſenate and people of Rome; but they were ſeldom honoured with the preſence of their new ſovereign. During the vi⯑gour [3] of his age, Conſtantine, according to the va⯑rious exigencies of peace and war, moved with ſlow dignity, or with active diligence, along the frontiers of his extenſive dominions; and was al⯑ways prepared to take the field either againſt a foreign or a domeſtic enemy. But as he gradu⯑ally reached the ſummit of proſperity and the de⯑cline of life, he began to meditate the deſign of fixing in a more permanent ſtation the ſtrength as well as majeſty of the throne. In the choice of an advantageous ſituation, he preferred the con⯑fines of Europe and Aſia; to curb, with a power⯑ful arm, the barbarians who dwelt between the Danube and the Tanais; to watch with an eye of jealouſy the conduct of the Perſian monarch, who indignantly ſupported the yoke of an ignominious treaty. With theſe views, Diocletian had ſelected and embelliſhed the reſidence of Nicomedia: but the memory of Diocletian was juſtly abhorred by the protector of the church; and Conſtantine was not inſenſible to the ambition of founding a city which might perpetuate the glory of his own name. During the late operations of the war againſt Licinius, he had ſufficient opportunity to contemplate, both as a ſoldier and as a ſtateſman, the incomparable poſition of Byzantium; and to Situation of Byzan⯑tium. obſerve how ſtrongly it was guarded by nature againſt an hoſtile attack, whilſt it was acceſ⯑ſible on every ſide to the benefits of commercial intercourſe. Many ages before Conſtantine, one of the moſt judicious hiſtorians of antiqui⯑ty ¹ [4] had deſcribed the advantages of a ſituation, from whence a feeble colony of Greeks derived the command of the ſea, and the honours of a flouriſhing and independent republic ².

If we ſurvey Byzantium in the extent which it Deſcrip⯑tion of CON⯑STANTI⯑NOPLE. acquired with the auguſt name of Conſtantinople, the figure of the imperial city may be repreſented under that of an unequal triangle. The obtuſe point, which advances towards the eaſt and the ſhores of Aſia, meets and repels the waves of the Thracian Boſphorus. The northern ſide of the city is bounded by the harbour; and the ſouthern is waſhed by the Propontis, or ſea of Marmara. The baſis of the triangle is oppoſed to the weſt, and terminates the continent of Europe. But the admirable form and diviſion of the circumjacent land and water cannot, without a more ample ex⯑planation, be clearly or ſufficiently underſtood.

The winding channel through which the waters The Bol⯑phorus. of the Euxine flow with a rapid and inceſſant courſe towards the Mediterranean, received the appellation of Boſphorus, a name not leſs cele⯑brated [5] in the hiſtory, than in the fables, of an⯑tiquity ³. A crowd of temples and of votive al⯑tars, profuſely ſcattered along its ſteep and woody banks, atteſted the unſkilfulneſs, the terrors, and the devotion of the Grecian navigators, who, after the example of the Argonauts, explored the dan⯑gers of the inhoſpitable Euxine. On theſe banks tradition long preſerved the memory of the palace of Phineus, infeſted by the obſcene harpies ⁴; and of the ſylvan reign of Amycus, who defied the ſon of Leda to the combat of the Ceſtus ⁵. The ſtreights of the Boſphorus are terminated by the Cyanean rocks, which, according to the de⯑ſcription of the poets, had once floated on the face of the waters; and were deſtined by the gods to protect the entrance of the Euxine againſt the eye of profane curioſity ⁶. From the Cyanean rocks to the point and harbour of Byzantium, the [6] winding length of the Boſphorus extends about ſixteen miles ⁷, and its moſt ordinary breadth may be computed at about one mile and a half. The new caſtles of Europe and Aſia are conſtruct⯑ed, on either continent, upon the foundations of two celebrated temples, of Serapis and of Jupiter Urius. The old caſtles, a work of the Greek em⯑perors, command the narroweſt part of the chan⯑nel, in a place where the oppoſite banks advance within five hundred paces of each other. Theſe fortreſſes were reſtored and ſtrengthened by Ma⯑homet the Second, when he meditated the ſiege of Conſtantinople ⁸: but the Turkiſh conqueror was moſt probably ignorant, that near two thou⯑ſand years before his reign, Darius had choſen the ſame ſituation to connect the two continents by a bridge of boats ⁹. At a ſmall diſtance from the old caſtles we diſcover the little town of Chryſo⯑polis, or Scutari, which may almoſt be conſidered as the Aſiatic ſuburb of Conſtantinople. The Boſphorus, as it begins to open into the Propon⯑tis, paſſes between Byzantium and Chalcedon. The latter of thoſe cities was built by the Greeks, [7] a few years before the former; and the blindneſs of its founders, who overlooked the ſuperior ad⯑vantages of the oppoſite coaſt, has been ſtig⯑matized by a proverbial expreſſion of contempt ¹⁰.

The harbour of Conſtantinople, which may be The port. conſidered as an arm of the Boſphorus, obtained, in a very remote period, the denomination of the Golden Horn. The curve which it deſcribes might be compared to the horn of a ſtag, or, as it ſhould ſeem, with more propriety, to that of an ox ¹¹. The epithet of golden was expreſſive of the riches which every wind wafted from the moſt diſtant countries into the ſecure and capacious port of Conſtantinople. The river Lycus, formed by the conflux of two little ſtreams, pours into the harbour a perpetual ſupply of freſh water, which ſerves to cleanſe the bottom, and to invite the pe⯑riodical ſhoals of fiſh to ſeek their retreat in that convenient receſs. As the viciſſitudes of tides are ſcarcely felt in thoſe ſeas, the conſtant depth of the harbour allows goods to be landed on the quays without the aſſiſtance of boats; and it has been obſerved, that in many places the largeſt veſſels may reſt their prows againſt the houſes, [8] while their ſterns are floating in the water ¹². From the mouth of the Lycus to that of the har⯑bour, this arm of the Boſphorus is more than ſe⯑ven miles in length. The entrance is about five hundred yards broad, and a ſtrong chain could be occaſionally drawn acroſs it, to guard the port and city from the attack of an hoſtile navy ¹³.

Between the Boſphorus and the Helleſpont, the The Pro⯑pontis. ſhores of Europe and Aſia receding on either ſide incloſe the ſea of Marmara, which was known to the ancients by the denomination of Propontis. The navigation from the iſſue of the Boſphorus to the entrance of the Helleſpont is about one hun⯑dred and twenty miles. Thoſe who ſteer their weſtward courſe through the middle of the Pro⯑pontis, may at once deſcry the high lands of Thrace and Bithynia, and never loſe ſight of the lofty ſummit of Mount Olympus, covered with eternal ſnows ¹⁴. They leave on the leſt a deep gulf, at the bottom of which Nicomedia was ſeated, the imperial reſidence of Diocletian; and [9] they paſs the ſmall iſlands of Cyzicus and Procon⯑neſus before they caſt anchor at Gallipoli: where the ſea, which ſeparates Aſia from Europe, is again contracted into a narrow channel.

The geographers who, with the moſt ſkilful The Hel⯑leſpont. accuracy, have ſurveyed the form and extent of the Helleſpont, aſſign about ſixty miles for the winding courſe, and about three miles for the ordinary breadth of thoſe celebrated ſtreights ¹⁵. But the narroweſt part of the channel is ſound to the northward of the old Turkiſh caſtles between the cities of Ceſtus and Abydus. It was here that the adventurous Leander braved the paſſage of the flood for the poſſeſſion of his miſtreſs ¹⁶. It was here likewiſe, in a place where the diſtance between the oppoſite banks cannot exceed five hundred paces, that Xerxes impoſed a ſtupendous bridge of boats, for the purpoſe of tranſporting into Europe an hundred and ſeventy myriads of barbarians ¹⁷. A ſea contracted within ſuch nar⯑row [10] limits, may ſeem but ill to deſerve the ſin⯑gular epithet of broad, which Homer, as well as Orpheus, has frequently beſtowed on the Helle⯑ſpont. But our ideas of greatneſs are of a rela⯑tive nature: the traveller, and eſpecially the poet, who ſailed along the Helleſpont, who purſued the windings of the ſtream, and contemplated the rural ſcenery, which appeared on every ſide to terminate the proſpect, inſenſibly loſt the re⯑membrance of the ſea; and his fancy painted thoſe celebrated ſtreights, with all the attributes of a mighty river flowing with a ſwift current, in the midſt of a woody and inland country, and at length through a wide mouth, diſcharging itſelf into the Aegean or Archipelago ¹⁸. Ancient Troy ¹⁹, ſeated on an eminence at the foot of Mount Ida, overlooked the mouth of the Helle⯑ſpont, which ſcarcely received an acceſſion of waters from the tribute of thoſe immortal rivu⯑lets the Simois and Scamander. The Grecian [11] camp had ſtretched twelve miles along the ſhore from the Sigaean to the Rhaetean promontory; and the flanks of the army were guarded by the braveſt chiefs who fought under the banners of Agamemnon. The firſt of thoſe promontories was occupied by Achilles with his invincible Myrmidons, and the dauntleſs Ajax pitched his tents on the other. After Ajax had fallen a ſacri⯑fice to his diſappointed pride, and to the ingrati⯑tude of the Greeks, his ſepulchre was erected on the ground where he had defended the navy againſt the rage of Jove and of Hector; and the citizens of the riſing town of Rhaeteum celebrated his memory with divine honours ²⁰. Before Con⯑ſtantine gave a juſt preference to the ſituation of Byzantium, he had conceived the deſign of erect⯑ing the ſeat of empire on this celebrated ſpot, from whence the Romans derived their fabulous origin. The extenſive plain which lies below ancient Troy, towards the Rhaetean promontory and the tomb of Ajax, was firſt choſen for his new capi⯑tal; and, though the undertaking was ſoon relin⯑quiſhed, the ſtately remains of unfiniſhed walls and towers attracted the notice of all who ſailed through the ſtreights of the Helleſpont ²¹.

[12] We are at preſent qualified to view the advan⯑tageous poſition of Conſtantinople; which ap⯑pears to have been formed by Nature for the Advan⯑tages of Conſtan⯑tinople. centre and capital of a great monarchy. Situated in the forty-firſt degree of latitude, the Imperial city commanded, from her ſeven hills ²², the op⯑poſite ſhores of Europe and Aſia; the climate was healthy and temperate, the ſoil fertile, the har⯑bour ſecure and capacious; and the approach on the ſide of the continent was of ſmall extent and eaſy defence. The Boſphorus and the Helleſpont may be conſidered as the two gates of Conſtanti⯑nople; and the prince who poſſeſſed thoſe im⯑portant paſſages could always ſhut them againſt a naval enemy, and open them to the fleets of com⯑merce. The preſervation of the eaſtern provinces may, in ſome degree, be aſcribed to the policy of Conſtantine, as the Barbarians of the Euxine, who in the preceding age had poured their arma⯑ments into the heart of the Mediterranean, ſoon deſiſted from the exerciſe of piracy, and deſpaired of forcing this inſurmountable barrier. When the gates of the Helleſpont and Boſphorus were ſhut, the capital ſtill enjoyed, within their ſpa⯑cious incloſure, every production which could ſupply the wants, or gratify the luxury of its nu⯑merous [13] inhabitants. The ſea-coaſts of Thrace and Bithynia, which languiſh under the weight of Turkiſh oppreſſion, ſtill exhibit a rich proſpect of vineyards, of gardens, and of plentiful har⯑veſts; and the Propontis has ever been renowned for an inexhauſtible ſtore of the moſt exquiſite fiſh, that are taken in their ſtated ſeaſons, without ſkill, and almoſt without labour ²³. But when the paſſages of the Streights were thrown open for trade, they alternately admitted the natural and artificial riches of the north and ſouth, of the Euxine, and of the Mediterranean. Whatever rude commodities were collected in the foreſts of Germany and Scythia, as far as the ſources of the Tanais and the Boryſthenes; whatſoever was manufactured by the ſkill of Europe or Aſia; the corn of Egypt, and the gems and ſpices of the fartheſt India, were brought by the varying winds into the port of Conſtantinople, which, for many ages, attracted the commerce of the ancient world ²⁴.

The proſpect of beauty, of ſafety, and of Founda⯑tion of the city. wealth, united in a ſingle ſpot, was ſufficient to juſtify the choice of Conſtantine. But as ſome decent mixture of prodigy and fable has, in every [14] age, been ſuppoſed to reflect a becoming majeſty on the origin of great cities ²⁵, the emperor was deſirous of aſcribing his reſolution, not ſo much to the uncertain counſels of human policy, as to the infallible and eternal decrees of divine wiſ⯑dom. In one of his laws he has been careful to inſtruct poſterity, that, in obedience to the com⯑mands of God, he laid the everlaſting foundations of Conſtantinople ²⁶: and though he has not con⯑deſcended to relate in what manner the coeleſtial inſpiration was communicated to his mind, the defect of his modeſt ſilence has been liberally ſup⯑plied by the ingenuity of ſucceeding writers; who deſcribe the nocturnal viſion which appeared to the fancy of Conſtantine, as he ſlept within the walls of Byzantium. The tutelar genius of the city, a venerable matron ſinking under the weight of years and infirmities, was ſuddenly transform⯑ed into a blooming maid, whom his own hands adorned with all the ſymbols of Imperial great⯑neſs ²⁷. The monarch awoke, interpreted the auſpicious omen, and obeyed, without heſitation, the will of heaven. The day which gave birth to a city or colony was celebrated by the Romans with ſuch ceremonies as had been ordained by a [15] generous ſuperſtition ²⁸; and though Conſtantine might omit ſome rites which ſavoured too ſtrong⯑ly of their Pagan origin, yet he was anxious to leave a deep impreſſion of hope and reſpect on the minds of the ſpectators. On foot, with a lance in his hand, the emperor himſelf led the ſolemn proceſſion; and directed the line, which was traced as the boundary of the deſtined capital: till the growing circumference was obſerved with aſtoniſhment by the aſſiſtants, who, at length, ventured to obſerve, that he had already exceed⯑ed the moſt ample meaſure of a great city. ‘I ſhall ſtill advance, replied Conſtantine, till HE, the inviſible guide who marches before me, thinks proper to ſtop ²⁹.’ Without preſuming to inveſtigate the nature or motives of this extra⯑ordinary conductor, we ſhall content ourſelves with the more humble taſk of deſcribing the ex⯑tent and limits of Conſtantinople ³⁰.

In the actual ſtate of the city, the palace and Extent. gardens of the Seraglio occupy the eaſtern pro⯑montory, the firſt of the ſeven hills, and cover [16] about one hundred and fifty acres of our own meaſure. The ſeat of Turkiſh jealouſy and de⯑ſpotiſm is erected on the foundations of a Grecian republic: but it may be ſuppoſed that the By⯑zantins were tempted by the conveniency of the harbour to extend their habitations on that ſide beyond the modern limits of the Seraglio. The new walls of Conſtantine ſtretched from the port to the Propontis acroſs the enlarged breadth of the triangle, at the diſtance of fifteen ſtadia from the ancient fortification; and with the city of Byzantium they incloſed five of the ſeven hills, which, to the eyes of thoſe who approach Con⯑ſtantinople, appear to riſe above each other in beautiful order ³¹. About a century after the death of the founder, the new buildings, extend⯑ing on one ſide up the harbour, and on the other along the Propontis, already covered the narrow ridge of the ſixth, and the broad ſummit of the ſeventh hill. The neceſſity of protecting thoſe ſuburbs from the inceſſant inroads of the Barba⯑rians, engaged the younger Theodoſius to ſur⯑round his capital with an adequate and permanent incloſure of walls ³². From the eaſtern promon⯑tory to the golden gate, the extreme length of [17] Conſtantinople was about three Roman miles ³³; the circumference meaſured between ten and eleven; and the ſurface might be computed as equal to about two thouſand Engliſh acres. It is impoſſible to juſtify the vain and credulous ex⯑aggerations of modern travellers, who have ſome⯑times ſtretched the limits of Conſtantinople over the adjacent villages of the European, and even of the Aſiatic coaſt ³⁴. But the ſuburbs of Pera and Galata, though ſituate beyond the harbour, may deſerve to be conſidered as a part of the city ³⁵; and this addition may perhaps authoriſe the meaſure of a Byzantine hiſtorian, who aſſigns ſixteen Greek (about fourteen Roman) miles for the circumference of his native city ³⁶. Such an extent may ſeem not unworthy of an Imperial re⯑ſidence. [18] Yet Conſtantinople muſt yield to Babylon and Thebes ³⁷, to ancient Rome, to London, and even to Paris ³⁸.

The maſter of the Roman world, who aſpired Progreſs of the work. to erect an eternal monument of the glories of his reign, could employ in the proſecution of that great work the wealth, the labour, and all that yet remained of the genius of obedient millions. Some eſtimate may be formed of the expence beſtowed with Imperial liberality on the found⯑ation of Conſtantinople, by the allowance of about two millions five hundred thouſand pounds for the conſtruction of the walls, the porticoes, and the aqueducts ³⁹. The foreſts that over⯑ſhadowed the ſhores of the Euxine, and the cele⯑brated quarries of white marble in the little iſland of Proconneſus, ſupplied an inexhauſtible ſtock of materials, ready to be conveyed, by the conveni⯑ence of a ſhort water-carriage, to the harbour of Byzantium ⁴⁰. A multitude of labourers and [19] artificers urged the concluſion of the work with inceſſant toil: but the impatience of Conſtantine ſoon diſcovered, that, in the decline of the arts, the ſkill as well as numbers of his architects bore a very unequal proportion to the greatneſs of his deſigns. The magiſtrates of the moſt diſtant provinces were therefore directed to inſtitute ſchools, to appoint profeſſors, and, by the hopes of rewards and privileges, to engage in the ſtudy and practice of architecture a ſufficient number of ingenious youths, who had received a liberal education ⁴¹. The buildings of the new city were executed by ſuch artificers as the reign of Con⯑ſtantine could afford; but they were decorated by the hands of the moſt celebrated maſters of the age of Pericles and Alexander. To revive the genius of Phidias and Lyſippus, ſurpaſſed in⯑deed the power of a Roman emperor; but the immortal productions which they had bequeathed to poſterity were expoſed without defence to the rapacious vanity of a deſpot. By his commands the cities of Greece and Aſia were deſpoiled of their moſt valuable ornaments ⁴². The trophies [20] of memorable wars, the objects of religious ve⯑neration, the moſt finiſhed ſtatues of the gods and heroes, of the ſages and poets of ancient times, contributed to the ſplendid triumph of Conſtan⯑tinople; and gave occaſion to the remark of the hiſtorian Cedrenus ⁴³, who obſerves, with ſome enthuſiaſm, that nothing ſeemed wanting except the ſouls of the illuſtrious men whom thoſe ad⯑mirable monuments were intended to repreſent. But it is not in the city of Conſtantine, nor in the declining period of an empire, when the human mind was depreſſed by civil and religious ſlavery, that we ſhould ſeek for the ſouls of Homer and of Demoſthenes.

During the ſiege of Byzantium, the conqueror Edifices. had pitched his tent on the commanding eminence of the ſecond hill. To perpetuate the memory of his ſucceſs, he choſe the ſame advantageous poſition for the principal Forum ⁴⁴; which appears to have been of a circular, or rather elliptical form. The two oppoſite entrances formed tri⯑umphal arches; the porticoes, which incloſed it on every ſide, were filled with ſtatues; and the centre of the Forum was occupied by a lofty column, of which a mutilated fragment is now degraded by the appellation of the burnt pillar. This column was erected on a pedeſtal of white [21] marble twenty feet high; and was compoſed of ten pieces of porphyry, each of which meaſured about ten feet in height, and about thirty-three in circumference ⁴⁵. On the ſummit of the pillar, above one hundred and twenty feet from the ground, ſtood the coloſſal ſtatue of Apollo. It was of bronze, had been tranſported either from Athens or from a town of Phrygia, and was ſup⯑poſed to be the work of Phidias. The artiſt had repreſented the god of day, or, as it was after⯑wards interpreted, the emperor Conſtantine him⯑ſelf, with a ſceptre in his right hand, the globe of the world in his left, and a crown of rays glit⯑tering on his head ⁴⁶. The Circus, or Hippo⯑drome, was a ſtately building about four hundred paces in length, and one hundred in breadth ⁴⁷. The ſpace between the two metae or goals was filled with ſtatues and obeliſks: and we may ſtill remark a very ſingular fragment of antiquity; the bodies of three ſerpents, twiſted into one pillar of braſs. Their triple heads had once ſup⯑ported the golden tripod which, after the defeat of Xerxes, was conſecrated in the temple of [22] Delphi by the victorious Greeks ⁴⁸. The beauty of the Hippodrome has been long ſince defaced by the rude hands of the Turkiſh conquerors: but, under the ſimilar appellation of Atmeidan, it ſtill ſerves as a place of exerciſe for their horſes. From the throne, whence the emperor viewed the Circenſian games, a winding ſtaircaſe ⁴⁹ de⯑ſcended to the palace; a magnificent edifice, which ſcarcely yielded to the reſidence of Rome itſelf, and which, together with the dependent courts, gardens, and porticoes, covered a con⯑ſiderable extent of ground upon the banks of the Propontis between the Hippodrome and the church of St. Sophia ⁵⁰. We might likewiſe [23] celebrate the baths, which ſtill retained the name of Zeuxippus, after they had been enriched, by the munificence of Conſtantine, with lofty co⯑lumns, various marbles, and above threeſcore ſtatues of bronze ⁵¹. But we ſhould deviate from the deſign of this hiſtory, if we attempted mi⯑nutely to deſcribe the different buildings or quar⯑ters of the city. It may be ſufficient to obſerve, that whatever could adorn the dignity of a great capital, or contribute to the benefit or pleaſure of its numerous inhabitants, was contained within the walls of Conſtantinople. A particular de⯑ſcription, compoſed about a century after its foundation, enumerates a capitol or ſchool of learning, a circus, two theatres, eight public, and one hundred and fifty-three private, baths, fifty-two porticoes, five granaries, eight aqueducts or reſervoirs of water, four ſpacious halls for the meetings of the ſenate or courts of juſtice, four⯑teen churches, fourteen palaces, and four thou⯑ſand three hundred and eighty-eight houſes, which, for their ſize or beauty, deſerved to be [24] diſtinguiſhed from the multitude of plebeian habitations ⁵².

The populouſneſs of this favoured city was the Popula⯑tion. next and moſt ſerious object of the attention of its founder. In the dark ages which ſucceeded the tranſlation of the empire, the remote and the immediate conſequences of that memorable event were ſtrangely confounded by the vanity of the Greeks, and the credulity of the Latins ⁵³. It was aſſerted, and believed, that all the noble families of Rome, the ſenate, and the equeſtrian order, with their innumerable attendants, had followed their emperor to the banks of the Propontis; that a ſpurious race of ſtrangers and plebeians was left to poſſeſs the ſolitude of the ancient capital; and that the lands of Italy, long ſince converted into gardens, were at once deprived of cultivation and inhabitants ⁵⁴. In the courſe of this hiſtory, ſuch exaggerations will be reduced to their juſt [25] value: yet, ſince the growth of Conſtantinople cannot be aſcribed to the general increaſe of man⯑kind and of induſtry, it muſt be admitted, that this artificial colony was raiſed at the expence of the ancient cities of the empire. Many opulent ſenators of Rome, and of the Eaſtern provinces, were probably invited by Conſtantine to adopt for their country the fortunate ſpot which he had choſen for his own reſidence. The invitations of a maſter are ſcarcely to be diſtinguiſhed from commands; and the liberality of the emperor ob⯑tained a ready and cheerful obedience. He be⯑ſtowed on his favourites the palaces which he had built in the ſeveral quarters of the city, aſſigned them lands and penſions for the ſupport of their dignity ⁵⁵, and alienated the demeſnes of Pontus and Aſia, to grant hereditary eſtates by the eaſy tenure of maintaining a houſe in the capital ⁵⁶. But theſe encouragements and obligations ſoon became ſuperfluous, and were gradually aboliſh⯑ed. Wherever the ſeat of government is fixed, a [26] conſiderable part of the public revenue will be expended by the prince himſelf, by his miniſters, by the officers of juſtice, and by the domeſtics of the palace. The moſt wealthy of the provincials will be attracted by the powerful motives of inte⯑reſt and duty, of amuſement and curioſity. A third and more numerous claſs of inhabitants will inſenſibly be formed, of ſervants, of artificers, and of merchants, who derive their ſubſiſtence from their own labour, and from the wants or luxury of the ſuperior ranks. In leſs than a cen⯑tury, Conſtantinople diſputed with Rome itſelf the pre-eminence of riches and numbers. New piles of buildings, crowded together with too little regard to health or convenience, ſcarcely al⯑lowed the intervals of narrow ſtreets for the per⯑petual throng of men, of horſes, and of carriages. The allotted ſpace of ground was inſufficient to contain the increaſing people; and the additional foundations, which, on either ſide, were advanc⯑ed into the ſea, might alone have compoſed a very conſiderable city ⁵⁷.

The frequent and regular diſtributions of wine Privileges. and oil, of corn or bread, of money or proviſions, had almoſt exempted the poorer citizens of Rome from the neceſſity of labour. The magnificence of the firſt Caeſars was in ſome meaſure imitated [27] by the founder of Conſtantinople ⁵⁸: but his libe⯑rality, however it might excite the applauſe of the people, has incurred the cenſure of poſterity. A nation of legiſlators and conquerors might aſſert their claim to the harveſts of Africa, which had been purchaſed with their blood; and it was art⯑fully contrived by Auguſtus, that, in the enjoy⯑ment of plenty, the Romans ſhould loſe the me⯑mory of freedom. But the prodigality of Con⯑ſtantine could not be excuſed by any conſideration either of public or private intereſt; and the an⯑nual tribute of corn impoſed upon Egypt for the benefit of his new capital, was applied to feed a lazy and inſolent populace, at the expence of the huſbandmen of an induſtrious province ⁵⁹. Some other regulations of this emperor are leſs liable to blame, but they are leſs deſerving of notice. He divided Conſtantinople into fourteen regions or quarters ⁶⁰, dignified the public council with [28] the appellation of Senate ⁶¹, communicated to the citizens the privileges of Italy ⁶², and beſtowed on the riſing city the title of Colony, the firſt and moſt favoured daughter of ancient Rome. The venerable parent ſtill maintained the legal and ac⯑knowledged ſupremacy, which was due to her age, to her dignity, and to the remembrance of her former greatneſs ⁶³.

As Conſtantine urged the progreſs of the work Dedica⯑tion A. D. 330 or 334. with the impatience of a lover, the walls, the por⯑ticoes, and the principal edifices were completed in a few years, or, according to another account, in a few months ⁶⁴: but this extraordinary dili⯑gence [29] ſhould excite the leſs admiration, ſince many of the buildings were finiſhed in ſo haſty and imperfect a manner, that, under the ſucceed⯑ing reign, they were preſerved with difficulty from impending ruin ⁶⁵. But while they diſplay⯑ed the vigour and freſhneſs of youth, the founder prepared to celebrate the dedication of his city ⁶⁶. The games and largeſſes which crowned the pomp of this memorable feſtival may eaſily be ſuppoſed: but there is one circumſtance of a more ſingular and permanent nature, which ought not entirely to be overlooked. As often as the birth-day of the city returned, the ſtatue of Conſtantine, framed, by his order, of gilt wood, and bearing in its right-hand a ſmall image of the genius of the place, was erected on a triumphal car. The guards, carrying white tapers, and clothed in their richeſt apparel, accompanied the ſolemn proceſſion as it moved through the Hippodrome. [30] When it was oppoſite to the throne of the reign⯑ing emperor, he roſe from his ſeat, and with grateful reverence adored the memory of his pre⯑deceſſor ⁶⁷. At the feſtival of his dedication, an edict, engraved on a column of marble, be⯑ſtowed the title of SECOND or NEW ROME on the city of Conſtantine ⁶⁸. But the name of Conſtan⯑tinople ⁶⁹ has prevailed over that honourable epi⯑thet; and, after the revolution of fourteen cen⯑turies, ſtill perpetuates the fame of its author ⁷⁰.

The foundation of a new capital is naturally Form of govern⯑ment. connected with the eſtabliſhment of a new form of civil and military adminiſtration. The diſtinct view of the complicated ſyſtem of policy, intro⯑duced by Diocletian, improved by Conſtantine, [31] and completed by his immediate ſucceſſors, may not only amuſe the fancy by the ſingular picture of a great empire, but will tend to illuſtrate the ſecret and internal cauſes of its rapid decay. In the purſuit of any remarkable inſtitution, we may be frequently led into the more early or the more recent times of the Roman hiſtory; but the pro⯑per limits of this enquiry will be included within a period of about one hundred and thirty years, from the acceſſion of Conſtantine to the publica⯑tion of the Theodoſian code ⁷¹; from which, as well as from the Notitia of the eaſt and weſt ⁷², we derive the moſt copious and authentic infor⯑mation of the ſtate of the empire. This variety of objects will ſuſpend, for ſome time, the courſe of the narrative; but the interruption will be cen⯑ſured only by thoſe readers who are inſenſible to the importance of laws and manners, while they peruſe, with eager curioſity, the tranſient in⯑trigues of a court, or the accidental event of a battle.

The manly pride of the Romans, content with Hierarchy of the ſtate. ſubſtantial power, had left to the vanity of the eaſt the forms and ceremonies of oſtentatious [32] greatneſs ⁷³. But when they loſt even the ſem⯑blance of thoſe virtues which were derived from their ancient freedom, the ſimplicity of Roman manners was inſenſibly corrupted by the ſtately affectation of the courts of Aſia. The diſtinc⯑tions of perſonal merit and influence, ſo conſpicu⯑ous in a republic, ſo feeble and obſcure under a monarchy, were aboliſhed by the deſpotiſm of the emperors; who ſubſtituted in their room a ſevere ſubordination of rank and office, from the titled ſlaves who were ſeated on the ſteps of the throne, to the meaneſt inſtruments of arbitrary power. This multitude of abject dependents was intereſt⯑ed in the ſupport of the actual government, from the dread of a revolution, which might at once confound their hopes, and intercept the reward of their ſervices. In this divine hierarchy (for ſuch it is frequently ſtyled), every rank was marked with the moſt ſcrupulous exactneſs, and its dignity was diſplayed in a variety of trifling and ſolemn ceremonies, which it was a ſtudy to learn, and a ſacrilege to neglect ⁷⁴. The purity of the Latin language was debaſed, by adopting, in the intercourſe of pride and flattery, a profuſion [33] of epithets, which Tully would ſcarcely have un⯑derſtood, and which Auguſtus would have re⯑jected with indignation. The principal officers of the empire were ſaluted, even by the ſovereign himſelf, with the deceitful titles of your Sincerity, your Gravity, your Excellency, your Eminence, your ſublime and wonderful Magnitude, your illuſtrious and magnificent Highneſs ⁷⁵. The codicils or patents of their office were curiouſly emblazoned with ſuch emblems as were beſt adapted to explain its na⯑ture and high dignity; the image or portrait of the reigning emperors; a triumphal car; the book of mandates placed on a table, covered with a rich carpet, and illuminated by four tapers; the allegorical figures of the provinces which they governed; or the appellations and ſtandards of the troops whom they commanded. Some of theſe official enſigns were really exhibited in their hall of audience; others preceded their pompous march whenever they appeared in public; and every circumſtance of their demeanour, their dreſs, their ornaments, and their train, was cal⯑culated to inſpire a deep reverence for the repre⯑ſentatives of ſupreme majeſty. By a philoſophic obſerver, the ſyſtem of the Roman government might have been miſtaken for a ſplendid theatre, filled with players of every character and degree, who repeated the language, and imitated the paſ⯑ſions of their original model ⁷⁶.

[34] All the magiſtrates of ſufficient importance to find a place in the general ſtate of the empire, were accurately divided into three claſſes. 1. The Three ranks of honour. Illuſtrious. 2. The Spectabiles, or Reſpectable: And 3. The Clariſſimi; whom we may tranſlate by the word Honourable. In the times of Roman ſimplicity, the laſt-mentioned epithet was uſed only as a vague expreſſion of deference, till it be⯑came at length the peculiar and appropriated title of all who were members of the ſenate ⁷⁷, and conſequently of all who, from that venerable body, were ſelected to govern the provinces. The va⯑nity of thoſe who, from their rank and office, might claim a ſuperior diſtinction above the reſt of the ſenatorial order, was long afterwards in⯑dulged with the new appellation of Reſpectable: but the title of Illuſtrious was always reſerved to ſome eminent perſonages who were obeyed or re⯑verenced by the two ſubordinate claſſes. It was communicated only, I. To the conſuls and patri⯑cians; II. To the praetorian praefects, with the praefects of Rome and Conſtantinople; III. To the maſters general of the cavalry and the in⯑fantry; and, IV. To the ſeven miniſters of the palace, who exerciſed their ſacred functions about the perſon of the emperor ⁷⁸. Among thoſe illuſ⯑trious magiſtrates who were eſteemed co-ordinate with each other, the ſeniority of appointment [35] gave place to the union of dignities ⁷⁹. By the expedient of honorary codicils, the emperors, who were fond of multiplying their favours, might ſometimes gratify the vanity, though not the am⯑bition, of impatient courtiers ⁸⁰.

I. As long as the Roman conſuls were the firſt The con⯑ſuls. magiſtrates of a free ſtate, they derived their right to power from the choice of the people. As long as the emperors condeſcended to diſguiſe the ſer⯑vitude which they impoſed, the conſuls were ſtill elected by the real or apparent ſuffrage of the ſe⯑nate. From the reign of Diocletian, even theſe veſtiges of liberty were aboliſhed, and the ſuc⯑ceſsful candidates who were inveſted with the an⯑nual honours of the conſulſhip, affected to de⯑plore the humiliating condition of their predeceſ⯑ſors. The Scipios and Catos had been reduced to ſolicit the votes of plebeians, to paſs through the tedious and expenſive forms of a popular elec⯑tion, and to expoſe their dignity to the ſhame of a public refuſal; while their own happier fate had reſerved them for an age and government in which the rewards of virtue were aſſigned by the unerring wiſdom of a gracious ſovereign ⁸¹. In the epiſtles which the emperor addreſſed to the two conſuls elect, it was declared, that they were [36] created by his ſole authority ⁸². Their names and portraits, engraved on gilt tablets of ivory, were diſperſed over the empire as preſents to the pro⯑vinces, the cities, the magiſtrates, the ſenate, and the people ⁸³. Their ſolemn inauguration was performed at the place of the Imperial reſidence; and during a period of one hundred and twenty years, Rome was conſtantly deprived of the pre⯑ſence of her ancient magiſtrates ⁸⁴. On the morn⯑ing of the firſt of January, the conſuls aſſumed the enſigns of their dignity. Their dreſs was a robe of purple, embroidered in ſilk and gold, and ſometimes ornamented with coſtly gems ⁸⁵. [37] On this ſolemn occaſion they were attended by the moſt eminent officers of the ſtate and army, in the habit of ſenators; and the uſeleſs faſces, armed with the once formidable axes, were borne before them by the lictors ⁸⁶. The proceſſion moved from the palace ⁸⁷ to the Forum, or prin⯑cipal ſquare of the city; where the conſuls aſcended their tribunal, and ſeated themſelves in the curule chairs, which were framed after the faſhion of ancient times. They immediately ex⯑erciſed an act of juriſdiction, by the manumiſſion of a ſlave, who was brought before them for that purpoſe; and the ceremony was intended to re⯑preſent the celebrated action of the elder Brutus, the author of liberty and of the conſulſhip, when he admitted among his fellow-citizens the faith⯑ful Vindex, who had revealed the conſpiracy of the Tarquins ⁸⁸. The public feſtival was con⯑tinued during ſeveral days in all the principal cities; in Rome, from cuſtom; in Conſtanti⯑nople, [38] from imitation; in Carthage, Antioch, and Alexandria, from the love of pleaſure and the ſuperfluity of wealth ⁸⁹. In the two capitals of the empire the annual games of the theatre, the circus, and the amphitheatre ⁹⁰, coſt four thouſand pounds of gold, (about) one hundred and ſixty thouſand pounds ſterling: and if ſo heavy an expence ſurpaſſed the faculties or the in⯑clination of the magiſtrates themſelves, the ſum was ſupplied from the Imperial treaſury ⁹¹. As ſoon as the conſuls had diſcharged theſe cuſtomary duties, they were at liberty to retire into the ſhade of private life, and to enjoy, during the remainder of the year, the undiſturbed contem⯑plation of their own greatneſs. They no longer preſided in the national councils; they no longer executed the reſolutions of peace or war. Their abilities (unleſs they were employed in more ef⯑fective offices) were of little moment; and their names ſerved only as the legal date of the year in which they had filled the chair of Marius and of Cicero. Yet it was ſtill felt and acknowledged, in the laſt period of Roman ſervitude, that this empty name might be compared, and even pre⯑ferred, [39] to the poſſeſſion of ſubſtantial power. The title of conſul was ſtill the moſt ſplendid ob⯑ject of ambition, the nobleſt reward of virtue and loyalty. The emperors themſelves, who diſdain⯑ed the faint ſhadow of the republic, were conſcious that they acquired an additional ſplendour and ma⯑jeſty as often as they aſſumed the annual honours of the conſular dignity ⁹².

The proudeſt and moſt perfect ſeparation which The Pa⯑tricians. can be found in any age or country, between the nobles and the people, is perhaps that of the Pa⯑tricians and the Plebeians, as it was eſtabliſhed in the firſt age of the Roman republic. Wealth and honours, the offices of the ſtate, and the ceremo⯑nies of religion, were almoſt excluſively poſſeſſed by the former; who preſerving the purity of their blood with the moſt inſulting jealouſy ⁹³, held their clients in a condition of ſpecious vaſſalage. But theſe diſtinctions, ſo incompatible with the ſpirit of a free people, were removed, after a long ſtruggle, by the perſevering efforts of the Tribunes. The moſt active and ſucceſsful of the Plebeians accumulated wealth, aſpired to ho⯑nours, [40] deſerved triumphs, contracted alliances, and, after ſome generations, aſſumed the pride of ancient nobility ⁹⁴. The Patrician families, on the other hand, whoſe original number was never recruited till the end of the commonwealth, either failed in the ordinary courſe of nature, or were ex⯑tinguiſhed in ſo many foreign and domeſtic wars, or, through a want of merit or fortune, inſenſibly mingled with the maſs of the people ⁹⁵. Very few remained who could derive their pure and ge⯑nuine origin from the infancy of the city, or even from that of the republic, when Caeſar and Au⯑guſtus, Claudius and Veſpaſian, created from the body of the ſenate a competent number of new Patrician families, in the hope of perpetuating an order, which was ſtill conſidered as honour⯑able and ſacred ⁹⁶. But theſe artificial ſupplies [41] (in which the reigning houſe was always included) were rapidly ſwept away by the rage of tyrants, by frequent revolutions, by the change of man⯑ners, and by the intermixture of nations ⁹⁷. Little more was left, when Conſtantine aſcended the throne, than a vague and imperfect tradition, that the Patricians had once been the firſt of the Ro⯑mans. To form a body of nobles, whoſe influ⯑ence may reſtrain, while it ſecures the authority of the monarch, would have been very incon⯑ſiſtent with the character and policy of Conſtan⯑tine; but had he ſeriouſly entertained ſuch a de⯑ſign, it might have exceeded the meaſure of his power to ratify, by an arbitrary edict, an inſtitu⯑tion which muſt expect the ſanction of time and of opinion. He revived, indeed, the title of PA⯑TRICIANS, but he revived it as a perſonal, not as an hereditary diſtinction. They yielded only to the tranſient ſuperiority of the annual conſuls; but they enjoyed the pre-eminence over all the great officers of ſtate, with the moſt familiar ac⯑ceſs to the perſon of the prince. This honour⯑able rank was beſtowed on them for life; and as they were uſually favourites, and miniſters who had grown old in the Imperial court, the true [42] etymology of the word was perverted by igno⯑rance and flattery; and the Patricians of Con⯑ſtantine were reverenced as the adopted Fathers of the emperor and the republic ⁹⁸.

II. The fortunes of the Praetorian praefects The Prae⯑torian prae⯑fects. were eſſentially different from theſe of the conſuls and patricians. The latter ſaw their ancient great⯑neſs evaporate in a vain title. The former, riſing by degrees from the moſt humble condition, were inveſted with the civil and military adminiſtra⯑tion of the Roman world. From the reign of Severus to that of Diocletian, the guards and the palace, the laws and the finances, the armies and the provinces, were intruſted to their ſuperintend⯑ing care; and, like the Vizirs of the Eaſt, they held with one hand the ſeal, and with the other the ſtandard, of the empire. The ambition of the praefects, always formidable, and ſome⯑times fatal to the maſters whom they ſerved, was ſupported by the ſtrength of the Praetorian bands; but after thoſe haughty troops had been weakened by Diocletian, and finally ſuppreſſed by Conſtantine, the praefects, who ſurvived their fall, were reduced without difficulty to the ſta⯑tion of uſeful and obedient miniſters. When they were no longer reſponſible for the ſafety of the emperor's perſon, they reſigned the juriſdiction which they had hitherto claimed and exerciſed over all the departments of the palace. They were deprived by Conſtantine of all military com⯑mand, as ſoon as they had ceaſed to lead into the [43] field, under their immediate orders, the flower of the Roman troops; and at length, by a ſingular revolution, the captains of the guards were trans⯑formed into the civil magiſtrates of the provinces. According to the plan of government inſtituted by Diocletian, the four princes had each their Praetorian praefect; and, after the monarchy was once more united in the perſon of Conſtantine, he ſtill continued to create the ſame number of FOUR PRAEFECTS, and entruſted to their care the ſame provinces which they already adminiſtered. 1. The praefect of the Eaſt ſtretched his ample juriſ⯑diction into the three parts of the globe which were ſubject to the Romans, from the cataracts of the Nile to the banks of the Phaſis, and from the mountains of Thrace to the frontiers of Per⯑ſia. 2. The important provinces of Pannonia, Dacia, Macedonia, and Greece, once acknow⯑ledged the authority of the praefect of Illyricum. 3. The power of the praefect of Italy was not con⯑fined to the country from whence he derived his title; it extended over the additional territory of Rhaetia as far as the banks of the Danube, over the dependent iſlands of the Mediterranean, and over that part of the continent of Africa which lies between the confines of Cyrene and thoſe of Tingitania. 4. The praefect of the Gauls com⯑prehended under that plural denomination the kindred provinces of Britain and Spain, and his authority was obeyed from the wall of Antoninus to the fort of Mount Atlas ⁹⁹.

[44] After the Praetorian praefects had been diſmiſſed from all military command, the civil functions which they were ordained to exerciſe over ſo many ſubject nations, were adequate to the am⯑bition and abilities of the moſt conſummate mi⯑niſters. To their wiſdom was committed the ſu⯑preme adminiſtration of juſtice and of the finances, the two objects which, in a ſtate of peace, com⯑prehend almoſt all the reſpective duties of the ſovereign and of the people; of the former, to protect the citizens who are obedient to the laws; of the latter, to contribute the ſhare of their property which is required for the expences of the ſtate. The coin, the highways, the poſts, the granaries, the manufactures, whatever could intereſt the public proſperity, was moderated by the authority of the Praetorian praefects. As the immediate repreſentatives of the Imperial ma⯑jeſty, they were empowered to explain, to enforce, and on ſome occaſions to modify, the general edicts by their diſcretionary proclamations. They watched over the conduct of the provincial go⯑vernors, removed the negligent, and inflicted puniſhments on the guilty. From all the inferior juriſdictions, an appeal in every matter of im⯑portance, either civil or criminal, might be brought before the tribunal of the praefect: but his ſentence was final and abſolute; and the em⯑perors themſelves refuſed to admit any complaints againſt the judgment or the integrity of a magi⯑ſtrate [45] whom they honoured with ſuch unbounded confidence ¹⁰⁰. His appointments were ſuitable to his dignity ¹⁰¹; and if avarice was his ruling paſſion, he enjoyed frequent opportunities of col⯑lecting a rich harveſt of fees, of preſents, and of perquiſites. Though the emperors no longer dreaded the ambition of their praefects, they were attentive to counterbalance the power of this great office by the uncertainty and ſhortneſs of its du⯑ration ¹⁰².

From their ſuperior importance and dignity, The prae⯑fects of Rome and Conſtanti⯑nople. Rome and Conſtantinople were alone excepted from the juriſdiction of the Praetorian praefects. The immenſe ſize of the city, and the experience of the tardy, ineffectual operation of the laws, had furniſhed the policy of Auguſtus with a ſpecious pretence for introducing a new magiſtrate, who alone could reſtrain a ſervile and turbulent popu⯑lace [46] by the ſtrong arm of arbitrary power ¹⁰³. Valerius Meſſalla was appointed the firſt praefect of Rome, that his reputation might countenance ſo invidious a meaſure: but, at the end of a few days, that accompliſhed citizen ¹⁰⁴ reſigned his office, declaring with a ſpirit worthy of the friend of Brutus, that he found himſelf incapable of ex⯑erciſing a power incompatible with public free⯑dom ¹⁰⁵. As the ſenſe of liberty became leſs ex⯑quiſite, the advantages of order were more clearly underſtood; and the praefect, who ſeemed to have been deſigned as a terror only to ſlaves and va⯑grants, was permitted to extend his civil and cri⯑minal juriſdiction over the equeſtrian and noble families of Rome. The praetors, annually created as the judges of law and equity, could not long diſpute the poſſeſſion of the Forum with a vigor⯑ous [47] and permanent magiſtrate, who was uſually admitted into the confidence of the prince. Their courts were deſerted, their number, which had once fluctuated between twelve and eighteen ¹⁰⁶, was gradually reduced to two or three, and their important functions were confined to the expen⯑ſive obligation ¹⁰⁷ of exhibiting games for the amuſement of the people. After the office of Roman conſuls had been changed into a vain pageant, which was rarely diſplayed in the ca⯑pital, the praefects aſſumed their vacant place in the ſenate, and were ſoon acknowledged as the ordinary preſidents of that venerable aſſembly. They received appeals from the diſtance of one hundred miles; and it was allowed as a principle of juriſprudence, that all municipal authority was derived from them alone ¹⁰⁸. In the diſcharge of his laborious employment, the governor of Rome was aſſiſted by fifteen officers, ſome of whom had been originally his equals, or even his ſuperiors. The principal departments were relative to the command of a numerous watch eſtabliſhed as a [48] ſafeguard againſt fires, robberies, and nocturnal diſorders; the cuſtody and diſtribution of the public allowance of corn and proviſions; the care of the port, of the aqueducts, of the common ſewers, and of the navigation and bed of the Tyber; the inſpection of the markets, the theatres, and of the private as well as public works. Their vigilance enſured the three principal objects of a regular police, ſafety, plenty, and cleanlineſs; and as a proof of the attention of government to preſerve the ſplendour and ornaments of the capi⯑tal, a particular inſpector was appointed for the ſtatues; the guardian, as it were, of that inani⯑mate people, which, according to the extrava⯑gant computation of an old writer, was ſcarcely inferior in number to the living inhabitants of Rome. About thirty years after the foundation of Conſtantinople, a ſimilar magiſtrate was created in that riſing metropolis, for the ſame uſes, and with the ſame powers. A perfect equality was eſtabliſhed between the dignity of the two muni⯑cipal, and that of the four praetorian, praefects ¹⁰⁹.

Thoſe who, in the Imperial hierarchy, were The pro⯑conſuls, vice-prae⯑fects, &c. diſtinguiſhed by the title of Reſpectable, formed an intermediate claſs between the illuſtrious praefects and the honourable magiſtrates of the provinces. In this claſs, the proconſuls of Aſia, Achaia, and Africa, claimed a pre-eminence, which was yield⯑ed [49] to the remembrance of their ancient dignity; and the appeal from their tribunal to that of the praefects was almoſt the only mark of their de⯑pendence ¹¹⁰. But the civil government of the empire was diſtributed into thirteen great DIO⯑CESES, each of which equalled the juſt meaſure of a powerful kingdom. The firſt of theſe dioceſes was ſubject to the juriſdiction of the count of the eaſt; and we may convey ſome idea of the im⯑portance and variety of his functions, by obſerv⯑ing, that ſix hundred apparitors, who would be ſtyled at preſent either ſecretaries, or clerks, or uſhers, or meſſengers, were employed in his im⯑mediate office ¹¹¹. The place of Auguſtal praefect of Egypt was no longer filled by a Roman knight; but the name was retained; and the extraordi⯑nary powers which the ſituation of the country, and the temper of the inhabitants, had once made indiſpenſable, were ſtill continued to the gover⯑nor. The eleven remaining dioceſes, of Aſiana, Pontica, and Thrace; of Macedonia, Dacia, and Pannonia or Weſtern Illyricum; of Italy and Africa; of Gual, Spain, and Britain; were go⯑verned by twelve vicars, or vice-praefects ¹¹², whoſe [50] name ſufficiently explains the nature and depend⯑ence of their office. It may be added, that the lieutenant-generals of the Roman armies, the mi⯑litary counts and dukes, who will be hereafter mentioned, were allowed the rank and title of Reſpectable.

As the ſpirit of jealouſy and oſtentation pre⯑vailed The go⯑vernors of the pro⯑vinces. in the councils of the emperors, they pro⯑ceeded with anxious diligence to divide the ſub⯑ſtance, and to multiply the titles of power. The vaſt countries which the Roman conquerors had united under the ſame ſimple form of adminiſtra⯑tion, were imperceptibly crumbled into minute fragments; till at length the whole empire was diſtributed into one hundred and ſixteen pro⯑vinces, each of which ſupported an expenſive and ſplendid eſtabliſhment. Of theſe, three were go⯑verned by proconſuls, thirty-ſeven by conſulars, five by correctors, and ſeventy-one by preſidents. The appellations of theſe magiſtrates were different; they ranked in ſucceſſive order, the enſigns of their dignity were curiouſly varied, and their ſitua⯑tion, from accidental circumſtances, might be more or leſs agreeable, or advantageous. But they were all (excepting only the proconſuls) alike included in the claſs of honourable perſons; and they were alike entruſted, during the plea⯑ſure of the prince, and under the authority of the praefects or their deputies, with the adminiſtration of juſtice and the finances in their reſpective di⯑ſtricts. The ponderous volumes of the Codes and [51] Pandects ¹¹³ would furniſh ample materials for a minute enquiry into the ſyſtem of provincial go⯑vernment, as in the ſpace of ſix centuries it was improved by the wiſdom of the Roman ſtateſmen and lawyers. It may be ſufficient for the hiſto⯑rian to ſelect two ſingular and ſalutary proviſions intended to reſtrain the abuſe of authority. 1. For the preſervation of peace and order, the governors of the provinces were armed with the ſword of juſtice. They inflicted corporal puniſhments, and they exerciſed, in capital offences, the power of life and death. But they were not authoriſed to indulge the condemned criminal with the choice of his own execution, or to pronounce a ſentence of the mildeſt and moſt honourable kind of exile. Theſe prerogatives were reſerved to the praefects, who alone could impoſe the heavy fine of fifty pounds of gold: their vicegerents were confined to the trifling weight of a few ounces ¹¹⁴. This diſtinction, which ſeems to grant the larger, while it denies the ſmaller degree of authority, was founded on a very rational motive. The ſmaller degree was infinitely more liable to abuſe. The paſſions of a provincial magiſtrate might fre⯑quently provoke him into acts of oppreſſion, [52] which affected only the freedom or the fortunes of the ſubject; though, from a principle of prudence, perhaps of humanity, he might ſtill be terrified by the guilt of innocent blood. It may likewiſe be conſidered, that exile, conſiderable fines, or the choice of an eaſy death, relate more particu⯑larly to the rich and the noble; and the perſons the moſt expoſed to the avarice or reſentment of a provincial magiſtrate, were thus removed from his obſcure perſecution to the more auguſt and impartial tribunal of the Praetorian praefect. 2. As it was reaſonably apprehended that the inte⯑grity of the judge might be biaſſed, if his intereſt was concerned, or his affections were engaged; the ſtricteſt regulations were eſtabliſhed, to ex⯑clude any perſon, without the ſpecial diſpenſa⯑tion of the emperor, from the government of the province where he was born ¹¹⁵; and to prohibit the governor or his ſon from contracting mar⯑riage with a native or an inhabitant ¹¹⁶; or from purchaſing ſlaves, lands, or houſes, within the extent of his juriſdiction ¹¹⁷. Notwithſtanding [53] theſe rigorous precautions, the emperor Conſtan⯑tine, after a reign of twenty-five years, ſtill de⯑plores the venal and oppreſſive adminiſtration of juſtice, and expreſſes the warmeſt indignation that the audience of the judge, his diſpatch of bu⯑ſineſs, his ſeaſonable delays, and his final ſen⯑tence, were publicly ſold, either by himſelf or by the officers of his court. The continuance, and perhaps the impunity, of theſe crimes, is atteſted by the repetition of impotent laws, and inneffec⯑tual menaces ¹¹⁸.

All the civil magiſtrates were drawn from the The pro⯑feſſion of the law. profeſſion of the law. The celebrated Inſtitutes of Juſtinian are addreſſed to the youth of his do⯑minions, who had devoted themſelves to the ſtudy of Roman juriſprudence; and the ſovereign condeſcends to animate their diligence, by the aſſurance that their ſkill and ability would in time be rewarded by an adequate ſhare in the govern⯑ment of the republic ¹¹⁹. The rudiments of this lucrative ſcience were taught in all the conſider⯑able cities of the eaſt and weſt; but the moſt fa⯑mous ſchool was that of Berytus ¹²⁰, on the coaſt [54] of Phoenicia; which flouriſhed above three cen⯑turies from the time of Alexander Severus, the author perhaps of an inſtitution ſo advantageous to his native country. After a regular courſe of education, which laſted five years, the ſtudents diſperſed themſelves through the provinces, in ſearch of fortune and honours; nor could they want an inexhauſtible ſupply of buſineſs in a great empire, already corrupted by the multiplicity of laws, of arts, and of vices. The court of the Praetorian praefect of the eaſt could alone furniſh employment for one hundred and fifty advocates, ſixty-four of whom were diſtinguiſhed by peculiar privileges, and two were annually choſen with a ſalary of ſixty pounds of gold, to defend the cauſes of the treaſury. The firſt experiment was made of their judicial talents, by appointing them to act occaſionally as aſſeſſors to the magiſtrates; from thence they were often raiſed to preſide in the tribunals before which they had pleaded. They obtained the government of a province; and, by the aid of merit, of reputation, or of fa⯑vour, they aſcended, by ſucceſſive ſteps, to the illuſtrious dignities of the ſtate ¹²¹. In the practice [55] of the bar, theſe men had conſidered reaſon as the inſtrument of diſpute; they interpreted the laws according to the dictates of private intereſt; and the ſame pernicious habits might ſtill adhere to their characters in the public adminiſtration of the ſtate. The honour of a liberal profeſſion has indeed been vindicated by ancient and modern ad⯑vocates, who have filled the moſt important ſta⯑tions, with pure integrity, and conſummate wiſ⯑dom: but in the decline of Roman juriſprudence, the ordinary promotion of lawyers was pregnant with miſchief and diſgrace. The noble art, which had once been preſerved as the ſacred inheritance of the patricians, was fallen into the hands of freedmen and plebeians ¹²², who, with cunning rather than with ſkill, exerciſed a ſordid and per⯑nicious trade. Some of them procured admit⯑tance into families for the purpoſe of fomenting differences, of encouraging ſuits, and of prepar⯑ing a harveſt of gain for themſelves or their bre⯑theren. [56] Others, recluſe in their chambers, main⯑tained the dignity of legal profeſſors, by furniſh⯑ing a rich client with ſubtleties to confound the plaineſt truth, and with arguments to colour the moſt unjuſtifiable pretenſions. The ſplendid and popular claſs was compoſed of the advocates, who filled the Forum with the ſound of their tur⯑gid and loquacious rhetoric. Careleſs of fame and of juſtice, they are deſcribed, for the moſt part, as ignorant and rapacious guides, who con⯑ducted their clients through a maze of expence, of delay, and of diſappointment; from whence, after a tedious ſeries of years, they were at length diſmiſſed, when their patience and fortune were almoſt exhauſted ¹²³.

III. In the ſyſtem of policy introduced by Au⯑guſtus, The mili⯑tary offi⯑cers. the governors, thoſe at leaſt of the impe⯑rial provinces, were inveſted with the full powers of the ſovereign himſelf. Miniſters of peace and war, the diſtribution of rewards and puniſhments depended on them alone, and they ſucceſſively appeared on their tribunal in the robes of civil magiſtracy, and in complete armour at the head of the Roman legions ¹²⁴. The influence of the [57] revenue, the authority of law, and the command of a military force, concurred to render their power ſupreme and abſolute; and whenever they were tempted to violate their allegiance, the loyal province which they involved in their rebellion, was ſcarcely ſenſible of any change in its political ſtate. From the time of Commodus to the reign of Conſtantine, near one hundred governors might be enumerated, who, with various ſucceſs, erected the ſtandard of revolt; and though the innocent were too often ſacrificed, the guilty might be ſometimes prevented, by the ſuſpicious cruelty of their maſter ¹²⁵. To ſecure his throne and the public tranquillity from theſe formidable ſervants, Conſtantine reſolved to divide the mili⯑tary from the civil adminiſtration; and to eſta⯑bliſh, as a permanent and profeſſional diſtinction, a practice which had been adopted only as an oc⯑caſional expedient. The ſupreme juriſdiction ex⯑erciſed by the Praetorian praefects over the armies of the empire, was transferred to the two maſters general whom he inſtituted, the one for the cavalry, the other for the infantry; and though each of theſe illuſtrious officers was more peculiarly reſpon⯑ſible for the diſcipline of thoſe troops which were under his immediate inſpection, they both indif⯑ferently commanded in the field the ſeveral bodies, whether of horſe or foot, which were united in the [58] ſame army ¹²⁶. Their number was ſoon doubled by the diviſion of the eaſt and weſt; and as ſepa⯑rate generals of the ſame rank and title were ap⯑pointed on the four important frontiers of the Rhine, of the Upper and the Lower Danube, and of the Euphrates, the defence of the Roman em⯑pire was at length committed to eight maſters ge⯑neral of the cavalry and infantry. Under their orders, thirty-five military commanders were ſta⯑tioned in the provinces: three in Britain, ſix in Gaul, one in Spain, one in Italy, five on the Upper, and four on the Lower Danube; in Aſia eight, three in Egypt, and four in Africa. The titles of counts, and dukes ¹²⁷, by which they were properly diſtinguiſhed, have obtained in modern languages ſo very different a ſenſe, that the uſe of them may occaſion ſome ſurpriſe. But it ſhould be recollected, that the ſecond of thoſe ap⯑pellations is only a corruption of the Latin word, which was indiſcriminately applied to any mili⯑tary chief. All theſe provincial generals were therefore dukes; but no more than ten among them were dignified with the rank of counts or companions, a title of honour, or rather of fa⯑vour, which had been recently invented in the [59] court of Conſtantine. A gold belt was the en⯑ſign which diſtinguiſhed the office of the counts and dukes; and beſides their pay, they received a liberal allowance ſufficient to maintain one hundred and ninety ſervants, and one hun⯑dred and fifty-eight horſes. They were ſtrictly prohibited from interfering in any matter which related to the adminiſtration of juſtice or the re⯑venue; but the command which they exerciſed over the troops of their department, was inde⯑pendent of the authority of the magiſtrates. About the ſame time that Conſtantine gave a legal ſanction to the eccleſiaſtical order, he inſtituted in the Roman empire the nice balance of the civil and the military powers. The emulation, and ſometimes the diſcord, which reigned between two profeſſions of oppoſite intereſts and incom⯑patible manners, was productive of beneficial and of pernicious conſequences. It was ſeldom to be expected that the general and the civil governor of a province ſhould either conſpire for the diſ⯑turbance, or ſhould unite for the ſervice, of their country. While the one delayed to offer the aſ⯑ſiſtance which the other diſdained to ſolicit, the troops very frequently remained without orders or without ſupplies; the public ſafety was be⯑trayed, and the defenceleſs ſubjects were left ex⯑poſed to the fury of the Barbarians. The divided adminiſtration, which had been formed by Con⯑ſtantine, relaxed the vigour of the ſtate, while it ſecured the tranquillity of the monarch.

The memory of Conſtantine has been deſerved⯑ly Diſtinction of the troops. cenſured for another innovation which cor⯑rupted [60] military diſcipline, and prepared the ruin of the empire. The nineteen years which pre⯑ceded his final victory over Licinius, had been a period of licenſe and inteſtine war. The rivals who contended for the poſſeſſion of the Roman world, had withdrawn the greateſt part of their forces from the guard of the general frontier; and the principal cities which formed the boun⯑dary of their reſpective dominions were filled with ſoldiers, who conſidered their countrymen as their moſt implacable enemies. After the uſe of theſe internal garriſons had ceaſed with the civil war, the conqueror wanted either wiſdom or firmneſs to revive the ſevere diſcipline of Diocletian, and to ſuppreſs a fatal indulgence, which habit had endeared and almoſt confirmed to the military or⯑der. From the reign of Conſtantine a popular and even legal diſtinction was admitted between the Palatines ¹²⁸ and the Borderers; the troops of the court, as they were improperly ſtiled, and the troops of the frontier. The former, elevated by the ſuperiority of their pay and privileges, were permitted, except in the extraordinary emergen⯑cies of war, to occupy their tranquil ſtations in the heart of the provinces. The moſt flouriſhing cities were oppreſſed by the intolerable weight of quarters. The ſoldiers inſenſibly forgot the vir⯑tues of their profeſſion, and contracted only the [61] vices of civil life. They were either degraded by the induſtry of mechanic trades, or enervated by the luxury of baths and theatres. They ſoon be⯑came careleſs of their martial exerciſes, curious in their diet and apparel; and while they inſpired terror to the ſubjects of the empire, they trembled at the hoſtile approach of the Barbarians ¹²⁹. The chain of fortifications which Diocletian and his colleagues had extended along the banks of the great rivers, was no longer maintained with the ſame care, or defended with the ſame vigilance. The numbers which ſtill remained under the name of the troops of the frontier, might be ſuf⯑ficient for the ordinary defence. But their ſpirit was degraded by the humiliating reflection, that they who were expoſed to the hardſhips and dan⯑gers of a perpetual warfare, were rewarded only with about two-thirds of the pay and emoluments which were laviſhed on the troops of the court. Even the bands or legions that were raiſed the neareſt to the level of thoſe unworthy favourites, were in ſome meaſure diſgraced by the title of honour which they were allowed to aſſume. It was in vain that Conſtantine repeated the moſt dreadful menaces of fire and ſword againſt the Borderers who ſhould dare to deſert their colours, to connive at the inroads of the Barbarians, or to [62] participate in the ſpoil ¹³⁰. The miſchiefs which flow from injudicious counſels are ſeldom removed by the application of partial ſeverities: and though ſucceeding princes laboured to reſtore the ſtrength and numbers of the frontier garriſons, the empire, till the laſt moment of its diſſolution, continued to languiſh under the mortal wound which had been ſo raſhly or ſo weakly inflicted by the hand of Conſtantine.

The ſame timid policy, of dividing whatever is Reduction of the legions. united, of reducing whatever is eminent, of dread⯑ing every active power, and of expecting that the moſt feeble will prove the moſt obedient, ſeems to pervade the inſtitutions of ſeveral princes, and particularly thoſe of Conſtantine. The martial pride of the legions, whoſe victorious camps had ſo often been the ſcene of rebellion, was nou⯑riſhed by the memory of their paſt exploits, and the conſciouſneſs of their actual ſtrength. As long as they maintained their ancient eſtabliſh⯑ment of ſix thouſand men, they ſubſiſted, under the reign of Diocletian, each of them ſingly, a viſible and important object in the military hiſ⯑tory of the Roman empire. A few years after⯑wards, theſe gigantic bodies were ſhrunk to a very diminutive ſize; and when ſeven legions, with ſome auxiliaries, defended the city of Amida againſt the Perſians, the total garriſon, with the [63] inhabitants of both ſexes, and the peaſants of the deſerted country, did not exceed the number of twenty thouſand perſons ¹³¹. From this fact, and from ſimilar examples, there is reaſon to believe, that the conſtitution of the legionary troops, to which they partly owed their valour and diſci⯑pline, was diſſolved by Conſtantine; and that the bands of Roman infantry, which ſtill aſſumed the ſame names and the ſame honours, conſiſted only of one thouſand thouſand or fifteen hundred men ¹³². The conſpiracy of ſo many ſeparate detachments, each of which was awed by the ſenſe of its own weak⯑neſs, could eaſily be checked; and the ſucceſſors of Conſtantine might indulge their love of oſten⯑tation, by iſſuing their orders to one hundred and thirty-two legions, inſcribed on the muſter-roll of their numerous armies. The remainder of their troops was diſtributed into ſeveral hundred cohorts of inſantry, and ſquadrons of cavalry. Their arms, and titles, and enſigns, were calcu⯑lated to inſpire terror, and to diſplay the variety of nations who marched under the imperial ſtan⯑dard. And not a veſtige was left of that ſevere ſimplicity, which, in the ages of freedom and victory, had diſtinguiſhed the line of battle of a Roman army from the confuſed hoſt of an Aſiatic monarch ¹³³. A more particular enumeration, [64] drawn from the Notitia, might exerciſe the dili⯑gence of an antiquary; but the hiſtorian will con⯑tent himſelf with obſerving, that the number of permanent ſtations or garriſons eſtabliſhed on the frontiers of the empire, amounted to five hundred and eighty-three; and that, under the ſucceſſors of Conſtantine, the complete force of the military eſtabliſhment was computed at ſix hundred and forty-five thouſand ſoldiers ¹³⁴. An effort ſo pro⯑digious ſurpaſſed the wants of a more antient, and the faculties of a later, period.

In the various ſtates of ſociety, armies are re⯑cruited Difficulty of levies. from very different motives. Barbarians are urged by the love of war; the citizens of a free republic may be prompted by a principle of duty; the ſubjects, or at leaſt the nobles of a mo⯑narchy, are animated by a ſentiment of honour; but the timid and luxurious inhabitants of a de⯑clining empire muſt be allured into the ſervice by the hopes of profit, or compelled by the dread of puniſhment. The reſources of the Roman trea⯑ſury were exhauſted by the encreaſe of pay, by the repetition of donatives, and by the invention of new emoluments and indulgences, which, in the opinion of the provincial youth, might com⯑penſate the hardſhips and dangers of a military life. Yet, although the ſtature was lower⯑ed ¹³⁵, [65] although ſlaves, at leaſt by a tacit connivance, were indiſcriminately received into the ranks, the inſurmountable difficulty of procuring a regular and adequate ſupply of volunteers, obliged the emperors to adopt more effectual and coercive methods. The lands beſtowed on the veterans, as the free reward of their valour, were hence⯑forwards granted under a condition, which con⯑tains the firſt rudiments of the feudal tenures; that their ſons, who ſucceeded to the inheritance, ſhould devote themſelves to the profeſſion of arms, as ſoon as they attained the age of man⯑hood; and their cowardly refuſal was puniſhed by the loſs of honour, of fortune, or even of life ¹³⁶. But as the annual growth of the ſons of the vete⯑rans bore a very ſmall proportion to the demands of the ſervice, levies of men were frequently re⯑quired from the provinces, and every proprietor was obliged either to take up arms, or to procure a ſubſtitute, or to purchaſe his exemption by the payment of a heavy fine. The ſum of forty-two pieces of gold, to which it was reduced, aſcertains the exorbitant price of volunteers, and the reluc⯑tance [66] with which the government admitted of this alternative ¹³⁷. Such was the horror for the pro⯑feſſion of a ſoldier, which had affected the minds of the degenerate Romans, that many of the youth of Italy, and the provinces, choſe to cut off the fingers of their right hand to eſcape from being preſſed into the ſervice; and this ſtrange ex⯑pedient was ſo commonly practiſed, as to deſerve the ſevere animadverſion of the laws ¹³⁸, and a pe⯑culiar name in the Latin language ¹³⁹.

The introduction of Barbarians into the Roman Encreaſe of Barba⯑rian auxi⯑iliaries. armies became every day more univerſal, more neceſſary, and more fatal. The moſt daring of the Scythians, of the Goths, and of the Germans, who delighted in war, and who found it more [67] profitable to defend than to ravage the provinces, were enrolled, not only in the auxiliaries of their reſpective nations, but in the legions themſelves, and among the moſt diſtinguiſhed of the Palatine troops. As they freely mingled with the ſub⯑jects of the empire, they gradually learned to deſpiſe their manners, and to imitate their arts. They abjured the implicit reverence which the pride of Rome had exacted from their ignorance, while they acquired the knowledge and poſſeſſion of thoſe advantages by which alone ſhe ſupport⯑ed her declining greatneſs. The Barbarian ſol⯑diers who diſplayed any military talents, were advanced, without exception, to the moſt im⯑portant commands; and the names of the tri⯑bunes, of the counts and dukes, and of the gene⯑rals themſelves, betray a foreign origin, which they no longer condeſcended to diſguiſe. They were often entruſted with the conduct of a war againſt their countrymen; and though moſt of them preferred the ties of allegiance to thoſe of blood, they did not always avoid the guilt, or at leaſt the ſuſpicion, of holding a treaſonable cor⯑reſpondence with the enemy, of inviting his in⯑vaſion, or of ſparing his retreat. The camps, and the palace of the ſon of Conſtantine, were governed by the powerful faction of the Franks, who preſerved the ſtricteſt connection with each other, and with their country, and who reſented every perſonal affront as a national indignity ¹⁴⁰. [68] When the tyrant Caligula was ſuſpected of an in⯑tention to inveſt a very extraordinary candidate with the conſular robes, the ſacrilegious profana⯑tion would have ſcarcely excited leſs aſtoniſh⯑ment, if, inſtead of a horſe, the nobleſt chieftain of Germany or Britain had been the object of his choice. The revolution of three centuries had produced ſo remarkable a change in the preju⯑dices of the people, that, with the public appro⯑bation, Conſtantine ſhewed his ſucceſſors the ex⯑ample of beſtowing the honours of the conſulſhip on the barbarians, who, by their merit and ſer⯑vices, had deſerved to be ranked among the firſt of the Romans ¹⁴¹. But as theſe hardy veterans, who had been educated in the ignorance or con⯑tempt of the laws, were incapable of exerciſing any civil offices, the powers of the human mind were contracted by the irreconcileable ſeparation of talents as well as of profeſſions. The accom⯑pliſhed citizens of the Greek and Roman repub⯑lics, whoſe characters could adapt themſelves to the bar, the ſenate, the camp, or the ſchools, had learned to write, to ſpeak, and to act with the ſame ſpirit, and with equal abilities.

IV. Beſides the magiſtrates and generals, who Seven mi⯑niſters of the palace. at a diſtance from the court diffuſed their dele⯑gated [69] authority over the provinces and armies, the emperor conferred the rank of Illuſtrious on ſeven of his more immediate ſervants, to whoſe fidelity he entruſted his ſafety, or his counſels, or his treaſures. 1. The private apartments of the palace were governed by a favourite eunuch, who, in the language of that age, was ſtyled the praepo⯑ſitus The cham⯑berlain. or praefect of the ſacred bed-chamber. His duty was to attend the emperor in his hours of ſtate, or in thoſe of amuſement, and to perform about his perſon all thoſe menial ſervices, which can only derive their ſplendor from the influence of royalty. Under a prince who deſerved to reign, the great chamberlain (for ſuch we may call him) was an uſeful and humble domeſtic; but an artful domeſtic, who improves every occaſion of unguarded confidence, will inſenſibly acquire over a feeble mind that aſcendant which harſh wiſdom and uncomplying virtue can ſeldom ob⯑tain. The degenerate grandſons of Theodoſius, who were inviſible to their ſubjects, and con⯑temptible to their enemies, exalted the praefects of their bed-chamber above the heads of all the miniſters of the palace ¹⁴²; and even his deputy, the firſt of the ſplendid train of ſlaves who waited in the preſence, was thought worthy to rank be⯑fore the reſpectable proconſuls of Greece or Aſia. The juriſdiction of the chamberlain was acknow⯑ledged by the counts, or ſuperintendants, who re⯑gulated the two important provinces, of the mag⯑nificence of the wardrobe, and of the luxury of the [70] Imperial table ¹⁴³. 2. The principal adminiſtra⯑tion of public affairs was committed to the dili⯑gence and abilities of the maſter of the offices ¹⁴⁴. The maſter of the of⯑fices. He was the ſupreme magiſtrate of the palace, in⯑ſpected the diſcipline of the civil and military ſchools, and received appeals from all parts of the empire; in the cauſes which related to that nu⯑merous army of privileged perſons, who, as the ſervants of the court, had obtained, for them⯑ſelves and families, a right to decline the autho⯑rity of the ordinary judges. The correſpondence between the prince and his ſubjects was managed by the four ſcrinia, or offices of this miniſter of ſtate. The firſt was appropriated to memorials, the ſecond to epiſtles, the third to petitions, and the fourth to papers and orders of a miſcellaneous kind. Each of theſe was directed by an inferior maſter of reſpectable dignity, and the whole buſi⯑neſs was diſpatched by an hundred and forty-eight ſecretaries, choſen for the moſt part from the profeſſion of the law, on account of the variety of abſtracts of reports and references which fre⯑quently [71] occurred in the exerciſe of their ſeveral functions. From a condeſcenſion, which in for⯑mer ages would have been eſteemed unworthy of the Roman majeſty, a particular ſecretary was al⯑lowed for the Greek language; and interpreters were appointed to receive the ambaſſadors of the Barbarians: but the department of foreign affairs, which conſtitutes ſo eſſential a part of modern po⯑licy, ſeldom diverted the attention of the maſter of the offices. His mind was more ſeriouſly en⯑gaged by the general direction of the poſts and arſenals of the empire. There were thirty-four cities, fifteen in the eaſt, and nineteen in the weſt, in which regular companies of workmen were perpetually employed in fabricating defenſive ar⯑mour, offenſive weapons of all ſorts, and military engines, which were depoſited in the arſenals, and occaſionally delivered for the ſervice of the troops. 3. In the courſe of nine centuries, the office of The quae⯑ſtor. quaeſtor had experienced a very ſingular revolu⯑tion. In the infancy of Rome, two inferior magi⯑ſtrates were annually elected by the people, to re⯑lieve the conſuls from the invidious management of the public treaſure ¹⁴⁵; a ſimilar aſſiſtant was granted to every proconſul, and to every praetor, who exerciſed a military or provincial command; with the extent of conqueſt, the two quaeſtors were gradually multiplied to the number of four, [72] of eight, of twenty, and, for a ſhort time, per⯑haps, of forty ¹⁴⁶; and the nobleſt citizens ambi⯑tiouſly ſolicited an office which gave them a ſeat in the ſenate, and a juſt hope of obtaining the ho⯑nours of the republic. Whilſt Auguſtus affected to maintain the freedom of election, he conſented to accept the annual privilege of recommending, or rather indeed of nominating, a certain propor⯑tion of candidates; and it was his cuſtom to ſelect one of theſe diſtinguiſhed youths, to read his ora⯑tions or epiſtles in the aſſemblies of the ſenate ¹⁴⁷. The practice of Auguſtus was imitated by ſuc⯑ceeding princes; the occaſional commiſſion was eſtabliſhed as a permanent office; and the favour⯑ed quaeſtor, aſſuming a new and more illuſtrious character, alone ſurvived the ſuppreſſion of his ancient and uſeleſs colleagues ¹⁴⁸. As the ora⯑tions, [73] which he compoſed in the name of the em⯑peror ¹⁴⁹, acquired the force, and, at length, the form of abſolute edicts, he was conſidered as the repreſentative of the legiſlative power, the oracle of the council, and the original ſource of the civil juriſprudence. He was ſometimes invited to take his ſeat in the ſupreme judicature of the Imperial conſiſtory, with the Praetorian praefects, and the maſter of the offices; and he was frequently re⯑queſted to reſolve the doubts of inferior judges: but as he was not oppreſſed with a variety of ſub⯑ordinate buſineſs, his leiſure and talents were em⯑ployed to cultivate that dignified ſtyle of elo⯑quence, which, in the corruption of taſte and language, ſtill preſerves the majeſty of the Roman laws ¹⁵⁰. In ſome reſpects, the office of the Im⯑perial quaeſtor may be compared with that of a modern chancellor; but the uſe of a great ſeal, which ſeems to have been adopted by the illiterate [74] Barbarians, was never introduced to atteſt the pub⯑lic acts of the emperors. 4. The extraordinary title of count of the ſacred largeſſes, was beſtowed The pub⯑lic trea⯑ſurer. on the treaſurer-general of the revenue, with the intention perhaps of inculcating, that every pay⯑ment flowed from the voluntary bounty of the monarch. To conceive the almoſt infinite detail of the annual and daily expence of the civil and military adminiſtration in every part of a great empire, would exceed the powers of the moſt vi⯑gorous imagination. The actual account em⯑ployed ſeveral hundred perſons, diſtributed into eleven different offices, which were artfully con⯑trived to examine and controul their reſpective operations. The multitude of theſe agents had a natural tendency to encreaſe; and it was more than once thought expedient to diſmiſs to their native homes, the uſeleſs ſupernumeraries, who, deſerting their honeſt labours, had preſſed with too much eagerneſs into the lucrative profeſſion of the finances ¹⁵¹. Twenty-nine provincial re⯑ceivers, of whom eighteen were honoured with the title of count, correſponded with the trea⯑ſurer; and he extended his juriſdiction over the mines from whence the precious metals were ex⯑tracted, over the mints, in which they were con⯑verted into the current coin, and over the public treaſuries of the moſt important cities, where they were depoſited for the ſervice of the ſtate. The foreign trade of the empire was regulated by this miniſter, who directed likewiſe all the linen and [75] woollen manufactures, in which the ſucceſſive operations of ſpinning, weaving, and dying were executed, chiefly by women of a ſervile condition, for the uſe of the palace and army. Twenty-ſix of theſe inſtitutions are enumerated in the weſt, where the arts had been more recently introduced, and a ſtill larger proportion may be allowed for the induſtrious provinces of the eaſt ¹⁵². 5. Be⯑ſides The pri⯑vate trea⯑ſurer. the public revenue, which an abſolute mo⯑narch might levy and expend according to his pleaſure, the emperors, in the capacity of opu⯑lent citizens, poſſeſſed a very extenſive property, which was adminiſtered by the count, or treaſurer of the private eſtate. Some part had perhaps been the antient demeſnes of kings and republics; ſome acceſſions might be derived from the fa⯑milies which were ſucceſſively inveſted with the purple; but the moſt conſiderable portion flowed from the impure ſource of confiſcations and for⯑feitures. The Imperial eſtates were ſcattered through the provinces, from Mauritania to Bri⯑tain; but the rich and fertile ſoil of Cappadocia tempted the monarch to acquire in that country his faireſt poſſeſſions ¹⁵³, and either Conſtantine or his ſucceſſors embraced the occaſion of juſtify⯑ing avarice by religious zeal. They ſuppreſſed [76] the rich temple of Comana, where the high-prieſt of the goddeſs of war ſupported the dignity of a ſovereign prince; and they applied to their pri⯑vate uſe the conſecrated lands, which were inha⯑bited by ſix thouſand ſubjects or ſlaves of the Deity and her miniſters ¹⁵⁴. But theſe were not the valuable inhabitants: the plains that ſtretch from the foot of Mount Argaeus to the banks of the Sarus, bred a generous race of horſes, re⯑nowned above all others in the ancient world, for their majeſtic ſhape, and incomparable ſwiftneſs. Theſe ſacred animals, deſtined for the ſervice of the palace and the Imperial games were pro⯑tected by the laws from the profanation of a vul⯑gar maſter ¹⁵⁵. The demeſnes of Cappadocia were important enough to require the inſpection of a count ¹⁵⁶; officers of an inferior rank were ſtation⯑ed in the other parts of the empire; and the de⯑puties of the private, as well as thoſe of the public, treaſurer, were maintained in the exerciſe of their independent functions, and encouraged to con⯑troul [77] the authority of the provincial magiſtrates ¹⁵⁷. 6, 7. The choſen bands of cavalry and infantry, which guarded the perſon of the emperor, were The counts of the do⯑meſtics. under the immediate command of the two counts of the domeſtics. The whole number conſiſted of three thouſand five hundred men, divided into ſeven ſchools, or troops, of five hundred each; and in the eaſt, this honourable ſervice was al⯑moſt entirely appropriated to the Armenians. Whenever, on public ceremonies, they were drawn up in the courts and porticos of the palace, their lofty ſtature, ſilent order, and ſplendid arms of ſilver and gold, diſplayed a martial pomp, not unworthy of the Roman majeſty ¹⁵⁸. From the ſeven ſchools two companies of horſe and foot were ſelected, of the protectors, whoſe advanta⯑geous ſtation was the hope and reward of the moſt deſerving ſoldiers. They mounted guard in the interior apartments, and were occaſionally diſ⯑patched into the provinces, to execute with cele⯑rity and vigour the orders of their maſter ¹⁵⁹. The counts of the domeſtics had ſucceeded to the office of the Praetorian praefects; like the prae⯑fects, they aſpired from the ſervice of the palace to the command of armies.

[78] The perpetual intercourſe between the court and the provinces was facilitated by the conſtruc⯑tion of roads and the inſtitution of poſts. But Agents, or official ſpies. theſe beneficial eſtabliſhments were accidentally connected with a pernicious and intolerable abuſe. Two or three hundred agents or meſſengers were employed, under the juriſdiction of the maſter of the offices, to announce the names of the annual conſuls, and the edicts or victories of the empe⯑rors. They inſenſibly aſſumed the licence of re⯑porting whatever they could obſerve of the con⯑duct either of magiſtrates or of private citizens; and were ſoon conſidered as the eyes of the mo⯑narch ¹⁶⁰, and the ſcourge of the people. Under the warm influence of a feeble reign, they multi⯑plied to the incredible number of ten thouſand, diſdained the mild though frequent admonitions of the laws, and exerciſed in the profitable ma⯑nagement of the poſts a rapacious and inſolent op⯑preſſion. Theſe official ſpies, who regularly cor⯑reſponded with the palace, were encouraged, by favour and reward, anxiouſly to watch the pro⯑greſs of every treaſonable deſign, from the faint and latent ſymptoms of diſaffection, to the actual preparation of an open revolt. Their careleſs or criminal violation of truth and juſtice was covered by the conſecrated maſk of zeal; and they might ſecurely aim their poiſoned arrows at the breaſt either of the guilty or the innocent, who had pro⯑voked [79] their reſentment, or refuſed to purchaſe their ſilence. A faithful ſubject, of Syria per⯑haps, or of Britain, was expoſed to the danger, or at leaſt to the dread, of being dragged in chains to the court of Milan or Conſtantinople, to defend his life and fortune againſt the mali⯑cious charge of theſe privileged informers. The ordinary adminiſtration was conducted by thoſe methods which extreme neceſſity can alone pal⯑liate; and the defects of evidence were diligently ſupplied by the uſe of torture ¹⁶¹.

The deceitful and dangerous experiment of the Uſe of tor⯑ture. criminal quaeſtion, as it is emphatically ſtyled, was admitted, rather than approved, in the juriſpru⯑dence of the Romans. They applied this ſan⯑guinary mode of examination only to ſervile bo⯑dies, whoſe ſufferings were ſeldom weighed by thoſe haughty republicans in the ſcale of juſtice or humanity: but they would never conſent to violate the ſacred perſon of a citizen, till they poſſeſſed the cleareſt evidence of his guilt ¹⁶². The annals of tyranny, from the reign of Tibe⯑rius to that of Domitian, circumſtantially relate the executions of many innocent victims; but, as long as the fainteſt remembrance was kept alive [80] of the national freedom and honour, the laſt hours of a Roman were ſecure from the danger of ignominious torture ¹⁶³. The conduct of the pro⯑vincial magiſtrates was not, however, regulated by the practice of the city, or the ſtrict maxims of the civilians. They found the uſe of torture eſtabliſhed not only among the ſlaves of oriental deſpotiſm, but among the Macedonians, who obeyed a limited monarch; among the Rhodians, who flouriſhed by the liberty of commerce; and even among the ſage Athenians, who had aſſerted and adorned the dignity of human kind ¹⁶⁴. The acquieſcence of the provincials encouraged their governors to acquire, or perhaps to uſurp, a diſ⯑cretionary power of employing the rack, to ex⯑tort from vagrants or plebeian criminals the con⯑feſſion of their guilt, till they inſenſibly proceed⯑ed to confound the diſtinctions of rank, and to diſregard the privileges of Roman citizens. The apprehenſions of the ſubjects urged them to ſo⯑licit, and the intereſt of the ſovereign engaged him to grant, a variety of ſpecial exemptions, which tacitly allowed, and even authoriſed, the general uſe of torture. They protected all per⯑ſons of illuſtrious or honourable rank, biſhops [81] and their preſbyters, profeſſors of the liberal arts, ſoldiers and their families, municipal officers, and their poſterity to the third generation, and all children under the age of puberty ¹⁶⁵. But a fatal maxim was introduced into the new juriſprudence of the empire, that in the caſe of treaſon, which included every offence that the ſubtlety of lawyers could derive from an hoſtile intention towards the prince or republic ¹⁶⁶, all privileges were ſuſpend⯑ed, and all conditions were reduced to the ſame ignominious level. As the ſafety of the emperor was avowedly preferred to every conſideration of juſtice or humanity, the dignity of age, and the tenderneſs of youth, were alike expoſed to the moſt cruel tortures; and the terrors of a mali⯑cious information, which might ſelect them as the accomplices, or even as the witneſſes, perhaps, of an imaginary crime, perpetually hung over the heads of the principal citizens of the Roman world ¹⁶⁷.

Theſe evils, however terrible they may appear, Finances. were confined to the ſmaller number of Roman [82] ſubjects, whoſe dangerous ſituation was in ſome degree compenſated by the enjoyment of thoſe advantages, either of nature or of fortune, which expoſed them to the jealouſy of the monarch. The obſcure millions of a great empire have much leſs to dread from the cruelty than from the avarice of their maſters; and their humble hap⯑pineſs is principally affected by the grievance of exceſſive taxes, which gently preſſing on the wealthy, deſcend with accelerated weight on the meaner and more indigent claſſes of ſociety. An ingenious philoſopher ¹⁶⁸ has calculated the univerſal meaſure of the public impoſitions by the degrees of freedom and ſervitude; and ventures to aſſert, that, according to an invariable law of nature, it muſt always increaſe with the former, and diminiſh in a juſt proportion to the latter. But this reflection, which would tend to alleviate the miſeries of deſpotiſm, is contradicted at leaſt by the hiſtory of the Roman empire; which accuſes the ſame princes of deſpoiling the ſenate of its authority, and the provinces of their wealth. Without aboliſhing all the various cuſtoms and duties on merchandizes, which are imperceptibly diſcharged by the apparent choice of the pur⯑chaſer, the policy of Conſtantine and his ſucceſ⯑ſors preferred a ſimple and direct mode of taxa⯑tion, more congenial to the ſpirit of an arbitrary government ¹⁶⁹.

[83] The name and uſe of the indictions ¹⁷⁰, which ſerve to aſcertain the chronology of the middle ages, was derived from the regular practice of the The gene⯑ral tribute, or indic⯑tion. Roman tributes ¹⁷¹. The emperor ſubſcribed with his own hand, and in purple ink, the ſolemn edict, or indiction, which was fixed up in the principal city of each dioceſe, during two months previous to the firſt day of September. And, by a very eaſy connection of ideas, the word indiction was transferred to the meaſure of tribute which it preſcribed, and to the annual term which it al⯑lowed for the payment. This general eſtimate of the ſupplies was proportioned to the real and ima⯑ginary wants of the ſtate; but as often as the ex⯑pence exceeded the revenue, or the revenue fell ſhort of the computation, an additional tax, under the name of ſuperindiction, was impoſed on the people, and the moſt valuable attribute of ſove⯑reignty was communicated to the Praetorian prae⯑fects, who, on ſome occaſions, were permitted to provide for the unforeſeen and extraordinary exi⯑gencies of the public ſervice. The execution of theſe laws (which it would be tedious to purſue in [84] their minute and intricate detail) conſiſted of two diſtinct operations; the reſolving the general im⯑poſition into its conſtituent parts, which were aſ⯑ſeſſed on the provinces, the cities, and the indivi⯑duals of the Roman world; and the collecting the ſeparate contributions of the individuals, the cities, and the provinces, till the accumulated ſums were poured into the Imperial treaſuries. But as the account between the monarch and the ſubject was perpetually open, and as the renewal of the de⯑mand anticipated the perfect diſcharge of the pre⯑ceding obligation, the weighty machine of the finances was moved by the ſame hands round the circle of its yearly revolution. Whatever was honourable or important in the adminiſtration of the revenue, was committed to the wiſdom of the praefects, and their provincial repreſentatives; the lucrative functions were claimed by a crowd of ſubordinate officers, ſome of whom depended on the treaſurer, others on the governor of the province; and who, in the inevitable conflicts of a perplexed juriſdiction, had frequent opportu⯑nities of diſputing with each other the ſpoils of the people. The laborious offices, which could be productive only of envy and reproach, of expence and danger, were impoſed on the Decurions, who formed the corporations of the cities, and whom the ſeverity of the Imperial laws had condemned to ſuſtain the burthens of civil ſociety ¹⁷². The [85] whole landed property of the empire (without ex⯑cepting the patrimonial eſtates of the monarch) was the object of ordinary taxation; and every new purchaſer contracted the obligations of the former proprietor. An accurate cenſus ¹⁷³, or ſur⯑vey, was the only equitable mode of aſcertaining the proportion which every citizen ſhould be ob⯑liged to contribute for the public ſervice; and from the well-known period of the indictions, there is reaſon to believe that this difficult and expen⯑ſive operation was repeated at the regular diſ⯑tance of fifteen years. The lands were meaſured by ſurveyors, who were ſent into the provinces; their nature, whether arable or paſture, or vine⯑yards or woods, was diſtinctly reported; and an eſtimate was made of their common value from the average produce of five years. The numbers of ſlaves and of cattle conſtituted an eſſential part of the report; an oath was adminiſtered to the proprietors, which bound them to diſcloſe the true ſtate of their affairs; and their attempts to pre⯑varicate, or elude the intention of the legiſlator, were ſeverely watched, and puniſhed as a capital crime, which included the double guilt of treaſon and ſacrilege ¹⁷⁴. A large portion of the tribute [86] was paid in money; and of the current coin of the empire, gold alone could be legally accepted ¹⁷⁵. The remainder of the taxes, according to the pro⯑portions determined by the annual indiction, was furniſhed in a manner ſtill more direct, and ſtill more oppreſſive. According to the different na⯑ture of lands, their real produce, in the various articles of wine or oil, corn or barley, wood or iron, was tranſported by the labour or at the ex⯑pence of the provincials to the Imperial maga⯑zines, from whence they were occaſionally diſtri⯑buted, for the uſe of the court, of the army, and of the two capitals, Rome and Conſtantinople. The commiſſioners of the revenue were ſo fre⯑quently obliged to make conſiderable purchaſes, that they were ſtrictly prohibited from allowing any compenſation, or from receiving in money the value of thoſe ſupplies which were exacted in kind. In the primitive ſimplicity of ſmall com⯑munities, this method may be well adapted to collect the almoſt voluntary offerings of the people; but it is at once ſuſceptible of the utmoſt latitude and of the utmoſt ſtrictneſs, which in a corrupt and abſolute monarchy muſt introduce a perpetual conteſt between the power of oppreſſion and the arts of fraud ¹⁷⁶. The agriculture of the [87] Roman provinces was inſenſibly ruined, and, in the progreſs of deſpotiſm, which tends to diſap⯑point its own purpoſe, the emperors were obliged to derive ſome merit from the forgiveneſs of debts, or the remiſſion of tributes, which their ſubjects were utterly incapable of paying. Ac⯑cording to the new diviſion of Italy, the fertile and happy province of Campania, the ſcene of the early victories and of the delicious retire⯑ments of the citizens of Rome, extended between the ſea and the Appenine from the Tyber to the Silarus. Within ſixty years after the death of Conſtantine, and on the evidence of an actual ſurvey, an exemption was granted in favour of three hundred and thirty thouſand Engliſh acres of deſert and uncultivated land; which amount⯑ed to one-eighth of the whole ſurface of the pro⯑vince. As the footſteps of the Barbarians had not yet been ſeen in Italy, the cauſe of this amazing deſolation, which is recorded in the laws, can be aſcribed only to the adminiſtration, of the Roman emperors ¹⁷⁷.

Either from deſign or from accident, the mode Aſſeſſed in the form of a capi⯑tation. of aſſeſſment ſeemed to unite the ſubſtance of a [88] land-tax with the forms of a capitation ¹⁷⁸. The returns which were ſent of every province or diſtrict, expreſſed the number of tributary ſub⯑jects, and the amount of the public impoſitions. The latter of theſe ſums was divided by the for⯑mer; and the eſtimate, that ſuch a province con⯑tained ſo many capita, or heads of tribute; and that each head was rated at ſuch a price, was uni⯑verſally received, not only in the popular, but even in the legal computation. The value of a tributary head muſt have varied, according to many accidental, or at leaſt fluctuating circum⯑ſtances; but ſome knowledge has been preſerved of a very curious fact, the more important, ſince it relates to one of the richeſt provinces of the Roman empire, and which now flouriſhes as the moſt ſplendid of the European kingdoms. The rapacious miniſters of Conſtantius had exhauſted the wealth of Gaul, by exacting twenty-five pieces of gold for the annual tribute of every head. The humane policy of his ſucceſſor reduced the capitation to ſeven pieces ¹⁷⁹. A moderate pro⯑portion between theſe oppoſite extremes of extra⯑ordinary oppreſſion and of tranſient indulgence, may therefore be fixed at ſixteen pieces of gold, [89] or about nine pounds ſterling, the common ſtand⯑ard perhaps of the impoſitions of Gaul ¹⁸⁰. But this calculation, or rather indeed the facts from whence it is deduced, cannot fail of ſuggeſting two difficulties to a thinking mind, who will be at once ſurpriſed by the equality, and by the enor⯑mity of the capitation. An attempt to explain them may perhaps reflect ſome light on the inte⯑reſting ſubject of the finances of the declining empire.

1. It is obvious, that, as long as the immutable conſtitution of human nature produces and main⯑tains ſo unequal a diviſion of property, the moſt numerous part of the community would be de⯑prived of their ſubſiſtence, by the equal aſſeſſ⯑ment of a tax from which the ſovereign would derive a very trifling revenue. Such indeed might be the theory of the Roman capitation; but in the practice, this unjuſt equality was no longer [90] felt, as the tribute was collected on the principle of a real, not of a perſonal impoſition. Several indigent citizens contributed to compoſe a ſingle head, or ſhare of taxation; while the wealthy pro⯑vincial, in proportion to his fortune, alone repre⯑ſented ſeveral of thoſe imaginary beings. In a poetical requeſt, addreſſed to one of the laſt and moſt deſerving of the Roman Princes who reign⯑ed in Gaul, Sidonius Apollinaris perſonifies his tribute under the figure of a triple monſter, the Geryon of the Grecian fables, and intreats the new Hercules that he would moſt graciouſly be pleaſed to ſave his life by cutting off three of his heads ¹⁸¹. The fortune of Sidonius far exceeded the cuſtomary wealth of a poet; but if he had purſued the alluſion, he muſt have painted many of the Gallic nobles with the hundred heads of the deadly Hydra, ſpreading over the face of the country, and devouring the ſubſtance of an hun⯑dred families. II. The difficulty of allowing an annual ſum of about nine pounds ſterling, even for the average of the capitation of Gaul, may be rendered more evident by the compariſon of the preſent ſtate of the ſame country, as it is now go⯑verned by the abſolute monarch of an induſtrious, wealthy and affectionate people. The taxes of France cannot be magnified, either by fear or by [91] flattery, beyond the annual amount of eighteen millions ſterling, which ought perhaps to be ſhared among four-and-twenty millions of inha⯑bitants ¹⁸². Seven millions of theſe, in the ca⯑pacity of fathers, or brothers, or huſbands, may diſcharge the obligations of the remaining multi⯑tude of women and children; yet the equal pro⯑portion of each tributary ſubject will ſcarcely riſe above fifty ſhillings of our money, inſtead of a proportion almoſt four times as conſiderable, which was regularly impoſed on their Gallic an⯑ceſtors. The reaſon of this difference may be found, not ſo much in the relative ſcarcity or plenty of gold and ſilver, as in the different ſtate of ſociety in ancient Gaul and in modern France. In a country where perſonal freedom is the pri⯑vilege of every ſubject, the whole maſs of taxes, whether they are levied on property or on con⯑ſumption, may be fairly divided among the whole [92] body of the nation. But the far greater part of the lands of ancient Gaul, as well as of the other provinces of the Roman world, were cultivated by ſlaves, or by peaſants, whoſe dependent con⯑dition was a leſs rigid ſervitude ¹⁸³. In ſuch a ſtate the poor were maintained at the expence of the maſters, who enjoyed the fruits of their la⯑bour; and as the rolls of tribute were filled only with the names of thoſe citizens who poſſeſſed the means of an honourable, or at leaſt of a decent ſubſiſtence, the comparative ſmallneſs of their numbers explains and juſtifies the high rate of their capitation. The truth of this aſſertion may be illuſtrated by the following example: The Aedui, one of the moſt powerful and civilized tribes or cities of Gaul, occupied an extent of ter⯑ritory, which now contains above five hundred thouſand inhabitants, in the two eccleſiaſtical dioceſes of Autun and Nevers ¹⁸⁴; and with the [93] probable acceſſion of thoſe of Châlons and Ma⯑çon ¹⁸⁵, the population would amount to eight hundred thouſand ſouls. In the time of Con⯑ſtantine, the territory of the Aedui afforded no more than twenty-five thouſand heads of capita⯑tion, of whom ſeven thouſand were diſcharged by that prince from the intolerable weight of tri⯑bute ¹⁸⁶. A juſt analogy would ſeem to counte⯑nance the opinion of an ingenious hiſtorian ¹⁸⁷, that the free and tributary citizens did not ſur⯑paſs the number of half a million; and if, in the ordinary adminiſtration of government, their an⯑nual payments may be computed at about four millions and a half of our money, it would ap⯑pear, that although the ſhare of each individual was four times as conſiderable, a fourth part only of the modern taxes of France was levied on the Imperial province of Gaul. The exactions of Conſtantius may be calculated at ſeven millions ſterling, which were reduced to two millions by the humanity or the wiſdom of Julian.

[94] But this tax, or capitation, on the proprietors of land, would have ſuffered a rich and numerous claſs of free citizens to eſcape. With the view Capitation on trade and in⯑duſtry. of ſharing that ſpecies of wealth which is derived from art or labour, and which exiſts in money or in merchandiſe, the emperors impoſed a diſ⯑tinct and perſonal tribute on the trading part of their ſubjects ¹⁸⁸. Some exemptions, very ſtrictly confined both in time and place, were allowed to the proprietors who diſpoſed of the produce of their own eſtates. Some indulgence was granted to the profeſſion of the liberal arts: but every other branch of commercial induſtry was affected by the ſeverity of the law. The honourable mer⯑chant of Alexandria, who imported the gems and ſpices of India for the uſe of the weſtern world; the uſurer, who derived from the intereſt of mo⯑ney a ſilent and ignominious profit; the inge⯑nious manufacturer, the diligent mechanic, and even the moſt obſcure retailer of a ſequeſtered village, were obliged to admit the officers of the revenue into the partnerſhip of their gain: and the ſovereign of the Roman empire, who tolerated the profeſſion, conſented to ſhare the infamous ſalary, of public proſtitutes. As this general tax upon induſtry was collected every fourth year, it was ſtyled the Luſtral Contribution: and the hiſto⯑rian Zoſimus ¹⁸⁹ laments that the approach of the fatal period was announced by the tears and ter⯑rors [95] of the citizens, who were often compelled by the impending ſcourge to embrace the moſt ab⯑horred and unnatural methods of procuring the ſum at which their property had been aſſeſſed. The teſtimony of Zoſimus cannot indeed be juſti⯑fied from the charge of paſſion and prejudice, but, from the nature of this tribute, it ſeems reaſon⯑able to conclude that it was arbitrary in the diſ⯑tribution, and extremely rigorous in the mode of collecting. The ſecret wealth of commerce, and the precarious profits of art or labour, are ſuſcep⯑tible only of a diſcretionary valuation, which is ſeldom diſadvantageous to the intereſt of the trea⯑ſury; and as the perſon of the trader ſupplies the want of a viſible and permanent ſecurity, the pay⯑ment of the impoſition, which, in the caſe of a land-tax, may be obtained by the ſeizure of pro⯑perty, can rarely be extorted by any other means than thoſe of corporal puniſhments. The cruel treatment of the inſolvent debtors of the ſtate, is atteſted, and was perhaps mitigated by a very humane edict of Conſtantine, who, diſclaiming the uſe of racks and of ſcourges, allots a ſpacious and airy priſon for the place of their confine⯑ment ¹⁹⁰.

Theſe general taxes were impoſed and levied by the abſolute authority of the monarch; but the Free gifts. occaſional offerings of the coronary gold ſtill re⯑tained the name and ſemblance of popular con⯑ſent. It was an ancient cuſtom that the allies of the republic, who aſcribed their ſafety or deliver⯑ance [96] to the ſucceſs of the Roman arms; and even the cities of Italy, who admired the virtues of their victorious general, adorned the pomp of his triumph by their voluntary gifts of crowns of gold, which, after the ceremony, were conſecrated in the temple of Jupiter, to remain a laſting monu⯑ment of his glory to future ages. The progreſs of zeal and flattery ſoon multiplied the number, and increaſed the ſize, of theſe popular donations; and the triumph of Caeſar was enriched with two thouſand eight hundred and twenty-two maſſy crowns, whoſe weight amounted to twenty thou⯑ſand four hundred and fourteen pounds of gold. This treaſure was immediately melted down by the prudent dictator, who was ſatisfied that it would be more ſerviceable to his ſoldiers than to the gods: his example was imitated by his ſuc⯑ceſſors; and the cuſtom was introduced, of ex⯑changing theſe ſplendid ornaments for the more acceptable preſent of the current gold coin of the empire ¹⁹¹. The ſpontaneous offering was at length exacted as the debt of duty; and inſtead of being confined to the occaſion of a triumph, it was ſuppoſed to be granted by the ſeveral cities and provinces of the monarchy, as often as the emperor condeſcended to announce his acceſſion, his conſulſhip, the birth of a ſon, the creation of a Caeſar, a victory over the Barbarians, or any other real or imaginary event which graced the [97] annals of his reign. The peculiar free gift of the ſenate of Rome was fixed by cuſtom at ſixteen hundred pounds of gold, or about ſixty-four thouſand pounds ſterling. The oppreſſed ſub⯑jects celebrated their own felicity, that their ſove⯑reign ſhould graciouſly conſent to accept this feeble but voluntary teſtimony of their loyalty and gratitude ¹⁹².

A people elated by pride, or ſoured by diſ⯑content, Conclu⯑ſion. are ſeldom qualified to form a juſt eſti⯑mate of their actual ſituation. The ſubjects of Conſtantine were incapable of diſcerning the de⯑cline of genius and manly virtue, which ſo far degraded them below the dignity of their an⯑ceſtors; but they could feel and lament the rage of tyranny, the relaxation of diſcipline, and the encreaſe of taxes. The impartial hiſtorian, who acknowledges the juſtice of their complaints, will obſerve ſome favourable circumſtances which tended to alleviate the miſery of their condition. The threatening tempeſt of Barbarians, which ſo ſoon ſubverted the foundations of Roman great⯑neſs, was ſtill repelled, or ſuſpended, on the fron⯑tiers. The arts of luxury and literature were cultivated, and the elegant pleaſures of ſociety were enjoyed by the inhabitants of a conſiderable portion of the globe. The forms, the pomp, and the expence of the civil adminiſtration contri⯑buted to reſtrain the irregular licence of the ſol⯑diers; and although the laws were violated by [98] power, or perverted by ſubtlety, the ſage prin⯑ciples of the Roman juriſprudence preſerved a ſenſe of order and equity, unknown to the deſpo⯑tic governments of the eaſt. The rights of man⯑kind might derive ſome protection from religion and philoſophy; and the name of freedom, which could no longer alarm, might ſometimes admo⯑niſh, the ſucceſſors of Auguſtus, that they did not reign over a nation of Slaves or Barba⯑rians ¹⁹³.

CHAP. XVIII. Character of Conſtantine.—Gothic War.—Death of Conſtantine.—Diviſion of the Empire among his three Sons.—Perſian War.—Tragic Deaths of Conſtantine the Younger and Conſtans.—Uſurpation of Magnentius.—Civil War.—Victory of Conſtan⯑tius.

THE character of the prince who removed the ſeat of empire, and introduced ſuch important changes into the civil and religious Character of Con⯑ſtantine. conſtitution of his country, has fixed the atten⯑tion, and divided the opinions, of mankind. By the grateful zeal of the Chriſtians, the deliverer of the church has been decorated with every at⯑tribute of a hero, and even of a ſaint; while the diſcontent of the vanquiſhed party has compared Conſtantine to the moſt abhorred of thoſe tyrants, who, by their vice and weakneſs, diſhonoured the Imperial purple. The ſame paſſions have in ſome degree been perpetuated to ſucceeding ge⯑nerations, and the character of Conſtantine is con⯑ſidered, even in the preſent age, as an object either of ſatire or of panegyric. By the impar⯑tial union of thoſe defects which are confeſſed by his warmeſt admirers, and of thoſe virtues which are acknowledged by his moſt implacable ene⯑mies, we might hope to delineate a juſt portrait of that extraordinary man, which the truth and candour of hiſtory ſhould adopt without a [100] bluſh ¹. But it would ſoon appear, that the vain at⯑tempt to blend ſuch diſcordant colours, and to re⯑concile ſuch inconſiſtent qualities, muſt produce a figure monſtrous rather than human, unleſs it is viewed in its proper and diſtinct lights, by a care⯑ful ſeparation of the different periods of the reign of Conſtantine.

The perſon, as well as the mind of Conſtan⯑tine, His vir⯑tues. had been enriched by nature with her choiceſt endowments. His ſtature was lofty, his coun⯑tenance majeſtic, his deportment graceful; his ſtrength and activity were diſplayed in every manly exerciſe, and from his earlieſt youth, to a very advanced ſeaſon of life, he preſerved the vi⯑gour of his conſtitution by a ſtrict adherence to the domeſtic virtues of chaſtity and temperance. He delighted in the ſocial intercourſe of familiar converſation; and though he might ſometimes indulge his diſpoſition to raillery with leſs reſerve than was required by the ſevere dignity of his ſtation, the courteſy and liberality of his manners gained the hearts of all who approached him. The ſincerity of his friendſhip has been ſuſpected; yet he ſhewed, on ſome occaſions, that he was not incapable of a warm and laſting attachment. The diſadvantage of an illiterate education had not prevented him from forming a juſt eſtimate [101] of the value of learning; and the arts and ſciences derived ſome encouragement from the munificent protection of Conſtantine. In the diſpatch of buſineſs, his diligence was indefatigable; and the active powers of his mind were almoſt continually exerciſed in reading, writing, or meditating, in giving audience to ambaſſadors, and in examin⯑ing the complaints of his ſubjects. Even thoſe who cenſured the propriety of his meaſures were compelled to acknowledge, that he poſſeſſed mag⯑nanimity to conceive, and patience to execute, the moſt arduous deſigns, without being checked either by the prejudices of education, or by the clamours of the multitude. In the field, he in⯑fuſed his own intrepid ſpirit into the troops, whom he conducted with the talents of a con⯑ſummate general; and to his abilities, rather than to his fortune, we may aſcribe the ſignal victories which he obtained over the foreign and domeſtic foes of the republic. He loved glory, as the re⯑ward, perhaps as the motive, of his labours. The boundleſs ambition, which, from the mo⯑ment of his accepting the purple at York, ap⯑pears as the ruling paſſion of his ſoul, may be juſtified by the dangers of his own ſituation, by the character of his rivals, by the conſciouſneſs of ſuperior merit, and by the proſpect that his ſuc⯑ceſs would enable him to reſtore peace and order to the diſtracted empire. In his civil wars againſt Maxentius and Licinius, he had engaged on his ſide the inclinations of the people, who com⯑pared the undiſſembled vices of thoſe tyrants, with the ſpirit of wiſdom and juſtice which ſeemed [102] to direct the general tenor of the adminiſtration of Conſtantine ².

Had Conſtantine fallen on the banks of the His vices. Tyber, or even in the plains of Hadrianople, ſuch is the character which, with a few excep⯑tions, he might have tranſmitted to poſterity. But the concluſion of his reign (according to the moderate and indeed tender ſentence of a writer of the ſame age) degraded him from the rank which he had acquired among the moſt deſerving of the Roman princes ³. In the life of Auguſtus, we behold the tyrant of the republic, converted, almoſt by imperceptible degrees, into the father of his country and of human kind. In that of Conſtantine, we may contemplate a hero, who had ſo long inſpired his ſubjects with love, and his enemies with terror, degenerating into a cruel and diſſolute monarch, corrupted by his fortune, or raiſed by conqueſt above the neceſſity of diſſi⯑mulation. The general peace which he main⯑tained during the laſt fourteen years of his reign, A. D. 323—337. [103] was a period of apparent ſplendor rather than of real proſperity; and the old age of Conſtantine was diſgraced by the oppoſite yet reconcileable vices of rapaciouſneſs and prodigality. The ac⯑cumulated treaſures found in the palaces of Max⯑entius and Licinius, were laviſhly conſumed; the various innovations introduced by the conqueror, were attended with an encreaſing expence; the coſt of his buildings, his court, and his feſtivals, required an immediate and plentiful ſupply; and the oppreſſion of the people was the only fund which could ſupport the magnificence of the ſovereign ⁴. His unworthy favourites, enriched by the boundleſs liberality of their maſter, uſurp⯑ed with impunity the privilege of rapine and cor⯑ruption ⁵. A ſecret but univerſal decay was felt in every part of the public adminiſtration, and the emperor himſelf, though he ſtill retained the obedience, gradually loſt the eſteem, of his ſub⯑jects. The dreſs and manners, which, towards the decline of life, he choſe to affect, ſerved only to degrade him in the eyes of mankind. The Aſiatic pomp, which had been adopted by the pride of Diocletian, aſſumed an air of ſoftneſs and effeminacy in the perſon of Conſtantine. He [104] is repreſented with falſe hair of various colours, laboriouſly arranged by the ſkilful artiſts of the times; a diadem of a new and more expenſive faſhion; a profuſion of gems and pearls, of col⯑lars and bracelets, and a variegated flowing robe of ſilk, moſt curiouſly embroidered with flowers of gold. In ſuch apparel, ſcarcely to be excuſed by the youth and folly of Elagabalus, we are at a loſs to diſcover the wiſdom of an aged monarch, and the ſimplicity of a Roman veteran ⁶. A mind thus relaxed by proſperity and indulgence, was incapable of riſing to that magnanimity which diſdains ſuſpicion, and dares to forgive. The deaths of Maximian and Licinius may perhaps be juſtified by the maxims of policy, as they are taught in the ſchools of tyrants; but an impartial narrative of the executions, or rather murders, which ſullied the declining age of Conſtantine, will ſuggeſt to our moſt candid thoughts, the idea of a prince, who could ſacrifice without reluctance the laws of juſtice, and the feelings of nature, to the dictates either of his paſſions or of his intereſt.

The ſame fortune which ſo invariably followed His family. the ſtandard of Conſtantine, ſeemed to ſecure the hopes and comforts of his domeſtic life. Thoſe among his predeceſſors who had enjoyed the longeſt and moſt proſperous reigns, Auguſtus, [105] Trajan, and Diocletian, had been diſappointed of poſterity; and the frequent revolutions had never allowed ſufficient time for any Imperial family to grow up and multiply under the ſhade of the purple. But the royalty of the Flavian line, which had been firſt ennobled by the Gothic Clau⯑dius, deſcended through ſeveral generations; and Conſtantine himſelf derived from his royal father the hereditary honours which he tranſmitted to his children. The emperor had been twice married. Minervina, the obſcure but lawful object of his youthful attachment ⁷, had left him only one ſon, who was called Criſpus. By Fauſta, the daughter of Maximian, he had three daughters, and three ſons known by the kindred names of Conſtantine, Conſtantius, and Conſtans. The unambitious brothers of the great Conſtantine, Julius Conſtan⯑tius, Dalmatius, and Hannibalianus ⁸, were per⯑mitted to enjoy the moſt honourable rank, and the moſt affluent fortune, that could be conſiſtent with a private ſtation. The youngeſt of the three lived without a name, and died without poſterity. His two elder brothers obtained in marriage the daughters of wealthy ſenators, and propagated new branches of the Imperial race. Gallus and [106] Julian afterwards became the moſt illuſtrious of the children of Julius Conſtantius, the Patrician. The two ſons of Dalmatius, who had been deco⯑rated with the vain title of Cenſor, were named Dalmatius and Hannibalianus. The two ſiſters of the great Conſtantine, Anaſtaſia and Eurropia, were beſtowed on Optatus and Nepotianus, two ſenators of noble birth and of conſular dignity. His third ſiſter, Conſtantia, was diſtinguiſhed by her pre-eminence of greatneſs and of miſery. She remained the widow of the vanquiſhed Lici⯑nius; and it was by her entreaties, that an inno⯑cent boy, the offspring of their marriage, pre⯑ſerved for ſome time, his life, the title of Caeſar, and a precarious hope of the ſucceſſion. Beſides the females, and the allies of the Flavian houſe, ten or twelve males, to whom the language of modern courts would apply the title of princes of the blood, ſeemed, according to the order of their birth, to be deſtined either to inherit or to ſupport the throne of Conſtantine. But in leſs than thirty years, this numerous and encreaſing family was reduced to the perſons of Conſtantius and Julian, who alone had ſurvived a ſeries of crimes and calamities, ſuch as the tragic poets have deplored in the devoted lines of Pelops and of Cadmus.

Criſpus, the eldeſt ſon of Conſtantine, and the Virtues of Criſpus. preſumptive heir of the empire, is repreſented by impartial hiſtorians as an amiable and accom⯑pliſhed youth. The care of his education, or at leaſt of his ſtudies, was entruſted to Lactantius, the moſt eloquent of the Chriſtians; a praeceptor [107] admirably qualified to form the taſte, and to excite the virtues, of his illuſtrious diſciple ⁹. At the age of ſeventeen, Criſpus was inveſted with the title of Caeſar, and the adminiſtration of the Gallic provinces, where the inroads of the Ger⯑mans gave him an early occaſion of ſignalizing his military proweſs. In the civil war which broke out ſoon afterwards, the father and ſon di⯑vided their powers; and this hiſtory has already celebrated the valour as well as conduct diſplayed by the latter, in forcing the ſtreights of the Hel⯑leſpont, ſo obſtinately defended by the ſuperior fleet of Licinius. This naval victory contributed to determine the event of the war; and the names of Conſtantine and of Criſpus were united in the joyful acclamations of their eaſtern ſubjects: who loudly proclaimed, that the world had been ſub⯑dued, and was now governed, by an emperor en⯑dowed with every virtue; and by his illuſtrious ſon, a prince beloved of heaven, and the lively image of his father's perfections. The public fa⯑vour, which ſeldom accompanies old-age, diſ⯑fuſed its luſtre over the youth of Criſpus. He deſerved the eſteem, and he engaged the affec⯑tions, of the court, the army, and the people. The experienced merit of a reigning monarch is acknowledged by his ſubjects with reluctance, and frequently denied with partial and diſcon⯑tented [108] murmurs; while, from the opening vir⯑tues of his ſucceſſor, they fondly conceive the moſt unbounded hopes of private as well as pub⯑lic felicity ¹⁰.

This dangerous popularity ſoon excited the at⯑tention Jealouſy of Con⯑ſtantine. of Conſtantine, who, both as a father and as a king, was impatient of an equal. Inſtead of A. D. 324, Oct. 10. attempting to ſecure the allegiance of his ſon, by the generous ties of confidence and gratitude, he reſolved to prevent the miſchiefs which might be apprehended from diſſatisfied ambition. Criſpus ſoon had reaſon to complain, that while his infant brother Conſtantius was ſent, with the title of Caeſar, to reign over his peculiar department of the Gallic provinces ¹¹, he, a prince of mature years, who had performed ſuch recent and ſignal ſervices, inſtead of being raiſed to the ſuperior rank of Auguſtus, was confined almoſt a priſoner to his father's court; and expoſed, without power or defence, to every calumny which the malice of his enemies could ſuggeſt. Under ſuch painful circumſtances, the royal youth might not always be able to compoſe his behaviour, or ſuppreſs his diſcontent; and we may be aſſured, that he was [109] encompaſſed by a train of indiſcreet or perfidious followers, who aſſiduouſly ſtudied to inflame, and who were perhaps inſtructed to betray, the un⯑guarded warmth of his reſentment. An edict of A. D. 325, October 1. Conſtantine, publiſhed about this time, mani⯑feſtly indicates his real or affected ſuſpicions, that a ſecret conſpiracy had been formed againſt his perſon and government. By all the allurements of honours and rewards, he invites informers of every degree to accuſe without exception his ma⯑giſtrates or miniſters, his friends or his moſt inti⯑mate favourites, proteſting, with a ſolemn aſſe⯑veration, that he himſelf will liſten to the charge, that he himſelf will revenge his injuries; and con⯑cluding with a prayer, which diſcovers ſome ap⯑prehenſion of danger, that the providence of the Supreme Being may ſtill continue to protect the ſafety of the emperor and of the empire ¹².

The informers, who complied with ſo liberal Diſgrace and death of Criſpu's, an invitation, were ſufficiently verſed in the arts of courts to ſelect the friends and adherents of A. D. 326, July. Criſpus as the guilty perſons; nor is there any reaſon to diſtruſt the veracity of the emperor, who had promiſed an ample meaſure of revenge and puniſhment. The policy of Conſtantine main⯑tained, however, the ſame appearances of regard and confidence towards a ſon, whom he began to conſider as his moſt irreconcileable enemy. Me⯑dals were ſtruck with the cuſtomary vows for the long and auſpicious reign of the young Caeſar ¹³; [110] and as the people, who was not admitted into the ſecrets of the palace, ſtill loved his virtues, and reſpected his dignity, a poet who ſolicits his recal from exile, adores with equal devotion the ma⯑jeſty of the father and that of the ſon ¹⁴. The time was now arrived for celebrating the auguſt ceremony of the twentieth year of the reign of Conſtantine; and the emperor, for that purpoſe, removed his court from Nicomedia to Rome, where the moſt ſplendid preparations had been made for his reception. Every eye, and every tongue, affected to expreſs their ſenſe of the general happineſs, and the veil of ceremony and diſſimulation was drawn for a while over the darkeſt deſigns of revenge and murder ¹⁵. In the midſt of the feſtival, the unfortunate Criſpus was apprehended by order of the emperor, who laid aſide the tenderneſs of a father, without aſſuming the equity of a judge. The examination was ſhort and private ¹⁶; and as it was thought decent to conceal the fate of the young prince from the eyes of the Roman people, he was ſent under a [111] ſtrong guard to Pola, in Iſtria, where, ſoon after⯑wards, he was put to death, either by the hand of the executioner, or by the more gentle operation of poiſon ¹⁷. The Caeſar Licinius, a youth of amiable manners, was involved in the ruin of Criſpus ¹⁸; and the ſtern jealouſy of Conſtantine was unmoved by the prayers and tears of his fa⯑vourite ſiſter, pleading for the life of a ſon; whoſe rank was his only crime, and whoſe loſs ſhe did not long ſurvive. The ſtory of theſe unhappy princes, the nature and evidence of their guilt, the forms of their trial, and the circumſtances of their death, were buried in myſterious obſcurity; and the courtly biſhop, who has celebrated in an elaborate work the virtues and piety of his hero, obſerves a prudent ſilence on the ſubject of theſe tragic events ¹⁹. Such haughty contempt for the opinion of mankind, whilſt it imprints an inde⯑lible ſtain on the memory of Conſtantine, muſt re⯑mind us of the very different behaviour of one of [112] the greateſt monarchs of the preſent age. The Czar Peter, in the full poſſeſſion of deſpotic power, ſubmitted to the judgment of Ruſſia, of Europe, and of poſterity, the reaſons which had compelled him to ſubſcribe the condemnation of a criminal, or at leaſt of a degenerate, ſon ²⁰.

The innocence of Criſpus was ſo univerſally ac⯑knowledged, The em⯑preſs Fauſta. that the modern Greeks, who adore the memory of their founder, are reduced to pal⯑liate the guilt of a parricide, which the common feelings of human nature forbade them to juſtify. They pretend, that as ſoon as the afflicted father diſcovered the falſehood of the accuſation by which his credulity had been ſo fatally miſled, he publiſhed to the world his repentance and remorſe; that he mourned forty days, during which he ab⯑ſtained from the uſe of the bath, and all the ordi⯑nary comforts of life; and that, for the laſting inſtruction of poſterity, he erected a golden ſtatue of Criſpus, with this memorable inſcription: TO MY SON, WHOM I UNJUSTLY CONDEMNED ²¹. A tale ſo moral and ſo intereſting would deſerve to be ſupported by leſs exceptionable authority: but if we conſult the more ancient and authentic writers, they will inform us, that the repentance of Conſtantine was manifeſted only in acts of blood and revenge; and that he atoned for the murder of an innocent ſon, by the execution, [113] perhaps, of a guilty wife. They aſcribe the misfortunes of Criſpus to the arts of his ſtep⯑mother Fauſta, whoſe implacable hatred, or whoſe diſappointed love, renewed in the palace of Conſtantine the ancient tragedy of Hippolitus and of Phaedra ²². Like the daughter of Minos, the daughter of Maximian accuſed her ſon in-law of an inceſtuous attempt on the chaſtity of his father's wife; and eaſily obtained, from the jealouſy of the emperor, a ſentence of death againſt a young prince, whom ſhe conſidered with reaſon as the moſt formidable rival of her own children. But Helena, the aged mother of Con⯑ſtantine, lamented and revenged the untimely fate of her grandſon Criſpus: nor was it long before a real or pretended diſcovery was made, that Fauſta herſelf entertained a criminal connection with a ſlave belonging to the Imperial ſtables ²³. Her condemnation and puniſhment were the inſtant conſequences of the charge; and the adultereſs was ſuffocated by the ſteam of a bath, which, for that purpoſe, had been heated to an extra⯑ordinary degree ²⁴. By ſome it will perhaps be [114] thought, that the remembrance of a conjugal union of twenty years, and the honour of their common offspring, the deſtined heirs of the throne, might have ſoftened the obdurate heart of Conſtantine; and perſuaded him to ſuffer his wife, however guilty ſhe might appear, to ex⯑piate her offences in a ſolitary priſon. But it ſeems a ſuperfluous labour to weigh the pro⯑priety, unleſs we could aſcertain the truth, of this ſingular event; which is attended with ſome cir⯑cumſtances of doubt and perplexity. Thoſe who have attacked, and thoſe who have defended, the character of Conſtantine, have alike diſregarded two very remarkable paſſages of two orations pro⯑nounced under the ſucceeding reign. The former celebrates the virtues, the beauty, and the for⯑tune of the empreſs Fauſta, the daughter, wife, ſiſter, and mother of ſo many princes ²⁵. The latter aſſerts, in explicit terms, that the mother of the younger Conſtantine, who was ſlain three years after his father's death, ſurvived to weep over the fate of her ſon ²⁶. Notwithſtanding the poſitive teſtimony of ſeveral writers of the Pagan [115] as well as of the Chriſtian religion, there may ſtill remain ſome reaſon to believe, or at leaſt to ſuſpect, that Fauſta eſcaped the blind and ſuſ⯑picious cruelty of her huſband. The deaths of a ſon, and of a nephew, with the execution of a great number of reſpectable, and perhaps innocent friends ²⁷, who were involved in their fall, may be ſufficient, however, to juſtify the diſcontent of the Roman people, and to explain the ſatirical verſes affixed to the palace-gate, comparing the ſplendid and bloody reigns of Conſtantine and Nero ²⁸.

By the death of Criſpus, the inheritance of the The ſons and ne⯑phews of Conſtan⯑tine. empire ſeemed to devolve on the three ſons of Fauſta, who have been already mentioned under the names of Conſtantine, of Conſtantius, and of Conſtans. Theſe young princes were ſucceſſively inveſted with the title of Caeſar; and the dates of their promotion may be referred to the tenth, the twentieth, and the thirtieth years of the reign of their father ²⁹. This conduct, though it tend⯑ed to multiply the future maſters of the Roman world, might be excuſed by the partiality of pa⯑ternal affection; but it is not eaſy to underſtand [116] the motives of the emperor, when he endangered the ſafety both of his family and of his people, by the unneceſſary elevation of his two nephews, Dalmatius and Hannibalianus. The former was raiſed, by the title of Caeſar, to an equality with his couſins. In favour of the latter, Conſtantine invented the new and ſingular appellation of Nobiliſſimus ³⁰; to which he annexed the flattering diſtinction of a robe of purple and gold. But of the whole ſeries of Roman princes in any age of the empire, Hannibalianus alone was diſtinguiſh⯑ed by the title of KING; a name which the ſub⯑jects of Tiberius would have deteſted, as the pro⯑fane and cruel inſult of capricious tyranny. The uſe of ſuch a title, even as it appears under the reign of Conſtantine, is a ſtrange and unconnect⯑ed fact, which can ſcarcely be admitted on the joint authority of Imperial medals and contempo⯑rary writers ³¹.

The whole empire was deeply intereſted in the Their edu⯑cation. education of theſe five youths, the acknowledged ſucceſſors of Conſtantine. The exerciſes of the body prepared them for the fatigues of war, and the duties of active life. Thoſe who occaſionally mention the education or talents of Conſtantius, allow that he excelled in the gymnaſtic arts of [117] leaping and running; that he was a dextrous archer, a ſkilful horſeman, and a maſter of all the different weapons uſed in the ſervice either of the cavalry or of the infantry ³². The ſame aſſi⯑duous cultivation was beſtowed, though not per⯑haps with equal ſucceſs, to improve the minds of the ſons and nephews of Conſtantine ³³. The moſt celebrated profeſſors of the Chriſtian faith, of the Grecian philoſophy, and of the Roman juriſ⯑prudence, were invited by the liberality of the emperor, who reſerved for himſelf the important taſk of inſtructing the royal youths in the ſcience of government, and the knowledge of mankind. But the genius of Conſtantine himſelf had been formed by adverſity and experience. In the free intercourſe of private life, and amidſt the dangers of the court of Galerius, he had learned to com⯑mand his own paſſions, to encounter thoſe of his equals, and to depend for his preſent ſafety and future greatneſs on the prudence and firmneſs of his perſonal conduct. His deſtined ſucceſſors had the misfortune of being born and educated in the Imperial purple. Inceſſantly ſurrounded with a train of flatterers, they paſſed their youth in the enjoyment of luxury and the expectation of a throne; nor would the dignity of their rank per⯑mit [118] them to deſcend from that elevated ſtation from whence the various characters of human nature appear to wear a ſmooth and uniform aſ⯑pect. The indulgence of Conſtantine admitted them, at a very tender age, to ſhare the admini⯑ſtration of the empire; and they ſtudied the art of reigning at the expence of the people entruſted to their care. The younger Conſtantine was ap⯑pointed to hold his court in Gaul; and his brother Conſtantius exchanged that department, the an⯑cient patrimony of their father, for the more opulent, but leſs martial, countries of the Eaſt. Italy, the Weſtern Illyricum, and Africa, were accuſtomed to revere Conſtans, the third of his ſons, as the repreſentative of the great Conſtan⯑tine. He fixed Dalmatius on the Gothic frontier, to which he annexed the government of Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece. The city of Caeſarea was choſen for the reſidence of Hannibalianus; and the provinces of Pontus, Cappadocia, and the Leſſer Armenia, were deſigned to form the extent of his new kingdom. For each of theſe princes a ſuitable eſtabliſhment was provided. A juſt proportion of guards, of legions, and of auxiliaries, was allotted for their reſpective dig⯑nity and defence. The miniſters and generals, who were placed about their perſons, were ſuch as Conſtantine could truſt to aſſiſt, and even to con⯑trol, theſe youthful ſovereigns in the exerciſe of their delegated power. As they advanced in years and experience, the limits of their autho⯑rity were inſenſibly enlarged: but the emperor always reſerved for himſelf the title of Auguſtus; [119] and while he ſhewed the Caeſars to the armies and provinces, he maintained every part of the empire in equal obedience to its ſupreme head ³⁴. The tranquillity of the laſt fourteen years of his reign was ſcarcely interrupted by the contemptible in⯑ſurrection of a camel-driver in the iſland of Cy⯑prus ³⁵, or by the active part which the policy of Conſtantine engaged him to aſſume in the wars of the Goths and Sarmatians.

Among the different branches of the human Manners of the Sar⯑matians. race, the Sarmatians form a very remarkable ſhade; as they ſeem to unite the manners of the Aſiatic barbarians with the figure and complexion of the ancient inhabitants of Europe. According to the various accidents of peace and war, of al⯑liance or conqueſt, the Sarmatians were ſome⯑times confined to the banks of the Tanais; and they ſometimes ſpread themſelves over the im⯑menſe plains which lie between the Viſtula and the Volga ³⁶. The care of their numerous flocks and herds, the purſuit of game, and the exerciſe of war, or rather of rapine, directed the vagrant [120] motions of the Sarmatians. The moveable camps or cities, the ordinary reſidence of their wives and children, conſiſted only of large wag⯑gons drawn by oxen, and covered in the form of tents. The military ſtrength of the nation was compoſed of cavalry; and the cuſtom of their warriors, to lead in their hand one or two ſpare horſes, enabled them to advance and to retreat with a rapid diligence, which ſurpriſed the ſecurity, and eluded the purſuit, of a diſtant enemy ³⁷. Their poverty of iron prompted their rude in⯑duſtry to invent a ſort of cuiraſs, which was ca⯑pable of reſiſting a ſword or javelin, though it was formed only of horſes hoofs, cut into thin and po⯑liſhed ſlices, carefully laid over each other in the manner of ſcales or feathers, and ſtrongly ſewed upon an under-garment of coarſe linen ³⁸. The offenſive arms of the Sarmatians were ſhort dag⯑gers, long lances, and a weighty bow with a quiver of arrows. They were reduced to the ne⯑ceſſity of employing fiſh-bones for the points of their weapons; but the cuſtom of dipping them in a venomous liquor, that poiſoned the wounds which they inflicted, is alone ſufficient to prove the moſt ſavage manners; ſince a people impreſ⯑ſed with a ſenſe of humanity would have abhorred ſo cruel a practice, and a nation ſkilled in the arts of war would have diſdained ſo impotent a re⯑ſource ³⁹. [121] Whenever theſe Barbarians iſſued from their deſerts in queſt of prey, their ſhaggy beards, uncombed locks, the furs with which they were covered from head to foot, and their fierce coun⯑tenances, which ſeemed to expreſs the innate cruelty of their minds, inſpired the more ci⯑vilized provincials of Rome with horror and diſ⯑may.

The tender Ovid, after a youth ſpent in the en⯑joyment Their ſet⯑tlement near the Danube. of fame and luxury, was condemned to an hopeleſs exile on the frozen banks of the Da⯑nube, where he was expoſed, almoſt without de⯑fence, to the fury of theſe monſters of the deſert, with whoſe ſtern ſpirits he feared that his gentle ſhade might hereafter be confounded. In his pa⯑thetic, but ſometimes unmanly lamentations ⁴⁰, he deſcribes in the moſt lively colours, the dreſs and manners, the arms and inroads of the Getae [122] and Sarmatians, who were aſſociated for the pur⯑poſes of deſtruction; and from the accounts of hiſtory, there is ſome reaſon to believe that theſe Sarmatians were the Jazygae, one of the moſt nu⯑merous and warlike tribes of the nation. The allurements of plenty engaged them to ſeek a per⯑manent eſtabliſhment on the frontiers of the em⯑pire. Soon after the reign of Auguſtus, they obliged the Dacians, who ſubſiſted by fiſhing on the banks of the river Teyſs or Tibiſcus, to retire into the hilly country, and to abandon to the victorious Sarmatians the fertile plains of the Upper Hun⯑gary, which are bounded by the courſe of the Danube and the ſemi-circular incloſure of the Carpathian mountains ⁴¹. In this advantageous poſition, they watched or ſuſpended the moment of attack, as they were provoked by injuries or appeaſed by preſents; they gradually acquired the ſkill of uſing more dangerous weapons; and although the Sarmatians did not illuſtrate their name by any memorable exploits, they occaſion⯑ally aſſiſted their eaſtern and weſtern neighbours, the Goths and the Germans, with a formidable body of cavalry. They lived under the irregular ariſtocracy of their chieftains ⁴²; but after they had received into their boſom the fugitive Van⯑dals, [123] who yielded to the preſſure of the Gothic power, they ſeem to have choſen a king from that nation, and from the illuſtrious race of the Aſtingi, who had formerly dwelt on the ſhores of the Northern ocean ⁴³.

This motive of enmity muſt have inflamed the ſubjects of contention, which perpetually ariſe on The Go⯑thic war, the confines of warlike and independent nations. A. D. 331. The Vandal princes were ſtimulated by fear and revenge, the Gothic kings aſpired to extend their dominion from the Euxine to the frontiers of Germany; and the waters of the Maros, a ſmall river which falls into the Teyſs, were ſtained with the blood of the contending Barbarians. After ſome experience of the ſuperior ſtrength and numbers of their adverſaries, the Sarmatians im⯑plored the protection of the Roman monarch, who beheld with pleaſure the diſcord of the nations, but who was juſtly alarmed by the progreſs of the Gothic arms. As ſoon as Conſtantine had declared himſelf in favour of the weaker party, the haughty Araric, king of the Goths, in⯑ſtead of expecting the attack of the Legions, boldly paſſed the Danube, and ſpread terror and devaſtation through the province of Maeſia. To oppoſe the inroad of this deſtroying hoſt, the aged emperor took the field in perſon; but on this oc⯑caſion either his conduct or his fortune betrayed the glory which he had acquired in ſo many fo⯑reign [124] and domeſtic wars. He had the mortifica⯑tion of ſeeing his troops fly before an inconſider⯑able detachment of the Barbarians, who purſued them to the edge of their fortified camp, and ob⯑liged him to conſult his ſafety by a precipitate and ignominious retreat. The event of a ſecond and more ſucceſsful action retrieved the honour of the Roman name; and the powers of art and diſ⯑cipline prevailed, after an obſtinate conteſt, over the efforts of irregular valour. The broken army of the Goths abandoned the field of battle, the waſted province, and the paſſage of the Danube: and although the eldeſt of the ſons of Conſtantine was permitted to ſupply the place of his father, A. D. 332, April 20. the merit of the victory, which diffuſed univerſal joy, was aſcribed to the auſpicious counſels of the emperor himſelf.

He contributed, at leaſt, to improve this advan⯑tage, by his negociations with the free and war⯑like people of Cherſoneſus ⁴⁴, whoſe capital ſituate on the weſtern coaſt of the Tauric or Crimaean peninſula, ſtill retained ſome veſtiges of a Grecian colony, and was governed by a perpetual magi⯑ſtrate, aſſiſted by a council of ſenators, emphati⯑cally ſtyled the Fathers of the City. The Cher⯑ſonites [125] were animated againſt the Goths, by the memory of the wars which, in the preceding cen⯑tury, they had maintained with unequal forces againſt the invaders of their country. They were connected with the Romans by the mutual bene⯑fits of commerce; as they were ſupplied from the provinces of Aſia with corn and manufactures, which they purchaſed with their only productions, ſalt, wax, and hides. Obedient to the requiſition of Conſtantine, they prepared, under the conduct of their magiſtrate Diogenes, a conſiderable army, of which the principal ſtrength conſiſted in croſs⯑bows and military chariots. The ſpeedy march and intrepid attack of the Cherſonites, by divert⯑ing the attention of the Goths, aſſiſted the opera⯑tions of the Imperial generals. The Goths, van⯑quiſhed on every ſide, were driven into the moun⯑tains, where, in the courſe of a ſevere campaign, above an hundred thouſand were computed to have periſhed by cold and hunger. Peace was at length granted to their humble ſupplications; the eldeſt ſon of Araric was accepted as the moſt va⯑luable hoſtage; and Conſtantine endeavoured to convince their chiefs, by a liberal diſtribution of honours and rewards, how far the friendſhip of the Romans was preferable to their enmity. In the expreſſions of his gratitude towards the faith⯑ful Cherſonites, the emperor was ſtill more mag⯑nificent. The pride of the nation was gratified by the ſplendid and almoſt royal decorations beſtow⯑ed on their magiſtrate and his ſucceſſors. A per⯑petual exemption from all duties was ſtipulated for their veſſels which traded to the ports of the Black Sea. A regular ſubſidy was promiſed, of [126] iron, corn, oil, and of every ſupply which could be uſeful either in peace or war. But it was thought that the Sarmatians were ſufficiently re⯑warded by their deliverance from impending ruin; and the emperor, perhaps with too ſtrict an oeco⯑nomy, deducted ſome part of the expences of the war from the cuſtomary gratifications which were allowed to that turbulent nation.

Exaſperated by this apparent neglect, the Sar⯑matians Expulſion of the Sar⯑matians, ſoon forgot, with the levity of Barbarians, the ſervices which they had ſo lately received, A. D. 334. and the dangers which ſtill threatened their ſafety. Their inroads on the territory of the empire pro⯑voked the indignation of Conſtantine to leave them to their fate; and he no longer oppoſed the ambition of Geberic, a renowned warrior, who had recently aſcended the Gothic throne. Wiſu⯑mar, the Vandal king, whilſt alone and unaſſiſt⯑ed, he defended his dominions with undaunted courage, was vanquiſhed and ſlain in a deciſive battle which ſwept away the flower of the Sarma⯑tian youth. The remainder of the nation em⯑braced the deſperate expedient of arming their ſlaves, a hardy race of hunters and herdſmen, by whoſe tumultuary aid they revenged their defeat, and expelled the invader from their confines. But they ſoon diſcovered that they had exchanged a foreign for a domeſtic enemy, more dangerous and more implacable. Enraged by their former ſervitude, elated by their preſent glory, the ſlaves, under the name of Limigantes, claimed and uſurped the poſſeſſion of the country which they had ſaved. Their maſters, unable to withſtand the ungoverned fury of the populace, preferred [127] the hardſhips of exile, to the tyranny of their ſer⯑vants. Some of the fugitive Sarmatians ſolicited a leſs ignominious dependence, under the hoſtile ſtandard of the Goths. A more numerous band retired beyond the Carpathian mountains, among the Quadi, their German allies, and were eaſily ad⯑mitted to ſhare a ſuperfluous waſte of uncultivated land. But the far greater part of the diſtreſſed nation turned their eyes towards the fruitful pro⯑vinces of Rome. Imploring the protection and forgiveneſs of the emperor, they ſolemnly pro⯑miſed, as ſubjects in peace, and as ſoldiers in war, the moſt inviolable fidelity to the empire which ſhould graciouſly receive them into its bo⯑ſom. According to the maxims adopted by Pro⯑bus and his ſucceſſors, the offers of this Barbarian colony were eagerly accepted; and a competent portion of lands in the provinces of Pannonia, Thrace, Macedonia, and Italy, were immediate⯑ly aſſigned for the habitation and ſubſiſtence of three hundred thouſand Sarmatians ¹³⁴.

By chaſtiſing the pride of the Goths, and by Death and funeral of Conſtan⯑tine, A. D. 335, July 25. accepting the homage of a ſuppliant nation, Con⯑ſtantine [128] aſſerted the majeſty of the Roman em⯑pire; and the ambaſſadors of Aethiopia, Perſia, and the moſt remote countries of India, congra⯑tulated the peace and proſperity of his govern⯑ment ⁴⁶. If he reckoned, among the favours of fortune, the death of his eldeſt ſon, of his ne⯑phew, and perhaps of his wife, he enjoyed an un⯑interrupted flow of private as well as public feli⯑city, till the thirtieth year of his reign; a period which none of his predeceſſors, ſince Auguſtus, had been permitted to celebrate. Conſtantine ſurvived that ſolemn feſtival about ten months; and, at the mature age of ſixty-four, after a ſhort illneſs, he ended his memorable life at the palace of Aquyrion, in the ſuburbs of Nicomedia, whi⯑ther he had retired for the benefit of the air, and A. D. 337, May 22. with the hope of recruiting his exhauſted ſtrength by the uſe of the warm baths. The exceſſive de⯑monſtrations of grief, or at leaſt of mourning, ſurpaſſed whatever had been practiſed on any for⯑mer occaſion. Notwithſtanding the claims of the ſenate and people of ancient Rome, the corpſe of the deceaſed emperor, according to his laſt re⯑queſt, was tranſported to the city, which was deſtined to preſerve the name and memory of its founder. The body of Conſtantine, adorned with the vain ſymbols of greatneſs, the purple and [129] diadem, was depoſited on a golden bed in one of the apartments of the palace, which for that pur⯑poſe had been ſplendidly furniſhed and illuminat⯑ed. The forms of the court were ſtrictly main⯑tained. Every day, at the appointed hours, the principal officers of the ſtate, the army, and the houſehold, approaching the perſon of their ſove⯑reign with bended kees and a compoſed counte⯑nance, offered their reſpectful homage as ſeriouſly as if he had been ſtill alive. From motives of po⯑licy, this theatrical repreſentation was for ſome time continued; nor could flattery neglect the op⯑portunity of remarking that Conſtantine alone, by the peculiar indulgence of heaven, had reigned after his death ⁴⁷.

But this reign could ſubſiſt only in empty pa⯑geantry; Factions of the court. and it was ſoon diſcovered that the will of the moſt abſolute monarch is ſeldom obeyed, when his ſubjects have no longer any thing to hope from his favour, or to dread from his re⯑ſentment. The ſame miniſters and generals who bowed with ſuch reverential awe before the inani⯑mate corpſe of their deceaſed ſovereign, were en⯑gaged in ſecret conſultations to exclude his two nephews, Dalmatius and Hannibalianus, from the ſhare which he had aſſigned them in the ſucceſſion of the empire. We are too imperfectly acquaint⯑ed [130] with the court of Conſtantine to form any judgment of the real motives which influenced the leaders of the conſpiracy; unleſs we ſhould ſup⯑poſe that they were actuated by a ſpirit of jealouſy and revenge againſt the praefect Ablavius, a proud favourite, who had long directed the counſels and abuſed the confidence of the late emperor. The arguments, by which they ſolicited the concur⯑rence of the ſoldiers and people, are of a more obvious nature: and they might with decency, as well as truth, inſiſt on the ſuperior rank of the children of Conſtantine, the danger of multiply⯑ing the number of ſovereigns, and the impending miſchiefs which threatened the republic, from the diſcord of ſo many rival princes, who were not connected by the tender ſympathy of fraternal af⯑fection. The intrigue was conducted with zeal and ſecrecy, till a loud and unanimous declara⯑tion was procured from the troops, that they would ſuffer none except the ſons of their lament⯑ed monarch, to reign over the Roman empire ⁴⁸. The younger Dalmatius, who was united with his collateral relations by the ties of friendſhip and intereſt, is allowed to have inherited a conſider⯑able ſhare of the abilities of the great Conſtantine: but, on this occaſion, he does not appear to have concerted any meaſures for ſupporting, by arms, the juſt claims which himſelf and his royal bro⯑ther derived from the liberality of their uncle. Aſtoniſhed and overwhelmed by the tide of po⯑pular [131] fury, they ſeem to have remained without the power of flight or of reſiſtance, in the hands of their implacable enemies. Their fate was ſuſpended till the arrival of Conſtantius, the ſe⯑cond ⁴⁹, and perhaps the moſt favoured, of the ſons of Conſtantine.

The voice of the dying emperor had recom⯑mended Maſſacre of the princes. the care of his funeral to the piety of Conſtantius; and that prince, by the vicinity of his eaſtern ſtation, could eaſily prevent the dili⯑gence of his brothers, who reſided in their diſtant government of Italy and Gaul. As ſoon as he had taken poſſeſſion of the palace of Conſtanti⯑nople, his firſt care was to remove the apprehen⯑ſions of his kinſmen, by a ſolemn oath, which he pledged for their ſecurity. His next employment was to find ſome ſpecious pretence which might releaſe his conſcience from the obligation of an imprudent promiſe. The arts of fraud were made ſubſervient to the deſigns of cruelty; and a manifeſt forgery was atteſted by a perſon of the moſt ſacred character. From the hands of the biſhop of Nicomedia, Conſtantius received a fa⯑tal ſcroll, affirmed to be the genuine teſtament of his father; in which the emperor expreſſed his ſuſpicions that he had been poiſoned by his bro⯑thers; and conjured his ſons to revenge his death, [132] and to conſult their own ſafety by the puniſhment of the guilty ⁵⁰. Whatever reaſons might have been alleged by theſe unfortunate princes to de⯑fend their life and honour againſt ſo incredible an accuſation, they were ſilenced by the furious cla⯑mours of the ſoldiers, who declared themſelves, at once, their enemies, their judges, and their exe⯑cutioners. The ſpirit, and even the forms of le⯑gal proceedings were repeatedly violated in a pro⯑miſcuous maſſacre; which involved the two uncles of Conſtantius, ſeven of his couſins, of whom Dal⯑matius and Hannibalianus were the moſt illuſtri⯑ous, the Patrician Optatus, who had married a ſiſter of the late emperor, and the Praefect Abla⯑vius, whoſe power and riches had inſpired him with ſome hopes of obtaining the purple. If it were neceſſary to aggravate the horrors of this bloody ſcene, we might add, that Conſtantius himſelf had eſpouſed the daughter of his uncle Julius, and that he had beſtowed his ſiſter in marriage on his couſin Hannibalianus. Theſe alliances, which the policy of Conſtantine, re⯑gardleſs of the public prejudice ⁵¹, had formed [133] between the ſeveral branches of the Imperial houſe, ſerved only to convince mankind, that theſe princes were as cold to the endearments of conjugal affection, as they were inſenſible to the ties of conſanguinity, and the moving entreaties of youth and innocence. Of ſo numerous a fa⯑mily, Gallus and Julian alone, the two youngeſt children of Julius Conſtantius, were ſaved from the hands of the aſſaſſins, till their rage, ſatiated with ſlaughter, had in ſome meaſure ſubſided. The emperor Conſtantius, who, in the abſence of his brothers, was the moſt obnoxious to guilt and reproach, diſcovered, on ſome future occaſions, a faint and tranſient remorſe for thoſe cruelties which the perfidious counſels of his miniſters, and the irreſiſtible violence of the troops, had extorted from his unexperienced youth ⁵².

The maſſacre of the Flavian race was ſucceeded Diviſion of the empire, by a new diviſion of the provinces; which was A. D. 337, Sept. 11. [134] ratified in a perſonal interview of the three bro⯑thers. Conſtantine, the eldeſt of the Caeſars, ob⯑tained, with a certain pre-eminence of rank, the poſſeſſion of the new capital, which bore his own name and that of his father. Thrace, and the countries of the eaſt, were allotted for the patri⯑mony of Conſtantius; and Conſtans was acknow⯑ledged as the lawful ſovereign of Italy, Africa, and the weſtern Illyricum. The armies ſubmitted to their hereditary right; and they condeſcended, after ſome delay, to accept from the Roman ſe⯑nate, the title of Auguſtus. When they firſt aſ⯑ſumed the reins of government, the eldeſt of theſe princes was twenty-one, the ſecond twenty, and the third only ſeventeen, years of age ⁵³.

While the martial nations of Europe followed Sapor king of Perſia, the ſtandards of his brothers, Conſtantius, at the head of the effeminate troops of Aſia, was left to A. D. 310. ſuſtain the weight of the Perſian war. At the deceaſe of Conſtantine, the throne of the eaſt was filled by Sapor, ſon of Hormouz, or Hormiſdas, and grandſon of Narſes, who, after the victory of Galerius, had humbly confeſſed the ſuperiority of the Roman power. Although Sapor was in the thirtieth year of his long reign, he was ſtill in the vigour of youth, as the date of his acceſſion, by a very ſtrange fatality, had preceded that of his birth. The wife of Hormouz remained pregnant at the time of her huſband's death; and the un⯑certainty [135] of the ſex, as well as of the event, ex⯑cited the ambitious hopes of the princes of the houſe of Saſſan. The apprehenſions of civil war were at length removed, by the poſitive aſſurance of the Magi, that the widow of Hormouz had conceived, and would ſafely produce a ſon. Obe⯑dient to the voice of ſuperſtition, the Perſians prepared, without delay, the ceremony of his co⯑ronation. A royal bed, on which the queen lay in ſtate, was exhibited in the midſt of the palace; the diadem was placed on the ſpot, which might be ſuppoſed to conceal the future heir of Arta⯑xerxes, and the proſtrate Satraps adored the ma⯑jeſty of their inviſible and inſenſible ſovereign ⁵⁴. If any credit can be given to this marvellous tale, which ſeems however to be countenanced by the manners of the people, and by the extraordinary duration of his reign, we muſt admire not only the fortune, but the genius, of Sapor. In the ſoft ſequeſtered education of a Perſian haram, the royal youth could diſcover the importance of ex⯑erciſing the vigour of his mind and body; and, by his perſonal merit, deſerved a throne, on which he had been ſeated, while he was yet unconſcious of the duties and temptations of abſolute power. His minority was expoſed to the almoſt inevitable calamities of domeſtic diſcord; his capital was [136] ſurpriſed and plundered by Thair, a powerful king of Yemen, or Arabia; and the majeſty of the royal family was degraded by the captivity of a princeſs, the ſiſter of the deceaſed king. But as ſoon as Sapor attained the age of manhood, the preſumptuous Thair, his nation, and his coun⯑try, fell beneath the firſt effort of the young war⯑rior; who uſed his victory with ſo judicious a mixture of rigour and clemency, that he obtained from the fears and gratitude of the Arabs, the title of Dhoulacnaf, or protector of the nation ⁵⁵.

The ambition of the Perſian, to whom his ene⯑mies State of Meſopo⯑tamia and Armenia. aſcribe the virtues of a ſoldier and a ſtateſ⯑man, was animated by the deſire of revenging the diſgrace of his fathers, and of wreſting from the hands of the Romans the five provinces beyond the Tigris. The military ſame of Conſtantine, and the real or apparent ſtrength of his govern⯑ment, ſuſpended the attack; and while the hoſ⯑tile conduct of Sapor provoked the reſentment, his artful negociations amuſed the patience of the Imperial court. The death of Conſtantine was the ſignal of war ⁵⁶, and the actual condition of the Syrian and Armenian frontier, ſeemed to en⯑courage the Perſians by the proſpect of a rich ſpoil, and an eaſy conqueſt. The example of the maſſacres of the palace, diffuſed a ſpirit of licen⯑tiouſneſs [137] and ſedition among the troops of the eaſt, who were no longer reſtrained by their ha⯑bits of obedience to a veteran commander. By the prudence of Conſtantius, who, from the in⯑terview with his brothers in Pannonia, imme⯑diately haſtened to the banks of the Euphrates, the legions were gradually reſtored to a ſenſe of duty and diſcipline; but the ſeaſon of anarchy had permitted Sapor to form the ſiege of Niſibis, and to occupy ſeveral of the moſt important fort⯑reſſes of Meſopotamia ⁵⁷. In Armenia, the re⯑nowned Tiridates had long enjoyed the peace and glory which he deſerved by his valour and fidelity to the cauſe of Rome. The firm alliance which he maintained with Conſtantine, was productive of ſpiritual as well as of temporal benefits: by the converſion of Tiridates, the character of a ſaint was applied to that of a hero, the Chriſtian faith was preached and eſtabliſhed from the Eu⯑phrates to the ſhores of the Caſpian, and Armenia was attached to the empire by the double ties of policy and of religion. But as many of the Ar⯑menian nobles ſtill refuſed to abandon the plu⯑rality of their gods and of their wives, the pub⯑lic tranquillity was diſturbed by a diſcontented faction, which inſulted the feeble age of their ſovereign, and impatiently expected the hour of his death. He died at length after a reign of A. D. 342. fifty-ſix years, and the fortune of the Armenian monarchy expired with Tiridates. His lawful heir was driven into exile, the Chriſtian prieſts [138] were either murdered or expelled from their churches, the barbarous tribes of Albania were ſolicited to deſcend from their mountains; and two of the moſt powerful governors, uſurping the enſigns or the powers of royalty, implored the aſſiſtance of Sapor, and opened the gates of their cities to the Perſian garriſons. The Chriſtian party, under the guidance of the archbiſhop of Artaxata, the immediate ſucceſſor of St. Gregory the Illuminator, had recourſe to the piety of Con⯑ſtantius. After the troubles had continued about three years, Antiochus, one of the officers of the houſehold, executed with ſucceſs the Imperial commiſſion of reſtoring Choſroes, the ſon of Ti⯑ridates, to the throne of his fathers, of diſtribut⯑ing honours and rewards among the faithful ſer⯑vants of the houſe of Arſaces, and of proclaiming a general amneſty, which was accepted by the greater part of the rebellious Satraps. But the Romans derived more honour than advantage from this revolution. Choſroes was a prince of a puny ſtature, and a puſillanimous ſpirit. Un⯑equal to the fatigues of war, averſe to the ſociety of mankind, he withdrew from his capital to a re⯑tired palace, which he built on the banks of the river Eleutherus, and in the centre of a ſhady grove; where he conſumed his vacant hours in the rural ſports of hunting and hawking. To ſecure this inglorious eaſe, he ſubmitted to the conditions of peace which Sapor condeſcended to impoſe; the payment of an annual tribute, and the reſtitution of the fertile province of Atropatene, which the [139] courage of Tiridates, and the victorious arms of Galerius, had annexed to the Armenian mo⯑narchy ⁵⁸.

During the long period of the reign of Con⯑ſtantius, The Per⯑ſian war, the provinces of the eaſt were afflicted by the calamities of the Perſian war. The irre⯑gular A. D. 337—360. incurſions of the light troops alternately ſpread terror and devaſtation beyond the Tigris, and beyond the Euphrates, from the gates of Cteſiphon to thoſe of Antioch; and this active ſervice was performed by the Arabs of the deſert, who were divided in their intereſt and affections; ſome of their independent chiefs being enliſted in the party of Sapor, whilſt others had engaged their doubtful fidelity to the emperor ⁵⁹. The more grave and important operations of the war were conducted with equal vigour; and the ar⯑mies of Rome and Perſia encountered each other in nine bloody fields, in two of which Conſtantius himſelf commanded in perſon ⁶⁰. The event of Battle of Singara, A. D. 348. [140] the day was moſt commonly adverſe to the Ro⯑mans, but in the battle of Singara, their impru⯑dent valour had almoſt atchieved a ſignal and de⯑ciſive victory. The ſtationary troops of Singara retired on the approach of Sapor, who paſſed the Tigris over three bridges, and occupied near the village of Hilleh an advantageous camp, which, by the labour of his numerous pioneers, he ſur⯑rounded in one day with a deep ditch, and a lofty rampart. His formidable hoſt, when it was drawn out in order of battle, covered the banks of the river, the adjacent heights, and the whole extent of a plain of above twelve miles, which ſeparated the two armies. Both were alike impatient to engage; but the Barbarians, after a ſlight reſiſt⯑ance, fled in diſorder; unable to reſiſt, or de⯑ſirous to weary, the ſtrength of the heavy legions, who, fainting with heat and thirſt, purſued them acroſs the plain, and cut in pieces a line of ca⯑valry, clothed in complete armour, which had been poſted before the gates of the camp to pro⯑tect their retreat. Conſtantius, who was hurried along in the purſuit, attempted, without effect, to reſtrain the ardour of his troops, by repreſent⯑ing to them the dangers of the approaching night, [141] and the certainty of completing their ſucceſs with the return of day. As they depended much more on their own valour, than on the experience or the abilities of their chief, they ſilenced by their cla⯑mours his timid remonſtrances; and ruſhing with fury to the charge, filled up the ditch, broke down the rampart, and diſperſed themſelves through the tents, to recruit their exhauſted ſtrength, and to enjoy the rich harveſt of their labours. But the prudent Sapor had watched the moment of victory. His army, of which the greater part, ſecurely poſted on the heights, had been ſpectators of the action, advanced in ſilence, and under the ſhadow of the night; and his Per⯑ſian archers, guided by the illumination of the camp, poured a ſhower of arrows on a diſarmed and licentious crowd. The ſincerity of hiſtory ⁶¹ declares, that the Romans were vanquiſhed with a dreadful ſlaughter, and that the flying remnant of the legions was expoſed to the moſt intolerable hardſhips. Even the tenderneſs of panegyric, confeſſing that the glory of the emperor was ſul⯑lied by the diſobedience of his ſoldiers, chuſes to draw a veil over the circumſtances of this melan⯑choly retreat. Yet one of thoſe venal orators, ſo jealous of the fame of Conſtantius, relates with amazing coolneſs, an act of ſuch incredible cruelty, as, in the judgment of poſterity, muſt imprint a far deeper ſtain on the honour of the Imperial name. The ſon of Sapor, the heir of his crown, [142] had been made a captive in the Perſian camp. The unhappy youth, who might have excited the compaſſion of the moſt ſavage enemy, was ſcourg⯑ed, tortured, and publicly executed by the inhu⯑man Romans ⁶².

Whatever advantages might attend the arms of Siege of Niſibis. Sapor in the field, though nine repeated victories diffuſed among the nations the fame of his valour and conduct, he could not hope to ſucceed in the execution of his deſigns, while the fortified towns of Meſopotamia, and above all, the ſtrong and antient city of Niſibis, remained in the poſſeſ⯑ſion of the Romans. In the ſpace of twelve years, Niſibis, which, ſince the time of Lucullus, had been deſervedly eſteemed the bulwark of the eaſt, ſuſtained three memorable ſieges againſt the power A. D. 338. 346. 350. of Sapor; and the diſappointed monarch, after urging his attacks above ſixty, eighty, and an hundred days, was thrice repulſed with loſs and ignominy ⁶³. This large and populous city was ſituate about two days journey from the Tigris, in the midſt of a pleaſant and fertile plain at the foot of mount Maſius. A treble incloſure of brick walls was defended by a deep ditch ⁶⁴; and [143] the intrepid reſiſtance of Count Lucilianus, and his garriſon, was ſeconded by the deſperate cou⯑rage of the people. The citizens of Niſibis were animated by the exhortations of their biſhop ⁶⁵, in⯑ured to arms by the preſence of danger, and con⯑vinced of the intentions of Sapor to plant a Per⯑ſian colony in their room, and to lead them away into diſtant and barbarous captivity. The event of the two former ſieges elated their confidence; and exaſperated the haughty ſpirit of the Great King, who advanced a third time towards Niſi⯑bis, at the head of the united forces of Perſia and India. The ordinary machines, invented to bat⯑ter or undermine the walls, were rendered inef⯑fectual by the ſuperior ſkill of the Romans; and many days had vainly elapſed, when Sapor em⯑braced a reſolution worthy of an eaſtern monarch, who believed that the elements themſelves were ſubject to his power. At the ſtated ſeaſon of the melting of the ſnows in Armenia, the river Myg⯑donius, which divides the plain and the city of Niſibis, forms, like the Nile ⁶⁶, an innundation [144] over the adjacent country. By the labour of the Perſians, the courſe of the river was ſtopped be⯑low the town, and the waters were confined on every ſide by ſolid mounds of earth. On this ar⯑tificial lake, a fleet of armed veſſels, filled with ſoldiers, and with engines which diſcharged ſtones of five hundred pounds weight, advanced in or⯑der of battle, and engaged, almoſt upon a level, the troops which defended the ramparts. The irreſiſtible force of the waters was alternately fatal to the contending parties, till at length a portion of the walls, unable to ſuſtain the accumulated preſſure, gave way at once, and expoſed an ample breach of one hundred and fifty feet. The Per⯑ſians were inſtantly driven to the aſſault, and the fate of Niſibis depended on the event of the day. The heavy-armed cavalry, who led the van of a deep column, were embarraſſed in the mud, and great numbers were drowned in the unſeen holes which had been filled by the ruſhing waters. The elephants, made furious by their wounds, encreaſ⯑ed the diſorder, and trampled down thouſands of the Perſian archers. The Great King, who from an exalted throne beheld the misfortunes of his arms, ſounded, with reluctant indignation, the ſignal of the retreat, and ſuſpended for ſome hours the proſecution of the attack. But the vigilant citizens improved the opportunity of the night; and the return of day diſcovered a new wall of ſix feet in height, riſing every moment to fill up the interval of the breach. Notwithſtanding the diſ⯑appointment of his hopes, and the loſs of more than twenty thouſand men, Sapor ſtill preſſed the [145] reduction of Niſibis with an obſtinate firmneſs, which could have yielded only to the neceſſity of defending the eaſtern provinces of Perſia againſt a formidable invaſion of the Maſſagetae ⁶⁷. Alarm⯑ed by this intelligence, he haſtily relinquiſhed the ſiege, and marched with rapid diligence from the banks of the Tigris to thoſe of the Oxus. The danger and difficulties of the Scythian war en⯑gaged him ſoon afterwards to conclude, or at leaſt to obſerve, a truce with the Roman em⯑peror, which was equally grateful to both princes; as Conſtantius himſelf, after the deaths of his two brothers, was involved, by the revolutions of the weſt, in a civil conteſt, which required and ſeem⯑ed to exceed the moſt vigorous exertion of his un⯑divided ſtrength.

After the partition of the empire, three years Civil war, and death of Con⯑ſtantine, had ſcarcely elapſed, before the ſons of Conſtan⯑tine ſeemed impatient to convince mankind that they were incapable of contenting themſelves A. D. 340, March. with the dominions which they were unqualified to govern. The eldeſt of thoſe princes ſoon complained, that he was defrauded of his juſt proportion of the ſpoils of their murdered kinſ⯑men; and though he might yield to the ſuperior guilt and merit of Conſtantius, he exacted from Conſtans the ceſſion of the African provinces, as an equivalent for the rich countries of Macedo⯑nia and Greece, which his brother had acquired [146] by the death of Dalmatius. The want of ſin⯑cerity, which Conſtantine experienced in a te⯑dious and fruitleſs negociation, exaſperated the fierceneſs of his temper; and he eagerly liſtened to thoſe favourites, who ſuggeſted to him that his honour, as well as his intereſt, was concerned in the proſecution of the quarrel. At the head of a tumultuary band, ſuited for rapine rather than for conqueſt, he ſuddenly broke into the domi⯑nions of Conſtans, by the way of the Julian Alps, and the country round Aquileia felt the firſt ef⯑fects of his reſentment. The meaſures of Con⯑ſtans, who then reſided in Dacia, were directed with more prudence and ability. On the news of his brother's invaſion, he detached a ſelect and diſciplined body of his Illyrian troops, propoſing to follow them in perſon with the remainder of his forces. But the conduct of his lieutenants ſoon terminated the unnatural conteſt. By the artful appearances of flight, Conſtantine was be⯑trayed into an ambuſcade, which had been con⯑cealed in a wood, where the raſh youth, with a few attendants, was ſurpriſed, ſurrounded, and ſlain. His body, after it had been found in the obſcure ſtream of the Alſa, obtained the honours of an Imperial ſepulchre; but his provinces tranſ⯑ferred their allegiance to the conqueror, who, re⯑fuſing to admit his elder brother Conſtantius to any ſhare in theſe new acquiſitions, maintained the undiſputed poſſeſſion of more than two-thirds of the Roman empire ⁶⁸.

[147] The fate of Conſtans himſelf was delayed about ten years longer, and the revenge of his brother's death was reſerved for the more ignoble hand of Murder of Conſtans, a domeſtic traitor. The pernicious tendency of A. D. 350, February. the ſyſtem introduced by Conſtantine, was diſ⯑played in the feeble adminiſtration of his ſons; who, by their vices and weakneſs, ſoon loſt the eſteem and affections of their people. The pride aſſumed by Conſtans, from the unmerited ſucceſs of his arms, was rendered more contemptible by his want of abilities and application. His fond partiality towards ſome German captives, diſtin⯑guiſhed only by the charms of youth, was an ob⯑ject of ſcandal to the people ⁶⁹; and Magnentius, an ambitious ſoldier, who was himſelf of Barbarian extraction, was encouraged by the public diſcon⯑tent to aſſert the honour of the Roman name ⁷⁰. The choſen bands of Jovians and Herculians, who acknowledged Magnentius as their leader, maintained the moſt reſpectable and important [148] ſtation in the Imperial camp. The friendſhip of Marcellinus, count of the ſacred largeſſes, ſup⯑plied with a liberal hand the means of ſeduction. The ſoldiers were convinced by the moſt ſpecious arguments, that the republic ſummoned them to break the bonds of hereditary ſervitude; and, by the choice of an active and vigilant prince, to re⯑ward the ſame virtues which had raiſed the an⯑ceſtors of the degenerate Conſtans from a pri⯑vate condition to the throne of the world. As ſoon as the conſpiracy was ripe for execution, Marcellinus, under the pretence of celebrating his ſon's birth-day, gave a ſplendid entertainment to the illuſtrious and honourable perſons of the court of Gaul, which then reſided in the city of Autun. The intemperance of the feaſt was artfully pro⯑tracted till a very late hour of the night; and the unſuſpecting gueſts were tempted to indulge themſelves in a dangerous and guilty freedom of converſation. On a ſudden the doors were thrown open, and Magnentius, who had retired for a few moments, returned into the apartment, in⯑veſted with the diadem and purple. The con⯑ſpirators inſtantly ſaluted him with the titles of Auguſtus and Emperor. The ſurpriſe, the ter⯑ror, the intoxication, the ambitious hopes, and the mutual ignorance of the reſt of the aſſembly, prompted them to join their voices to the general acclamation. The guards haſtened to take the oath of fidelity; the gates of the town were ſhut; and before the dawn of day, Magnentius became maſter of the troops and treaſure of the palace and city of Autun. By his ſecrecy and diligence he [149] entertained ſome hopes of ſurpriſing the perſon of Conſtans, who was purſuing in the adjacent fo⯑reſt his favourite amuſement of hunting, or per⯑haps ſome pleaſures of a more private and cri⯑minal nature. The rapid progreſs of fame al⯑lowed him, however, an inſtant for flight, though the deſertion of his ſoldiers and ſubjects deprived him of the power of reſiſtance. Before he could reach a ſea-port in Spain, where he intended to embark, he was overtaken near Helena ⁷¹, at the foot of the Pyrenees, by a party of light cavalry, whoſe chief, regardleſs of the ſanctity of a temple, executed his commiſſion by the murder of the ſon of Conſtantine ⁷².

As ſoon as the death of Conſtans had decided Magnen⯑tius and Vetranio aſſume the purple, this eaſy but important revolution, the example of the court of Autun was imitated by the provinces of the weſt. The authority of Magnentius was A. D. 350, March 1. acknowledged through the whole extent of the two great praefectures of Gaul and Italy; and the uſurper prepared, by every act of oppreſſion, to collect a treaſure, which might diſcharge the ob⯑ligation of an immenſe donative, and ſupply the expences of a civil war. The martial countries [150] of Illyricum, from the Danube to the extremity of Greece, had long obeyed the government of Vetranio, an aged general, beloved for the ſim⯑plicity of his manners, and who had acquired ſome reputation by his experience and ſervices in war ⁷³. Attached by habit, by duty, and by gra⯑titude, to the houſe of Conſtantine, he imme⯑diately gave the ſtrongeſt aſſurances to the only ſurviving ſon of his late maſter, that he would expoſe, with unſhaken fidelity, his perſon and his troops, to inflict a juſt revenge on the traitors of Gaul. But the legions of Vetranio were ſeduced, rather than provoked, by the example of rebel⯑lion; their leader ſoon betrayed a want of firm⯑neſs, or a want of ſincerity; and his ambition de⯑rived a ſpecious pretence from the approbation of the princeſs Conſtantina. That cruel and aſpiring woman, who had obtained from the great Conſtantine her father the rank of Auguſta, placed the diadem with her own hands on the head of the Illyrian general; and ſeemed to expect from his victory, the accompliſhment of thoſe unbounded hopes, of which ſhe had been diſappointed by the death of her huſband Hannibalianus. Perhaps it was without the conſent of Conſtantina, that the new emperor formed a neceſſary, though diſho⯑nourable, alliance with the uſurper of the weſt, [151] whoſe purple was ſo recently ſtained with her brother's blood ⁷⁴.

The intelligence of theſe important events, Conſtan⯑tius refuſes to treat. which ſo deeply affected the honour and ſafety of the Imperial houſe, recalled the arms of Conſtan⯑tius A. D. 350. from the inglorious proſecution of the Perſian war. He recommended the care of the eaſt to his lieutenants, and afterwards to his couſin Gal⯑lus, whom he raiſed from a priſon to a throne; and marched towards Europe, with a mind agi⯑tated by the conflict of hope and fear, of grief and indignation. On his arrival at Heraclea in Thrace, the emperor gave audience to the am⯑baſſadors of Magnentius and Vetranio. The firſt author of the conſpiracy, Marcellinus, who in ſome meaſure had beſtowed the purple on his new maſter, boldly accepted this dangerous com⯑miſſion; and his three colleagues were ſelected from the illuſtrious perſonages of the ſtate and army. Theſe deputies were inſtructed to ſoothe the reſentment, and to alarm the fears, of Con⯑ſtantius. They were empowered to offer him the friendſhip and alliance of the weſtern princes, to cement their union by a double marriage; of Conſtantius with the daughter of Magnentius, and of Magnentius himſelf with the ambitious Conſtantina; and to acknowledge in the treaty the pre-eminence of rank, which might juſtly be claimed by the emperor of the eaſt. Should pride and miſtaken piety urge him to refuſe theſe equi⯑table [152] conditions, the ambaſſadors were ordered to expatiate on the inevitable ruin which muſt at⯑tend his raſhneſs, if he ventured to provoke the ſovereigns of the weſt to exert their ſuperior ſtrength; and to employ againſt him that valour, thoſe abilities, and thoſe legions, to which the houſe of Conſtantine had been indebted for ſo many triumphs. Such propoſitions and ſuch ar⯑guments appeared to deſerve the moſt ſerious at⯑tention; the anſwer of Conſtantius was deferred till the next day; and as he had reflected on the importance of juſtifying a civil war in the opinion of the people, he thus addreſſed his council, who liſtened with real or affected credulity: ‘Laſt night, ſaid he, after I retired to reſt, the ſhade of the great Conſtantine, embracing the corpſe of my murdered brother, roſe before my eyes; his well-known voice awakened me to revenge, forbade me to deſpair of the republic, and aſſured me of the ſucceſs and immortal glory which would crown the juſtice of my arms.’ The authority of ſuch a viſion, or ra⯑ther of the prince who alleged it, ſilenced every doubt, and excluded all negociation. The igno⯑minious terms of peace were rejected with diſdain. One of the ambaſſadors of the tyrant was diſ⯑miſſed with the haughty anſwer of Conſtantius; his colleagues, as unworthy of the privileges of the law of nations, were put in irons; and the contending powers prepared to wage an impla⯑cable war ⁷⁵.

[153] Such was the conduct, and ſuch perhaps was the duty, of the brother of Conſtans towards the perfidious uſurper of Gaul. The ſituation and Depoſes Vetranio, character of Vetranio admitted of milder mea⯑ſures; A. D. 350, Dec. 25. and the policy of the eaſtern emperor was directed to diſunite his antagoniſts, and to ſepa⯑rate the forces of Illyricum from the cauſe of re⯑bellion. It was an eaſy taſk to deceive the frank⯑neſs and ſimplicity of Vetranio, who, fluctuating ſome time between the oppoſite views of honour and intereſt, diſplayed to the world the inſincerity of his temper, and was inſenſibly engaged in the ſnares of an artful negociation. Conſtantius ac⯑knowledged him as a legitimate and equal col⯑league in the empire, on condition that he would renounce his diſgraceful alliance with Magnen⯑tius, and appoint a place of interview on the fron⯑tiers of their reſpective provinces; where they might pledge their friendſhip by mutual vows of fidelity, and regulate by common conſent the fu⯑ture operations of the civil war. In conſequence of this agreement, Vetranio advanced to the city of Sardica ⁷⁶, at the head of twenty thouſand horſe, and of a more numerous body of infantry; a power ſo far ſuperior to the forces of Conſtan⯑tius, that the Illyrian emperor appeared to com⯑mand the life and fortunes of his rival, who, de⯑pending on the ſucceſs of his private negocia⯑tions, had ſeduced the troops, and undermined [154] the throne, of Vetranio. The chiefs, who had ſecretly embraced the party of Conſtantius, pre⯑pared in his favour a public ſpectacle, calculated to diſcover and inflame the paſſions of the multi⯑tude ⁷⁷. The united armies were commanded to aſſemble in a large plain near the city. In the centre, according to the rules of ancient diſci⯑pline, a military tribunal, or rather ſcaffold, was erected, from whence the emperors were accuſ⯑tomed, on ſolemn and important occaſions, to harangue the troops. The well-ordered ranks of Romans and Barbarians, with drawn ſwords, or with erected ſpears, the ſquadrons of cavalry, and the cohorts of infantry, diſtinguiſhed by the va⯑riety of their arms and enſigns, formed an im⯑menſe circle round the tribunal; and the atten⯑tive ſilence which they preſerved was ſometimes interrupted by loud burſts of clamour or of ap⯑plauſe. In the preſence of this formidable aſſem⯑bly, the two emperors were called upon to explain the ſituation of public affairs: the precedency of rank was yielded to the royal birth of Conſtantius; and though he was indifferently ſkilled in the arts of rhetoric, he acquitted himſelf, under theſe difficult circumſtances, with firmneſs, dexterity, and eloquence. The firſt part of his oration ſeemed to be pointed only againſt the tyrant of Gaul; but while he tragically lamented the cruel murder of Conſtans, he inſinuated, that none, except a brother, could claim a right to the ſuc⯑ceſſion [155] of his brother. He diſplayed, with ſome complacency, the glories of his Imperial race; and recalled to the memory of the troops, the va⯑lour, the triumphs, the liberality of the great Conſtantine, to whoſe ſons they had engaged their allegiance by an oath of fidelity, which the in⯑gratitude of his moſt favoured ſervants had tempt⯑ed them to violate. The officers, who ſurrounded the tribunal, and were inſtructed to act their parts in this extraordinary ſcene, confeſſed the irreſiſtible power of reaſon and eloquence, by ſaluting the emperor Conſtantius as their lawful ſovereign. The contagion of loyalty and repentance was communicated from rank to rank; till the plain of Sardica reſounded with the univerſal acclama⯑tion of ‘Away with theſe upſtart uſurpers! Long life and victory to the ſon of Conſtantine! Under his banners alone we will fight and con⯑quer.’ The ſhout of thouſands, their me⯑nacing geſtures, the fierce claſhing of their arms, aſtoniſhed and ſubdued the courage of Vetranio, who ſtood, amidſt the defection of his followers, in anxious and ſilent ſuſpence. Inſtead of em⯑bracing the laſt refuge of generous deſpair, he tamely ſubmitted to his fate; and taking the diadem from his head, in the view of both armies, fell proſtrate at the feet of his conqueror. Con⯑ſtantius uſed his victory with prudence and mo⯑deration; and raiſing from the ground the aged ſuppliant, whom he affected to ſtyle by the en⯑dearing name of Father, he gave him his hand to deſcend from the throne. The city of Pruſa was aſſigned for the exile or retirement of the abdi⯑cated [156] monarch, who lived ſix years in the enjoy⯑ment of eaſe and affluence. He often expreſſed his grateful ſenſe of the goodneſs of Conſtantius, and, with a very amiable ſimplicity, adviſed his benefactor to reſign the ſceptre of the world, and to ſeek for content (where alone it could be found) in the peaceful obſcurity of a private condi⯑tion ⁷⁸.

The behaviour of Conſtantius on this memo⯑rable Makes war againſt Magnen⯑tius, occaſion was celebrated with ſome appear⯑ance of juſtice; and his courtiers compared the ſtudied orations which a Pericles or a Demo⯑ſthenes A. D. 351. addreſſed to the populace of Athens, with the victorious eloquence which had perſuaded an armed multitude to deſert and depoſe the object of their partial choice ⁷⁹. The approaching con⯑teſt with Magnentius was of a more ſerious and bloody kind. The tyrant advanced by rapid marches to encounter Conſtantius, at the head of a numerous army, compoſed of Gauls and Spa⯑niards, of Franks and Saxons; of thoſe provin⯑cials who ſupplied the ſtrength of the legions, and of thoſe barbarians who were dreaded as the moſt formidable enemies of the republic. The [157] fertile plains ⁸⁰ of the Lower Pannonia, between the Drave, the Save, and the Danube, preſented a ſpacious theatre; and the operations of the civil war were protracted during the ſummer months by the ſkill or timidity of the combat⯑ants ⁸¹. Conſtantius had declared his intention of deciding the quarrel in the fields of Cibalis, a name that would animate his troops by the re⯑membrance of the victory which, on the ſame auſpicious ground, had been obtained by the arms of his father Conſtantine. Yet, by the impreg⯑nable fortifications with which the emperor en⯑compaſſed his camp, he appeared to decline, ra⯑ther than to invite, a general engagement. It was the object of Magnentius to tempt or to com⯑pel his adverſary to relinquiſh this advantageous poſition; and he employed, with that view, the various marches, evolutions, and ſtratagems, which the knowledge of the art of war could ſug⯑geſt to an experienced officer. He carried by aſ⯑ſault the important town of Siſcia; made an at⯑tack on the city of Sirmium, which lay in the rear of the Imperial camp; attempted to force a paſſage over the Save into the eaſtern provinces of [158] Illyricum; and cut in pieces a numerous detach⯑ment, which he had allured into the narrow paſſes of Adarne. During the greater part of the ſum⯑mer, the tyrant of Gaul ſhewed himſelf maſter of the field. The troops of Conſtantius were ha⯑raſſed and diſpirited; his reputation declined in the eye of the world; and his pride condeſcended to ſolicit a treaty of peace, which would have re⯑ſigned to the aſſaſſin of Conſtans the ſovereignty of the provinces beyond the Alps. Theſe offers were enforced by the eloquence of Philip, the Im⯑perial ambaſſador; and the council as well as the army of Magnentius were diſpoſed to accept them. But the haughty uſurper, careleſs of the remonſtrances of his friends, gave orders that Philip ſhould be detained as a captive, or at leaſt as a hoſtage; while he diſpatched an officer to re⯑proach Conſtantius with the weakneſs of his reign, and to inſult him by the promiſe of a pardon, if he would inſtantly abdicate the purple. ‘That he ſhould confide in the juſtice of his cauſe, and the protection of an avenging Deity,’ was the only anſwer which honour permitted the em⯑peror to return. But he was ſo ſenſible of the difficulties of his ſituation, that he no longer dared to retaliate the indignity which had been offered to his repreſentative. The negociation of Philip was not, however, ineffectual; ſince he determined Sylvanus the Frank, a general of merit and reputation, to deſert with a conſider⯑able body of cavalry, a few days before the battle of Murſa.

[159] The city of Murſa, or Eſſek, celebrated in mo⯑dern times for a bridge of boats five miles in length, over the river Drave, and the adjacent Battle of Murſa, moraſſes ⁸², has been always conſidered as a place A. D. 351, Sept. 28. of importance in the wars of Hungary. Mag⯑nentius directing his march towards Murſa, ſet fire to the gates, and, by a ſudden aſſault, had almoſt ſcaled the walls of the town. The vigi⯑lance of the garriſon extinguiſhed the flames; the approach of Conſtantius left him no time to con⯑tinue the operations of the ſiege; and the em⯑peror ſoon removed the only obſtacle that could embarraſs his motions, by forcing a body of troops which had taken poſt in an adjoining amphi⯑theatre. The field of battle round Murſa was a naked and level plain: on this ground the army of Conſtantius formed, with the Drave on their right; while their left, either from the nature of their diſpoſition, or from the ſuperiority of their cavalry, extended far beyond the right ſlank of Magnentius ⁸³. The troops on both ſides re⯑mained under arms in anxious expectation during the greateſt part of the morning; and the ſon of Conſtantine, after animating his ſoldiers by an eloquent ſpeech, retired into a church at ſome diſtance from the field of battle, and committed [160] to his generals the conduct of this deciſive day ⁸⁴. They deſerved his confidence by the valour and military ſkill which they exerted. They wiſely began the action upon the left; and advancing their whole wing of cavalry in an oblique line, they ſuddenly wheeled it on the right flank of the enemy, which was unprepared to reſiſt the im⯑petuoſity of their charge. But the Romans of the Weſt ſoon rallied, by the habits of diſcipline; and the Barbarians of Germany ſupported the re⯑nown of their national bravery. The engage⯑ment ſoon became general; was maintained with various and ſingular turns of fortune; and ſcarcely ended with the darkneſs of the night. The ſig⯑nal victory which Conſtantius obtained is attri⯑buted to the arms of his cavalry. His cuiraſſiers are deſcribed as ſo many maſſy ſtatues of ſteel, glittering with their ſcaly armour, and breaking with their ponderous lances the firm array of the Gallic legions. As ſoon as the legions gave way, the lighter and more active ſquadrons of the ſe⯑cond line rode ſword in hand into the intervals, and completed the diſorder. In the mean while, the huge bodies of the Germans were expoſed al⯑moſt naked to the dexterity of the oriental archers; and whole troops of thoſe barbarians were urged [161] by anguiſh and deſpair to precipitate themſelves into the broad and rapid ſtream of the Drave ⁸⁵. The number of the ſlain was computed at fifty-four thouſand men, and the ſlaughter of the con⯑querors was more conſiderable than that of the vanquiſhed ⁸⁶; a circumſtance which proves the obſtinacy of the conteſt, and juſtifies the obſer⯑vation of an ancient writer, that the forces of the empire were conſumed in the fatal battle of Murſa, by the loſs of a veteran army, ſufficient to defend the frontiers, or to add new triumphs to the glory of Rome ⁸⁷. Notwithſtanding the invectives of a ſervile orator, there is not the leaſt reaſon to believe that the tyrant deſerted his own ſtandard in the beginning of the engage⯑ment. He ſeems to have diſplayed the virtues of a general and of a ſoldier till the day was irreco⯑verably loſt, and his camp in the poſſeſſion of the enemy. Magnentius then conſulted his ſafety, [162] and throwing away the Imperial ornaments, eſ⯑caped with ſome difficulty from the purſuit of the light horſe, who inceſſantly followed his rapid flight from the banks of the Drave to the foot of the Julian Alps ⁸⁸.

The approach of winter ſupplied the indolence Conqueſt of Italy, of Conſtantius with ſpecious reaſons for deferring A. D. 352. the proſecution of the war till the enſuing ſpring. Magnentius had fixed his reſidence in the city of Aquileia, and ſhewed a ſeeming reſolution to diſpute the paſſage of the mountains and moraſſes which fortified the confines of the Venetian pro⯑vince. The ſurpriſal of a caſtle in the Alps by the ſecret march of the Imperialiſts, could ſcarcely have determined him to relinquiſh the poſſeſſion of Italy, if the inclinations of the people had ſup⯑ported the cauſe of their tyrant ⁸⁹. But the me⯑mory of the cruelties exerciſed by his miniſters, after the unſucceſsful revolt of Nepotian, had left a deep impreſſion of horror and reſentment on the minds of the Romans. That raſh youth, the ſon of the princeſs Eutropia, and the nephew of Con⯑ſtantine, had ſeen with indignation the ſceptre of the Weſt uſurped by a perfidious barbarian. [163] Arming a deſperate troop of ſlaves and gladiators, he overpowered the feeble guard of the domeſtic tranquillity of Rome, received the homage of the ſenate, and aſſuming the title of Auguſtus, pre⯑cariouſly reigned during a tumult of twenty-eight days. The march of ſome regular forces put an end to his ambitious hopes: the rebellion was ex⯑tinguiſhed in the blood of Nepotian, of his mo⯑ther Eutropia, and of his adherents; and the pro⯑ſcription was extended to all who had contracted a fatal alliance with the name and family of Con⯑ſtantine ⁹⁰. But as ſoon as Conſtantius, after the battle of Murſa, became maſter of the ſea-coaſt of Dalmatia, a band of noble exiles, who had ven⯑tured to equip a fleet in ſome harbour of the Ha⯑driatic, ſought protection and revenge in his vic⯑torious camp. By their ſecret intelligence with their countrymen, Rome and the Italian cities were perſuaded to diſplay the banners of Conſtan⯑tius on their walls. The grateful veterans, en⯑riched by the liberality of the father, ſignalized their gratitude and loyalty to the ſon. The ca⯑valry, the legions, and the auxiliaries of Italy, renewed their oath of allegiance to Conſtantius; and the uſurper, alarmed by the general deſer⯑tion, was compelled, with the remains of his faithful troops, to retire beyond the Alps into the [164] provinces of Gaul. The detachments, however, which were ordered either to preſs or to intercept the flight of Magnentius, conducted themſelves with the uſual imprudence of ſucceſs; and allow⯑ed him, in the plains of Pavia, an opportunity of turning on his purſuers, and of gratifying his deſpair by the carnage of a uſeleſs victory ⁹¹.

The pride of Magnentius was reduced, by re⯑peated Laſt defeat and death of Mag⯑nentius, misfortunes, to ſue, and to ſue in vain, for peace. He firſt diſpatched a ſenator, in whoſe abilities he confided, and afterwards ſeveral bi⯑ſhops, A. D. 353, Auguſt 10. whoſe holy character might obtain a more favourable audience, with the offer of reſigning the purple, and the promiſe of devoting the re⯑mainder of his life to the ſervice of the emperor. But Conſtantius, though he granted fair terms of pardon and reconciliation to all who abandoned the ſtandard of rebellion ⁹², avowed his inflexible reſolution to inflict a juſt puniſhment on the crimes of an aſſaſſin, whom he prepared to overwhelm on every ſide by the effort of his victorious arms. An Imperial fleet acquired the eaſy poſ⯑ſeſſion of Africa and Spain, confirmed the waver⯑ing faith of the Mooriſh nations, and landed a conſiderable force, which paſſed the Pyrenees, and advanced towards Lyons, the laſt and fatal ſtation of Magnentius ⁹³. The temper of the ty⯑rant, [165] which was never inclined to clemency, was urged by diſtreſs to exerciſe every act of oppreſ⯑ſion which could extort an immediate ſupply from the cities of Gaul ⁹⁴. Their patience was at length exhauſted; and Treves, the ſeat of Prae⯑torian government, gave the ſignal of revolt, by ſhutting her gates againſt Decentius, who had been raiſed by his brother to the rank either of Caeſar or of Auguſtus ⁹⁵. From Treves, Decen⯑tius was obliged to retire to Sens, where he was ſoon ſurrounded by an army of Germans, whom the pernicious arts of Conſtantius had introduced into the civil diſſenſions of Rome ⁹⁶. In the mean time, the Imperial troops forced the paſſages of the Cottian Alps, and in the bloody combat of Mount Seleucus irrevocably fixed the title of Re⯑bels on the party of Magnentius ⁹⁷. He was un⯑able [166] to bring another army into the field; the fidelity of his guards was corrupted; and when he appeared in public to animate them by his exhort⯑ations, he was ſaluted with an unanimous ſhout of "Long live the emperor Conſtantius!" The tyrant, who perceived that they were preparing to deſerve pardon and rewards by the ſacrifice of the moſt obnoxious criminal, prevented their deſign by falling on his ſword ⁹⁸; a death more eaſy and more honourable than he could hope to obtain from the hands of an enemy, whoſe revenge would have been coloured with the ſpecious pretence of juſtice and fraternal piety. The example of ſui⯑cide was imitated by Decentius, who ſtrangled himſelf on the news of his brother's death. The author of the conſpiracy, Marcellinus, had long ſince diſappeared in the battle of Murſa ⁹⁹, and the public tranquillity was confirmed by the exe⯑cution of the ſurviving leaders of a guilty and un⯑ſucceſsful faction. A ſevere inquiſition was ex⯑tended over all who, either from choice or from compulſion, had been involved in the cauſe of rebellion. Paul, ſurnamed Catena, from his ſu⯑perior [167] ſkill in the judicial exerciſe of tyranny, was ſent to explore the latent remains of the conſpiracy in the remote province of Britain. The honeſt in⯑dignation expreſſed by Martin, vice-praefect of the iſland, was interpreted as an evidence of his own guilt; and the governor was urged to the neceſ⯑ſity of turning againſt his breaſt the ſword with which he had been provoked to wound the Im⯑perial miniſter. The moſt innocent ſubjects of the Weſt were expoſed to exile and confiſcation, to death and torture; and as the timid are always cruel, the mind of Conſtantius was inacceſſible to mercy ¹⁰⁰.

CHAP. XIX. Conſtantius ſole Emperor.—Elevation and Death of Gallus.—Danger and Elevation of Julian.—Sar⯑matian and Perſian Wars.—Victories of Julian in Gaul.

THE divided provinces of the empire were again united by the victory of Conſtantius; but as that feeble prince was deſtitute of perſonal Power of the eu⯑nuchs. merit, either in peace or war; as he feared his generals, and diſtruſted his miniſters; the triumph of his arms ſerved only to eſtabliſh the reign of the eunuchs over the Roman world. Thoſe un⯑happy beings, the ancient production of Oriental jealouſy and deſpotiſm ¹, were introduced into Greece and Rome by the contagion of Aſiatic luxury ². Their progreſs was rapid; and the eu⯑nuchs, who, in the time of Auguſtus, had been abhorred, as the monſtrous retinue of an Egyp⯑tian queen ³, were gradually admitted into the fa⯑milies [169] of matrons, of ſenators, and of the em⯑perors themſelves ⁴. Reſtrained by the fevere edicts of Domitian and Nerva ⁵, cheriſhed by the pride of Diocletian, reduced to an humble ſtation by the prudence of Conſtantine ⁶, they multiplied in the palaces of his degenerate ſons, and in⯑ſenſibly acquired the knowledge, and at length the direction, of the ſecret councils of Conſtan⯑tius. The averſion and contempt which man⯑kind has ſo uniformly entertained for that im⯑perfect ſpecies, appears to have degraded their character, and to have rendered them almoſt as incapable as they were ſuppoſed to be, of con⯑ceiving any generous ſentiment, or of perform⯑ing any worthy action ⁷. But the eunuchs were [170] ſkilled in the arts of flattery and intrigue; and they alternately governed the mind of Conſtan⯑tius by his fears, his indolence, and his vanity ⁸. Whilſt he viewed in a deceitful mirror the fair appearance of public proſperity, he ſupinely per⯑mitted them to intercept the complaints of the injured provinces, to accumulate immenſe trea⯑ſures by the ſale of juſtice and of honours; to diſgrace the moſt important dignities, by the pro⯑motion of thoſe who had purchaſed at their hands the powers of oppreſſion ⁹, and to gratify their re⯑ſentment againſt the few independent ſpirits, who arrogantly refuſed to ſolicit the protection of ſlaves. Of theſe ſlaves the moſt diſtinguiſhed was the chamberlain Euſebius, who ruled the monarch and the palace with ſuch abſolute ſway, that Con⯑ſtantius, according to the ſarcaſm of an impartial hiſtorian, poſſeſſed ſome credit with this haughty [171] favourite ¹⁰. By his artful ſuggeſtions, the em⯑peror was perſuaded to ſubſcribe the condemna⯑tion of the unfortunate Gallus, and to add a new crime to the long liſt of unnatural murders which pollute the honour of the houſe of Conſtan⯑tine.

When the two nephews of Conſtantine, Gallus Education of Gallus and Julian. and Julian, were ſaved from the fury of the ſol⯑diers, the former was about twelve, and the latter about ſix, years of age; and, as the eldeſt was thought to be of a ſickly conſtitution, they ob⯑tained with the leſs difficulty a precarious and de⯑pendent life, from the affected pity of Conſtan⯑tius, who was ſenſible that the execution of theſe helpleſs orphans would have been eſteemed, by all mankind, an act of the moſt deliberate cruelty ¹¹. Different cities of Ionia and Bithynia were aſſigned for the places of their exile and education; but, as ſoon as their growing years excited the jealouſy of the emperor, he judged it more prudent to ſecure thoſe unhappy youths in the ſtrong caſtle of Macellum, near Caeſarea. The treatment which they experienced during a ſix years confinement, was partly ſuch as they could hope from a careful guardian, and partly ſuch as they might dread from a ſuſpicious ty⯑rant ¹². [172] Their priſon was an ancient palace, the reſidence of the kings of Cappadocia; the ſitua⯑tion was pleaſant, the buildings ſtately, the inclo⯑ſure ſpacious. They purſued their ſtudies, and practiſed their exerciſes, under the tuition of the moſt ſkilful maſters; and the numerous houſe⯑hold appointed to attend, or rather to guard, the the nephews of Conſtantine, was not unworthy of the dignity of their birth. But they could not diſguiſe to themſelves that they were deprived of fortune, of freedom, and of ſafety; ſecluded from the ſociety of all whom they could truſt or eſteem, and condemned to paſs their melancholy hours in the company of ſlaves, devoted to the commands of a tyrant, who had already injured them beyond the hope of reconciliation. At length, however, the emergencies of the ſtate compelled the emperor, or rather his eunuchs, to inveſt Gallus, in the twenty-fifth year of his age, with the title of Caeſar, and to cement this poli⯑tical Gallus de⯑clared Caeſar, connection by his marriage with the princeſs Conſtantina. After a formal interview, in which A. D. 351, March 5. the two princes mutually engaged their faith never to undertake any thing to the prejudice of each other, they repaired without delay to their reſpective ſtations. Conſtantius continued his march towards the Weſt, and Gallus fixed his re⯑ſidence [173] at Antioch, from whence, with a delegat⯑ed authority, he adminiſtered the five great dio⯑ceſes of the eaſtern praefecture ¹³. In this fortu⯑nate change, the new Caeſar was not unmindful of his brother Julian, who obtained the honours of his rank, the appearances of liberty, and the reſtitution of an ample patrimony ¹⁴.

The writers the moſt indulgent to the memory Cruelty and impru⯑dence of Gallus. of Gallus, and even Julian himſelf, though he wiſhed to caſt a veil over the frailties of his bro⯑ther, are obliged to confeſs that the Caeſar was in⯑capable of reigning. Tranſported from a priſon to a throne, he poſſeſſed neither genius nor appli⯑cation, nor docility to compenſate for the want of knowledge and experience. A temper naturally moroſe and violent, inſtead of being corrected, was ſoured by ſolitude and adverſity; the remem⯑brance of what he had endured, diſpoſed him to retaliation rather than to ſympathy; and the un⯑governed ſallies of his rage were often fatal to thoſe who approached his perſon, or were ſub⯑ject to his power ¹⁵. Conſtantina, his wife, is [174] deſcribed, not as a woman, but as one of the in⯑fernal furies tormented with an inſatiate thirſt of human blood ¹⁶. Inſtead of employing her in⯑fluence to inſinuate the mild counſels of prudence and humanity, ſhe exaſperated the fierce paſſions of her huſband; and as ſhe retained the vanity, though ſhe had renounced the gentleneſs of her ſex, a pearl necklace was eſteemed an equivalent price for the murder of an innocent and virtuous nobleman ¹⁷. The cruelty of Gallus was ſome⯑times diſplayed in the undiſſembled violence of popular or military executions; and was ſome⯑times diſguiſed by the abuſe of law, and the forms of judicial proceedings. The private houſes of Antioch, and the places of public reſort, were be⯑ſieged by ſpies and informers; and the Caeſar himſelf, concealed in a plebeian habit, very fre⯑quently condeſcended to aſſume that odious cha⯑racter. Every apartment of the palace was adorn⯑ed with the inſtruments of death and torture, and a general conſternation was diffuſed through the capital of Syria. The Prince of the Eaſt, as if he [175] had been conſcious how much he had to fear, and how little he deſerved to reign, ſelected for the objects of his reſentment, the provincials accuſed of ſome imaginary treaſon, and his own courtiers, whom with more reaſon he ſuſpected of incenſing, by their ſecret correſpondence, the timid and ſuſ⯑picious mind of Conſtantius. But he forgot that he was depriving himſelf of his only ſupport, the affection of the people; whilſt he furniſhed the malice of his enemies with the arms of truth, and afforded the emperor the faireſt pretence of ex⯑acting the forfeit of his purple, and of his life ¹⁸.

As long as the civil war ſuſpended the fate of Maſſacre of the Im⯑perial mi⯑niſters, the Roman world, Conſtantius diſſembled his knowledge of the weak and cruel adminiſtration to which his choice had ſubjected the Eaſt; and A. D. 354. the diſcovery of ſome aſſaſſins, ſecretly diſpatched to Antioch by the tyrant of Gaul, was employed to convince the public, that the emperor and Caeſar were united by the ſame intereſt, and pur⯑ſued by the ſame enemies ¹⁹. But when the vic⯑tory was decided in favour of Conſtantius, his de⯑pendent colleague became leſs uſeful and leſs for⯑midable. Every circumſtance of his conduct was ſeverely and ſuſpiciouſly examined, and it was pri⯑vately reſolved, either to deprive Gallus of the [176] purple, or at leaſt to remove him from the indo⯑lent luxury of Aſia to the hardſhips and dangers of a German war. The death of Theophilus, conſular of the province of Syria, who in a time of ſcarcity had been maſſacred by the people of Antioch, with the connivance, and almoſt at the inſtigation, of Gallus, was juſtly reſented, not only as an act of wanton cruelty, but as a dan⯑gerous inſult on the ſupreme majeſty of Conſtan⯑tius. Two miniſters of illuſtrious rank, Domi⯑tian, the Oriental praefect, and Montius, quaeſtor of the palace, were empowered by a ſpecial com⯑miſſion to viſit and reform the ſtate of the Eaſt. They were inſtructed to behave towards Gallus with moderation and reſpect, and, by the gentleſt arts of perſuaſion, to engage him to comply with the invitation of his brother and colleague. The raſhneſs of the praefect diſappointed theſe prudent meaſures, and haſtened his own ruin, as well as that of his enemy. On his arrival at Antioch, Domitian paſſed diſdainfully before the gates of the palace, and alleging a ſlight pretence of in⯑diſpoſition, continued ſeveral days in ſullen re⯑tirement, to prepare an inflammatory memorial, which he tranſmitted to the Imperial court. Yielding at length to the preſſing ſolicitations of Gallus, the praefect condeſcended to take his ſeat in council; but his firſt ſtep was to ſignify a con⯑ciſe and haughty mandate, importing that the Caeſar ſhould immediately repair to Italy, and threatening that he himſelf would puniſh his de⯑lay or heſitation, by ſuſpending the uſual allow⯑ance of his houſehold. The nephew and daughter [177] of Conſtantine, who could ill brook the inſolence of a ſubject, expreſſed their reſentment by in⯑ſtantly delivering Domitian to the cuſtody of a guard. The quarrel ſtill admitted of ſome terms of accommodation. They were rendered im⯑practicable by the imprudent behaviour of Mon⯑tius, a ſtateſman, whoſe art and experience were frequently betrayed by the levity of his diſpoſi⯑tion ²⁰. The quaeſtor reproached Gallus in haughty language, that a prince, who was ſcarcely au⯑thoriſed to remove a municipal magiſtrate, ſhould preſume to impriſon a Praetorian praefect; con⯑voked a meeting of the civil and military officers; and required them, in the name of their ſove⯑reign, to defend the perſon and dignity of his re⯑preſentatives. By this raſh declaration of war, the impatient temper of Gallus was provoked to embrace the moſt deſperate counſels. He order⯑ed his guards to ſtand to their arms, aſſembled the populace of Antioch, and recommended to their zeal the care of his ſafety and revenge. His com⯑mands were too fatally obeyed. They rudely ſeized the praefect and the quaeſtor, and tying their legs together with ropes, they dragged them through the ſtreets of the city, inflicted a thouſand inſults and a thouſand wounds on theſe unhappy victims, and at laſt precipitated their [178] mangled and lifeleſs bodies into the ſtream of the Orontes ²¹.

After ſuch a deed, whatever might have been Dangerous ſituation of Gallus. the deſigns of Gallus, it was only in a field of battle that he could aſſert his innocence with any hope of ſucceſs. But the mind of that prince was formed of an equal mixture of violence and weak⯑neſs. Inſtead of aſſuming the title of Auguſtus, inſtead of employing in his defence the troops and treaſures of the Eaſt, he ſuffered himſelf to be deceived by the affected tranquillity of Con⯑ſtantius, who, leaving him the vain pageantry of a court, imperceptibly recalled the veteran le⯑gions from the provinces of Aſia. But as it ſtill appeared dangerous to arreſt Gallus in his capital, the ſlow and ſafer arts of diſſimulation were prac⯑tiſed with ſucceſs. The frequent and preſſing epiſtles of Conſtantius were filled with profeſſions of confidence and friendſhip; exhorting the Caeſar to diſcharge the duties of his high ſtation, to re⯑lieve his colleague from a part of the public cares, and to aſſiſt the Weſt by his preſence, his coun⯑ſels, and his arms. After ſo many reciprocal in⯑juries, Gallus had reaſon to fear and to diſtruſt. But he had neglected the opportunities of flight and of reſiſtance; he was ſeduced by the flatter⯑ing aſſurances of the tribune Scudilo, who, under the ſemblance of a rough ſoldier, diſguiſed the [179] moſt artful inſinuation; and he depended on the credit of his wife Conſtantina, till the unſeaſonable death of that princeſs completed the ruin in which he had been involved by her impetuous paſ⯑ſions ²².

After a long delay, the reluctant Caeſar ſet for⯑wards His diſ⯑grace and death, on his journey to the Imperial court. From Antioch to Hadrianople, he traverſed the wide A. D. 354, December. extent of his dominions with a numerous and ſtately train; and as he laboured to conceal his apprehenſions from the world, and perhaps from himſelf, he entertained the people of Conſtan⯑tinople with an exhibition of the games of the circus. The progreſs of the journey might, how⯑ever, have warned him of the impending danger. In all the principal cities he was met by miniſters of confidence, commiſſioned to ſeize the offices of government, to obſerve his motions, and to pre⯑vent the haſty ſallies of his deſpair. The perſons diſpatched to ſecure the provinces which he left behind, paſſed him with cold ſalutations, or af⯑fected diſdain; and the troops, whoſe ſtation lay along the public road, were ſtudiouſly removed on his approach, leſt they might be tempted to offer their ſwords for the ſervice of a civil war ²³. [180] After Gallus had been permitted to repoſe him⯑ſelf a few days at Hadrianople, he received a mandate, expreſſed in the moſt haughty and ab⯑ſolute ſtyle, that his ſplendid retinue ſhould halt in that city, while the Caeſar himſelf, with only ten poſt-carriages, ſhould haſten to the Imperial reſidence at Milan. In this rapid journey, the profound reſpect which was due to the brother and colleague of Conſtantius, was inſenſibly changed into rude familiarity; and Gallus, who diſcovered in the countenances of the attendants that they already conſidered themſelves as his guards, and might ſoon be employed as his exe⯑cutioners, began to accuſe his fatal raſhneſs, and to recollect with terror and remorſe the conduct by which he had provoked his fate. The diſſi⯑mulation which had hitherto been preſerved, was laid aſide at Petovio in Pannonia. He was con⯑ducted to a palace in the ſuburbs, where the ge⯑neral Barbatio, with a ſelect band of ſoldiers, who could neither be moved by pity, nor corrupted by rewards, expected the arrival of his illuſtrious victim. In the cloſe of the evening he was ar⯑reſted, ignominiouſly ſtripped of the enſigns of Caeſar, and hurried away to Pola in Iſtria, a ſe⯑queſtered priſon, which had been ſo recently pol⯑luted with royal blood. The horror which he felt, was ſoon increaſed by the appearance of his im⯑placable enemy the eunuch Euſebius, who, with the aſſiſtance of a notary and a tribune, proceeded to interrogate him concerning the adminiſtration of the Eaſt. The Caeſar ſunk under the weight of ſhame and guilt, confeſſed all the criminal [181] actions, and all the treaſonable deſigns with which he was charged; and by imputing them to the advice of his wife, exaſperated the indignation of Conſtantius, who reviewed with partial prejudice the minutes of the examination. The emperor was eaſily convinced, that his own ſafety was incom⯑patible with the life of his couſin: the ſentence of death was ſigned, diſpatched, and executed; and the nephew of Conſtantine, with his hands tied behind his back, was beheaded in priſon like the vileſt malefactor ²⁴. Thoſe who are inclined to palliate the cruelties of Conſtantius, aſſert that he ſoon relented, and endeavoured to recal the bloody mandate; but that the ſecond meſſenger entruſted with the reprieve, was detained by the eunuchs, who dreaded the unforgiving temper of Gallus, and were deſirous of re-uniting to their empire the wealthy provinces of the Eaſt ²⁵.

Beſides the reigning emperor, Julian alone The dan⯑ger and eſcape of Julian. ſurvived, of all the numerous poſterity of Con⯑ſtantius Chlorus. The misfortune of his royal birth involved him in the diſgrace of Gallus. From his retirement in the happy country of Ionia, he was conveyed under a ſtrong guard to [182] the court of Milan; where he languiſhed above ſeven months, in the continual apprehenſion of ſuffering the ſame ignominious death, which was daily inflicted, almoſt before his eyes, on the friends and adherents of his perſecuted family. His looks, his geſtures, his ſilence, were ſcru⯑tinized with malignant curioſity, and he was perpetually aſſaulted by enemies, whom he had never offended, and by arts to which he was a ſtranger ²⁶. But in the ſchool of adverſity, Julian inſenſibly acquired the virtues of firmneſs and diſcretion. He defended his honour, as well as his life, againſt the enſnaring ſubtleties of the eunuchs, who endeavoured to extort ſome de⯑claration of his ſentiments: and whilſt he cau⯑tiouſly ſuppreſſed his grief and reſentment, he nobly diſdained to flatter the tyrant, by any ſeeming approbation of his brother's murder. Julian moſt devoutly aſcribes his miraculous de⯑liverance to the protection of the Gods, who had exempted his innocence from the ſentence of de⯑ſtruction pronounced by their juſtice againſt the impious houſe of Conſtantine ²⁷. As the moſt ef⯑fectual inſtrument of their providence, he grate⯑fully [183] acknowledges the ſteady and generous friend⯑ſhip of the empreſs Euſebia ²⁸, a woman of beauty and merit, who, by the aſcendant which ſhe had gained over the mind of her huſband, counter⯑balanced, in ſome meaſure, the powerful con⯑ſpiracy of the eunuchs. By the interceſſion of his patroneſs, Julian was admitted into the Imperial preſence: he pleaded his cauſe with a decent freedom, he was heard with favour; and, not⯑withſtanding the efforts of his enemies, who urged the danger of ſparing an avenger of the blood of Gallus, the milder ſentiment of Euſebia prevail⯑ed in the council. But the effects of a ſecond in⯑terview were dreaded by the eunuchs; and Ju⯑lian was adviſed to withdraw for a while into the neighbourhood of Milan, till the emperor thought He is ſent to Athens, proper to aſſign the city of Athens for the place A. D. 355, May. of his honourable exile. As he had diſcovered, from his earlieſt youth, a propenſity, or rather paſſion, for the language, the manners, the learn⯑ing, and the religion of the Greeks, he obeyed with pleaſure an order ſo agreeable to his wiſhes. Far from the tumult of arms, and the treachery of courts, he ſpent ſix months amidſt the groves of the academy, in a free intercourſe with the philoſophers of the age, who ſtudied to cultivate the genius, to encourage the vanity, and to in⯑flame the devotion of their royal pupil. Their [184] labours were not unſucceſsful; and Julian in⯑violably preſerved for Athens that tender regard, which ſeldom fails to ariſe in a liberal mind, from the recollection of the place where it has diſcover⯑ed and exerciſed its growing powers. The gentle⯑neſs and affability of manners, which his temper ſuggeſted and his ſituation impoſed, inſenſibly engaged the affections of the ſtrangers, as well as citizens, with whom he converſed. Some of his fellow-ſtudents might perhaps examine his beha⯑viour with an eye of prejudice and averſion; but Julian eſtabliſhed, in the ſchools of Athens, a ge⯑neral prepoſſeſſion in favour of his virtues and talents, which was ſoon diffuſed over the Roman world ²⁹.

Whilſt his hours were paſſed in ſtudious retire⯑ment, Recalled to Milan, the empreſs, reſolute to atchieve the ge⯑nerous deſign which ſhe had undertaken, was not unmindful of the care of his fortune. The death of the late Caeſar had left Conſtantius inveſted with the ſole command, and oppreſſed by the ac⯑cumulated weight of a mighty empire. Before the wounds of civil diſcord could be healed, the provinces of Gaul were overwhelmed by a deluge of Barbarians. The Sarmatians no longer re⯑ſpected [185] the barrier of the Danube. The im⯑punity of rapine had increaſed the boldneſs and numbers of the wild Iſaurians: thoſe robbers de⯑ſcended from their craggy mountains to ravage the adjacent country, and had even preſumed, though without ſucceſs, to beſiege the important city of Seleucia, which was defended by a garri⯑ſon of three Roman legions. Above all, the Per⯑ſian monarch, elated by victory, again threatened the peace of Aſia, and the preſence of the em⯑peror was indiſpenſably required, both in the Weſt, and in the Eaſt. For the firſt time, Con⯑ſtantius ſincerely acknowledged, that his ſingle ſtrength was unequal to ſuch an extent of care and of dominion ³⁰. Inſenſible to the voice of flattery, which aſſured him that his all-powerful virtue, and celeſtial fortune, would ſtill continue to triumph over every obſtacle, he liſtened with complacency to the advice of Euſebia, which gra⯑tified his indolence, without offending his ſuſpi⯑cious pride. As ſhe perceived that the remem⯑brance of Gallus dwelt on the emperor's mind, ſhe artfully turned his attention to the oppoſite characters of the two brothers, which from their infancy had been compared to thoſe of Domitian and of Titus ³¹. She accuſtomed her huſband to con⯑ſider [186] Julian as a youth of a mild unambitious diſ⯑poſition, whoſe allegiance and gratitude might be ſecured by the gift of the purple, and who was qualified to fill, with honour, a ſubordinate ſta⯑tion, without aſpiring to diſpute the commands, or to ſhade the glories, of his ſovereign and bene⯑factor. After an obſtinate, though ſecret ſtruggle, the oppoſition of the favourite eunuchs ſubmitted to the aſcendency of the empreſs; and it was re⯑ſolved that Julian, after celebrating his nuptials with Helena, ſiſter of Conſtantius, ſhould be ap⯑pointed, with the title of Caeſar, to reign over the countries beyond the Alps ³².

Although the order which recalled him to court was probably accompanied by ſome intimation of his approaching greatneſs, he appeals to the people of Athens to witneſs his tears of undiſſem⯑bled ſorrow, when he was reluctantly torn away from his beloved retirement ³³. He trembled for his life, for his fame, and even for his virtue; and his ſole confidence was derived from the perſua⯑ſion, that Minerva inſpired all his actions, and that he was protected by an inviſible guard of angels, whom for that purpoſe ſhe had borrowed from the Sun and Moon. He approached, with horror, the palace of Milan; nor could the in⯑genuous youth conceal his indignation, when he found himſelf accoſted with falſe and ſervile re⯑ſpect by the aſſaſſins of his family. Euſebia, re⯑joicing [187] in the ſucceſs of her benevolent ſchemes, embraced him with the tenderneſs of a ſiſter; and endeavoured, by the moſt ſoothing careſſes, to diſpel his terrors, and reconcile him to his for⯑tune. But the ceremony of ſhaving his beard, and his awkward demeanour, when he firſt ex⯑changed the cloak of a Greek philoſopher for the military habit of a Roman prince, amuſed, during a few days, the levity of the Imperial court ³⁴.

The emperors of the age of Conſtantine no longer deigned to conſult with the ſenate in the choice of a colleague; but they were anxious that their nomination ſhould be ratified by the con⯑ſent of the army. On this ſolemn occaſion, the guards, with the other troops whoſe ſtations were in the neighbourhood of Milan, appeared under arms; and Conſtantius aſcended his lofty tri⯑bunal, holding by the hand his couſin Julian, who entered the ſame day into the twenty-fifth year of his age ³⁵. In a ſtudied ſpeech, conceived and delivered with dignity, the emperor repre⯑ſented the various dangers which threatened the proſperity of the republic, the neceſſity of naming a Caeſar for the adminiſtration of the Weſt, and his own intention, if it was agreeable to their wiſhes, of rewarding with the honours of the purple, the promiſing virtues of the nephew of Conſtantine. The approbation of the ſoldiers was [188] teſtified by a reſpectful murmur: they gazed on the manly countenance of Julian, and obſerved with pleaſure, that the fire which ſparkled in his eyes was tempered by a modeſt bluſh, on being thus expoſed, for the firſt time, to the public view of mankind. As ſoon as the ceremony of his inveſtiture had been performed, Conſtantius addreſſed him with the tone of authority, which his ſuperior age and ſtation permitted him to aſ⯑ſume; and exhorting the new Caeſar to deſerve, by heroic deeds, that ſacred and immortal name, the emperor gave his colleague the ſtrongeſt aſ⯑ſurances of a friendſhip which ſhould never be impaired by time, nor interrupted by their ſepa⯑ration into the moſt diſtant climates. As ſoon as the ſpeech was ended, the troops, as a token of applauſe, claſhed their ſhields againſt their knees ³⁶; while the officers who ſurrounded the tribunal expreſſed, with decent reſerve, their ſenſe of the merits of the repreſentative of Conſtan⯑tius.

The two princes returned to the palace in the and de⯑clared Caeſar, ſame chariot; and during the ſlow proceſſion, Ju⯑lian repeated to himſelf a verſe of his favourite A. D. 355, Nov. 6. Homer, which he might equally apply to his for⯑tune and to his fears ³⁷. The four-and-twenty [189] days which the Caeſar ſpent at Milan after his in⯑veſtiture, and the firſt months of his Gallic reign, were devoted to a ſplendid, but ſevere captivity; nor could the acquiſition of honour compenſate for the loſs of freedom ³⁸. His ſteps were watched, his correſpondence was intercepted; and he was obliged, by prudence, to decline the viſits of his moſt intimate friends. Of his former domeſtics, four only were permitted to attend him; two pages, his phyſician, and his librarian; the laſt of whom was employed in the care of a valuable col⯑lection of books, the gift of the empreſs, who ſtudied the inclinations as well as the intereſt of her friend. In the room of theſe faithful ſer⯑vants, an houſehold was formed, ſuch indeed as became the dignity of a Caeſar: but it was filled with a crowd of ſlaves, deſtitute, and perhaps in⯑capable of any attachment for their new maſter, to whom, for the moſt part, they were either un⯑known or ſuſpected. His want of experience might require the aſſiſtance of a wiſe counſel; but the minute inſtructions which regulated the ſer⯑vice of his table, and the diſtribution of his hours, were adapted to a youth ſtill under the diſcipline of his praeceptors, rather than to the ſituation of a prince entruſted with the conduct of an im⯑portant [190] war. If he aſpired to deſerve the eſteem of his ſubjects, he was checked by the fear of diſ⯑pleaſing his ſovereign; and even the fruits of his marriage-bed were blaſted by the jealous artifices of Euſebia ³⁹ herſelf, who, on this occaſion alone, ſeems to have been unmindful of the tenderneſs of her ſex, and the generoſity of her character. The memory of his father and of his brothers re⯑minded Julian of his own danger, and his appre⯑henſions were encreaſed by the recent and un⯑worthy fate of Sylvanus. In the ſummer which Fatal end of Sylva⯑nus, preceded his own elevation, that general had been choſen to deliver Gaul from the tyranny of the A. D. 355, September. Barbarians; but Sylvanus ſoon diſcovered that he had left his moſt dangerous enemies in the Im⯑perial court. A dexterous informer, counte⯑nanced by ſeveral of the principal miniſters, pro⯑cured from him ſome recommendatory letters; and erazing the whole of the contents, except the ſignature, filled up the vacant parchment with matters of high and treaſonable import. By the induſtry and courage of his friends, the fraud was however detected, and in a great council of the [191] civil and military officers, held in the preſence of the emperor himſelf, the innocence of Sylvanus was publicly acknowledged. But the diſcovery came too late; the report of the calumny, and the haſty ſeizure of his eſtate, had already provoked the indignant chief to the rebellion of which he was ſo unjuſtly accuſed. He aſſumed the purple at his head-quarters of Cologne, and his active powers appeared to menace Italy with an invaſion, and Milan with a ſiege. In this emergency, Ur⯑ſicinus, a general of equal rank, regained, by an act of treachery, the favour which he had loſt by his eminent ſervices in the Eaſt. Exaſperated, as he might ſpeciouſly allege, by injuries of a ſimilar nature, he haſtened with a few followers to join the ſtandard, and to betray the confidence, of his too credulous friend. After a reign of only twenty-eight days, Sylvanus was aſſaſſinated: the ſoldiers who, without any criminal intention, had blindly followed the example of their leader, immediately returned to their allegiance; and the flatterers of Conſtantius celebrated the wiſ⯑dom and felicity of the monarch who had ex⯑tinguiſhed a civil war without the hazard of a battle ⁴⁰.

The protection of the Rhaetian frontier, and Conſtan⯑tius viſits Rome, the perſecution of the Catholic Church, detained Conſtantius in Italy above eighteen months after A. D. 357, April 28. the departure of Julian. Before the emperor re⯑turned into the Eaſt, he indulged his pride and [192] curioſity in a viſit to the ancient capital ⁴¹. He proceeded from Milan to Rome along the Aemi⯑lian and Flaminian ways; and as ſoon as he ap⯑proached within forty miles of the city, the march of a prince who had never vanquiſhed a foreign enemy, aſſumed the appearance of a triumphal proceſſion. His ſplendid train was compoſed of all the miniſters of luxury; but in a time of pro⯑found peace, he was encompaſſed by the glitter⯑ing arms of the numerous ſquadrons of his guards and cuiraſſiers. Their ſtreaming banners of ſilk, emboſſed with gold, and ſhaped in the form of dragons, waved round the perſon of the em⯑peror. Conſtantius ſat alone in a lofty car re⯑ſplendent with gold and precious gems; and, ex⯑cept when he bowed his head to paſs under the gates of the cities, he affected a ſtately demeanour of inflexible, and, as it might ſeem, of inſenſible gravity. The ſevere diſcipline of the Perſian youth had been introduced by the eunuchs into the Imperial palace; and ſuch were the habits of patience which they had inculcated, that, during a ſlow and ſultry march, he was never ſeen to move his hand towards his face, or to turn his eyes either to the right or to the left. He was received by the magiſtrates and ſenate of Rome; and the emperor ſurveyed, with attention, the civil honours of the republic, and the conſular images of the noble families. The ſtreets were lined [193] with an innumerable multitude. Their repeated acclamations expreſſed their joy at beholding, after an abſence of thirty-two years, the ſacred perſon of their ſovereign; and Conſtantius him⯑ſelf expreſſed, with ſome pleaſantry, his affected ſurpriſe that the human race ſhould thus ſuddenly be collected on the ſame ſpot. The ſon of Con⯑ſtantine was lodged in the ancient palace of Auguſtus: he preſided in the ſenate, harangued the people from the tribunal which Cicero had ſo often aſcended, aſſiſted with unuſual courteſy at the games of the Circus, and accepted the crowns of gold, as well as the panegyrics which had been prepared for this ceremony by the deputies of the principal cities. His ſhort viſit of thirty days was employed in viewing the monuments of art and power, which were ſcattered over the ſeven hills and the interjacent vallies. He admired the awful majeſty of the capitol, the vaſt extent of the baths of Caracalla and Diocletian, the ſevere ſimplicity of the Pantheon, the maſſy greatneſs of the amphitheatre of Titus, the elegant archi⯑tecture of the theatre of Pompey and the Temple of Peace, and, above all, the ſtately ſtructure of the Forum and column of Trajan; acknowledg⯑ing, that the voice of fame, ſo prone to invent and to magnify, had made an inadequate report of the metropolis of the world. The traveller, who has contemplated the ruins of ancient Rome, may conceive ſome imperfect idea of the ſenti⯑ments which they muſt have inſpired when they reared their heads in the ſplendour of unſullied beauty.

[194] The ſatisfaction which Conſtantius had received from this journey excited him to the generous emulation of beſtowing on the Romans ſome me⯑morial A new obeliſk. of his own gratitude and munificence. His firſt idea was to imitate the equeſtrian and coloſſal ſtatue which he had ſeen in the Forum of Trajan; but when he had maturely weighed the difficulties of the execution ⁴², he choſe rather to embelliſh the capital by the gift of an Egyptian obeliſk. In a remote but poliſhed age, which ſeems to have preceded the invention of alpha⯑betical writing, a great number of theſe obeliſks had been erected, in the cities of Thebes and He⯑liopolis, by the ancient ſovereigns of Egypt, in a juſt confidence that the ſimplicity of their form, and the hardneſs of their ſubſtance, would reſiſt the injuries of time and violence ⁴³. Several of theſe extraordinary columns had been tranſ⯑ported to Rome by Auguſtus and his ſucceſſors, as the moſt durable monuments of their power and victory ⁴⁴; but there remained one obeliſk, [195] which, from its ſize or ſanctity, eſcaped for a long time the rapacious vanity of the conquerors. It was deſigned by Conſtantine to adorn his new city ⁴⁵; and, after being removed by his order from the pedeſtal where it ſtood before the Temple of the Sun at Heliopolis, was floated down the Nile to Alexandria. The death of Conſtantine ſuſpended the execution of his purpoſe, and this obeliſk was deſtined by his ſon to the ancient capital of the empire. A veſſel of uncommon ſtrength and capaciouſneſs was provided to con⯑vey this enormous weight of granite, at leaſt an hundred and fifteen feet in length, from the banks of the Nile to thoſe of the Tyber. The obeliſk of Conſtantius was landed about three miles from the city, and elevated, by the efforts of art and labour, in the great Circus of Rome ⁴⁶.

The departure of Conſtantius from Rome was The Qua⯑dian and Sarmatian war, haſtened by the alarming intelligence of the diſtreſs and danger of the Illyrian provinces. The diſtractions of civil war, and the irreparable A. D. 357, 358, 359. loſs which the Roman legions had ſuſtained in the battle of Murſa, expoſed thoſe countries, almoſt without defence, to the light cavalry of [196] the Barbarians; and particularly to the inroads of the Quadi, a fierce and powerful nation, who ſeem to have exchanged the inſtitutions of Ger⯑many for the arms and military arts of their Sar⯑matian allies ⁴⁷. The garriſons of the frontier were inſufficient to check their progreſs; and the indolent monarch was at length compelled to aſſemble, from the extremities of his dominions, the flower of the Palatine troops, to take the field in perſon, and to employ a whole campaign, with the preceding autumn and the enſuing ſpring, in the ſerious proſecution of the war. The emperor paſſed the Danube on a bridge of boats, cut in pieces all that encountered his march, penetrated into the heart of the country of the Quadi, and ſeverely retaliated the calami⯑ties which they had inflicted on the Roman pro⯑vince. The diſmayed Barbarians were ſoon re⯑duced to ſue for peace: they offered the reſtitution of his captive ſubjects, as an atonement for the paſt, and the nobleſt hoſtages as a pledge of their future conduct. The generous courteſy which was ſhewn to the firſt among their chieftains who implored the clemency of Conſtantius, encou⯑raged the more timid, or the more obſtinate, to imitate their example; and the Imperial camp was crowded with the princes and ambaſſadors of the moſt diſtant tribes, who occupied the plains of the Leſſer Poland, and who might have deemed themſelves ſecure behind the lofty ridge of the Carpathian mountains. While Conſtantius gave [197] laws to the Barbarians beyond the Danube, he diſtinguiſhed with ſpecious compaſſion the Sar⯑matian exiles, who had been expelled from their native country by the rebellion of their ſlaves, and who formed a very conſiderable acceſſion to the power of the Quadi. The emperor, em⯑bracing a generous but artful ſyſtem of policy, releaſed the Sarmatians from the bands of this humiliating dependence, and reſtored them, by a ſeparate treaty, to the dignity of a nation united under the government of a king, the friend and ally of the republic. He declared his reſo⯑lution of aſſerting the juſtice of their cauſe, and of ſecuring the peace of the provinces by the ex⯑tirpation, or at leaſt the baniſhment, of the Li⯑migantes, whoſe manners were ſtill infected with the vices of their ſervile origin. The execution of this deſign was attended with more difficulty than glory. The territory of the Limigantes was protected againſt the Romans by the Danube, againſt the hoſtile Barbarians by the Teyſs. The marſhy lands which lay between thoſe rivers, and were often covered by their inundations, formed an intricate wilderneſs, pervious only to the inha⯑bitants, who were acquainted with its ſecret paths and inacceſſible fortreſſes. On the approach of Conſtantius, the Limigantes tried the efficacy of prayers, of fraud, and of arms; but he ſternly rejected their ſupplications, defeated their rude ſtratagems, and repelled with ſkill and firmneſs the efforts of their irregular valour. One of their moſt warlike tribes, eſtabliſhed in a ſmall iſland towards the conflux of the Teyſs and the [198] Danube, conſented to paſs the river with the in⯑tention of ſurpriſing the emperor during the ſecurity of an amicable conference. They ſoon became the victims of the perfidy which they meditated. Encompaſſed on every ſide, tram⯑pled down by the cavalry, ſlaughtered by the ſwords of the legions, they diſdained to aſk for mercy; and with an undaunted countenance ſtill graſped their weapons in the agonies of death. After this victory a conſiderable body of Romans was landed on the oppoſite banks of the Danube; the Taifalae, a Gothic tribe engaged in the ſervice of the empire, invaded the Limigantes on the ſide of the Teyſs; and their former maſters, the free Sarmatians, animated by hope and revenge, penetrated through the hilly country into the heart of their ancient poſſeſſions. A general conflagration revealed the huts of the Barbarians, which were ſeated in the depth of the wilderneſs; and the ſoldier fought with confidence on marſhy ground, which it was dangerous for him to tread. In this extremity the braveſt of the Limigantes were re⯑ſolved to die in arms, rather than to yield: but the milder ſentiment, enforced by the authority of their elders, at length prevailed; and the ſuppliant crowd, followed by their wives and children, repaired to the Imperial camp, to learn their fate from the mouth of the conqueror. After celebrating his own clemency, which was ſtill inclined to pardon their repeated crimes, and to ſpare the remnant of a guilty nation, Con⯑ſtantius aſſigned for the place of their exile a re⯑mote country, where they might enjoy a ſafe and [199] honourable repoſe. The Limigantes obeyed with reluctance; but before they could reach, at leaſt before they could occupy, their deſtined habita⯑tions, they returned to the banks of the Danube, exaggerating the hardſhips of their ſituation, and requeſting, with fervent profeſſions of fidelity, that the emperor would grant them an undiſturb⯑ed ſettlement within the limits of the Roman provinces. Inſtead of conſulting his own ex⯑perience of their incurable perfidy, Conſtantius liſtened to his flatterers, who were ready to repre⯑ſent the honour and advantage of accepting a colony of ſoldiers, at a time when it was much eaſier to obtain the pecuniary contributions, than the military ſervice of the ſubjects of the empire. The Limigantes were permitted to paſs the Da⯑nube; and the emperor gave audience to the multitude in a large plain near the modern city of Buda. They ſurrounded the tribunal, and ſeem⯑ed to hear with reſpect an oration full of mildneſs and dignity; when one of the Barbarians, caſt⯑ing his ſhoe into the air, exclaimed with a loud voice, Marha! Marha! a word of defiance, which was received as the ſignal of the tumult. They ruſhed with fury to ſeize the perſon of the em⯑peror; his royal throne and golden couch were pillaged by theſe rude hands; but the faithful defence of his guards, who died at his feet, allow⯑ed him a moment to mount a fleet horſe, and to eſcape from the confuſion. The diſgrace which had been incurred by a treacherous ſurpriſe was ſoon retrieved by the numbers and diſcipline of the Romans; and the combat was only terminated [200] by the extinction of the name and nation of the Limigantes. The free Sarmatians were reinſtated in the poſſeſſion of their ancient ſeats; and al⯑though Conſtantius diſtruſted the levity of their character, he entertained ſome hopes that a ſenſe of gratitude might influence their future conduct. He had remarked the lofty ſtature and obſequious demeanour of Zizais, one of the nobleſt of their chiefs. He conferred on him the title of King; and Zizais proved that he was not unworthy to reign, by a ſincere and laſting attachment to the intereſt of his benefactor, who, after this ſplendid ſucceſs, received the name of Sarmaticus from the acclamations of his victorious army ⁴⁸.

While the Roman emperor and the Perſian The Per⯑ſian nego⯑ciation, monarch, at the diſtance of three thouſand miles, defended their extreme limits againſt the Bar⯑barians A. D. 358. of the Danube and of the Oxus, their intermediate frontier experienced the viciſſitudes of a languid war, and a precarious truce. Two of the eaſtern miniſters of Conſtantius, the Prae⯑torian praefect Muſonian, whoſe abilities were diſgraced by the want of truth and integrity, and Caſſian duke of Meſopotamia, a hardy and vete⯑ran ſoldier, opened a ſecret negociation with the Satrap Tamſapor ⁴⁹ Theſe overtures of peace, tranſlated into the ſervile and flattering language of Aſia, were tranſmitted to the camp of the Great King; who reſolved to ſignify, by an am⯑baſſador, [201] the terms which he was inclined to grant to the ſuppliant Romans. Narſes, whom he inveſted with that character, was honourably received in his paſſage through Antioch and Con⯑ſtantinople: he reached Sirmium after a long jour⯑ney, and, at his firſt audience, reſpectfully un⯑ſolded the ſilken veil which covered the haughty epiſtle of his ſovereign. Sapor, King of Kings, and Brother of the Sun and Moon (ſuch were the lofty titles affected by Oriental vanity), ex⯑preſſed his ſatisfaction that his brother, Conſtan⯑tius Caeſar, had been taught wiſdom by adver⯑ſity. As the lawful ſucceſſor of Darius Hyſtaſpes, Sapor aſſerted, that the river Strymon in Mace⯑donia was the true and ancient boundary of his empire; declaring, however, that as an evidence of his moderation, he would content himſelf with the provinces of Armenia and Meſopotamia, which had been fraudulently extorted from his anceſtors. He alleged, that, without the re⯑ſtitution of theſe diſputed countries, it was im⯑poſſible to eſtabliſh any treaty on a ſolid and per⯑manent baſis; and he arrogantly threatened, that if his ambaſſador returned in vain, he was pre⯑pared to take the field in the ſpring, and to ſup⯑port the juſtice of his cauſe by the ſtrength of his invincible arms. Narſes, who was endowed with the moſt polite and amiable manners, endeavour⯑ed, as far as was conſiſtent with his duty, to ſoften the harſhneſs of the meſſage ⁵⁰. Both the ſtyle [202] and ſubſtance were maturely weighed in the Im⯑perial council, and he was diſmiſſed with the following anſwer: ‘Conſtantius had a right to diſclaim the officiouſneſs of his miniſters, who had acted without any ſpecific orders from the throne: he was not, however, averſe to an equal and honourable treaty; but it was highly indecent, as well as abſurd, to propoſe to the ſole and victorious emperor of the Roman world, the ſame conditions of peace which he had indignantly rejected at the time when his power was contracted within the narrow limits of the Eaſt: the chance of arms was uncertain; and Sapor ſhould recollect, that if the Romans had ſometimes been vanquiſhed in battle, they had almoſt always been ſucceſsful in the event of the war.’ A few days after the departure of Narſes, three ambaſſadors were ſent to the court of Sapor, who was already returned from the Scythian expedition to his ordinary reſidence of Cteſiphon. A count, a notary, and a ſophiſt, had been ſelected for this important commiſſion; and Conſtantius, who was ſecretly anxious for the concluſion of the peace, entertained ſome hopes that the dignity of the firſt of theſe miniſters, the dexterity of the ſecond, and the rhetoric of the third ⁵¹, would perſuade the Perſian monarch [203] to abate of the rigour of his demands. But the progreſs of their negociation was oppoſed and de⯑feated by the hoſtile arts of Antoninus ⁵², a Ro⯑man ſubject of Syria, who had fled from oppreſ⯑ſion, and was admitted into the councils of Sapor, and even to the royal table, where, according to the cuſtom of the Perſians, the moſt important buſineſs was frequently diſcuſſed ⁵³. The dex⯑terous fugitive promoted his intereſt by the ſame conduct which gratified his revenge. He inceſ⯑ſantly urged the ambition of his new maſter, to embrace the favourable opportunity when the braveſt of the Palatine troops were employed with the emperor in a diſtant war on the Danube. He preſſed Sapor to invade the exhauſted and defence⯑leſs provinces of the Eaſt, with the numerous ar⯑mies of Perſia, now fortified by the alliance and acceſſion of the fierceſt Barbarians. The ambaſ⯑ſadors of Rome retired without ſucceſs, and a ſecond embaſſy, of a ſtill more honourable rank, was detained in ſtrict confinement, and threatened either with death or exile.

[204] The military hiſtorian ⁵⁴, who was himſelf diſ⯑patched to obſerve the army of the Perſians, as they were preparing to conſtruct a bridge of boats Invaſion of Meſopo⯑tamia by Sapor, over the Tigris, beheld from an eminence the plain of Aſſyria, as far as the edge of the horizon, A. D. 359. covered with men, with horſes, and with arms. Sapor appeared in the front, conſpicuous by the ſplendor of his purple. On his left hand, the place of honour among the Orientals, Grumbates, king of the Chionites, diſplayed the ſtern coun⯑tenance of an aged and renowned warrior. The monarch had reſerved a ſimilar place on his right hand for the king of the Albanians, who led his independent tribes from the ſhores of the Caſpian. The fatraps and generals were diſtributed ac⯑cording to their ſeveral ranks, and the whole army, beſides the numerous train of Oriental luxury, conſiſted of more than one hundred thou⯑ſand effective men, inured to fatigue, and ſelec⯑ted from the braveſt nations of Aſia. The Ro⯑man deſerter, who in ſome meaſure guided the councils of Sapor, had prudently adviſed, that, inſtead of waſting the ſummer in tedious and dif⯑ficult ſieges, he ſhould march directly to the Eu⯑phrates, and preſs forwards without delay to ſeize the feeble and wealthy metropolis of Syria. But the Perſians were no ſooner advanced into the plains of Meſopotomia, than they diſcovered that every precaution had been uſed which could re⯑tard their progreſs, or defeat their deſign. The inhabitants, with their cattle, were ſecured in [205] places of ſtrength, the green forage through⯑out the country was ſet on fire, the fords of the river were fortified by ſharp ſtakes; mili⯑tary engines were planted on the oppoſite banks, and a ſeaſonable ſwell of the waters of the Eu⯑phrates deterred the Barbarians from attempting the ordinary paſſage of the bridge of Thapſacus. Their ſkilful guide, changing his plan of opera⯑tions, then conducted the army by a longer cir⯑cuit, but through a fertile territory, towards the head of the Euphrates, where the infant river is reduced to a ſhallow and acceſſible ſtream. Sapor overlooked, with prudent diſdain, the ſtrength of Niſibis; but as he paſſed under the walls of Amida, he reſolved to try whether the majeſty of his preſence would not awe the garriſon into im⯑mediate ſubmiſſion. The ſacrilegious inſult of a random dart, which glanced againſt the royal tiara, convinced him of his error; and the indig⯑nant monarch liſtened with impatience to the advice of his miniſters, who conjured him, not to ſacrifice the ſucceſs of his ambition to the gratifi⯑cation of his reſentment. The following day Grumbates advanced towards the gates with a ſe⯑lect body of troops, and required the inſtant ſur⯑render of the city, as the only atonement which could be accepted for ſuch an act of raſhneſs and inſolence. His propoſals were anſwered by a ge⯑neral diſcharge, and his only ſon, a beautiful and valiant youth, was pierced through the heart by a javelin, ſhot from one of the baliſtae. The fu⯑neral of the prince of the Chionites was celebrated according to the rites of his country; and the [206] grief of his aged father was alleviated by the ſo⯑lemn promiſe of Sapor, that the guilty city of Amida ſhould ſerve as a funeral pile to expiate the death, and to perpetuate the memory, of his ſon.

The ancient city of Amid or Amida ⁵⁵, which Siege of Amida. ſometimes aſſumes the provincial appellation of Diarbekir ⁵⁶, is advantageouſly ſituate in a fertile plain, watered by the natural and artificial chan⯑nels of the Tigris, of which the leaſt inconſider⯑able ſtream bends in a ſemicircular form round the eaſtern part of the city. The emperor Conſtan⯑tius had recently conferred on Amida the honour of his own name, and the additional fortifications of ſtrong walls and lofty towers. It was provided with an arſenal of military engines, and the ordi⯑nary garriſon had been reinforced to the amount of ſeven legions, when the place was inveſted by the arms of Sapor ⁵⁷. His firſt and moſt ſan⯑guine hopes depended on the ſucceſs of a general [207] aſſault. To the ſeveral nations which followed his ſtandard their reſpective poſts were aſſigned; the ſouth to the Vertae, the north to the Alba⯑nians, the eaſt to the Chionites, inflamed with grief and indignation; the weſt to the Segeſtans, the braveſt of his warriors, who covered their front with a formidable line of Indian elephants ⁵⁸. The Perſians, on every ſide, ſupported their ef⯑forts, and animated their courage; and the mo⯑narch himſelf, careleſs of his rank and ſafety, diſ⯑played in the proſecution of the ſiege, the ardor of a youthful ſoldier. After an obſtinate combat, the Barbarians were repulſed; they inceſſantly returned to the charge; they were again driven back with a dreadful ſlaughter, and two rebel le⯑gions of Gauls, who had been baniſhed into the Eaſt, ſignalized their undiſciplined courage by a nocturnal ſally into the heart of the Perſian camp. In one of the fierceſt of theſe repeated aſſaults, Amida was betrayed by the treachery of a de⯑ſerter, who indicated to the Barbarians a ſecret and neglected ſtaircaſe, ſcooped out of the rock that hangs over the ſtream of the Tigris. Se⯑venty choſen archers of the royal guard aſcended in ſilence to the third ſtory of a lofty tower which [208] commanded the precipice; they elevated on high the Perſian banner, the ſignal of confidence to the aſſailants, and of diſmay to the beſieged; and if this devoted band could have maintained their poſt a few minutes longer, the reduction of the place might have been purchaſed by the ſacrifice of their lives. After Sapor had tried, without ſucceſs, the efficacy of force and of ſtratagem, he had recourſe to the ſlower but more certain opera⯑tions of a regular ſiege, in the conduct of which he was inſtructed by the ſkill of the Roman de⯑ſerters. The trenches were opened at a conve⯑nient diſtance, and the troops deſtined for that ſervice advanced under the portable cover of ſtrong hurdles, to fill up the ditch, and under⯑mine the foundations of the walls. Wooden towers were at the ſame time conſtructed, and moved forwards on wheels, till the ſoldiers, who were provided with every ſpecies of miſſile wea⯑pons, could engage almoſt on level ground with the troops who defended the rampart. Every mode of reſiſtance which art could ſuggeſt, or courage could execute, was employed in the de⯑fence of Amida, and the works of Sapor were more than once deſtroyed by the fire of the Ro⯑mans. But the reſources of a beſieged city may be exhauſted. The Perſians repaired their loſſes, and puſhed their approaches; a large breach was made by the battering-ram, and the ſtrength of the garriſon, waſted by the ſword and by diſeaſe, yielded to the fury of the aſſault. The ſoldiers, the citizens, their wives, their children, all who [209] had not time to eſcape through the oppoſite gate, were involved by the conquerors in a promiſcuous maſſacre.

But the ruin of Amida was the ſafety of the Of Sin⯑gara, &c. Roman provinces. As ſoon as the firſt tranſports of victory had ſubſided, Sapor was at leiſure to A. D. 360. reflect, that to chaſtiſe a diſobedient city, he had loſt the flower of his troops, and the moſt favour⯑able ſeaſon for conqueſt ⁵⁹. Thirty thouſand of his veterans had fallen under the walls of Amida, during the continuance of a ſiege which laſted ſeventy-three days; and the diſappointed mo⯑narch returned to his capital with affected triumph and ſecret mortification. It is more than prob⯑able, that the inconſtancy of his Barbarian allies was tempted to relinquiſh a war in which they had encountered ſuch unexpected difficulties; and that the aged king of the Chionites, ſatiated with revenge, turned away with horror from a ſcene of action where he had been deprived of the hope of his family and nation. The ſtrength as well as [210] ſpirit of the army with which Sapor took the field in the enſuing ſpring, was no longer equal to the unbounded views of his ambition. Inſtead of aſpiring to the conqueſt of the Eaſt, he was ob⯑liged to content himſelf with the reduction of two fortified cities of Meſopotamia, Singara and Bezabde ⁶⁰; the one ſituate in the midſt of a ſandy deſert, the other in a ſmall peninſula, ſurrounded almoſt on every ſide by the deep and rapid ſtream of the Tigris. Five Roman legions, of the di⯑minutive ſize, to which they had been reduced in the age of Conſtantine, were made priſoners, and ſent into remote captivity on the extreme confines of Perſia. After diſmantling the walls of Singara, the conqueror abandoned that ſoli⯑tary and ſequeſtered place; but he carefully re⯑ſtored the fortifications of Bezabde, and fixed in that important poſt a garriſon or colony of ve⯑terans; amply ſupplied with every means of de⯑fence, and animated by high ſentiments of ho⯑nour and fidelity. Towards the cloſe of the cam⯑paign, the arms of Sapor incurred ſome diſgrace by an unſucceſsful enterprize againſt Virtha, or Tecrit, a ſtrong, or, as it was univerſally eſteem⯑ed till the age of Tamerlane, an impregnable fortreſs of the independent Arabs ⁶¹.

[211] The defence of the Eaſt againſt the arms of Sapor, required and would have exerciſed the abilities of the moſt conſummate general; and it Conduct of the Romans. ſeemed fortunate for the ſtate, that it was the actual province of the brave Urſicinus, who alone deſerved the confidence of the ſoldiers and people. In the hour of danger, Urſicinus ⁶² was removed from his ſtation by the intrigues of the eunuchs; and the military command of the Eaſt was be⯑ſtowed, by the ſame influence, on Sabinian, a wealthy and ſubtle veteran, who had attained the infirmities, without acquiring the experience, of age. By a ſecond order, which iſſued from the ſame jealous and inconſtant counſels, Urſicinus was again diſpatched to the frontier of Meſopota⯑mia, and condemned to ſuſtain the labours of a war, the honours of which had been transferred to his unworthy rival. Sabinian fixed his indo⯑lent ſtation under the walls of Edeſſa; and while he amuſed himſelf with the idle parade of military exerciſe, and moved to the ſound of flutes in the Pyrrhic dance, the public defence was abandoned to the boldneſs and diligence of the former gene⯑ral of the Eaſt. But whenever Urſicinus recom⯑mended any vigorous plan of operations; when he propoſed, at the head of a light and active army, to wheel round the foot of the mountains, to intercept the convoys of the enemy, to haraſs the wide extent of the Perſian lines, and to re⯑lieve [212] the diſtreſs of Amida; the timid and en⯑vious commander alleged, that he was reſtrained by his poſitive orders from endangering the ſafety of the troops. Amida was at length taken; its braveſt defenders, who had eſcaped the ſword of the Barbarians, died in the Roman camp by the hand of the executioner; and Urſicinus himſelf, after ſupporting the diſgrace of a partial enquiry, was puniſhed for the miſconduct of Sabinian by the loſs of his military rank. But Conſtantius ſoon experienced the truth of the prediction which honeſt indignation had extorted from his injured lieutenant, that as long as ſuch maxims of go⯑vernment were ſuffered to prevail, the emperor himſelf would find it no eaſy taſk to defend his eaſtern dominions from the invaſion of a foreign enemy. When he had ſubdued or pacified the Barbarians of the Danube, Conſtantius proceeded by ſlow marches into the Eaſt; and after he had wept over the ſmoking ruins of Amida, he formed, with a powerful army, the ſiege of Bezabde. The walls were ſhaken by the reiterated efforts of the moſt enormous of the battering-rams; the town was reduced to the laſt extremity; but it was ſtill defended by the patient and intrepid valour of the garriſon, till the approach of the rainy ſeaſon ob⯑liged the emperor to raiſe the ſiege, and inglo⯑riouſly to retreat into his winter-quarters at An⯑tioch ⁶³. The pride of Conſtantius, and the in⯑genuity [213] of his courtiers, were at a loſs to diſ⯑cover any materials for panegyric in the events of the Perſian war; while the glory of his couſin Julian, to whoſe military command he had en⯑truſted the provinces of Gaul, was proclaimed to the world in the ſimple and conciſe narrative of his exploits.

In the blind fury of civil diſcord, Conſtantius Invaſion of Gaul by the Germans. had abandoned to the Barbarians of Germany the countries of Gaul, which ſtill acknowledged the authority of his rival. A numerous ſwarm of Franks and Alemanni were invited to croſs the Rhine by preſents and promiſes, by the hopes of ſpoil, and by a perpetual grant of all the territo⯑ries which they ſhould be able to ſubdue ⁶⁴. But the emperor, who for a temporary ſervice had thus imprudently provoked the rapacious ſpirit of the Barbarians, ſoon diſcovered and lamented the difficulty of diſmiſſing theſe formidable allies, after they had taſted the richneſs of the Roman ſoil. Regardleſs of the nice diſtinction of loyalty and rebellion, theſe undiſciplined robbers treated as their natural enemies all the ſubjects of the em⯑pire, who poſſeſſed any property which they were deſirous of acquiring. Forty-five flouriſhing cities, Tongres, Cologne, Treves, Worms, Spires, Straſburgh, &c. beſides a far greater number of [214] towns and villages, were pillaged, and for the moſt part reduced to aſhes. The Barbarians of Germany, ſtill faithful to the maxims of their an⯑ceſtors, abhorred the confinement of walls, to which they applied the odious names of priſons and ſepulchres; and fixing their independent ha⯑bitations on the banks of rivers, the Rhine, the Moſelle, and the Meuſe, they ſecured themſelves againſt the danger of a ſurpriſe, by a rude and haſty fortification of large trees, which were felled and thrown acroſs the roads. The Alemanni were eſtabliſhed in the modern countries of Al⯑ſace and Lorraine; the Franks occupied the iſland of the Batavians, together with an extenſive diſ⯑trict of Brabant, which was then known by the appellation of Toxandria ⁶⁵, and may deſerve to be conſidered as the original ſeat of their Gallic monarchy ⁶⁶. From the ſources, to the mouth, of the Rhine, the conqueſts of the Germans ex⯑tended above forty miles to the weſt of that river, over a country peopled by colonies of their own [215] name and nation; and the ſcene of their de⯑vaſtations was three times more extenſive than that of their conqueſts. At a ſtill greater diſtance the open towns of Gaul were deſerted, and the inhabitants of the fortified cities, who truſted to their ſtrength and vigilance, were obliged to con⯑tent themſelves with ſuch ſupplies of corn as they could raiſe on the vacant land within the incloſure of their walls. The diminiſhed legions, deſti⯑tute of pay and proviſions, of arms and diſci⯑pline, trembled at the approach, and even at the name, of the Barbarians.

Under theſe melancholy circumſtances, an un⯑experienced Conduct of Julian. youth was appointed to ſave and to govern the provinces of Gaul, or rather, as he expreſſes it himſelf, to exhibit the vain image of Imperial greatneſs. The retired ſcholaſtic edu⯑cation of Julian, in which he had been more con⯑verſant with books than with arms, with the dead than with the living, left him in profound ignorance of the practical arts of war and govern⯑ment; and when he awkwardly repeated ſome military exerciſe which it was neceſſary for him to learn, he exclaimed with a ſigh, ‘O Plato, Plato, what a taſk for a philoſopher!’ Yet even this ſpeculative philoſophy, which men of buſi⯑neſs are too apt to deſpiſe, had filled the mind of Julian with the nobleſt precepts, and the moſt ſhining examples; had animated him with the love of virtue, the deſire of fame, and the con⯑tempt of death. The habits of temperance re⯑commended in the ſchools, are ſtill more eſſen⯑tial [216] in the ſevere diſcipline of a camp. The ſimple wants of nature regulated the meaſure of his food and ſleep. Rejecting with diſdain the delicacies provided for his table, he ſatisfied his appetite with the coarſe and common fare which was allotted to the meaneſt ſoldiers. During the rigour of a Gallic winter, he never ſuffered a fire in his bed-chamber; and after a ſhort and inter⯑rupted ſlumber, he frequently roſe in the middle of the night from a carpet ſpread on the floor, to diſpatch any urgent buſineſs, to viſit his rounds, or to ſteal a few moments for the proſecution of his favourite ſtudies ⁶⁷. The precepts of elo⯑quence, which he had hitherto practiſed on fancied topics of declamation, were more uſefully applied to excite or to aſſuage the paſſions of an armed multitude: and although Julian, from his early habits of converſation and literature, was more fa⯑miliarly acquainted with the beauties of the Greek language, he had attained a competent know⯑ledge of the Latin tongue ⁶⁸. Since Julian was not originally deſigned for the character of a le⯑giſlator, or a judge, it is probable that the civil juriſprudence of the Romans had not engaged any conſiderable ſhare of his attention: but he [217] derived from his philoſophic ſtudies an inflexible regard for juſtice, tempered by a diſpoſition to clemency; the knowledge of the general prin⯑ciples of equity and evidence, and the faculty of patiently inveſtigating the moſt intricate and te⯑dious queſtions which could be propoſed for his diſcuſſion. The meaſures of policy, and the ope⯑rations of war, muſt ſubmit to the various acci⯑dents of circumſtance and character, and the un⯑practiſed ſtudent will often be perplexed in the ap⯑plication of the moſt perfect theory. But in the acquiſition of this important ſcience, Julian was aſſiſted by the active vigour of his own genius, as well as by the wiſdom and experience of Salluſt, an officer of rank, who ſoon conceived a ſincere attachment for a prince ſo worthy of his friend⯑ſhip; and whoſe incorruptible integrity was adorned by the talent of inſinuating the harſheſt truths, without wounding the delicacy of a royal ear ⁶⁹.

Immediately after Julian had received the His firſt campaign in Gaul, purple at Milan, he was ſent into Gaul, with a feeble retinue of three hundred and ſixty ſoldiers. A. D. 356. At Vienna, where he paſſed a painful and anxious winter, in the hands of thoſe miniſters to whom Conſtantius had entruſted the direction of his conduct, the Caeſar was informed of the ſiege and [218] deliverance of Autun. That large and antient city, protected only by a ruined wall and puſil⯑lanimous garriſon, was ſaved by the generous re⯑ſolution of a few veterans, who reſumed their arms for the defence of their country. In his march from Autun, through the heart of the Gallic provinces, Julian embraced with ardour the earlieſt opportunity of ſignalizing his courage. At the head of a ſmall body of archers, and heavy cavalry, he preferred the ſhorter but the more dangerous of two roads; and ſometimes eluding, and ſometimes reſiſting, the attacks of the Barba⯑rians, who were maſters of the field, he arrived with honour and ſafety at the camp near Rheims, where the Roman troops had been ordered to aſ⯑ſemble. The aſpect of their young prince re⯑vived the drooping ſpirit of the ſoldiers, and they marched from Rheims in ſearch of the enemy, with a confidence which had almoſt proved fatal to them. The Alemanni, familiarized to the knowledge of the country, ſecretly collected their ſcattered forces, and ſeizing the opportunity of a dark and rainy day, poured with unexpected fury on the rear-guard of the Romans. Before the in⯑evitable diſorder could be remedied, two legions were deſtroyed; and Julian was taught by expe⯑rience, that caution and vigilance are the moſt important leſſons of the art of war. In a ſecond and more ſucceſsful action, he recovered and eſtab⯑liſhed his military fame; but as the agility of the Barbarians ſaved them from the purſuit, his vic⯑tory was neither bloody nor deciſive. He ad⯑vanced, however, to the banks of the Rhine, [219] ſurveyed the ruins of Cologne, convinced himſelf of the difficulties of the war, and retreated on the approach of winter, diſcontented with the court, with his army, and with his own ſucceſs ⁷⁰. The power of the enemy was yet unbroken; and the Caeſar had no ſooner ſeparated his troops, and fixed his own quarters at Sens, in the centre of Gaul, than he was ſurrounded and beſieged by a numerous hoſt of Germans. Reduced in this ex⯑tremity to the reſources of his own mind, he diſ⯑played a prudent intrepidity which compenſated for all the deficiencies of the place and garriſon; and the Barbarians, at the end of thirty days, were obliged to retire with diſappointed rage.

The conſcious pride of Julian, who was in⯑debted His ſecond campaign, only to his ſword for this ſignal deliver⯑ance, was embittered by the reflection, that he A. D. 357. was abandoned, betrayed, and perhaps devoted to deſtruction, by thoſe who were bound to aſſiſt him by every tie of honour and fidelity. Mar⯑cellus, maſter-general of the cavalry in Gaul, in⯑terpreting too ſtrictly the jealous orders of the court, beheld with ſupine indifference the diſtreſs of Julian, and had reſtrained the troops under his command from marching to the relief of Sens. If the Caeſar had diſſembled in ſilence ſo danger⯑ous an inſult, his perſon and authority would have been expoſed to the contempt of the world; and if an action ſo criminal had been ſuffered to paſs [220] with impunity, the emperor would have confirmed the ſuſpicions, which received a very ſpecious co⯑lour from his paſt conduct towards the princes of the Flavian family. Marcellus was recalled, and gently diſmiſſed from his office ⁷¹. In his room Severus was appointed general of the cavalry; an experienced ſoldier, of approved courage and fidelity, who could adviſe with reſpect, and exe⯑cute with zeal; and who ſubmitted, without re⯑luctance, to the ſupreme command which Julian, by the intereſt of his patroneſs Euſebia, at length obtained over the armies of Gaul ⁷². A very ju⯑dicious plan of operations was adopted for the ap⯑proaching campaign. Julian himſelf, at the head of the remains of the veteran bands, and of ſome new levies which he had been permitted to form, boldly penetrated into the centre of the German cantonments, and carefully re-eſtabliſhed the for⯑tifications of Saverne, in an advantageous poſt, which would either check the incurſions, or in⯑tercept the retreat, of the enemy. At the ſame time Barbatio, general of the infantry, advanced from Milan with an army of thirty thouſand men, and paſſing the mountains, prepared to throw a bridge over the Rhine, in the neighbourhood of Baſil. It was reaſonable to expect that the Ale⯑manni, preſſed on either ſide by the Roman arms, [221] would ſoon be forced to evacuate the provinces of Gaul, and to haſten to the defence of their native country. But the hopes of the campaign were defeated by the incapacity, or the envy, or the ſe⯑cret inſtructions, of Barbatio; who acted as if he had been the enemy of the Caeſar, and the ſecret ally of the Barbarians. The negligence with which he permitted a troop of pillagers freely to paſs, and to return almoſt before the gates of his camp, may be imputed to his want of abilities; but the treaſonable act of burning a number of boats, and a ſuperfluous ſtock of proviſions, which would have been of the moſt eſſential ſervice to the army of Gaul, was an evidence of his hoſtile and criminal intentions. The Germans deſpiſed an enemy who appeared deſtitute either of power or of inclination to offend them; and the igno⯑minious retreat of Barbatio deprived Julian of the expected ſupport; and left him to extricate him⯑ſelf from a hazardous ſituation, where he could neither remain with ſafety, nor retire with ho⯑nour ⁷³.

As ſoon as they were delivered from the fears of invaſion, the Alemanni prepared to chaſtiſe the Battle of Straſ⯑burgh, Roman youth, who preſumed to diſpute the poſ⯑ſeſſion A. D. 357, Auguſt. of that country, which they claimed as their own by the right of conqueſt and of treaties. They employed three days, and as many nights, in tranſporting over the Rhine their military powers. The fierce Chnodomar, ſhaking the [222] ponderous javelin, which he had victoriouſly wielded againſt the brother of Magnentius, led the van of the Barbarians, and moderated by his experience the martial ardour which his example inſpired ⁷⁴. He was followed by ſix other kings, by ten princes of regal extraction, by a long train of high-ſpirited nobles, and by thirty-five thou⯑ſand of the braveſt warriors of the tribes of Ger⯑many. The confidence derived from the view of their own ſtrength, was encreaſed by the intelli⯑gence which they received from a deſerter, that the Caeſar, with a feeble army of thirteen thou⯑ſand men, occupied a poſt about one-and-twenty miles from their camp of Straſburgh. With this inadequate force, Julian reſolved to ſeek and to encounter the Barbarian hoſt; and the chance of a general action was preferred to the tedious and uncertain operation of ſeparately engaging the diſperſed parties of the Alemanni. The Romans marched in cloſe order, and in two columns, the cavalry on the right, the infantry on the left; and the day was ſo far ſpent when they appeared in ſight of the enemy, that Julian was deſirous of deferring the battle till the next morning, and of allowing his troops to recruit their exhauſted ſtrength by the neceſſary refreſhments of ſleep and food. Yielding, however, with ſome reluctance, [223] to the clamours of the ſoldiers, and even to the opinion of his council, he exhorted them to juſ⯑tify by their valour the eager impatience, which, in caſe of a defeat, would be univerſally branded with the epithets of raſhneſs and preſumption. The trumpets ſounded, the military ſhout was heard through the field, and the two armies ruſh⯑ed with equal fury to the charge. The Caeſar, who conducted in perſon his right wing, depended on the dexterity of his archers, and the weight of his cuiraſſiers. But his ranks were inſtantly bro⯑ken by an irregular mixture of light-horſe and of light-infantry, and he had the mortification of beholding the flight of ſix hundred of his moſt renowned cuiraſſiers ⁷⁵. The fugitives were ſtop⯑ped and rallied by the preſence and authority of Julian, who, careleſs of his own ſafety, threw himſelf before them, and urging every motive of ſhame and honour, led them back againſt the vic⯑torious enemy. The conflict between the two lines of infantry was obſtinate and bloody. The Germans poſſeſſed the ſuperiority of ſtrength and ſtature, the Romans that of diſcipline and tem⯑per; and as the Barbarians, who ſerved under the ſtandard of the empire, united the reſpective advantages of both parties, their ſtrenuous efforts, guided by a ſkilful leader, at length determined the event of the day. The Romans loſt four tribunes, and two hundred and forty-three ſol⯑diers, [224] in this memorable battle of Straſburgh, ſo glorious to the Caeſar ⁷⁶, and ſo ſalutary to the afflicted provinces of Gaul. Six thouſand of the Alemanni were ſlain in the field, without includ⯑ing thoſe who were drowned in the Rhine, or transfixed with darts whilſt they attempted to ſwim acroſs the river ⁷⁷. Chnodomar himſelf was ſurrounded and taken priſoner, with three of his brave companions, who had devoted themſelves to follow in life or death the fate of their chief⯑tain. Julian received him with military pomp in the council of his officers; and expreſſing a ge⯑nerous pity for the fallen ſtate, diſſembled his in⯑ward contempt for the abject humiliation of his captive. Inſtead of exhibiting the vanquiſhed king of the Alemanni, as a grateful ſpectacle to the cities of Gaul, he reſpectfully laid at the feet of the emperor this ſplendid trophy of his victory. Chnodomar experienced an honourable treatment: but the impatient Barbarian could not long [225] ſurvive his defeat, his confinement, and his exile ⁷⁸.

After Julian had repulſed the Alemanni from Julian ſub⯑dues the Franks, the provinces of the Upper Rhine, he turned his arms againſt the Franks, who were ſeated nearer A. D. 358. to the ocean on the confines of Gaul and Ger⯑many; and who, from their numbers, and ſtill more from their intrepid valour, had ever been eſteemed the moſt formidable of the Barba⯑rians ⁷⁹. Although they were ſtrongly actuated by the allurements of rapine, they profeſſed a diſ⯑intereſted love of war; which they conſidered as the ſupreme honour and felicity of human nature; and their minds and bodies were ſo completely hardened by perpectual action, that, according to the lively expreſſion of an orator, the ſnows of winter were as pleaſant to them as the flowers of ſpring. In the month of December, which followed the battle of Straſburg, Julian attacked a body of ſix hundred Franks, who had thrown themſelves into two caſtles on the Meuſe ⁸⁰. In the midſt of that ſevere ſeaſon they ſuſtained, with inflexible conſtancy, a ſiege of fifty-four days; till at length, exhauſted by hunger, and ſatisfied that the vigilance of the enemy in breaking the ice of the river, left them no hopes of eſcape, the [226] Franks conſented, for the firſt time, to diſpenſe with the ancient law which commanded them to conquer or to die. The Caeſar immediately ſent his captives to the court of Conſtantius, who ac⯑cepting them as a valuable preſent ⁸¹, rejoiced in the opportunity of adding ſo many heroes to the choiceſt troops of his domeſtic guards. The ob⯑ſtinate reſiſtance of this handful of Franks, ap⯑priſed Julian of the difficulties of the expedition which he meditated for the enſuing ſpring, againſt the whole body of the nation. His rapid dili⯑gence ſurpriſed and aſtoniſhed the active Bar⯑barians. Ordering his ſoldiers to provide them⯑ſelves with biſcuit for twenty days, he ſuddenly pitched his camp near Tongres, while the enemy ſtill ſuppoſed him in his winter-quarters of Paris, expecting the ſlow arrival of his convoys from Aquitain. Without allowing the Franks to unite or to deliberate, he ſkilfully ſpread his legions from Cologne to the ocean; and by the terror, as well as by the ſucceſs of his arms, ſoon reduced the ſuppliant tribes to implore the cle⯑mency, and to obey the commands, of their con⯑queror. The Chamavians ſubmiſſively retired to their former habitations beyond the Rhine: but the Salians were permitted to poſſeſs their new eſtabliſhment of Toxandria, as the ſubjects and [227] auxiliaries of the Roman empire ⁸². The treaty was ratified by ſolemn oaths; and perpetual in⯑ſpectors were appointed to reſide among the Franks, with the authority of enforcing the ſtrict obſervance of the conditions. An incident is re⯑lated, intereſting enough in itſelf, and by no means repugnant to the character of Julian, who ingeni⯑ouſly contrived both the plot and the cataſtrophe of the tragedy. When the Chamavians ſued for peace, he required the ſon of their king, as the only hoſtage in whom he could rely. A mournful ſilence, interrupted by tears and groans, declared the ſad perplexity of the Barbarians; and their aged chief lamented in pathetic lan⯑guage, that his private loſs was now embittered by a ſenſe of the public calamity. While the Chamavians lay proſtrate at the foot of his throne, the royal captive, whom they believed to have been ſlain, unexpectedly appeared before their eyes; and as ſoon as the tumult of joy was huſhed into attention, the Caeſar addreſſed the aſſembly in the following terms: ‘Behold the ſon, the prince, whom you wept. You had loſt him by your fault. God and the Romans have reſtored him to you. I ſhall ſtill preſerve and educate the youth, rather as a monument of my own virtue, than as a pledge of your ſin⯑cerity. Should you preſume to violate the [228] faith which you have ſworn, the arms of the republic will avenge the perfidy, not on the innocent, but on the guilty.’ The Barbarians withdrew from his preſence, impreſſed with the warmeſt ſentiments of gratitude and admira⯑tion ⁸³.

It was not enough for Julian to have delivered Makes three ex⯑peditions beyond the Rhine, the provinces of Gaul from the Barbarians of Germany. He aſpired to emulate the glory of the firſt and moſt illuſtrious of the emperors; after A. D. 357, 358, 359. whoſe example, he compoſed his own commen⯑taries of the Gallic war ⁸⁴. Caeſar has related, with conſcious pride, the manner in which he twice paſſed the Rhine. Julian could boaſt, that before he aſſumed the title of Auguſtus, he had carried the Roman Eagles beyond that great river in three ſucceſsful expeditions ⁸⁵. The conſterna⯑tion of the Germans, after the battle of Straſburgh, encouraged him to the firſt attempt; and the reluctance of the troops ſoon yielded to the perſuaſive eloquence of a leader, who ſhared the fatigues and dangers which he impoſed on the meaneſt of the ſoldiers. The villages on either [229] ſide of the Meyn, which were plentifully ſtored with corn and cattle, felt the ravages of an in⯑vading army. The principal houſes, conſtructed with ſome imitation of Roman elegance, were conſumed by the flames; and the Caeſar boldly advanced about ten miles, till his progreſs was ſtopped by a dark and impenetrable foreſt, under⯑mined by ſubterraneous paſſages, which threaten⯑ed, with ſecret ſnares and ambuſh, every ſtep of the aſſailant. The ground was already covered with ſnow; and Julian, after repairing an ancient caſtle which had been erected by Trajan, granted a truce of ten months to the ſubmiſſive Bar⯑barians. At the expiration of the truce, Julian undertook a ſecond expedition beyond the Rhine, to humble the pride of Surmar and Hortaire, two of the kings of the Alemanni, who had been pre⯑ſent at the battle of Straſburgh. They promiſed to reſtore all the Roman captives who yet remain⯑ed alive; and as the Caeſar had procured an ex⯑act account from the cities and villages of Gaul, of the inhabitants whom they had loſt, he detected every attempt to deceive him with a degree of readineſs and accuracy, which almoſt eſtabliſhed the belief of his ſupernatural knowledge. His third expedition was ſtill more ſplendid and im⯑portant than the two former. The Germans had collected their military powers, and moved along the oppoſite banks of the river, with a deſign of deſtroying the bridge, and of preventing the paſ⯑ſage of the Romans. But this judicious plan of defence was diſconcerted by a ſkilful diverſion. Three hundred light armed and active ſoldiers [230] were detached in forty ſmall boats, to fall down the ſtream in ſilence, and to land at ſome diſtance from the poſts of the enemy. They executed their orders with ſo much boldneſs and celerity, that they had almoſt ſurpriſed the Barbarian chiefs, who returned in the fearleſs confidence of intoxi⯑cation from one of their nocturnal feſtivals. Without repeating the uniform and diſguſting tale of ſlaughter and devaſtation, it is ſufficient to obſerve, that Julian dictated his own conditions of peace to ſix of the haughtieſt kings of the Alemanni, three of whom were permitted to view the ſevere diſcipline and martial pomp of a Ro⯑man camp. Followed by twenty thouſand cap⯑tives, whom he had reſcued from the chains of the Barbarians, the Caeſar repaſſed the Rhine, after terminating a war, the ſucceſs of which has been compared to the ancient glories of the Punic and Cimbric victories.

As ſoon as the valour and conduct of Julian Reſtores the cities of Gaul. had ſecured an interval of peace, he applied him⯑ſelf to a work more congenial to his humane and philoſophic temper. The cities of Gaul, which had ſuffered from the inroads of the Barbarians, he diligently repaired; and ſeven important poſts, between Mentz and the mouth of the Rhine, are particularly mentioned, as having been rebuilt and fortified by the order of Julian ⁸⁶. The van⯑quiſhed [231] Germans had ſubmitted to the juſt but humiliating condition of preparing and convey⯑ing the neceſſary materials. The active zeal of Julian urged the proſecution of the work; and ſuch was the ſpirit which he had diffuſed among the troops, that the auxiliaries themſelves, waving their exemption from any duties of fatigue, con⯑tended in the moſt ſervile labours with the dili⯑gence of the Roman ſoldiers. It was incumbent on the Caeſar to provide for the ſubſiſtence, as well as for the ſafety, of the inhabitants and of the garriſons. The deſertion of the former, and the mutiny of the latter, muſt have been the fatal and inevitable conſequences of famine. The tillage of the provinces of Gaul had been inter⯑rupted by the calamities of war; but the ſcanty harveſts of the continent were ſupplied, by his pa⯑ternal care, from the plenty of the adjacent iſland. Six hundred large barks, framed in the foreſt of the Ardennes, made ſeveral voyages to the coaſt of Britain; and returning from thence laden with corn, ſailed up the Rhine, and diſtributed their cargoes to the ſeveral towns and fortreſſes along the banks of the river ⁸⁷. The arms of Julian had [232] reſtored a free and ſecure navigation, which Con⯑ſtantius had offered to purchaſe at the expence of his dignity, and of a tributary preſent of two thou⯑ſand pounds of ſilver. The emperor parſimo⯑niouſly refuſed to his ſoldiers the ſums which he granted with a laviſh and trembling hand to the Barbarians. The dexterity, as well as the firm⯑neſs of Julian, was put to a ſevere trial, when he took the field with a diſcontented army, which had already ſerved two campaigns, without re⯑ceiving any regular pay or any extraordinary donative ⁸⁸.

A tender regard for the peace and happineſs of Civil ad⯑miniſtra⯑tion of Julian. his ſubjects, was the ruling principle which di⯑rected, or ſeemed to direct, the adminiſtration of Julian ⁸⁹. He devoted the leiſure of his winter-quarters to the offices of civil government; and affected to aſſume, with more pleaſure, the cha⯑racter of a magiſtrate than that of a general. Be⯑fore he took the field, he devolved on the pro⯑vincial governors, moſt of the public and private cauſes which had been referred to his tribunal; but, on his return, he carefully reviſed their pro⯑ceedings, mitigated the rigour of the law, and pronounced a ſecond judgment on the judges themſelves. Superior to the laſt temptation of virtuous minds, an indiſcreet and intemperate zeal for juſtice, he reſtrained, with calmneſs and dignity, the warmth of an advocate who proſe⯑cuted, [233] for extortion, the preſident of the Nar⯑bonneſe province. ‘Who will ever be found guilty, exclaimed the vehement Delphidius, if it be enough to deny?’ ‘and who, replied Julian, will ever be innocent, if it is ſufficient to affirm?’ In the general adminiſtration of peace and war, the intereſt of the ſovereign is commonly the ſame as that of his people; but Conſtantius would have thought himſelf deeply injured, if the virtues of Julian had defrauded him of any part of the tribute which he extorted from an oppreſſed and exhauſted country. The prince who was inveſted with the enſigns of royalty, might ſometimes preſume to correct the rapacious inſolence of the inferior agents; to ex⯑poſe their corrupt arts, and to introduce an equal and eaſier mode of collection. But the manage⯑ment of the finances was more ſafely entruſted to Florentius, Praetorian praefect of Gaul, an effe⯑minate tyrant, incapable of pity or remorſe; and the haughty miniſter complained of the moſt decent and gentle oppoſition, while Julian himſelf was rather inclined to cenſure the weakneſs of his own behaviour. The Caeſar had rejected with abhorrence, a mandate for the levy of an extra⯑ordinary tax; a new ſuperdiction, which the prae⯑fect had offered for his ſignature; and the faithful picture of the public miſery, by which he had been obliged to juſtify his refuſal, offended the court of Conſtantius. We may enjoy the plea⯑ſure of reading the ſentiments of Julian, as he ex⯑preſſes them with warmth and freedom in a letter to one of his moſt intimate friends. After ſtating [234] his own conduct, he proceeds in the following terms: ‘Was it poſſible for the diſciple of Plato and Ariſtotle to act otherwiſe than I have done? Could I abandon the unhappy ſubjects entruſted to my care? Was I not called upon to defend them from the repeated injuries of theſe unfeeling robbers? A tribune who de⯑ſerts his poſt is puniſhed with death, and de⯑prived of the honours of burial. With what juſtice could I pronounce his ſentence, if, in the hour of danger, I myſelf neglected a duty far more ſacred and far more important? God has placed me in this elevated poſt; his pro⯑vidence will guard and ſupport me. Should I be condemned to ſuffer, I ſhall derive comfort from the teſtimony of a pure and upright con⯑ſcience. Would to heaven, that I ſtill poſſeſſed a counſellor like Salluſt! If they think proper to ſend me a ſucceſſor, I ſhall ſubmit without reluctance; and had much rather improve the ſhort opportunity of doing good, than enjoy a long and laſting impunity of evil ⁹⁰.’ The precarious and dependent ſituation of Julian diſ⯑played his virtues, and concealed his defects. The young hero who ſupported, in Gaul, the throne of Conſtantius, was not permitted to reform the vices of the government; but he had courage to alleviate or to pity the diſtreſs of the people. Unleſs he had been able to revive the martial [235] ſpirit of the Romans, or to introduce the arts of induſtry and refinement among their ſavage ene⯑mies, he could not entertain any rational hopes of ſecuring the public tranquillity, either by the peace or conqueſt of Germany. Yet the victories of Julian ſuſpended, for a ſhort time, the inroads of the Barbarians, and delayed the ruin of the Weſtern Empire.

His ſalutary influence reſtored the cities of Deſcrip⯑tion of Paris. Gaul, which had been ſo long expoſed to the evils of civil diſcord, Barbarian war, and domeſtic tyranny; and the ſpirit of induſtry was revived with the hopes of enjoyment. Agriculture, ma⯑nufactures and commerce again flouriſhed under the protection of the laws; and the curiae, or civil corporations, were again filled with uſeful and reſpectable members: the youth were no longer apprehenſive of marriage; and married perſons were no longer apprehenſive of poſterity: the public and private feſtivals were celebrated with cuſtomary pomp; and the frequent and ſecure intercourſe of the provinces diſplayed the image of national proſperity ⁹¹. A mind like that of Julian, muſt have felt the general happineſs of which he was the author; but he viewed, with peculiar ſatisfaction and complacency, the city of Paris; the ſeat of his winter reſidence, and the object even of his partial affection ⁹². That ſplen⯑did [236] capital, which now embraces an ample terri⯑tory on either ſide of the Seine, was originally confined to the ſmall iſland in the midſt of the river, from whence the inhabitants derived a ſupply of pure and ſalubrious water. The river bathed the foot of the walls; and the town was acceſſible only by two wooden bridges. A foreſt overſpread the northern ſide of the Seine; but on the ſouth, the ground, which now bears the name of the Univerſity, was inſenſibly covered with houſes, and adorned with a palace and amphi⯑theatre, baths, an aqueduct, and a field of Mars for the exerciſe of the Roman troops. The ſe⯑verity of the climate was tempered by the neigh⯑bourhood of the ocean; and with ſome precau⯑tions, which experience had taught, the vine and fig-tree were ſucceſsfully cultivated. But, in re⯑markable winters, the Seine was deeply frozen; and the huge pieces of ice that floated down the ſtream, might be compared, by an Aſiatic, to the blocks of white marble which were extracted from the quarries of Phrygia. The licentiouſneſs and corruption of Antioch, recalled to the memory of Julian the ſevere and ſimple manners of his beloved Lutetia ⁹³; where the amuſements of the theatre were unknown or deſpiſed. He indig⯑nantly contraſted the effeminate Syrians with the brave and honeſt ſimplicity of the Gauls, and al⯑moſt [237] forgave the intemperance, which was the only ſtain of the Celtic character ⁹⁴. If Julian could now reviſit the capital of France, he might converſe with men of ſcience and genius, capable of underſtanding and of inſtructing a diſciple of the Greeks; he might excuſe the lively and grace⯑ful follies of a nation, whoſe martial ſpirit has never been enervated by the indulgence of luxury; and he muſt applaud the perfection of that ineſti⯑mable art, which ſoftens and refines and embel⯑liſhes the intercourſe of ſocial life.

CHAP. XX. The Motives, Progreſs, and Effects of the Converſion of Conſtantine.—Legal Eſtabliſhment and Conſtitu⯑tion of the Chriſtian or Catholic Church.

THE public eſtabliſhment of Chriſtianity may be conſidered as one of thoſe im⯑portant and domeſtic revolutions which excite the moſt lively curioſity, and afford the moſt valuable inſtruction. The victories and the civil policy of Conſtantine no longer influence the ſtate of Europe; but a conſiderable portion of the globe ſtill retains the impreſſion which it received from the converſion of that monarch; and the eccle⯑ſiaſtical inſtitutions of his reign are ſtill connected, by an indiſſoluble chain, with the opinions, the paſſions, and the intereſts of the preſent genera⯑tion.

In the conſideration of a ſubject which may be Date of the converſion of Con⯑ſtantine. examined with impartiality, but cannot be viewed with indifference, a difficulty immediately ariſes of a very unexpected nature; that of aſcertaining the real and preciſe date of the converſion of Con⯑ſtantine. The eloquent Lactantius, in the midſt A. D. 306. of his court, ſeems impatient ¹ to proclaim to the [239] world the glorious example of the ſovereign of Gaul; who, in the firſt moments of his reign, ac⯑knowledged and adored the majeſty of the true and only God ². The learned Euſebius has aſ⯑cribed the faith of Conſtantine to the miraculous ſign which was diſplayed in the heavens whilſt he meditated and prepared the Italian expedition ³. A. D. 312. The hiſtorian Zoſimus maliciouſly aſſerts, that the emperor had embrued his hands in the blood of his eldeſt ſon, before he publicly renounced the gods of Rome and of his anceſtors ⁴. The per⯑plexity A. D. 326. produced by theſe diſcordant authorities, is derived from the behaviour of Conſtantine him⯑ſelf. According to the ſtrictneſs of eccleſiaſtical language, the firſt of the Chriſtian emperors was unworthy of that name, till the moment of his death; ſince it was only during his laſt illneſs A. D. 337. that he received, as a catechumen, the impoſition [240] of hands ⁵, and was afterwards admitted, by the initiatory rites of baptiſm, into the number of the faithful ⁶. The Chriſtianity of Conſtantine muſt be allowed in a much more vague and qua⯑lified ſenſe; and the niceſt accuracy is required in tracing the ſlow and almoſt imperceptible grada⯑tions by which the monarch declared himſelf the protector, and at length the proſelyte, of the church. It was an arduous taſk to eradicate the habits and prejudices of his education, to ac⯑knowledge the divine power of Chriſt, and to un⯑derſtand that the truth of his revelation was in⯑compatible with the worſhip of the gods. The obſtacles which he had probably experienced in his own mind, inſtructed him to proceed with caution in the momentous change of a national religion; and he inſenſibly diſcovered his new opinions, as far as he could enforce them with [241] ſafety and with effect. During the whole courſe of his reign, the ſtream of Chriſtianity flowed with a gentle, though accelerated, motion: but its general direction was ſometimes checked, and ſometimes diverted, by the accidental circum⯑ſtances of the times, and by the prudence, or poſ⯑ſibly by the caprice, of the monarch. His mini⯑ſters were permitted to ſignify the intentions of their maſter in the various language which was beſt adapted to their reſpective principles; ⁷ and he artfully balanced the hopes and fears of his ſub⯑jects, by publiſhing in the ſame year two edicts; A. D. 321. the firſt of which enjoined the ſolemn obſervance of Sunday, ⁸, and the ſecond directed the regular conſultation of the Aruſpices ⁹. While this im⯑portant revolution yet remained in ſuſpenſe, the Chriſtians and the Pagans watched the conduct of their ſovereign with the ſame anxiety, but with very oppoſite ſentiments. The former were prompted by every motive of zeal, as well as va⯑nity, to exaggerate the marks of his favour, and the evidences of his faith. The latter, till their juſt apprehenſions were changed into deſpair and [242] reſentment, attempted to conceal from the world, and from themſelves, that the gods of Rome could no longer reckon the emperor in the num⯑ber of their votaries. The ſame paſſions and pre⯑judices have engaged the partial writers of the times to connect the public profeſſion of Chriſ⯑tianity with the moſt glorious or the moſt igno⯑minious aera of the reign of Conſtantine.

Whatever ſymptoms of Chriſtian piety might His Pagan ſuperſti⯑tion. tranſpire in the diſcourſes or actions of Conſtan⯑tine, he perſevered till he was near forty years of age in the practice of the eſtabliſhed religion ¹⁰; and the ſame conduct which in the court of Nico⯑media might be imputed to his fear, could be aſcribed only to the inclination or policy of the ſovereign of Gaul. His liberality reſtored and enriched the temples of the gods: the medals which iſſued from his Imperial mint are impreſſed with the figures and attributes of Jupiter and Apollo, of Mars and Hercules; and his filial piety increaſed the council of Olympus by the ſolemn apotheoſis of his father Conſtantius ¹¹. But the devotion of Conſtantine was more peculiarly di⯑rected to the genius of the Sun, the Apollo of Greek and Roman mythology; and he was pleaſed to be repreſented with the ſymbols of the [243] God of Light and Poetry. The unerring ſhafts of that deity, the brightneſs of his eyes, his laurel wreath, immortal beauty, and elegant accom⯑pliſhments, ſeem to point him out as the patron of a young hero. The altars of Apollo were crowned with the votive offerings of Conſtantine; and the credulous multitude were taught to be⯑lieve, that the emperor was permitted to behold with mortal eyes the viſible majeſty of their tu⯑telar deity; and that, either waking or in a viſion, he was bleſſed with the auſpicious omens of a long and victorious reign. The Sun was univerſally celebrated as the invincible guide and protector of Conſtantine; and the Pagans might reaſonably expect that the inſulted god would purſue with unrelenting vengeance the impiety of his ungrate⯑ful favourite ¹².

As long as Conſtantine exerciſed a limited He pro⯑tects the Chriſtians of Gaul, ſovereignty over the provinces of Gaul, his Chriſ⯑tian ſubjects were protected by the authority, and perhaps by the laws, of a prince, who wiſely left A. D. 306—312. to the gods the care of vindicating their own ho⯑nour. If we may credit the aſſertion of Conſtan⯑tine himſelf, he had been an indignant ſpectator of the ſavage cruelties which were inflicted, by the hands of Roman ſoldiers, on thoſe citizens whoſe religion was their only crime ¹³ In the Eaſt and [244] in the Weſt, he had ſeen the different effects of ſeverity and indulgence; and as the former was rendered ſtill more odious by the example of Ga⯑lerius, his implacable enemy, the latter was re⯑commended to his imitation by the authority and advice of a dying father. The ſon of Conſtan⯑tius immediately ſuſpended or repealed the edicts of perſecution, and granted the free exerciſe of their religious ceremonies to all thoſe who had al⯑ready profeſſed themſelves members of the church. They were ſoon encouraged to depend on the favour as well as on the juſtice of their ſovereign, who had imbibed a ſecret and ſincere reverence for the name of Chriſt, and for the God of the Chriſtians ¹⁴.

About five months after the conqueſt of Italy, A. D. 313, March. the emperor made a ſolemn and authentic decla⯑ration of his ſentiments, by the celebrated edict Edict of Milan. of Milan, which reſtored peace to the Catholic church. In the perſonal interview of the two weſtern princes, Conſtantine, by the aſcendant of genius and power, obtained the ready concur⯑rence of his colleague Licinius; the union of their names and authority diſarmed the fury of Maximin; and, after the death of the tyrant of the Eaſt, the edict of Milan was received as a ge⯑neral and fundamental law of the Roman world ¹⁵. [245] The wiſdom of the emperors provided for the reſtitution of all the civil and religious rights of which the Chriſtians had been ſo unjuſtly deprived. It was enacted, that the places of worſhip, and public lands, which had been confiſcated, ſhould be reſtored to the church, without diſpute, without delay, and without expence: and this ſevere in⯑junction was accompanied with a gracious pro⯑miſe, that if any of the purchaſers had paid a fair and adequate price, they ſhould be indemnified from the Imperial treaſury. The ſalutary regu⯑lations which guard the future tranquillity of the faithful, are framed on the principles of enlarged and equal toleration; and ſuch an equality muſt have been interpreted by a recent ſect as an ad⯑vantageous and honourable diſtinction. The two emperors proclaim to the world, that they have granted a free and abſolute power to the Chriſ⯑tians, and to all others, of following the religion which each individual thinks proper to prefer, to which he has addicted his mind, and which he may deem the beſt adapted to his own uſe. They carefully explain every ambiguous word, remove every exception, and exact from the governors of the provinces a ſtrict obedience to the true and ſimple meaning of an edict, which was deſigned to eſtabliſh and ſecure, without any limitation, the claims of religious liberty. They condeſcend to aſſign two weighty reaſons which have induced them to allow this univerſal toleration: the hu⯑mane intention of conſulting the peace and hap⯑pineſs [246] of their people; and the pious hope, that, by ſuch a conduct, they ſhall appeaſe and pro⯑pitiate the Deity, whoſe ſeat is in heaven. They gratefully acknowledge the many ſignal proofs which they have received of the divine favour; and they truſt that the ſame Providence will for ever continue to protect the proſperity of the prince and people. From theſe vague and inde⯑finite expreſſions of piety, three ſuppoſitions may be deduced, of a different, but not of an incom⯑patible, nature. The mind of Conſtantine might fluctuate between the Pagan and the Chriſtian re⯑ligions. According to the looſe and complying notions of polytheiſm, he might acknowledge the God of the Chriſtians as one of the many deities who compoſed the hierarchy of heaven. Or per⯑haps he might embrace the philoſophic and pleaſ⯑ing idea, that, notwithſtanding the variety of names, of rites, and of opinions, all the ſects and all the nations of mankind are united in the wor⯑ſhip of the common Father and Creator of the univerſe ¹⁶.

But the counſels of princes are more frequently influenced by views of temporal advantage, than Uſe and beauty of the Chriſt⯑ian mo⯑rality. by conſiderations of abſtract and ſpeculative truth. The partial and increaſing favour of Conſtantine [247] may naturally be referred to the eſteem which he entertained for the moral character of the Chriſ⯑tians; and to a perſuaſion, that the propagation of the goſpel would inculcate the practice of pri⯑vate and public virtue. Whatever latitude an abſolute monarch may aſſume in his own conduct, whatever indulgence he may claim for his own paſſions, it is undoubtedly his intereſt that all his ſubjects ſhould reſpect the natural and civil obliga⯑tions of ſociety. But the operation of the wiſeſt laws is imperfect and precarious. They ſeldom inſpire virtue, they cannot always reſtrain vice. Their power is inſufficient to prohibit all that they condemn, nor can they always puniſh the actions which they prohibit. The legiſlators of antiquity had ſummoned to their aid the powers of educa⯑tion and of opinion. But every principle which had once maintained the vigour and purity of Rome and Sparta, was long ſince extinguiſhed in a declining and deſpotic empire. Philoſophy ſtill exerciſed her temperate ſway over the human mind, but the cauſe of virtue derived very feeble ſupport from the influence of the Pagan ſuperſti⯑tion. Under theſe diſcouraging circumſtances, a prudent magiſtrate might obſerve with pleaſure the progreſs of a religion which diffuſed among the people a pure, benevolent, and univerſal ſyſ⯑tem of ethics, adapted to every duty and every condition of life; recommended as the will and reaſon of the Supreme Deity, and enforced by the ſanction of eternal rewards or puniſhments. The experience of Greek and Roman hiſtory could not inform the world how far the ſyſtem of national [248] manners might be reformed and improved by the precepts of a divine revelation; and Conſtantine might liſten with ſome confidence to the flattering, and indeed reaſonable, aſſurances of Lactantius. The eloquent apologiſt ſeemed firmly to expect, and almoſt ventured to promiſe, that the eſta⯑bliſhment of Chriſtianity would reſtore the inno⯑cence and felicity of the primitive age; that the worſhip of the true God would extinguiſh war and diſſenſion among thoſe who mutually conſidered themſelves as the children of a common parent; that every impure deſire, every angry or ſelfiſh paſſion, would be reſtrained by the knowledge of the goſpel; and that the magiſtrates might ſheath the ſword of juſtice among a people who would be univerſally actuated by the ſentiments of truth and piety, of equity and moderation, of harmony and univerſal love ¹⁷.

The paſſive and unreſiſting obedience, which Theory and prac⯑tice of paſ⯑ſive obedi⯑ence. bows under the yoke of authority, or even of op⯑preſſion, muſt have appeared, in the eyes of an abſolute monarch, the moſt conſpicuous and uſe⯑ful of the evangelic virtues ¹⁸. The primitive Chriſtians derived the inſtitution of civil govern⯑ment, not from the conſent of the people, but from the decrees of heaven. The reigning em⯑peror, though he had uſurped the ſceptre by trea⯑ſon [249] and murder, immediately aſſumed the ſacred character of vicegerent of the Deity. To the Deity alone he was accountable for the abuſe of his power; and his ſubjects were indiſſolubly bound, by their oath of fidelity, to a tyrant, who had violated every law of nature and ſociety. The humble Chriſtians were ſent into the world as ſheep among wolves; and ſince they were not permitted to employ force, even in the defence of their religion, they ſhould be ſtill more criminal if they were tempted to ſhed the blood of their fellow-creatures, in diſputing the vain privileges, or the ſordid poſſeſſions, of this tranſitory life. Faithful to the doctrine of the apoſtle, who in the reign of Nero had preached the duty of un⯑conditional ſubmiſſion, the Chriſtians of the three firſt centuries preſerved their conſcience pure and innocent of the guilt of ſecret conſpiracy, or open rebellion. While they experienced the rigour of perſecution, they were never provoked either to meet their tyrants in the field, or indignantly to withdraw themſelves into ſome remote and ſe⯑queſtered corner of the globe ¹⁹. The proteſtants of France, of Germany, and of Britain, who aſ⯑ſerted with ſuch intrepid courage their civil and religious freedom, have been inſulted by the in⯑vidious compariſon between the conduct of the [250] primitive and of the reformed Chriſtians ²⁰. Per⯑haps, inſtead of cenſure, ſome applauſe may be due to the ſuperior ſenſe and ſpirit of our an⯑ceſtors, who had convinced themſelves that re⯑ligion cannot aboliſh the unalienable rights of human nature ²¹. Perhaps the patience of the primitive church may be aſcribed to its weakneſs, as well as to its virtue. A ſect of unwarlike ple⯑beians, without leaders, without arms, without fortifications, muſt have encountered inevitable deſtruction in a raſh and fruitleſs reſiſtance to the maſter of the Roman legions. But the Chriſtians, when they deprecated the wrath of Diocletian, or ſolicited the favour of Conſtantine, could allege, with truth and confidence, that they held the prin⯑ciple of paſſive obedience, and that, in the ſpace of three centuries, their conduct had always been conformable to their principles. They might add, that the throne of the emperors would be eſtabliſhed on a fixed and permanent baſis, if all their ſubjects embracing the Chriſtian doctrine, ſhould learn to ſuffer and to obey.

In the general order of Providence, princes and Divine right of Conſtan⯑tine. tyrants are conſidered as the miniſters of Heaven, appointed to rule or to chaſtiſe the nations of the earth. But ſacred hiſtory affords many illuſtrious [251] examples of the more immediate interpoſition of the Deity in the government of his choſen people. The ſceptre and the ſword were committed to the hands of Moſes, of Joſhua, of Gideon, of David, of the Maccabees; the virtues of thoſe heroes were the motive or the effect of the Divine favour, the ſucceſs of their arms was deſtined to atchieve the deliverance or the triumph of the church. If the judges of Iſrael were occaſional and tem⯑porary magiſtrates, the kings of Judah derived from the royal unction of their great anceſtor, an hereditary and indefeaſible right, which could not be forfeited by their own vices, nor recalled by the caprice of their ſubjects. The ſame extraor⯑dinary providence, which was no longer confined to the Jewiſh people, might elect Conſtantine and his family as the protectors of the Chriſtian world; and the devout Lactantius announces, in a pro⯑phetic tone, the future glories of his long and univerſal reign ²². Galerius and Maximin, Max⯑entius and Licinius, were the rivals who ſhared with the favourite of heaven the provinces of the empire. The tragic deaths of Galerius and Maxi⯑min ſoon gratified the reſentment, and fulfilled the ſanguine expectations, of the Chriſtians. The ſucceſs of Conſtantine againſt Maxentius and Li⯑cinius, removed the two formidable competitors who ſtill oppoſed the triumph of the ſecond David, and his cauſe might ſeem to claim the peculiar interpoſition of Providence. The cha⯑racter [252] of the Roman tyrant diſgraced the purple and human nature; and though the Chriſtians might enjoy his precarious favour, they were ex⯑poſed, with the reſt of his ſubjects, to the effects of his wanton and capricious cruelty. The con⯑duct of Licinius ſoon betrayed the reluctance with which he had conſented to the wiſe and hu⯑mane regulations of the edict of Milan. The convocation of provincial ſynods was prohibited in his dominions; his Chriſtian officers were ig⯑nominiouſly diſmiſſed; and if he avoided the guilt, or rather danger, of a general perſecution, his partial oppreſſions were rendered ſtill more odious, by the violation of a ſolemn and volun⯑tary engagement ²³. While the Eaſt, according to the lively expreſſion of Euſebius, was involved in the ſhades of infernal darkneſs, the auſpicious rays of celeſtial light warmed and illuminated the provinces of the Weſt. The piety of Conſtantine was admitted as an unexceptionable proof of the juſtice of his arms; and his uſe of victory con⯑firmed the opinion of the Chriſtians, that their hero was inſpired, and conducted, by the Lord of Hoſts. The conqueſt of Italy produced a gene⯑ral edict of toleration: and as ſoon as the defeat of Licinius had inveſted Conſtantine with the ſole dominion of the Roman world, he immediately, A. D. 324. by circular letters, exhorted all his ſubjects to imitate, without delay, the example of their ſove⯑reign, [253] and to embrace the divine truth of Chriſti⯑anity ²⁴.

The aſſurance that the elevation of Conſtan⯑tine Loyalty and zeal of the Chriſt⯑ian party. was intimately connected with the deſigns of Providence, inſtilled into the minds of the Chriſt⯑ians two opinions, which, by very different means, aſſiſted the accompliſhment of the prophecy. Their warm and active loyalty exhauſted in his favour every reſource of human induſtry; and they confidently expected that their ſtrenuous ef⯑forts would be ſeconded by ſome divine and mira⯑culous aid. The enemies of Conſtantine have imputed to intereſted motives the alliance which he inſenſibly contracted with the Catholic church, and which apparently contributes to the ſucceſs of his ambition. In the beginning of the fourth century, the Chriſtians ſtill bore a very inadequate proportion to the inhabitants of the empire; but among a degenerate people, who viewed the change of maſters with the indifference of ſlaves, the ſpirit and union of a religious party might aſ⯑ſiſt the popular leader, to whoſe ſervice, from a principle of conſcience, they had devoted their lives and fortunes ²⁵. The example of his father had inſtructed Conſtantine to eſteem and to re⯑ward the merit of the Chriſtians; and in the diſ⯑tribution [254] of public offices, he had the advantage of ſtrengthening his government, by the choice of miniſters or generals, in whoſe fidelity he could repoſe a juſt and unreſerved confidence. By the influence of theſe dignified miſſionaries, the pro⯑ſelytes of the new faith muſt have multiplied in the court and army; the Barbarians of Germany, who filled the ranks of the legions, were of a care⯑leſs temper, which acquieſced without reſiſtance in the religion of their commander; and when they paſſed the Alps, it may fairly be preſumed, that a great number of the ſoldiers had already conſecrated their ſwords to the ſervice of Chriſt and of Conſtantine ²⁶. The habits of mankind, and the intereſt of religion, gradually abated the horror of war and bloodſhed, which had ſo long prevailed among the Chriſtians; and in the coun⯑cils which were aſſembled under the gracious pro⯑tection of Conſtantine, the authority of the biſhops was ſeaſonably employed to ratify the obligation of the military oath, and to inflict the penalty of excommunication on thoſe ſoldiers who threw away their arms during the peace of the church ²⁷. While Conſtantine, in his own dominions, en⯑creaſed the number and zeal of his faithful ad⯑herents, he could depend on the ſupport of a [255] powerful faction in thoſe provinces, which were ſtill poſſeſſed or uſurped by his rivals. A ſecret diſaffection was diffuſed among the Chriſtian ſubjects of Maxentius and Licinius; and the re⯑ſentment which the latter did not attempt to con⯑ceal, ſerved only to engage them ſtill more deeply in the intereſt of his competitor. The regular correſpondence which connected the biſhops of the moſt diſtant provinces, enabled them freely to communicate their wiſhes and their deſigns, and to tranſmit without danger any uſeful intelli⯑gence, or any pious contributions, which might promote the ſervice of Conſtantine, who publicly declared that he had taken up arms for the deli⯑verance of the church ²⁸.

The enthuſiaſm which inſpired the troops, and Expecta⯑tion and belief of a miracle. perhaps the emperor himſelf, had ſharpened their ſwords while it ſatisfied their conſcience. They marched to battle with the full aſſurance, that the ſame God, who had formerly opened a paſſage to the Iſraelites through the waters of Jordan, and had thrown down the walls of Jericho at the ſound of the trumpets of Joſhua, would diſplay his vi⯑ſible majeſty and power in the victory of Conſtan⯑tine. The evidence of eccleſiaſtical hiſtory is pre⯑pared [256] to affirm, that their expectations were juſti⯑fied by the conſpicuous miracle to which the converſion of the firſt Chriſtian emperor has been almoſt unanimouſly aſcribed. The real or ima⯑ginary cauſe of ſo important an event, deſerves and demands the attention of poſterity; and I ſhall endeavour to form a juſt eſtimate of the fa⯑mous viſion of Conſtantine, by a diſtinct conſi⯑deration of the ſtandard, the dream, and the celeſtial ſign; by ſeparating the hiſtorical, the natural, and the marvellous parts of this extraordinary ſtory, which, in the compoſition of a ſpecious argument, have been artfully confounded in one ſplendid and brittle maſs.

I. An inſtrument of the tortures which were in⯑flicted The Laba⯑rum, or ſtandard of the croſs. only on ſlaves and ſtrangers, became an object of horror in the eyes of a Roman citizen; and the ideas of guilt, of pain, and of ignominy, were cloſely united with the idea of the croſs ²⁹. The piety, rather than the humanity, of Conſtan⯑tine, ſoon aboliſhed in his dominions the puniſh⯑ment which the Saviour of mankind had conde⯑ſcended to ſuffer ³⁰; but the emperor had already [257] learned to deſpiſe the prejudices of his education, and of his people, before he could erect in the midſt of Rome his own ſtatue, bearing a croſs in its right hand; with an inſcription, which referred the victory of his arms, and the deliverance of Rome, to the virtue of that ſalutary ſign, the true ſymbol of force and courage ³¹. The ſame ſym⯑bol ſanctified the arms of the ſoldiers of Conſtan⯑tine; the croſs glittered on their helmet, was en⯑graved on their ſhields, was interwoven into their banners; and the conſecrated emblems which adorned the perſon of the emperor himſelf, were diſtinguiſhed only by richer materials and more exquiſite workmanſhip ³². But the principal ſtandard which diſplayed the triumph of the croſs was ſtiled the Labarum ³³, an obſcure, though [258] celebrated name, which has been vainly derived from almoſt all the languages of the world. It is deſcribed ³⁴ as a long pike interſected by a tranſ⯑verſal beam. The ſilken veil which hung down from the beam, was curiouſly enwrought with the images of the reigning monarch and his children. The ſummit of the pike ſupported a crown of gold which incloſed the myſterious monogram, at once expreſſive of the figure of the croſs, and the initial letters of the name of Chriſt ³⁵. The ſafety of the labarum was entruſted to fifty guards, of approved valour and fidelity; their ſtation was marked by honours and emoluments; and ſome fortunate accidents ſoon introduced an opinion, that as long as the guards of the labarum were engaged in the execution of their office, they were ſecure and invulnerable amidſt the darts of the enemy. In the ſecond civil war Licinius felt and dreaded the power of this conſecrated banner, the ſight of which, in the diſtreſs of battle, animated the ſoldiers of Conſtantine with an invincible en⯑thuſiaſm, and ſcattered terror and diſmay through the ranks of the adverſe legions ³⁶. The Chriſtian [259] emperors, who reſpected the example of Conſtan⯑tine, diſplayed in all their military expeditions the ſtandard of the croſs; but when the degenerate ſucceſſors of Theodoſius had ceaſed to appear in perſon at the head of their armies, the labarum was depoſited as a venerable but uſeleſs relic in the palace of Conſtantinople ³⁷. Its honours are ſtill preſerved on the medals of the Flavian fa⯑mily. Their grateful devotion has placed the monogram of Chriſt in the midſt of the enſigns of Rome. The ſolemn epithets of, ſafety of the re⯑public, glory of the army, reſtoration of public happineſs, are equally applied to the religious and military trophies; and there is ſtill extant a medal of the emperor Conſtantius, where the ſtandard of the labarum is accompanied with theſe memorable words, BY THIS SIGN THOU SHALT CONQUER ³⁸.

II. In all occaſions of danger or diſtreſs, it was The dream of Con⯑ſtantine. the practice of the primitive Chriſtians to fortify their minds and bodies by the ſign of the croſs, which they uſed, in all their eccleſiaſtical rites, in [260] all the daily occurrences of life, as an infallible preſervative againſt every ſpecies of ſpiritual or temporal evil ³⁹. The authority of the church might alone have had ſufficient weight to juſtify the devotion of Conſtantine, who in the ſame prudent and gradual progreſs acknowledged the truth, and aſſumed the ſymbol, of Chriſtianity. But the teſtimony of a contemporary writer, who in a formal treatiſe has avenged the cauſe of reli⯑gion, beſtows on the piety of the emperor a more awful and ſublime character. He affirms with the moſt perfect confidence, that in the night which preceded the laſt battle againſt Maxentius, Conſtantine was admoniſhed in a dream to inſcribe the ſhields of his ſoldiers with the celeſtial ſign of God, the ſacred monogram of the name of Chriſt; that he executed the commands of heaven, and that his valour and obedience were rewarded by the deciſive victory of the Milvian bridge. Some conſiderations might perhaps incline a ſceptical mind to ſuſpect the judgment or the veracity of the rhetorician, whoſe pen, either from zeal or intereſt, was devoted to the cauſe of the prevail⯑ing faction ⁴⁰. He appears to have publiſhed his [261] deaths of the perſecutors at Nicomedia about three years after the Roman victory; but the in⯑terval of a thouſand miles, and a thouſand days, will allow an ample latitude for the invention of declaimers, the credulity of party, and the tacit approbation of the emperor himſelf; who might liſten without indignation to a marvellous tale, which exalted his fame, and promoted his de⯑ſigns. In favour of Licinius, who ſtill diſſembled his animoſity to the Chriſtians, the ſame author has provided a ſimilar viſion, of a form of prayer, which was communicated by an angel, and re⯑peated by the whole army before they engaged the legions of the tyrant Maximin. The frequent repetition of miracles ſerves to provoke, where it does not ſubdue, the reaſon of mankind ⁴¹; but if the dream of Conſtantine is ſeparately conſider⯑ed, it may be naturally explained either by the policy or the enthuſiaſm of the emperor. Whilſt his anxiety for the approaching day, which muſt decide the fate of the empire, was ſuſpended by a ſhort and interrupted ſlumber, the venerable [262] form of Chriſt, and the well-known ſymbol of his religion, might forcibly offer themſelves to the active fancy of a prince who reverenced the name, and had perhaps ſecretly implored the power, of the God of the Chriſtians. As readily might a conſummate ſtateſman indulge himſelf in the uſe of one of thoſe military ſtratagems, one of thoſe pious frauds, which Philip and Sertorius had employed with ſuch art and effect ⁴². The prae⯑ternatural origin of dreams was univerſally ad⯑mitted by the nations of antiquity, and a conſider⯑able part of the Gallic army was already prepared to place their confidence in the ſalutary ſign of the Chriſtian religion. The ſecret viſion of Con⯑ſtantine could be diſproved only by the event; and the intrepid hero who had paſſed the Alps and the Apennine, might view with careleſs deſpair the conſequences of a defeat under the walls of Rome. The ſenate and people, exulting in their own deliverance from an odious tyrant, acknow⯑ledged that the victory of Conſtantine ſurpaſſed the powers of man, without daring to inſinuate that it had been obtained by the protection of the Gods. The triumphal arch, which was erected [263] about three years after the event, proclaims, in ambiguous language, that, by the greatneſs of his own mind, and by an inſtinct or impulſe of the Divinity, he had ſaved and avenged the Roman republic ⁴³. The Pagan orator, who had ſeized an earlier opportunity of celebrating the virtues of the conqueror, ſuppoſes that he alone enjoyed a ſecret and intimate commerce with the Supreme Being, who delegated the care of mortals to his ſubordinate deities; and thus aſſigns a very plau⯑ſible reaſon why the ſubjects of Conſtantine ſhould not preſume to embrace the new religion of their ſovereign ⁴⁴.

III. The philoſopher, who with calm ſuſpicion Appear⯑ance of a croſs in the ſky. examines the dreams and omens, the miracles and prodigies, of profane or even of eccleſiaſtical hiſtory, will probably conclude, that if the eyes of the ſpectators have ſometimes been deceived by fraud, the underſtanding of the readers has much more frequently been inſulted by fiction. Every event, or appearance, or accident, which ſeems to deviate from the ordinary courſe of na⯑ture, has been raſhly aſcribed to the immediate action of the Deity; and the aſtoniſhed fancy of the multitude has ſometimes given ſhape and co⯑lour, language and motion, to the fleeting but [264] uncommon meteors of the air ⁴⁵. Nazarius and Euſebius are the two moſt celebrated orators, who in ſtudied panegyrics have laboured to exalt the glory of Conſtantine. Nine years after the Ro⯑man victory, Nazarius ⁴⁶ deſcribes an army of di⯑vine A. D. 321. warriors, who ſeemed to fall from the ſky: he marks their beauty, their ſpirit, their gigantic forms, the ſtream of light which beamed from their celeſtial armour, their patience in ſuffering themſelves to be heard, as well as ſeen, by mor⯑tals; and their declaration that they were ſent, that they flew, to the aſſiſtance of the great Con⯑ſtantine. For the truth of this prodigy, the Pagan orator appeals to the whole Gallic nation, in whoſe preſence he was then ſpeaking; and ſeems to hope that the ancient apparitions ⁴⁷ would now obtain credit from this recent and public event. The Chriſtian fable of Euſebius, which, in the ſpace of twenty-ſix years, might ariſe from the A. D. 338. original dream, is caſt in a much more correct and elegant mould. In one of the marches of Conſtantine, he is reported to have ſeen with his [265] own eyes the luminous trophy of the croſs, placed above the meridian ſun, and inſcribed with the following words: BY THIS, CONQUER. This amaz⯑ing object in the ſky aſtoniſhed the whole army, as well as the emperor himſelf, who was yet un⯑determined in the choice of a religion; but his aſtoniſhment was converted into faith by the vi⯑ſion of the enſuing night. Chriſt appeared be⯑fore his eyes; and diſplaying the ſame celeſtial ſign of the croſs, he directed Conſtantine to frame a ſimilar ſtandard, and to march, with an aſſur⯑ance of victory, againſt Maxentius and all his enemies ⁴⁸. The learned biſhop of Caeſarea ap⯑pears to be ſenſible, that the recent diſcovery of this marvellous anecdote would excite ſome ſur⯑priſe and diſtruſt among the moſt pious of his readers. Yet, inſtead of aſcertaining the preciſe circumſtances of time and place, which always ſerve to detect falſehood, or eſtabliſh truth ⁴⁹; inſtead of collecting and recording the evidence of ſo many living witneſſes, who muſt have been ſpectators of this ſtupendous miracle ⁵⁰; Euſebius contents himſelf with alleging a very ſingular teſtimony; that of the deceaſed Conſtantine, who, many years after the event, in the freedom of con⯑verſation, [266] had related to him this extraordinary incident of his own life, and had atteſted the truth of it by a ſolemn oath. The prudence and gra⯑titude of the learned prelate forbade him to ſuſpect the veracity of his victorious maſter; but he plainly intimates, that, in a fact of ſuch a na⯑ture, he ſhould have refuſed his aſſent to any meaner authority. This motive of credibility could not ſurvive the power of the Flavian fa⯑mily; and the celeſtial ſign, which the Infidels might afterwards deride ⁵¹, was diſregarded by the Chriſtians of the age which immediately fol⯑lowed the converſion of Conſtantine ⁵². But the Catholic church, both of the Eaſt and of the Weſt, has adopted a prodigy which favours, or ſeems to favour, the popular worſhip of the croſs. The viſion of Conſtantine maintained an honourable place in the legend of ſuperſtition, till the bold and ſagacious ſpirit of criticiſm preſumed to de⯑preciate the triumph, and to arraign the truth, of the firſt Chriſtian emperor ⁵³.

[267] The proteſtant and philoſophic readers of the preſent age will incline to believe, that, in the ac⯑count of his own converſion, Conſtantine atteſted The con⯑verſion of Conſtan⯑tine might be ſincere. a wilful falſehood by a ſolemn and deliberate per⯑jury. They may not heſitate to pronounce, that, in the choice of a religion, his mind was deter⯑mined only by a ſenſe of intereſt; and that (ac⯑cording to the expreſſion of a profane poet ⁵⁴) he uſed the altars of the church as a convenient foot⯑ſtool to the throne of the empire. A concluſion ſo harſh and ſo abſolute is not, however, warrant⯑ed by our knowledge of human nature, of Con⯑ſtantine, or of Chriſtianity. In an age of religious fervour, the moſt artful ſtateſmen are obſerved to feel ſome part of the enthuſiaſm which they in⯑ſpire; and the moſt orthodox ſaints aſſume the dangerous privilege of defending the cauſe of [268] truth by the arms of deceit and falſehood. Per⯑ſonal intereſt is often the ſtandard of our belief, as well as of our practice; and the ſame motives of temporal advantage which might influence the public conduct and profeſſions of Conſtantine, would inſenſibly diſpoſe his mind to embrace a religion ſo propitious to his fame and fortunes. His vanity was gratified by the flattering aſſurance, that he had been choſen by Heaven to reign over the earth; ſucceſs had juſtified his divine title to the throne, and that title was founded on the truth of the Chriſtian revelation. As real virtue is ſometimes excited by undeſerved applauſe, the ſpecious piety of Conſtantine, if at firſt it was only ſpecious, might gradually, by the influence of praiſe, of habit, and of example, be matured into ſerious faith and fervent devotion. The biſhops and teachers of the new ſect, whoſe dreſs and man⯑ners had not qualified them for the reſidence of a court, were admitted to the Imperial table; they accompanied the monarch in his expeditions; and the aſcendant which one of them, an Egyp⯑tian or a Spaniard ⁵⁵, acquired over his mind, was imputed by the Pagans to the effect of magic ⁵⁶. Lactantius, who has adorned the precepts of the [269] goſpel with the eloquence of Cicero ⁵⁷; and Eu⯑ſebius, who has conſecrated the learning and phi⯑loſophy of the Greeks to the ſervice of religion ⁵⁸, were both received into the friendſhip and fami⯑liarity of their ſovereign: and thoſe able maſters of controverſy could patiently watch the ſoft and yielding moments of perſuaſion, and dexterouſly apply the arguments which were the beſt adapted to his character and underſtanding. Whatever advantages might be derived from the acquiſition of an Imperial proſelyte, he was diſtinguiſhed by the ſplendour of his purple, rather than by the ſuperiority of wiſdom or virtue, from the many thouſands of his ſubjects who had embraced the doctrines of Chriſtianity. Nor can it be deemed incredible, that the mind of an unlettered ſoldier ſhould have yielded to the weight of evidence, which, in a more enlightened age, has ſatisfied or ſubdued the reaſon of a Grotius, a Paſcal, or a Locke. In the midſt of the inceſſant labours of his great office, this ſoldier employed, or affected to employ, the hours of the night in the diligent ſtudy of the Scriptures, and the compoſition of theological diſcourſes; which he afterwards pro⯑nounced in the preſence of a numerous and applauding audience. In a very long diſcourſe, [270] which is ſtill extant, the royal preacher expatiates on the various proofs of religion; but he dwells with peculiar complacency on the Sybilline verſes ⁵⁹, and the fourth eclogue of Virgil ⁶⁰. The fourth eclogue of Virgil. Forty years before the birth of Chriſt, the Man⯑tuan bard, as if inſpired by the celeſtial muſe of Iſaiah, had celebrated, with all the pomp of Ori⯑ental metaphor, the return of the Virgin, the fall of the ſerpent, the approaching birth of a godlike child, the offspring of the great Jupiter, who ſhould expiate the guilt of human kind, and go⯑vern the peaceful univerſe with the virtues of his father; the riſe and appearance of an heavenly race, a primitive nation throughout the world; and the gradual reſtoration of the innocence and felicity of the golden age. The poet was perhaps unconſcious of the ſecret ſenſe and object of theſe ſublime predictions, which have been ſo unworthily applied to the infant ſon of a conſul, or a trium⯑vir ⁶¹: but if a more ſplendid, and indeed ſpecious, interpretation of the fourth eclogue contributed to the converſion of the firſt Chriſtian emperor, Vir⯑gil [271] may deſerve to be ranked among the moſt ſuc⯑ceſsful miſſionaries of the goſpel ⁶².

The awful myſteries of the Chriſtian faith and Devotion and privi⯑leges of Conſtan⯑tine. worſhip were concealed from the eyes of ſtrangers, and even of catechumens, with an affected ſe⯑crecy, which ſerved to excite their wonder and curioſity ⁶³. But the ſevere rules of diſcipline which the prudence of the biſhops had inſtituted, were relaxed by the ſame prudence in favour of an Imperial proſelyte, whom it was ſo important to allure, by every gentle condeſcenſion, into the pale of the church; and Conſtantine was per⯑mitted, at leaſt by a tacit diſpenſation, to enjoy moſt of the privileges, before he had contracted any of the obligations, of a Chriſtian. Inſtead of retiring from the congregation, when the voice of the deacon diſmiſſed the profane multitude, he prayed with the faithful, diſputed with the biſhops, preached on the moſt ſublime and intricate ſub⯑jects of theology, celebrated with ſacred rites the vigil of Eaſter, and publicly declared himſelf, not only a partaker, but, in ſome meaſure, a prieſt [272] and hierophant of the Chriſtian myſteries ⁶⁴. The pride of Conſtantine might aſſume, and his ſer⯑vices had deſerved, ſome extraordinary diſtinction: an ill-timed rigour might have blaſted the un⯑ripened fruits of his converſion; and if the doors of the church had been ſtrictly cloſed againſt a prince who had deſerted the altars of the gods, the maſter of the empire would have been left deſtitute of any form of religious worſhip. In his laſt viſit to Rome, he piouſly diſclaimed and in⯑ſulted the ſuperſtition of his anceſtors, by refuſing to lead the military proceſſion of the equeſtrian order, and to offer the public vows to the Jupiter of the Capitoline Hill ⁶⁵. Many years before his baptiſm and death, Conſtantine had proclaimed to the world, that neither his perſon nor his image ſhould ever more be ſeen within the walls of an idolatrous temple; while he diſtributed through the provinces a variety of medals and pictures, which repreſented the emperor in an humble and ſuppliant poſture of Chriſtian devo⯑tion ⁶⁶.

The pride of Conſtantine, who refuſed the pri⯑vileges Delay of his baptiſm till the ap⯑proach of death. of a catechumen, cannot eaſily be ex⯑plained or excuſed; but the delay of his baptiſm may be juſtified by the maxims and the practice of eccleſiaſtical antiquity. The ſacrament of bap⯑tiſm ⁶⁷ [273] was regularly adminiſtered by the biſhop himſelf, with his aſſiſtant clergy, in the cathedral church of the dioceſe, during the fifty days between the ſolemn feſtivals of Eaſter and Pen⯑tecoſt; and this holy term admitted a numerous band of infants and adult perſons into the boſom of the church. The diſcretion of parents often ſuſpended the baptiſm of their children till they could underſtand the obligations which they con⯑tracted: the ſeverity of ancient biſhops exacted from the new converts a noviciate of two or three years; and the catechumens themſelves, from different motives of a temporal or a ſpiritual na⯑ture, were ſeldom impatient to aſſume the cha⯑racter of perfect and initiated Chriſtians. The ſacrament of baptiſm was ſuppoſed to contain a full and abſolute expiation of ſin; and the ſoul was inſtantly reſtored to its original purity, and entitled to the promiſe of eternal ſalvation. Among the proſelytes of Chriſtianity, there were many who judged it imprudent to precipitate a ſalutary rite, which could not be repeated; to throw away an ineſtimable privilege, which could never be recovered. By the delay of their baptiſm, they could venture freely to indulge their paſſions in [274] the enjoyment of this world, while they ſtill re⯑tained in their own hands the means of a ſure and eaſy abſolution ⁶⁸. The ſublime theory of the goſpel had made a much fainter impreſſion on the heart than on the underſtanding of Conſtantine himſelf. He purſued the great object of his am⯑bition through the dark and bloody paths of war and policy; and, after the victory, he abandoned himſelf, without moderation, to the abuſe of his fortune. Inſtead of aſſerting his juſt ſuperiority above the imperfect heroiſm and prophane phi⯑loſophy of Trajan and the Antonines, the mature age of Conſtantine forfeited the reputation which he had acquired in his youth. As he gradually advanced in the knowledge of truth, he propor⯑tionably declined in the practice of virtue; and the ſame year of his reign in which he convened the council of Nice, was polluted by the execution, or rather murder, of his eldeſt ſon. This date is alone ſufficient to refute the ignorant and mali⯑cious [275] ſuggeſtions of Zoſimus ⁶⁹, who affirms, that, after the death of Criſpus, the remorſe of his fa⯑ther accepted from the miniſters of Chriſtianity the expiation which he had vainly ſolicited from the Pagan pontiffs. At the time of the death of Criſpus, the emperor could no longer heſitate in the choice of a religion; he could no longer be ignorant that the church was poſſeſſed of an in⯑fallible remedy, though he choſe to defer the ap⯑plication of it, till the approach of death had removed the temptation and danger of a relapſe. The biſhops, whom he ſummoned, in his laſt illneſs, to the palace of Nicomedia, were edified by the fervour with which he requeſted and re⯑ceived the ſacrament of baptiſm, by the ſolemn proteſtation that the remainder of his life ſhould be worthy of a diſciple of Chriſt, and by his hum⯑ble refuſal to wear the Imperial purple after he had been clothed in the white garment of a Neo⯑phyte. The example and reputation of Conſtan⯑tine ſeemed to countenance the delay of bap⯑tiſm ⁷⁰. Future tyrants were encouraged to be⯑lieve, that the innocent blood which they might ſhed in a long reign would inſtantly be waſhed away in the waters of regeneration; and the abuſe of religion dangerouſly undermined the founda⯑tions of moral virtue.

[276] The gratitude of the church has exalted the virtues and excuſed the failings of a generous patron, who ſeated Chriſtianity on the throne of Propaga⯑tion of Chriſtian⯑ity. the Roman world; and the Greeks, who cele⯑brate the feſtival of the Imperial ſaint, ſeldom mention the name of Conſtantine without adding the title of equal to the Apoſtles ⁷¹. Such a com⯑pariſon, if it alludes to the character of thoſe di⯑vine miſſionaries, muſt be imputed to the extra⯑vagance of impious flattery. But if the parallel is confined to the extent and number of their evangelic victories, the ſucceſs of Conſtantine might perhaps equal that of the Apoſtles them⯑ſelves. By the edicts of toleration, he removed the temporal diſadvantages which had hitherto retarded the progreſs of Chriſtianity; and its active and numerous miniſters received a free per⯑miſſion, a liberal encouragement, to recommend the ſalutary truths of revelation by every argu⯑ment which could affect the reaſon or piety of mankind. The exact balance of the two religions continued but a moment; and the piercing eye of ambition and avarice ſoon diſcovered, that the profeſſion of Chriſtianity might contri⯑bute to the intereſt of the preſent, as well as of a future, life ⁷². The hopes of wealth and honours, the example of an emperor, his exhortations, his [277] irreſiſtible ſmiles, diffuſed conviction among the venal and obſequious crowds which uſually fill the apartments of a palace. The cities which ſignalized a forward zeal, by the voluntary de⯑ſtruction of their temples, were diſtinguiſhed by municipal privileges, and rewarded with popular donatives; and the new capital of the Eaſt gloried in the ſingular advantage, that Conſtantinople was never profaned by the worſhip of idols ⁷³. As the lower ranks of ſociety are governed by imitation, the converſion of thoſe who poſſeſſed any eminence of birth, of power, or of riches, was ſoon followed by dependent multitudes ⁷⁴. The ſalvation of the common people was purchaſed at an eaſy rate, if it be true, that, in one year, twelve thouſand men were baptized at Rome, be⯑ſides a proportionable number of women and children; and that a white garment, with twenty pieces of gold, had been promiſed by the em⯑peror [278] to every convert ⁷⁵. The powerful influence of Conſtantine was not circumſcribed by the nar⯑row limits of his life, or of his dominions. The education which he beſtowed on his ſons and nephews, ſecured to the empire a race of princes, whoſe faith was ſtill more lively and ſincere, as they imbibed, in their earlieſt infancy, the ſpirit, or at leaſt the doctrine, of Chriſtianity. War and commerce had ſpread the knowledge of the goſpel beyond the confines of the Roman provinces; and the Barbarians, who had diſdained an humble and proſcribed ſect, ſoon learned to eſteem a religion which had been ſo lately embraced by the greateſt monarch and the moſt civilized na⯑tion of the globe ⁷⁶. The Goths and Germans, who enliſted under the ſtandard of Rome, re⯑vered the croſs which glittered at the head of the legions, and their fierce countrymen received at the ſame time the leſſons of faith and of humanity. The kings of Iberia and Armenia worſhipped the [279] God of their protector; and their ſubjects, who have invariably preſerved the name of Chriſtians, ſoon formed a ſacred and perpetual connection with their Roman brethren. The Chriſtians of Perſia were ſuſpected, in time of war, of prefer⯑ring their religion to their country; but as long as peace ſubſiſted between the two empires, the perſecuting ſpirit of the Magi was effectually re⯑ſtrained by the interpoſition of Conſtantine ⁷⁷. The rays of the goſpel illuminated the coaſt of In⯑dia. The colonies of Jews, who had penetrated into Arabia and Aethiopia ⁷⁸, oppoſed the progreſs of Chriſtianity; but the labour of the miſſionaries was in ſome meaſure facilitated by a previous knowledge of the Moſaic revelation; and Abyſ⯑ſinia ſtill reveres the memory of Frumentius, who, in the time of Conſtantine, devoted his life to the converſion of thoſe ſequeſtered regions. Under the reign of his ſon Conſtantius, Theophilus ⁷⁹, who was himſelf of Indian extraction, was in⯑veſted with the double character of ambaſſador [280] and biſhop. He embarked on the Red Sea with two hundred horſes of the pureſt breed of Cappa⯑docia, which were ſent by the emperor to the prince of the Sabaeans, or Homerites. Theo⯑philus was entruſted with many other uſeful or cu⯑rious preſents, which might raiſe the admiration, and conciliate the friendſhip, of the Barbarians; and he ſucceſsfully employed ſeveral years in a paſtoral viſit to the churches of the torrid zone ⁸⁰.

The irreſiſtible power of the Roman emperors Change of the nation⯑al religion. was diſplayed in the important and dangerous change of the national religion. The terrors of a military force ſilenced the faint and unſupported murmurs of the Pagans, and there was reaſon to expect, that the cheerful ſubmiſſion of the Chriſtian clergy, as well as people, would be the reſult of conſcience and gratitude. It was long ſince eſtabliſhed, as a fundamental maxim of the Ro⯑man conſtitution, that every rank of citizens were alike ſubject to the laws, and that the care of religion was the right as well as duty of the civil magiſtrate. Conſtantine and his ſucceſſors could not eaſily perſuade themſelves that they had forfeited, by their converſion, any branch of the Imperial prerogatives, or that they were incapable of giving laws to a religion which they had pro⯑tected and embraced. The emperors ſtill con⯑tinued to exerciſe a ſupreme juriſdiction over the eccleſiaſtical order; and the ſixteenth book of the A. D. 312—438. [281] Theodoſian code repreſents, under a variety of titles, the authority which they aſſumed in the government of the Catholic church.

But the diſtinction of the ſpiritual and temporal Diſtinction of the ſpi⯑ritual and temporal powers. powers ⁸¹, which had never been impoſed on the free ſpirit of Greece and Rome, was introduced and con⯑firmed by the legal eſtabliſhment of Chriſtianity. The office of ſupreme pontiff, which, from the time of Numa to that of Auguſtus, had always been exerciſed by one of the moſt eminent of the ſenators, was at length united to the Imperial dignity. The firſt magiſtrate of the ſtate, as often as he was prompted by ſuperſtition or policy, performed with his own hands the ſacerdotal func⯑tions ⁸²; nor was there any order of prieſts, either at Rome or in the provinces, who claimed a more ſacred character among men, or a more intimate communication with the Gods. But in the Chriſtian church, which entruſts the ſervice of the altar to a perpetual ſucceſſion of conſecrated mi⯑niſters, the monarch, whoſe ſpiritual rank is leſs honourable than that of the meaneſt deacon, was ſeated below the rails of the ſanctuary, and con⯑founded with the reſt of the faithful multitude ⁸³. [282] The emperor might be ſaluted as the father of his people, but he owed a filial duty and reverence to the fathers of the church; and the ſame marks of reſpect, which Conſtantine had paid to the per⯑ſons of ſaints and confeſſors, were ſoon exacted by the pride of the epiſcopal order ⁸⁴. A ſecret con⯑flict between the civil and eccleſiaſtical juriſdic⯑tions, embarraſed the operations of the Roman government; and a pious emperor was alarmed by the guilt and danger of touching with a pro⯑fane hand the ark of the covenant. The ſeparation of men into the two orders of the clergy and of the laity was, indeed, familiar to many nations of an⯑tiquity; and the prieſts of India, of Perſia, of Aſ⯑ſyria, of Judea, of Aethiopia, of Egypt, and of Gaul, derived from a celeſtial origin the temporal power and poſſeſſions which they had acquired. Theſe venerable inſtitutions had gradually aſſimilated themſelves to the manners and government of their reſpective countries ⁸⁵; but the oppoſition or [283] contempt of the civil power ſerved to cement the diſcipline of the primitive church. The Chriſti⯑ans had been obliged to elect their own magiſtrates, to raiſe and diſtribute a peculiar revenue, and to regulate the internal policy of their republic by a code of laws, which were ratified by the conſent of the people, and the practice of three hundred years. When Conſtantine embraced the faith of the Chriſtians, he ſeemed to contract a perpetual alliance with a diſtinct and independent ſociety; and the privileges granted or confirmed by that emperor, or by his ſucceſſors, were accepted, not as the precarious favours of the court, but as the juſt and inalienable rights of the eccleſiaſtical order.

The Catholic church was adminiſtered by the State of the biſhops under the Chriſtian emperors. ſpiritual and legal juriſdiction of eighteen hundred biſhops ⁸⁶; of whom one thouſand were ſeated in the Greek, and eight hundred in the Latin, pro⯑vinces of the empire. The extent and boundaries of their reſpective dioceſes, had been variouſly and accidentally decided by the zeal and ſucceſs of the firſt miſſionaries, by the wiſhes of the people, and by the propagation of the goſpel. Epiſcopal churches were cloſely planted along the banks of the Nile, on the ſea-coaſt of Africa, in the pro⯑conſular [284] Aſia, and through the ſouthern provinces of Italy. The biſhops of Gaul and Spain, of Thrace and Pontus, reigned over an ample ter⯑ritory, and delegated their rural ſuffragans to exe⯑cute the ſubordinate duties of the paſtoral office ⁸⁷. A Chriſtian dioceſe might be ſpread over a pro⯑vince, or reduced to a village; but all the biſhops poſſeſſed an equal and indelible character: they all derived the ſame powers and privileges from the apoſtles, from the people, and from the laws. While the civil and military, profeſſions were ſe⯑parated by the policy of Conſtantine, a new and perpetual order of eccleſiaſtical miniſters, always reſpectable, ſometimes dangerous, was eſtabliſhed in the church and ſtate. The important review of their ſtation and attributes may be diſtributed under the following heads: I. Popular election. II. Ordination of the clergy. III. Property. IV. Civil juriſdiction. V. Spiritual cenſures. VI. Exerciſe of public oratory. VII. Privilege of legiſlative aſſemblies.

I. The freedom of elections ſubſiſted long after 1. Election of biſhops. the legal eſtabliſhment of Chriſtianity ⁸⁸; and the [285] ſubjects of Rome enjoyed in the church the pri⯑vilege which they had loſt in the republic, of chuſing the magiſtrates whom they were bound to obey. As ſoon as a biſhop had cloſed his eyes, the metropolitan iſſued a commiſſion to one of his ſuffragans to adminiſter the vacant ſee, and prepare, within a limited time, the future elec⯑tion. The right of voting was veſted in the in⯑ferior clergy, who were beſt qualified to judge of the merit of the candidates; in the ſenators or nobles of the city, all thoſe who were diſtinguiſhed by their rank or property; and finally in the whole body of the people, who, on the appointed day, flocked in multitudes from the moſt remote parts of the dioceſe ⁸⁹, and ſometimes ſilenced, by their tumultuous acclamations, the voice of reaſon, and the laws of diſcipline. Theſe acclamations might accidentally fix on the head of the moſt deſerving competitor; of ſome ancient preſbyter, ſome holy monk, or ſome layman, conſpicuous for his zeal and piety. But the epiſcopal chair was ſolicited, eſpecially in the great and opulent cities of the empire, as a temporal, rather than as a ſpiritual dignity. The intereſted views, the ſelfiſh and angry paſſions, the arts of perfidy and diſſimulation, the ſecret corruption, the open and even bloody violence which had formerly diſ⯑graced the freedom of election in the common⯑wealths [286] of Greece and Rome, too often influenced the choice of the ſucceſſors of the apoſtles. While one of the candidates boaſted the honours of his family, a ſecond allured his judges by the deli⯑cacies of a plentiful table, and a third, more guilty than his rivals, offered to ſhare the plunder of the church among the accomplices of his ſacri⯑legious hopes ⁹⁰. The civil as well as eccleſiaſtical laws attempted to exclude the populace from this ſolemn and important tranſaction. The canons of ancient diſcipline, by requiring ſeveral epiſ⯑copal qualifications of age, ſtation, &c. reſtrained in ſome meaſure the indiſcriminate caprice of the electors. The authority of the provincial biſhops, who were aſſembled in the vacant church to con⯑ſecrate the choice of the people, was interpoſed to moderate their paſſions, and to correct their miſ⯑takes. The biſhops could refuſe to ordain an unworthy candidate, and the rage of contending factions ſometimes accepted their impartial medi⯑ation. The ſubmiſſion, or the reſiſtance of the clergy and people, on various occaſions, afforded different precedents, which were inſenſibly con⯑verted into poſitive laws, and provincial cuſtoms ⁹¹: but it was every where admitted, as a fundamental maxim of religious policy, that no biſhop could be impoſed on an orthodox church, without the conſent of its members. The emperors, as the [287] guardians of the public peace, and as the firſt citizens of Rome and Conſtantinople, might ef⯑fectually declare their wiſhes in the choice of a primate: but thoſe abſolute monarchs reſpected the freedom of eccleſiaſtical elections; and while they diſtributed and reſumed the honours of the ſtate and army, they allowed eighteen hundred perpetual magiſtrates to receive their important offices from the free ſuffrages of the people ⁹². It was agreeable to the dictates of juſtice, that theſe magiſtrates ſhould not deſert an honourable ſtation from which they could not be removed; but the wiſdom of councils endeavoured, without much ſucceſs, to enforce the reſidence, and to prevent the tranſlation of biſhops. The diſcipline of the Weſt was indeed leſs relaxed than that of the Eaſt; but the ſame paſſions which made thoſe regulations neceſſary, rendered them ineffectual. The reproaches which angry prelates have ſo vehemently urged againſt each other, ſerve only to expoſe their common guilt, and their mutual indiſcretion.

II. The biſhops alone poſſeſſed the faculty of II. Ordi⯑nation of the clergy. ſpiritual generation; and this extraordinary pri⯑vilege might compenſate, in ſome degree, for the painful celibacy ⁹³ which was impoſed as a virtue, [288] as a duty, and at length as a poſitive obligation. The religions of antiquity, which eſtabliſhed a ſeparate order of prieſts, dedicated a holy race, a tribe or family to the perpetual ſervice of the Gods ⁹⁴. Such inſtitutions were founded for poſ⯑ſeſſion, rather than conqueſt. The children of the prieſts enjoyed, with proud and indolent ſecurity, their ſacred inheritance; and the fiery ſpirit of enthuſiaſm was abated by the cares, the pleaſures, and the endearments of domeſtic life. But the Chriſtian ſanctuary was open to every am⯑bitious candidate, who aſpired to its heavenly promiſes, or temporal poſſeſſions. The office of prieſts, like that of ſoldiers or magiſtrates, was ſtrenuouſly exerciſed by thoſe men, whoſe temper and abilities had prompted them to embrace the eccleſiaſtical profeſſion, or who had been ſelected by a diſcerning biſhop, as the beſt qualified to promote the glory and intereſt of the church. The biſhops ⁹⁵ (till the abuſe was reſtrained by [289] the prudence of the laws) might conſtrain the reluctant, and protect the diſtreſſed; and the im⯑poſition of hands for ever beſtowed ſome of the moſt valuable privileges of civil ſociety. The whole body of the Catholic clergy, more nume⯑rous perhaps than the legions, was exempted by the emperors from all ſervice, private or public, all municipal offices, and all perſonal taxes and contributions, which preſſed on their fellow-citizens with intolerable weight; and the duties of their holy profeſſion were accepted as a full diſcharge of their obligations to the republic ⁹⁶. Each biſhop acquired an abſolute and indefeaſible right to the perpetual obedience of the clerk whom he ordained: the clergy of each epiſcopal church, with its dependent pariſhes, formed a regular and permanent ſociety; and the cathedrals of Con⯑ſtantinople ⁹⁷ and Carthage ⁹⁸ maintained their pe⯑culiar [290] eſtabliſhment of five hundred eccleſiaſtical miniſters. Their ranks ⁹⁹ and numbers were in⯑ſenſibly multiplied by the ſuperſtition of the times, which introduced into the church the ſplendid ceremonies of a Jewiſh or Pagan temple; and a long train of prieſts, deacons, ſub-deacons, aco⯑lythes, exorciſts, readers, ſingers, and door⯑keepers, contributed, in their reſpective ſtations, to ſwell the pomp and harmony of religious worſhip. The clerical name and privilege were extended to many pious fraternities, who devoutly ſupported the eccleſiaſtical throne ¹⁰⁰. Six hun⯑dred parabolani, or adventurers, viſited the ſick at Alexandria; eleven hundred copiatae, or grave⯑diggers, buried the dead at Conſtantinople; and the ſwarms of monks, who aroſe from the Nile, overſpread and darkened the face of the Chriſtian world.

III. The edict of Milan ſecured the revenue as III. Pro⯑perty. well as the peace of the church ¹⁰¹. The Chriſtians not only recovered the lands and houſes of which A. D. 313. they had been ſtripped by the perſecuting laws of [291] Diocletian, but they acquired a perfect title to all the poſſeſſions which they had hitherto enjoyed by the connivance of the magiſtrate. As ſoon as Chriſtianity became the religion of the emperor and the empire, the national clergy might claim a decent and honourable maintenance: and the payment of an annual tax might have delivered the people from the more oppreſſive tribute, which ſuperſtition impoſes on her votaries. But as the wants and expences of the church encreaſed with her proſperity, the eccleſiaſtical order was ſtill ſupported and enriched by the voluntary oblations of the faithful. Eight years after the edict of Milan, Conſtantine granted to all his A. D. 321, ſubjects the free and univerſal permiſſion of be⯑queathing their fortunes to the holy Catholic church ¹⁰²; and their devout liberality, which during their lives was checked by luxury or avarice, flowed with a profuſe ſtream at the hour of their death. The wealthy Chriſtians were encouraged by the example of their ſovereign. An abſolute monarch, who is rich without pa⯑trimony, may be charitable without merit; and Conſtantine too eaſily believed that he ſhould purchaſe the favour of heaven, if he maintained the idle at the expence of the induſtrious; and diſtributed among the ſaints the wealth of the republic. The ſame meſſenger who carried over [292] to Africa the head of Maxentius, might be en⯑truſted with an epiſtle to Caecilian, biſhop of Carthage. The emperor acquaints him, that the treaſurers of the province are directed to pay into his hands the ſum of three thouſand folles, or eighteen thouſand pounds ſterling, and to obey his farther requiſitions for the relief of the churches of Africa, Numidia, and Mauritania ¹⁰³. The liberality of Conſtantine encreaſed in a juſt proportion to his faith, and to his vices. He aſſigned in each city a regular allowance of corn, to ſupply the fund of eccleſiaſtical charity; and the perſons of both ſexes who embraced the mo⯑naſtic life, became the peculiar favourites of their ſovereign. The Chriſtian temples of Antioch, Alexandria, Jeruſalem, Conſtantinople, &c. diſ⯑played the oſtentatious piety of a prince, am⯑bitious in a declining age to equal the perfect labours of antiquity ¹⁰⁴. The form of theſe re⯑ligious edifices was ſimple and oblong; though they might ſometimes ſwell into the ſhape of a dome, and ſometimes branch into the figure of a croſs. The timbers were framed for the moſt part of cedars of Libanus; the roof was covered [293] with tiles, perhaps of gilt braſs; and the walls, the columns, the pavement, were incruſted with variegated marbles. The moſt precious orna⯑ments of gold and ſilver, of ſilk and gems, were profuſely dedicated to the ſervice of the altar; and this ſpecious magnificence was ſupported on the ſolid and perpetual baſis of landed property. In the ſpace of two centuries, from the reign of Conſtantine to that of Juſtinian, the eighteen hundred churches of the empire were enriched by the frequent and unalienable gifts of the prince and people. An annual income of ſix hundred pounds ſterling may be reaſonably aſſigned to the biſhops, who were placed at an equal diſtance between riches and poverty ¹⁰⁵, but the ſtandard of their wealth inſenſibly roſe with the dignity and opulence of the cities which they governed. An authentic but imperfect ¹⁰⁶ rent-roll ſpecifies ſome houſes, ſhops, gardens, and farms, which belonged to the three Baſilicae of Rome, St. Peter, St. Paul, and St. John Lateran, in the provinces of Italy, Africa, and the Eaſt. They produce, beſides a reſerved rent of oil, linen, paper, aro⯑matics, &c. a clear annual revenue of twenty⯑two thouſand pieces of gold, or twelve thouſand [294] pounds ſterling. In the age of Conſtantine and Juſtinian, the biſhops no longer poſſeſſed, perhaps they no longer deſerved, the unſuſpecting confi⯑dence of their clergy and people. The eccle⯑ſiaſtical revenues of each dioceſe were divided into four parts; for the reſpective uſes, of the biſhop himſelf, of his inferior clergy, of the poor, and of the public worſhip; and the abuſe of this ſacred truſt was ſtrictly and repeatedly check⯑ed ¹⁰⁷. The patrimony of the church was ſtill ſubject to all the public impoſitions of the ſtate ¹⁰⁸. The clergy of Rome, Alexandria, Theſſalonica, &c. might ſolicit and obtain ſome partial exemp⯑tions; but the premature attempt of the great council of Rimini, which aſpired to univerſal freedom, was ſucceſsfully reſiſted by the ſon of Conſtantine ¹⁰⁹.

[295] IV. The Latin clergy, who erected their tri⯑bunal on the ruins of the civil and common law, have modeſtly accepted as the gift of Conſtan⯑tine ¹¹⁰, IV. Civil juriſdic⯑tion. the independent juriſdiction which was the fruit of time, of accident, and of their own induſtry. But the liberality of the Chriſtian em⯑perors had actually endowed them with ſome legal prerogatives, which ſecured and dignified the ſacerdotal character ¹¹¹. 1. Under a deſpotic government, the biſhops alone enjoyed and aſ⯑ſerted the ineſtimable privilege of being tried only by their peers; and even in a capital accuſa⯑tion, a ſynod of their brethren were the ſole judges of their guilt or innocence. Such a tri⯑bunal, [296] unleſs it was inflamed by perſonal reſent⯑ment or religious diſcord, might be favourable, or even partial to the ſacerdotal order: but Con⯑ſtantine was ſatisfied ¹¹², that ſecret impunity would be leſs pernicious than public ſcandal: and the Nicene council was edified by his public declara⯑tion, that if he ſurpriſed a biſhop in the act of adultery, he ſhould caſt his Imperial mantle over the epiſcopal ſinner. 2. The domeſtic juriſ⯑diction of the biſhops was at once a privilege and a reſtraint of the eccleſiaſtical order, whoſe civil cauſes were decently withdrawn from the cog⯑nizance of a ſecular judge. Their venial offences were not expoſed to the ſhame of a public trial or puniſhment; and the gentle correction, which the tenderneſs of youth may endure from its pa⯑rents or inſtructors, was inflicted by the temperate ſeverity of the biſhops. But if the clergy were guilty of any crime which could not be ſufficiently expiated by their degradation from an honourable and beneficial profeſſion, the Roman magiſtrate drew the ſword of juſtice, without any regard to eccleſiaſtical immunities. 3. The arbitration of the biſhops was ratified by a poſitive law; and the judges were inſtructed to execute, without appeal or delay, the epiſcopal decrees, whoſe va⯑lidity had hitherto depended on the conſent of the parties. The converſion of the magiſtrates themſelves, and of the whole empire, might gra⯑dually remove the fears and ſcruples of the Chriſ⯑tians. [297] But they ſtill reſorted to the tribunal of the biſhops, whoſe abilities and integrity they eſteemed; and the venerable Auſtin enjoyed the ſatisfaction of complaining that his ſpiritual func⯑tions were perpetually interrupted by the invidious labour of deciding the claim or the poſſeſſion of ſilver and gold, of lands and cattle. 4. The ancient privilege of ſanctuary was transferred to the Chriſtian temples, and extended, by the liberal piety of the younger Theodoſius, to the precincts of conſecrated ground ¹¹³. The fugitive, and even guilty, ſuppliants, were permitted to im⯑plore, either the juſtice, or the mercy, of the Deity and his miniſters. The raſh violence of deſpotiſm was ſuſpended by the mild interpoſition of the church; and the lives or fortunes of the moſt eminent ſubjects might be protected by the mediation of the biſhop.

V. The biſhop was the perpetual cenſor of the V. Spiri⯑tual cen⯑ſures. morals of his people. The diſcipline of penance was digeſted into a ſyſtem of canonical juriſpru⯑dence ¹¹⁴, which accurately defined the duty of [298] private or public confeſſion, the rules of evidence, the degrees of guilt, and the meaſure of puniſh⯑ment. It was impoſſible to execute this ſpiritual cenſure, if the Chriſtian pontiff, who puniſhed the obſcure ſins of the multitude, reſpected the con⯑ſpicuous vices and deſtructive crimes of the ma⯑giſtrate: but it was impoſſible to arraign the conduct of the magiſtrate, without controuling the admini⯑ſtration of civil government. Some conſiderations of religion, or loyalty, or fear, protected the ſacred perſons of the emperors from the zeal or reſent⯑ment of the biſhops; but they boldly cenſured and excommunicated the ſubordinate tyrants, who were not inveſted with the majeſty of the purple. St. Athanaſius excommunicated one of the mi⯑niſters of Egypt; and the interdict which he pro⯑nounced, of fire and water, was ſolemnly tranſ⯑mitted to the churches of Cappadocia ¹¹⁵. Under the reign of the younger Theodoſius, the polite and eloquent Syneſius, one of the deſcendants of Hercules ¹¹⁶, filled the epiſcopal ſeat of Ptolemais, [299] near the ruins of ancient Cyrene ¹¹⁸, and the phi⯑loſophic biſhop ſupported, with dignity, the cha⯑racter which he had aſſumed with reluctance ¹¹⁹. He vanquiſhed the monſter of Libya, the preſi⯑dent Andronicus, who abuſed the authority of a venal office, invented new modes of rapine and torture, and aggravated the guilt of oppreſſion by that of ſacrilege ¹²⁰. After a fruitleſs attempt to reclaim the haughty magiſtrate by mild and religious admonition, Syneſius proceeds to inflict the laſt ſentence of eccleſiaſtical juſtice ¹²¹, which [300] devotes Andronicus, with his aſſociates and their families, to the abhorrence of earth and heaven. The impenitent ſinners, more cruel than Phalaris or Sennacherib, more deſtructive than war, peſti⯑lence, or a cloud of locuſts, are deprived of the name and privileges of Chriſtians, of the partici⯑pation of the ſacraments, and of the hope of Paradiſe. The biſhop exhorts the clergy, the magiſtrates, and the people, to renounce all ſociety with the enemies of Chriſt; to exclude them from their houſes and tables; and to refuſe them the common offices of life, and the decent rites of burial. The church of Ptolemais, obſcure and contemptible as ſhe may appear, addreſſes this declaration to all her ſiſter churches of the world; and the profane who reject her decrees, will be involved in the guilt and puniſhment of Andro⯑nicus and his impious followers. Theſe ſpiritual terrors were enforced by a dexterous application to the Byzantine court; the trembling preſident implored the mercy of the church; and the de⯑ſcendant of Hercules enjoyed the ſatisfaction of raiſing a proſtrate tyrant from the ground ¹²². Such principles and ſuch examples inſenſibly pre⯑pared the triumph of the Roman pontiffs, who have trampled on the necks of kings.

VI. Every popular government has experienced VI. Free⯑dom of public preaching. the effects of rude or artificial eloquence. The coldeſt nature is animated, the firmeſt reaſon is moved, by the rapid communication of the prevailing impulſe; [301] and each hearer is affected by his own paſſions, and by thoſe of the ſurrounding multitude. The ruin of civil liberty had ſilenced the demagogues of Athens, and the tribunes of Rome; the cuſtom of preaching, which ſeems to conſtitute a con⯑ſiderable part of Chriſtian devotion, had not been introduced into the temples of antiquity; and the ears of monarchs were never invaded by the harſh ſound of popular eloquence, till the pulpits of the empire were filled with ſacred orators, who poſſeſſed ſome advantages unknown to their pro⯑fane predeceſſors ¹²³. The arguments and rhetoric of the tribune were inſtantly oppoſed, with equal arms, by ſkilful and reſolute antagoniſts; and the cauſe of truth and reaſon might derive an accidental ſupport from the conflict of hoſtile paſſions. The biſhop, or ſome diſtinguiſhed preſ⯑byter, to whom he cautiouſly delegated the powers of preaching, harangued, without the danger of interruption or reply, a ſubmiſſive multitude, whoſe minds had been prepared and ſubdued by the awful ceremonies of religion. Such was the ſtrict ſubordination of the catholic church, that the ſame concerted ſounds might iſſue at once from an hundred pulpits of Italy or Egypt, if they were tuned ¹²⁴ by the maſter hand of the Roman or [302] Alexandrian primate. The deſign of this inſti⯑tution was laudable, but the fruits were not always ſalutary. The preachers recommended the prac⯑tice of the ſocial duties; but they exalted the perfection of monaſtic virtue, which is painful to the individual, and uſeleſs to mankind. Their charitable exhortations betrayed a ſecret wiſh, that the clergy might be permitted to manage the wealth of the faithful, for the benefit of the poor. The moſt ſublime repreſentations of the attributes and laws of the Deity were ſullied by an idle mixture of metaphyſical ſubtleties, puerile rites, and fictitious miracles: and they expatiated, with the moſt fervent zeal, on the religious merit of hating the adverſaries, and obeying the miniſters, of the church. When the public peace was diſtracted by hereſy and ſchiſm, the ſacred orators ſounded the trumpet, of diſcord, and perhaps of ſedition. The underſtandings of their congre⯑gations were perplexed by myſtery, their paſſions were inflamed by invectives: and they ruſhed from the Chriſtian temples of Antioch or Alexan⯑dria, prepared either to ſuffer or to inflict martyr⯑dom. The corruption of taſte and language is ſtrongly marked in the vehement declamations of the Latin biſhops; but the compoſitions of Gre⯑gory and Chryſoſtom have been compared with the moſt ſplendid models of Attic, or at leaſt of Aſiatic, eloquence ¹²⁵.

[303] VII. The repreſentatives of the Chriſtian re⯑public were regularly aſſembled in the ſpring and autumn of each year: and theſe ſynods diffuſed VII. Privi⯑lege of le⯑giſlative aſ⯑ſemblies. the ſpirit of eccleſiaſtical diſcipline and legiſlation through the hundred and twenty provinces of the Roman world ¹²⁶. The archbiſhop or metropoli⯑tan was empowered, by the laws, to ſummon the ſuffragan biſhops of his province; to reviſe their conduct, to vindicate their rights, to declare their faith, and to examine the merit of the candidates who were elected by the clergy and people to ſup⯑ply the vacancies of the epiſcopal college. The primates of Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, Carthage, and afterwards Conſtantinople, who exerciſed a more ample juriſdiction, convened the numerous aſſembly of their dependent biſhops. But the convocation of great and extraordinary ſynods, was the prerogative of the emperor alone. When⯑ever the emergencies of the church required this deciſive meaſure, he diſpatched a peremptory ſummons to the biſhops, or the deputies of each province, with an order for the uſe of poſt-horſes, and a competent allowance for the expences of their journey. At an early period, when Con⯑ſtantine was the protector, rather than the pro⯑ſelyte, A. D. 314. of Chriſtianity, he referred the African controverſy to the council of Arles; in which the biſhops of York, of Treves, of Milan, and of [304] Carthage, met as friends and brethren, to debate in their native tongue on the common intereſt of the Latin or Weſtern church ¹²⁷. Eleven years afterwards, a more numerous and celebrated A. D. 325. aſſembly was convened at Nice in Bithynia, to extinguiſh, by their final ſentence, the ſubtle diſputes which had ariſen in Egypt on the ſubject of the Trinity. Three hundred and eighteen biſhops obeyed the ſummons of their indulgent maſter; the eccleſiaſtics of every rank, and ſect, and denomination, have been computed at two thouſand and forty-eight perſons ¹²⁸; the Greeks appeared in perſon; and the conſent of the Latins was expreſſed by the legates of the Roman pon⯑tiff. The ſeſſion, which laſted about two months, was frequently honoured by the preſence of the emperor. Leaving his guards at the door, he ſeated himſelf (with the permiſſion of the council) on a low ſtool in the midſt of the hall. Conſtan⯑tine liſtened with patience, and ſpoke with mo⯑deſty: and while he influenced the debates, he humbly profeſſed that he was the miniſter, not the judge, of the ſucceſſors of the apoſtles, who had been eſtabliſhed as prieſts and as gods upon earth ¹²⁹. Such profound reverence of an abſolute [305] monarch towards a feeble and unarmed aſſembly of his own ſubjects, can only be compared to the reſpect with which the ſenate had been treated by the Roman princes who adopted the policy of Auguſtus. Within the ſpace of fifty years, a philoſophic ſpectator of the viciſſitudes of human affairs might have contemplated Tacitus in the ſenate of Rome, and Conſtantine in the council of Nice. The fathers of the capitol and thoſe of the church had alike degenerated from the virtues of their founders; but as the biſhops were more deeply rooted in the public opinion, they ſuſtained their dignity with more decent pride, and ſome⯑times oppoſed, with a manly ſpirit, the wiſhes of their ſovereign. The progreſs of time and ſuper⯑ſtition erazed the memory of the weakneſs, the paſſion, the ignorance, which diſgraced theſe eccleſiaſtical ſynods; and the Catholic world has unanimouſly ſubmitted ¹³⁰ to the infallible decrees of the general councils ¹³¹.

CHAP. XXI. Perſecution of Hereſy.—The Schiſm of the Donatiſts.—The Arian Controverſy.—Athanaſius.—Diſtracted State of the Church and Empire under Conſtantine and his Sons.—Toleration of Paganiſm.

THE grateful applauſe of the clergy has conſecrated the memory of a prince who indulged their paſſions and promoted their in⯑tereſt. Conſtantine gave them ſecurity, wealth, honours, and revenge: and the ſupport of the orthodox faith was conſidered as the moſt ſacred and important duty of the civil magiſtrate. The edict of Milan, the great charter of toleration, had confirmed to each individual of the Roman world, the privilege of chuſing and profeſſing his own religion. But this ineſtimable privilege was ſoon violated: with the knowledge of truth, the emperor imbibed the maxims of perſecution; and the ſects which diſſented from the Catholic church, were afflicted and oppreſſed by the triumph of Chriſtianity. Conſtantine eaſily believed that the Heretics, who preſumed to diſpute his opinions, or to oppoſe his commands, were guilty of the moſt abſurd and criminal obſtinacy; and that a ſeaſonable application of moderate ſeverities might ſave thoſe unhappy men from the danger of an everlaſting condemnation. Not a moment was loſt in excluding the miniſters and teachers of the ſeparated congregations from any ſhare of the rewards and immunities which the emperor had [307] ſo liberally beſtowed on the orthodox clergy. But as the ſectaries might ſtill exiſt under the cloud of royal diſgrace, the conqueſt of the Eaſt was immediately followed by an edict which announced their total deſtruction ¹. After a preamble filled with paſſion and reproach, Conſtantine abſolutely prohibits the aſſemblies of the Heretics, and con⯑fiſcates their public property to the uſe either of the revenue or of the Catholic church. The ſects againſt whom the Imperial ſeverity was directed, appear to have been the adherents of Paul of Samoſata; the Montaniſts of Phrygia, who main⯑tained an enthuſiaſtic ſucceſſion of prophecy; the Novatians, who ſternly rejected the temporal efficacy of repentance; the Marcionites and Va⯑lentinians, under whoſe leading banners the various Gnoſtics of Aſia and Egypt had inſenſibly rallied; and perhaps the Manichaeans, who had recently imported from Perſia a more artful compoſition of Oriental and Chriſtian theology ². The deſign of extirpating the name, or at leaſt of reſtraining the progreſs of theſe odious Heretics, was proſe⯑cuted with vigour and effect. Some of the penal regulations were copied from the edicts of Diocle⯑tian; and this method of converſion was applauded [308] by the ſame biſhops who had felt the hand of op⯑preſſion, and had pleaded for the rights of huma⯑nity. Two immaterial circumſtances may ſerve, however, to prove that the mind of Conſtantine was not entirely corrupted by the ſpirit of zeal and bigotry. Before he condemned the Mani⯑chaeans and their kindred ſects, he reſolved to make an accurate enquiry into the nature of their religious principles. As if he diſtruſted the im⯑partiality of his eccleſiaſtical counſellors, this delicate commiſſion was entruſted to a civil magiſtrate; whoſe learning and moderation he juſtly eſteemed; and of whoſe venal character he was probably ignorant ³. The emperor was ſoon convinced, that he had too haſtily proſcribed the orthodox faith and the exemplary morals of the Novatians; who had diſſented from the church in ſome articles of diſcipline which were not per⯑haps eſſential to ſalvation. By a particular edict, he exempted them from the general penalties of the law ⁴; allowed them to build a church at Conſtantinople, reſpected the miracles of their ſaints, invited their biſhop Aceſius to the council of Nice; and gently ridiculed the narrow tenets of his ſect by a familiar jeſt; which, from the [309] mouth of a ſovereign, muſt have been received with applauſe and gratitude ⁵.

The complaints and mutual accuſations which African contro⯑verſy, aſſailed the throne of Conſtantine, as ſoon as the death of Maxentius had ſubmitted Africa to his A. D. 312. victorious arms, were ill adapted to edify an im⯑perfect proſelyte. He learned, with ſurpriſe, that the provinces of that great country, from the con⯑fines of Cyrene to the columns of Hercules, were diſtracted with religious diſcord ⁶. The ſource of the diviſion was derived from a double election in the church of Carthage; the ſecond, in rank and opulence, of the eccleſiaſtical thrones of the Weſt. Caecilian and Majorinus were the two rival pri⯑mates of Africa; and the death of the latter ſoon made room for Donatus, who, by his ſuperior abilities and apparent virtues, was the firmeſt ſupport of his party. The advantage which Caecilian might claim from the priority of his ordination, was deſtroyed by the illegal, or at leaſt indecent, haſte, with which it had been per⯑formed, without expecting the arrival of the [310] biſhops of Numidia. The authority of theſe biſhops, who, to the number of ſeventy, con⯑demned Caecilian, and conſecrated Majorinus, is again weakened by the infamy of ſome of their perſonal characters; and by the female intrigues, ſacrilegious bargains, and tumultuous proceedings which are imputed to this Numidian council ⁷. The biſhops of the contending factions main⯑tained, with equal ardour and obſtinacy, that their adverſaries were degraded, or at leaſt diſhonoured, by the odious crime of delivering the Holy Scrip⯑tures to the officers of Diocletian. From their mutual reproaches, as well as from the ſtory of this dark tranſaction, it may juſtly be inferred, that the late perſecution had embittered the zeal, without reforming the manners, of the African Chriſtians. That divided church was incapable of affording an impartial judicature; the con⯑troverſy was ſolemnly tried in five ſucceſſive tribunals, which were appointed by the emperor; and the whole proceeding, from the firſt appeal to the final ſentence, laſted above three years. A ſevere inquiſition, which was taken by the Praetorian vicar, and the proconſul of Africa, the report of two epiſcopal viſitors who had been ſent [311] to Carthage, the decrees of the councils of Rome and of Arles, and the ſupreme judgment of Con⯑ſtantine himſelf in his ſacred conſiſtory, were all favourable to the cauſe of Caecilian; and he was unanimouſly acknowledged by the civil and eccle⯑ſiaſtical powers, as the true and lawful primate of Africa. The honours and eſtates of the church were attributed to his ſuffragan biſhops, and it was not without difficulty, that Conſtantine was ſatiſ⯑fied with inflicting the puniſhment of exile on the principal leaders of the Donatiſt faction. As their cauſe was examined with attention, perhaps it was determined with juſtice. Perhaps their complaint was not without foundation, that the credulity of the emperor had been abuſed by the inſidious arts of his favourite Oſius. The influence of falſehood and corruption might pro⯑cure the condemnation of the innocent, or aggra⯑vate the ſentence of the guilty. Such an act, however, of injuſtice, if it concluded an impor⯑tunate diſpute, might be numbered among the tranſient evils of a deſpotic adminiſtration, which are neither felt nor remembered by poſterity.

But this incident, ſo inconſiderable that it Schiſm of the Do⯑natiſts, ſcarcely deſerves a place in hiſtory, was productive of a memorable ſchiſm; which afflicted the pro⯑vinces A. D. 315 of Africa above three hundred years, and was extinguiſhed only with Chriſtianity itſelf. The inflexible zeal of freedom and fanaticiſm ani⯑mated the Donatiſts to refuſe obedience to the uſurpers, whoſe election they diſputed, and whoſe ſpiritual powers they denied. Excluded from the civil and religious communion of mankind, [312] they boldly excommunicated the reſt of mankind, who had embraced the impious party of Caecilian, and of the Traditors, from whom he derived his pretended ordination. They aſſerted with con⯑fidence, and almoſt with exultation, that the Apoſtolical ſucceſſion was interrupted; that all the biſhops of Europe and Aſia were infected by the contagion of guilt and ſchiſm; and that the prerogatives of the Catholic church were confined to the choſen portion of the African believers, who alone had preſerved inviolate the integrity of their faith and diſcipline. This rigid theory was ſupported by the moſt uncharitable conduct. Whenever they acquired a proſelyte, even from the diſtant provinces of the Eaſt, they carefully repeated the ſacred rites of baptiſm ⁸ and ordina⯑tion; as they rejected the validity of thoſe which he had already received from the hands of here⯑tics or ſchiſmatics. Biſhops, virgins, and even ſpotleſs infants, were ſubjected to the diſgrace of a public penance, before they could be admitted to the communion of the Donatiſts. If they ob⯑tained poſſeſſion of a church which had been uſed by their Catholic adverſaries, they purified the unhallowed building with the ſame jealous care which a temple of Idols might have required. They waſhed the pavement, ſcraped the walls, [313] burnt the altar, which was commonly of wood, melted the conſecrated plate, and caſt the Holy Euchariſt to the dogs, with every circumſtance of ignominy which could provoke and perpetuate the animoſity of religious factions ⁹. Notwith⯑ſtanding this irreconcilable averſion, the two par⯑ties, who were mixed and ſeparated in all the cities of Africa, had the ſame language and man⯑ners, the ſame zeal and learning, the ſame faith and worſhip. Proſcribed by the civil and eccle⯑ſiaſtical powers of the empire, the Donatiſts ſtill maintained in ſome provinces, particularly in Numidia, their ſuperior numbers; and four hun⯑dred biſhops acknowledged the juriſdiction of their primate. But the invincible ſpirit of the ſect ſometimes preyed on its own vitals; and the boſom of their ſchiſmatical church was torn by inteſtine diviſions. A fourth part of the Donatiſt biſhops followed the independent ſtandard of the Maximianiſts. The narrow and ſolitary path which their firſt leaders had marked out, con⯑tinued to deviate from the great ſociety of mankind. Even the imperceptible ſect of the Rogatians could affirm, without a bluſh, that when Chriſt ſhould deſcend to judge the earth, he would find his true religion preſerved only in a few nameleſs villages of the Caeſarean Mau⯑ritania ¹⁰.

[314] The ſchiſm of the Donatiſts was confined to Africa: the more diffuſive miſchief of the Trini⯑tarian controverſy ſucceſſively penetrated into The Trini⯑tarian con⯑troverſy. every part of the Chriſtian world. The former was an accidental quarrel, occaſioned by the abuſe of freedom; the latter was a high and myſterious argument, derived from the abuſe of philoſophy. From the age of Conſtantine to that of Clovis and Theodoric, the temporal intereſts both of the Romans and Barbarians were deeply involved in the theological diſputes of Arianiſm. The hiſto⯑rian may therefore be permitted reſpectfully to withdraw the veil of the ſanctuary; and to deduce the progreſs of reaſon and faith, of error and paſ⯑ſion, from the ſchool of Plato to the decline and fall of the empire.

The genius of Plato, informed by his own The ſyſtem of Plato. Before Chriſt 360. meditation, or by the traditional knowledge of the prieſts of Egypt ¹¹, had ventured to explore the myſterious nature of the Deity. When he had elevated his mind to the ſublime contempla⯑tion of the firſt ſelf-exiſtent, neceſſary cauſe of the univerſe, the Athenian ſage was incapable of con⯑ceiving how the ſimple unity of his eſſence could [315] admit the infinite variety of diſtinct and ſucceſſive ideas which compoſe the model of the in⯑tellectual world; how a Being purely incorporeal could execute that perfect model, and mould with a plaſtic hand the rude and independent chaos. The vain hope of extricating himſelf from theſe difficulties, which muſt ever oppreſs the feeble powers of the human mind, might induce Plato to conſider the divine nature under the threefold modification; of the firſt cauſe, the reaſon or Logos, and the ſoul or ſpirit of the univerſe. The LO⯑GOS His poetical imagination ſometimes fixed and animated theſe metaphyſical abſtractions; the three archical or original principles were repreſented in the Platonic ſyſtem as three Gods, united with each other by a myſterious and ineffable genera⯑tion; and the Logos was particularly conſidered under the more acceſſible character of the Son of an Eternal Father, and the Creator and Governor of the world. Such appear to have been the ſecret doctrines which were cautiouſly whiſpered in the gardens of the academy; and which, ac⯑cording to the more recent diſciples of Plato, could not be perfectly underſtood, till after an aſſiduous ſtudy of thirty years ¹².

The arms of the Macedonians diffuſed over taught in the ſchool of Alex⯑andria. Aſia and Egypt the language and learning of Before Chriſt 300. [316] Greece; and the theological ſyſtem of Plato was taught, with leſs reſerve, and perhaps with ſome improvements, in the celebrated ſchool of Alex⯑andria ¹³. A numerous colony of Jews had been invited, by the favour of the Ptolemies, to ſettle in their new capital ¹⁴. While the bulk of the nation practiſed the legal ceremonies, and purſued the lucrative occupations of commerce, a few Hebrews, of a more liberal ſpirit, devoted their lives to religious and philoſophical contempla⯑tion ¹⁵. They cultivated with diligence, and em⯑braced with ardour, the theological ſyſtem of the Athenian ſage. But their national pride would have been mortified by a fair confeſſion of their former poverty: and they boldly marked, as the ſacred inheritance of their anceſtors, the gold and jewels which they had ſo lately ſtolen from their Egyptian maſters. One hundred years before the Before Chriſt 100. birth of Chriſt, a philoſophical treatiſe, which manifeſtly betrays the ſtile and ſentiments of the ſchool of Plato, was produced by the Alexandrian Jews, and unanimouſly received as a genuine and valuable relic of the inſpired Wiſdom of Solo⯑mon ¹⁶. A ſimilar union of the Moſaic faith, and [317] the Grecian philoſophy, diſtinguiſhes the works of Philo, which were compoſed, for the moſt part, under the reign of Auguſtus ¹⁷. The material ſoul of the univerſe ¹⁸ might offend the piety of the Hebrews: but they applied the cha⯑racter of the LOGOS to the Jehovah of Moſes and the patriarchs; and the Son of God was introduced upon earth under a viſible, and even human appearance, to perform thoſe familiar offices which ſeem incompatible with the nature and attributes of the Univerſal Cauſe ¹⁹.

The eloquence of Plato, the name of Solomon, Revealed by the Apoſtle St. John, the authority of the ſchool of Alexandria, and the A. D. 97. [318] conſent of the Jews and Greeks, were inſufficient to eſtabliſh the truth of a myſterious doctrine, which might pleaſe, but could not ſatisfy, a ra⯑tional mind. A prophet, or apoſtle, inſpired by the Deity, can alone exerciſe a lawful dominion over the faith of mankind; and the theology of Plato might have been for ever confounded with the philoſophical viſions of the Academy, the Porch, and the Lycaeum, if the name and divine attributes of the Logos had not been confirmed by the celeſtial pen of the laſt and moſt ſublime of the Evangeliſts ²⁰. The Chriſtian Revelation, which was conſummated under the name of Nerva, diſ⯑cloſed to the world the amazing ſecret, that the LOGOS, who was with God from the beginning, and was God, who had made all things, and for whom all things had been made, was incarnate in the perſon of Jeſus of Nazareth; who had been born of a virgin, and ſuffered death on the croſs. Beſides the general deſign of fixing on a perpetual baſis the divine honours of Chriſt, the moſt ancient and reſpectable of the eccleſiaſtical writers have aſcribed to the evangelic theologian, a particular intention to confute two oppoſite hereſies, which diſturbed the peace of the primitive church ²¹. [319] I. The faith of the Ebionites ²², perhaps of the Nazarenes ²³, was groſs and imperfect. They revered Jeſus as the greateſt of the prophets, The Ebionites and Do⯑cetes. endowed with ſupernatural virtue and power. They aſcribed to his perſon and to his future reign all the predictions of the Hebrew oracles which relate to the ſpiritual and everlaſting kingdom of the promiſed Meſſiah ²⁴. Some of them might confeſs that he was born of a virgin; but they obſtinately rejected the preceding exiſtence and divine perfections of the Logos, or Son of God, which are ſo clearly defined in the Goſpel of St. John. About fifty years afterwards, the Ebionites, whoſe errors are mentioned by Juſtin Martyr with leſs ſeverity than they ſeem to deſerve ²⁵, formed a very inconſiderable portion of the Chriſtian name. II. The Gnoſtics, who were diſtinguiſhed by the epithet of Docetes, deviated into the contrary ex⯑treme; and betrayed the human, while they [320] aſſerted the divine, nature of Chriſt. Educated in the ſchool of Plato, accuſtomed to the ſublime idea of the Logos, they readily conceived that the brighteſt Aeon, or Emanation of the Deity, might aſſume the outward ſhape and viſible appearances of a mortal ²⁶; but they vainly pretended, that the imperfections of matter are incompatible with the purity of a celeſtial ſubſtance. While the blood of Chriſt yet ſmoked on Mount Calvary, the Docetes invented the impious and extravagant hypotheſis, that, inſtead of iſſuing from the womb of the Virgin ²⁷, he had deſcended on the banks of the Jordan in the form of perfect manhood; that he had impoſed on the ſenſes of his enemies, and of his diſciples; and that the miniſters of Pilate had waſted their impotent rage on an airy phantom, who ſeemed to expire on the croſs, and, after three days, to riſe from the dead ²⁸.

The divine ſanction, which the Apoſtle had Myſterious nature of the Tri⯑nity. beſtowed on the fundamental principle of the [321] theology of Plato, encouraged the learned proſe⯑lytes of the ſecond and third centuries to admire and ſtudy the writings of the Athenian ſage, who had thus marvellouſly anticipated one of the moſt ſurpriſing diſcoveries of the Chriſtian revelation. The reſpectable name of Plato was uſed by the orthodox ²⁹, and abuſed by the heretics ³⁰, as the common ſupport of truth and error: the authority of his ſkilful commentators, and the ſcience of dialectics, were employed to juſtify the remote conſequences of his opinions; and to ſupply the diſcreet ſilence of the inſpired writers. The ſame ſubtle and profound queſtions concerning the nature, the generation, the diſtinction, and the equality of the three divine perſons of the myſte⯑rious Triad, or Trinity ³¹, were agitated in the philoſophical, and in the Chriſtian, ſchools of Alexandria. An eager ſpirit of curioſity urged [322] them to explore the ſecrets of the abyſs; and the pride of the profeſſors, and of their diſciples, was ſatisfied with the ſcience of words. But the moſt ſagacious of the Chriſtian theologians, the great Athanaſius himſelf, has candidly confeſſed ³², that whenever he forced his underſtanding to meditate on the divinity of the Logos, his toilſome and un⯑availing efforts recoiled on themſelves; that the more he thought, the leſs he comprehended; and the more he wrote, the leſs capable was he of ex⯑preſſing his thoughts. In every ſtep of the enquiry, we are compelled to feel and acknowledge the immeaſurable diſproportion between the ſize of the object and the capacity of the human mind. We may ſtrive to abſtract the notions of time, of ſpace, and of matter, which ſo cloſely adhere to all the perceptions of our experimental knowledge. But as ſoon as we preſume to reaſon of infinite ſubſtance, of ſpiritual generation; as often as we deduce any poſitive concluſions from a negative idea, we are involved in darkneſs, perplexity, and inevitable contradiction. As theſe difficulties ariſe from the nature of the ſubject, they oppreſs, with the ſame inſuperable weight, the philoſophic and the theological diſputant; but we may obſerve two eſſential and peculiar circumſtances, which diſcriminated the doctrines of the Catholic church from the opinions of the Platonic ſchool.

I. A choſen ſociety of philoſophers, men of a Law of the Chriſtians. liberal education and curious diſpoſition, might [323] ſilently meditate, and temperately diſcuſs, in the gardens of Athens or the library of Alexandria, the abſtruſe queſtions of metaphyſical ſcience. The lofty ſpeculations, which neither convinced the underſtanding, nor agitated the paſſions, of the Platoniſts themſelves, were careleſsly over⯑looked by the idle, the buſy, and even the ſtudious part of mankind ³³. But after the Logos had been revealed as the ſacred object of the faith, the hope, and the religious worſhip of the Chriſtians; the myſterious ſyſtem was embraced by a numerous and increaſing multitude in every province of the Roman world. Thoſe perſons who, from their age, or ſex, or occupations, were the leaſt qua⯑lified to judge, who were the leaſt exerciſed in the habits of abſtract reaſoning; aſpired to con⯑template the oeconomy of the Divine Nature: and it is the boaſt of Tertullian ³⁴, that a Chriſtian mechanic could readily anſwer ſuch queſtions as had perplexed the wiſeſt of the Grecian ſages. Where the ſubject lies ſo far beyond our reach, the difference between the higheſt and the loweſt of human underſtandings may indeed be calculated as infinitely ſmall; yet the degree of weakneſs may perhaps be meaſured by the degree of obſti⯑nacy and dogmatic confidence. Theſe ſpecula⯑tions, [324] inſtead of being treated as the amuſement of a vacant hour, became the moſt ſerious buſineſs of the preſent, and the moſt uſeful preparation for a future, life. A theology, which it was incum⯑bent to believe, which it was impious to doubt, and which it might be dangerous, and even fatal, to miſtake, became the familiar topic of private meditation and popular diſcourſe. The cold in⯑difference of philoſophy was inflamed by the fer⯑vent ſpirit of devotion; and even the metaphors of common language ſuggeſted the fallacious prejudices of ſenſe and experience. The Chriſtians, who abhorred the groſs and impure generation of the Greek mythology ³⁵, were tempted to argue from the familiar analogy of the filial and paternal relations. The character of Son ſeemed to imply a perpetual ſubordination to the voluntary author of his exiſtence ³⁶; but as the act of generation, in the moſt ſpiritual and abſtracted ſenſe, muſt be ſuppoſed to tranſmit the properties of a common nature ³⁷, they durſt not preſume to circumſcribe [325] the powers or the duration of the Son of an eternal and omnipotent Father. Fourſcore years after the death of Chriſt, the Chriſtians of Bithynia de⯑clared before the tribunal of Pliny, that they in⯑voked him as a god: and his divine honours have been perpetuated in every age and country, by the various ſects who aſſume the name of his diſ⯑ciples ³⁸. Their tender reverence for the memory of Chriſt, and their horror for the profane worſhip of any created being, would have engaged them to aſſert the equal and abſolute divinity of the Logos, if their rapid aſcent towards the throne of heaven had not been imperceptibly checked by the apprehenſion of violating the unity and ſole ſupremacy of the great Father of Chriſt and of the Univerſe. The ſuſpenſe and fluctuation pro⯑duced in the minds of the Chriſtians by theſe op⯑poſite tendencies, may be obſerved in the writings of the theologians who flouriſhed after the end of the apoſtolic age, and before the origin of the Arian controverſy. Their ſuffrage is claimed, with equal confidence, by the orthodox and by the heretical parties; and the moſt inquiſitive critics have fairly allowed, that if they had the good fortune of poſſeſſing the Catholic verity, they have delivered their conceptions in looſe, [326] inaccurate, and ſometimes contradictory lan⯑guage ³⁹.

II. The devotion of individuals was the firſt Authority of the church. circumſtance which diſtinguiſhed the Chriſtians from the Platoniſts: the ſecond was the authority of the church. The diſciples of philoſophy aſſerted the rights of intellectual freedom, and their re⯑ſpect for the ſentiments of their teachers was a liberal and voluntary tribute, which they offered to ſuperior reaſon. But the Chriſtians formed a numerous and diſciplined ſociety; and the juriſ⯑diction of their laws and magiſtrates was ſtrictly exerciſed over the minds of the faithful. The looſe wanderings of the imagination were gra⯑dually confined by creeds and confeſſions ⁴⁰; the freedom of private judgment ſubmitted to the public wiſdom of ſynods; the authority of a theo⯑logian was determined by his eccleſiaſtical rank; and the epiſcopal ſucceſſors of the apoſtles inflicted the cenſures of the church on thoſe who deviated from the orthodox belief. But in an age of re⯑ligious controverſy, every act of oppreſſion adds new force to the elaſtic vigour of the mind; and the zeal or obſtinacy of a ſpiritual rebel was ſome⯑times ſtimulated by ſecret motives of ambition or [327] avarice. A metaphyſical argument became the cauſe or pretence of political conteſts; the ſubtle⯑ties of the Platonic ſchool were uſed as the badges Factions. of popular factions, and the diſtance which ſepa⯑rated their reſpective tenets was enlarged or mag⯑nified by the acrimony of diſpute. As long as the dark hereſies of Praxeas and Sabellius laboured to confound the Father with the Son ⁴¹, the orthodox party might be excuſed if they adhered more ſtrictly and more earneſtly to the diſtinction, than to the equality of the divine perſons. But as ſoon as the heat of controverſy had ſubſided, and the progreſs of the Sabellians was no longer an object of terror to the churches of Rome, of Africa, or of Egypt; the tide of theological opinion began to flow with a gentle but ſteady motion toward the contrary extreme; and the moſt orthodox doctors allowed themſelves the uſe of the terms and defi⯑nitions which had been cenſured in the mouth of the ſectaries ⁴². After the edict of toleration had reſtored peace and leiſure to the Chriſtians, the Trinitarian controverſy was revived in the ancient ſeat of Platoniſm, the learned, the opulent, the tumultuous city of Alexandria; and the flame of religious diſcord was rapidly communicated from the ſchools, to the clergy, the people, the pro⯑vince, [328] and the Eaſt. The abſtruſe queſtion of the eternity of the Logos was agitated in eccleſiaſtic conferences, and popular ſermons; and the hete⯑rodox opinions of Arius ⁴³ were ſoon made public Arius. by his own zeal, and by that of his adverſaries. His moſt implacable adverſaries have acknow⯑ledged the learning and blameleſs life of that eminent preſbyter; who, in a former election, had declared, and perhaps generouſly declined, his pretenſions to the epiſcopal throne ⁴⁴. His com⯑petitor Alexander aſſumed the office of his judge. The important cauſe was argued before him; and if at firſt he ſeemed to heſitate, he at length pro⯑nounced his final ſentence, as an abſolute rule of faith ⁴⁵. The undaunted preſbyter, who preſumed to reſiſt the authority of his angry biſhop, was ſeparated from the communion of the church. But the pride of Arius was ſupported by the applauſe of a numerous party. He reckoned among his immediate followers two biſhops of [329] Egypt, ſeven preſbyters, twelve deacons, and (what may appear almoſt incredible) ſeven hun⯑dred virgins. A large majority of the biſhops of Aſia appeared to ſupport or favour his cauſe; and their meaſures were conducted by Euſebius of Caeſarea, the moſt learned of the Chriſtian pre⯑lates; and by Euſebius of Nicomedia, who had acquired the reputation of a ſtateſman without forfeiting that of a ſaint. Synods in Paleſtine and Bithynia were oppoſed to the ſynods of Egypt. The attention of the prince and people was at⯑tracted by this theological diſpute; and the deci⯑ſion, at the end of ſix years ⁴⁶, was referred to the A. D. 318—325. ſupreme authority of the general council of Nice.

When the myſteries of the Chriſtian faith were Three ſyſ⯑tems of the Trinity. dangerouſly expoſed to public debate, it might be obſerved, that the human underſtanding was capable of forming three diſtinct, though imper⯑fect, ſyſtems, concerning the nature of the Divine Trinity; and it was pronounced, that none of theſe ſyſtems, in a pure and abſolute ſenſe, were exempt from hereſy and error ⁴⁷. I. According Arianiſm. to the firſt hypotheſis, which was maintained by Arius and his diſciples, the Logos was a depend⯑ent [330] and ſpontaneous production, created from nothing by the will of the Father. The Son, by whom all things were made ⁴⁸, had been begotten before all worlds, and the longeſt of the aſtrono⯑mical periods could be compared only as a fleet⯑ing moment to the extent of his duration; yet this duration was not infinite ⁴⁹, and there had been a time which preceded the ineffable genera⯑tion of the Logos. On this only begotten Son the Almighty Father had transfuſed his ample ſpirit, and impreſſed the effulgence of his glory. Viſible image of inviſible perfection, he ſaw, at an im⯑meaſurable diſtance beneath his feet, the thrones of the brighteſt archangels: yet he ſhone only with a reflected light, and, like the ſons of the Roman emperors, who were inveſted with the titles of Caeſar or Auguſtus ⁵⁰, he governed the univerſe in obedience to the will of his Father and Monarch. II. In the ſecond hypotheſis, the Logos Tritheiſm. poſſeſſed all the inherent, incommunicable per⯑fections, which religion and philoſophy appro⯑priate to the Supreme God. Three diſtinct and infinite minds or ſubſtances, three co-equal and co-eternal beings, compoſed the Divine Eſſence ⁵¹; [331] and it would have implied contradiction, that any of them ſhould not have exiſted, or that they ſhould ever ceaſe to exiſt ⁵². The advocates of a ſyſtem which ſeemed to eſtabliſh three independent Deities, attempted to preſerve the unity of the Firſt Cauſe, ſo conſpicuous in the deſign and order of the world, by the perpetual concord of their adminiſtration, and the eſſential agreement of their will. A faint reſemblance of this unity of action may be diſcovered in the ſocieties of men, and even of animals. The cauſes which diſturb their harmony proceed only from the im⯑perfection and inequality of their faculties: but the omnipotence which is guided by infinite wiſ⯑dom and goodneſs, cannot fail of chuſing the ſame means for the accompliſhment of the ſame ends. III. Three Beings, who, by the ſelf-derived Sabellian⯑iſm. neceſſity of their exiſtence, poſſeſs all the divine attributes in the moſt perfect degree; who are eternal in duration, infinite in ſpace, and inti⯑mately preſent to each other, and to the whole univerſe; irreſiſtibly force themſelves on the aſto⯑niſhed mind, as one and the ſame Being ⁵³, who, in the oeconomy of grace, as well as in that of [332] nature, may manifeſt himſelf under different forms, and be conſidered under different aſpects. By this hypotheſis, a real ſubſtantial Trinity is refined into a trinity of names, and abſtract modi⯑fications, that ſubſiſt only in the mind which conceives them. The Logos is no longer a per⯑ſon, but an attribute; and it is only in a figurative ſenſe, that the epithet of Son can be applied to the eternal reaſon which was with God from the beginning, and by which, not by whom, all things were made. The incarnation of the Logos is re⯑duced to a mere inſpiration of the Divine Wiſdom, which filled the ſoul, and directed all the actions of the man Jeſus. Thus, after revolving round the theological circle, we are ſurpriſed to find that the Sabellian ends where the Ebionite had begun; and that the incomprehenſible myſtery which excites our adoration, eludes our en⯑quiry ⁵⁴.

If the biſhops of the council of Nice ⁵⁵ had Council of Nice, been permitted to follow the unbiaſſed dictates A. D. 325. [333] of their conſcience, Arius and his aſſociates could ſcarcely have flattered themſelves with the hopes of obtaining a majority of votes, in favour of an hypotheſis ſo directly adverſe to the two moſt popular opinions of the Catholic world. The Arians ſoon perceived the danger of their ſitua⯑tion, and prudently aſſumed thoſe modeſt virtues, which, in the fury of civil and religious diſſen⯑tions, are ſeldom practiſed, or even praiſed, except by the weaker party. They recommended the exerciſe of Chriſtian charity and moderation; urged the incomprehenſible nature of the contro⯑verſy; diſclaimed the uſe of any terms of defini⯑tions which could not be found in the ſcriptures; and offered, by very liberal conceſſions, to ſatisfy their adverſaries, without renouncing the integrity of their own principles. The victorious faction received all their propoſals with haughty ſuſpicion; and anxiouſly ſought for ſome irreconcileable mark of diſtinction, the rejection of which might in⯑volve the Arians in the guilt and conſequences of hereſy. A letter was publicly read, and ignomi⯑niouſly torn, in which their patron, Euſebius of Nicomedia, ingenuouſly confeſſed, that the ad⯑miſſion of the HOMOOUSION, or Conſubſtantial, The Ho⯑moouſion. a word already familiar to the Platoniſts, was in⯑compatible with the principles of their theological ſyſtem. The fortunate opportunity was eagerly embraced by the biſhops, who governed the reſo⯑lutions of the ſynod; and according to the lively expreſſion of Ambroſe ⁵⁶, they uſed the ſword, [334] which hereſy itſelf had drawn from the ſcabbard, to cut off the head of the hated monſter. The conſubſtantiality of the Father and the Son was eſtabliſhed by the council of Nice, and has been unanimouſly received as a fundamental article of the Chriſtian faith, by the conſent of the Greek, the Latin, the Oriental, and the Proteſtant churches. But if the ſame word had not ſerved to ſtigmatize the heretics, and to unite the Catho⯑lics, it would have been inadequate to the purpoſe of the majority, by whom it was introduced into the orthodox creed. This majority was divided into two parties, diſtinguiſhed by a contrary ten⯑dency to the ſentiments of the Tritheiſts and of the Sabellians. But as thoſe oppoſite extremes ſeemed to overthrow the foundations either of natural, or revealed, religion, they mutually agreed to qualify the rigour of their principles: and to diſavow the juſt, but invidious, conſe⯑quences, which might be urged by their an⯑tagoniſts. The intereſt of the common cauſe inclined them to join their numbers, and to con⯑ceal their differences; their animoſity was ſoftened by the healing counſels of toleration, and their diſputes were ſuſpended by the uſe of the myſte⯑rious Homoouſion, which either party was free to interpret according to their peculiar tenets. The Sabellian ſenſe, which, about fifty years before, had obliged the council of Antioch ⁵⁷ to prohibit [335] this celebrated term, had endeared it to thoſe theologians who entertained a ſecret but partial affection for a nominal Trinity. But the more faſhionable ſaints of the Arian times, the intrepid Athanaſius, the learned Gregory Nazianzen, and the other pillars of the church, who ſupported with ability and ſucceſs the Nicene doctrine, appeared to conſider the expreſſion of ſubſtance, as if it had been ſynonimous with that of nature; and they ventured to illuſtrate their meaning, by affirming that three men, as they belong to the ſame com⯑mon ſpecies, are conſubſtantial or homoouſian to each other ⁵⁸. This pure and diſtinct equality was tempered, on the one hand, by the internal connection, and ſpiritual penetration, which in⯑diſſolubly unites the divine perſons ⁵⁹; and on the other, by the pre-eminence of the Father, which was acknowledged as far as it is compatible with the independence of the Son ⁶⁰. Within theſe limits the almoſt inviſible and tremulous ball of orthodoxy was allowed ſecurely to vibrate. On either ſide, beyond this conſecrated ground, the [336] heretics and the daemons lurked in ambuſh to ſurpriſe and devour the unhappy wanderer. But as the degrees of theological hatred depend on the ſpirit of the war, rather than on the importance of the controverſy, the heretics who degraded, were treated with more ſeverity than thoſe who annihilated, the perſon of the Son. The life of Athanaſius was conſumed in irreconcileable op⯑poſition to the impious madneſs of the Arians ⁶¹; but he defended above twenty years the Sabel⯑lianiſm of Marcellus of Ancyra; and when at laſt he was compelled to withdraw himſelf from his communion, he continued to mention, with an ambiguous ſmile, the venial errors of his reſpec⯑table friend ⁶².

The authority of a general council, to which Arian creeds. the Arians themſelves had been compelled to ſub⯑mit, inſcribed on the banners of the orthodox party the myſterious characters of the word Homoouſion, which eſſentially contributed, not⯑withſtanding ſome obſcure diſputes, ſome noctur⯑nal combats, to maintain and perpetuate the uniformity of faith, or at leaſt of language. The Conſubſtantialiſts, who by their ſucceſs have de⯑ſerved and obtained the title of Catholics, gloried in the ſimplicity and ſteadineſs of their own creed, [337] and inſulted the repeated variations of their adver⯑ſaries, who were deſtitute of any certain rule of faith. The ſincerity or the cunning of the Arian chiefs, the fear of the laws or of the people, their reverence for Chriſt, their hatred of Athanaſius, all the cauſes, human and divine, that influence and diſturb the counſels of a theological faction, introduced among the ſectaries a ſpirit of diſcord and inconſtancy, which, in the courſe of a few years, erected eighteen different models of reli⯑gion ⁶³, and avenged the violated dignity of the church. The zealous Hilary ⁶⁴, who, from the peculiar hardſhips of his ſituation, was inclined to extenuate rather than to aggravate the errors of the Oriental clergy, declares, that in the wide extent of the ten provinces of Aſia, to which he had been baniſhed, there could be found very few prelates who had preſerved the knowledge of the true God ⁶⁵. The oppreſſion which he had felt, the diſorders of which he was the ſpectator and the victim, appeaſed, during a ſhort interval, [338] the angry paſſions of his ſoul; and in the follow⯑ing paſſage, of which I ſhall tranſcribe a few lines, the biſhop of Poitiers unwarily deviates into the ſtyle of a Chriſtian philoſopher. ‘It is a thing, ſays Hilary, equally deplorable and dangerous, that there are as many creeds as opinions among men, as many doctrines as inclinations, and as many ſources of blaſphemy as there are faults among us; becauſe we make creeds arbitrarily, and explain them as arbitrarily. The Homo⯑ouſion is rejected, and received, and explained away by ſucceſſive ſynods. The partial or total reſemblance of the Father and of the Son, is a ſubject of diſpute for theſe unhappy times. Every year, nay every moon, we make new creeds to deſcribe inviſible myſteries. We repent of what we have done, we defend thoſe who repent, we anathematiſe thoſe whom we defended. We condemn either the doctrine of others in ourſelves, or our own in that of others; and reciprocally tearing one another to pieces, we have been the cauſe of each other's ruin ⁶⁶.’

It will not be expected, it would not perhaps Arian ſects. be endured, that I ſhould ſwell this theological digreſſion, by a minute examination of the eighteen creeds, the authors of which, for the moſt part, diſclaimed the odious name of their parent Arius. It is amuſing enough to delineate the form, and to trace the vegetation, of a ſingular plant; but [339] the tedious detail of leaves without flowers, and of branches without fruit, would ſoon exhauſt the patience, and diſappoint the curioſity, of the laborious ſtudent. One queſtion which gradually aroſe from the Arian controverſy, may however be noticed, as it ſerved to produce and diſcri⯑minate the three ſects, who were united only by their common averſion to the Homoouſion of the Nicene ſynod. 1. If they were aſked, whether the Son was like unto the Father; the queſtion was reſolutely anſwered in the negative, by the here⯑tics who adhered to the principles of Arius, or indeed to thoſe of philoſophy; which ſeem to eſtabliſh an infinite difference between the Creator and the moſt excellent of his creatures. This obvious conſequence was maintained by Aetius ⁶⁷, on whom the zeal of his adverſaries beſtowed the ſurname of the Atheiſt. His reſtleſs and aſpiring ſpirit urged him to try almoſt every profeſſion of human life. He was ſucceſſively a ſlave, or at leaſt a huſbandman, a travelling tinker, a gold⯑ſmith, a phyſician, a ſchoolmaſter, a theologian, and at laſt the apoſtle of a new church, which was propagated by the abilities of his diſciple Euno⯑mius ⁶⁸. Armed with texts of ſcripture, and with [340] captious ſyllogiſms from the logic of Ariſtotle, the ſubtle Aetius had acquired the fame of an invin⯑cible diſputant, whom it was impoſſible either to ſilence or to convince. Such talents engaged the friendſhip of the Arian biſhops, till they were forced to renounce, and even to perſecute, a dan⯑gerous ally, who, by the accuracy of his reaſoning, had prejudiced their cauſe in the popular opinion, and offended the piety of their moſt devoted fol⯑lowers. 2. The omnipotence of the Creator ſuggeſted a ſpecious and reſpectful ſolution of the likeneſs of the Father and the Son; and faith might humbly receive what reaſon could not preſume to deny, that the Supreme God might communicate his infinite perfections, and create a being ſimilar only to himſelf ⁶⁹. Theſe Arians were powerfully ſupported by the weight and abilities of their leaders, who had ſucceeded to the management of the Euſebian intereſt, and who occupied the principal thrones of the Eaſt. They deteſted, perhaps with ſome affectation, the impiety of Aetius; they profeſſed to believe, either without reſerve, or according to the ſcriptures, that the Son was different from all other creatures, and ſimilar only to the Father. But they denied, that [341] he was either of the ſame, or of a ſimilar ſubſtance; ſometimes boldly juſtifying their diſſent, and ſome⯑times objecting to the uſe of the word ſubſtance, which ſeems to imply an adequate, or at leaſt a diſtinct, notion of the nature of the Deity. 3. The ſect which aſſerted the doctrine of a ſimilar ſub⯑ſtance, was the moſt numerous, at leaſt in the provinces of Aſia; and when the leaders of both parties were aſſembled in the council of Seleucia ⁷⁰, their opinion would have prevailed by a majority of one hundred and five to forty-three biſhops. The Greek word, which was choſen to expreſs this myſterious reſemblance, bears ſo cloſe an affinity to the orthodox ſymbol, that the profane of every age have derided the furious conteſts which the difference of a ſingle diphthong excited between the Homoouſians and the Homoiouſians. As it frequently happens, that the ſounds and cha⯑racters which approach the neareſt to each other, accidentally repreſent the moſt oppoſite ideas, the obſervation would be itſelf ridiculous, if it were poſſible to mark any real and ſenſible diſtinction between the doctrine of the Semi-Arians, as they were improperly ſtyled, and that of the Catholics themſelves. The biſhop of Poitiers, who in his Phrygian exile very wiſely aimed at a coalition of parties, endeavours to prove that, by a pious and faithful interpretation ⁷¹, the Homoiouſion may be [342] reduced to a conſubſtantial ſenſe. Yet he confeſſes that the word has a dark and ſuſpicious aſpect; and, as if darkneſs were congenial to theological diſputes, the Semi-Arians, who advanced to the doors of the church, aſſailed them with the moſt unrelenting fury.

The provinces of Egypt and Aſia, which cul⯑tivated Faith of the Weſt⯑ern or La⯑tin church. the language and manners of the Greeks, had deeply imbibed the venom of the Arian con⯑troverſy. The familiar ſtudy of the Platonic ſyſtem, a vain and argumentative diſpoſition, a copious and flexible idiom, ſupplied the clergy and people of the Eaſt with an inexhauſtible flow of words and diſtinctions; and, in the midſt of their fierce contentions, they eaſily forgot the doubt which is recommended by philoſophy, and the ſubmiſſion which is enjoined by religion. The inhabitants of the Weſt were of a leſs inqui⯑ſitive ſpirit; their paſſions were not ſo forcibly moved by inviſible objects; their minds were leſs frequently exerciſed by the habits of diſpute; and ſuch was the happy ignorance of the Gallican church, that Hilary himſelf, above thirty years after the firſt general council, was ſtill a ſtranger to the Nicene creed ⁷². The Latins had received [343] the rays of divine knowledge through the dark and doubtful medium of a tranſlation. The poverty and ſtubbornneſs of their native tongue, was not always capable of affording juſt equi⯑valents for the Greek terms, for the technical words of the Platonic philoſophy ⁷³, which had been conſecrated by the goſpel or by the church, to expreſs the myſteries of the Chriſtian faith; and a verbal defect might introduce into the Latin theology, a long train of error or perplexity ⁷⁴. But as the weſtern provincials had the good for⯑tune of deriving their religion from an orthodox ſource, they preſerved with ſteadineſs the doctrine which they had accepted with docility; and when the Arian peſtilence approached their frontiers, they were ſupplied with the ſeaſonable pre⯑ſervative of the Homoouſion, by the paternal care of the Roman pontiff. Their ſentiments and their temper were diſplayed in the memorable ſynod of Council of Rimini, Rimini, which ſurpaſſed in numbers the council A. D. 360. of Nice, ſince it was compoſed of above four hun⯑dred biſhops of Italy, Africa, Spain, Gaul, Britain, and Illyricum. From the firſt debates it appeared, that only fourſcore prelates adhered to the party, though they affected to anathematiſe the name and memory, of Arius. But this inferiority was com⯑penſated by the advantages of ſkill, of experience, [344] and of diſcipline; and the minority was conducted by Valens and Urſacius, two biſhops of Illyricum, who had ſpent their lives in the intrigues of courts and councils, and who had been trained under the Euſebian banner, in the religious wars of the Eaſt. By their arguments and negociations, they embarraſſed, they confounded, they at laſt de⯑ceived, the honeſt ſimplicity of the Latin biſhops; who ſuffered the palladium of the faith to be ex⯑torted from their hands by fraud and importunity, rather than by open violence. The council of Rimini was not allowed to ſeparate, till the mem⯑bers had imprudently ſubſcribed a captious creed, in which ſome expreſſions, ſuſceptible of an here⯑tical ſenſe, were inſerted in the room of the Homoouſion. It was on this occaſion, that, according to Jerom, the world was ſurpriſed to find itſelf Arian ⁷⁵. But the biſhops of the Latin provinces had no ſooner reached their reſpective dioceſes, than they diſcovered their miſtake, and repented of their weakneſs. The ignominious capi⯑tulation was rejected with diſdain and abhorrence: and the Homoouſian ſtandard, which had been ſhaken but not overthrown, was more firmly replanted in all the churches of the Weſt ⁷⁶.

Such was the riſe and progreſs, and ſuch were Conduct of the em⯑perors in the Arian contro⯑verſy. the natural revolutions of thoſe theological diſ⯑putes, [345] which diſturbed the peace of Chriſtianity under the reigns of Conſtantine and of his ſons. But as thoſe princes preſumed to extend their deſpotiſm over the faith, as well as over the lives and fortunes, of their ſubjects; the weight of their ſuffrage ſometimes inclined the eccleſiaſtical balance: and the prerogatives of the King of Heaven were ſettled, or changed, or modified, in the cabinet of an earthly monarch.

The unhappy ſpirit of diſcord which pervaded Indiffe⯑rence of Conſtan⯑tine, the provinces of the Eaſt, interrupted the triumph of Conſtantine; but the emperor continued for ſome time to view, with cool and careleſs indif⯑ference, A. D. 324. the object of the diſpute. As he was yet ignorant of the difficulty of appeaſing the quarrels of theologians, he addreſſed to the con⯑tending parties, to Alexander and to Arius, a mo⯑derating epiſtle ⁷⁷; which may be aſcribed, with far greater reaſon, to the untutored ſenſe of a ſol⯑dier and ſtateſman, than to the dictates of any of his epiſcopal counſellors. He attributes the origin of the whole controverſy to a trifling and ſubtle queſtion, concerning an incomprehenſible point of the law, which was fooliſhly aſked by the biſhop, and imprudently reſolved by the preſbyter. He laments that the Chriſtian people, who had the ſame God, the ſame religion, and the ſame wor⯑ſhip, ſhould be divided by ſuch inconſiderable [346] diſtinctions; and he ſeriouſly recommends to the clergy of Alexandria the example of the Greek philoſophers; who could maintain their argu⯑ments without loſing their temper, and aſſert their freedom without violating their friendſhip. The indifference and contempt of the ſovereign would have been, perhaps, the moſt effectual method of ſilencing the diſpute: if the popular current had been leſs rapid and impetuous; and if Conſtan⯑tine himſelf, in the midſt of faction and fanati⯑ciſm, could have preſerved the calm poſſeſſion of his own mind. But his eccleſiaſtical miniſters ſoon contrived to ſeduce the impartiality of the magiſtrate, and to awaken the zeal of the proſe⯑lyte. He was provoked by the inſults which had His zeal. been offered to his ſtatues; he was alarmed by the A. D. 325. real, as well as the imaginary, magnitude of the ſpreading miſchief; and he extinguiſhed the hope of peace and toleration, from the moment that he aſſembled three hundred biſhops within the walls of the ſame palace. The preſence of the monarch ſwelled the importance of the debate; his atten⯑tion multiplied the arguments; and he expoſed his perſon with a patient intrepidity, which ani⯑mated the valour of the combatants. Notwith⯑ſtanding the applauſe which has been beſtowed on the eloquence and ſagacity of Conſtantine ⁷⁸; a Roman general, whoſe religion might be ſtill a ſubject of doubt, and whoſe mind had not been enlightened either by ſtudy or by inſpiration, was indifferently qualified to diſcuſs, in the Greek [347] language, a metaphyſical queſtion, or an article of faith. But the credit of his favourite Oſius, who appears to have preſided in the council of Nice, might diſpoſe the emperor in favour of the orthodox party; and a well-timed inſinuation, that the ſame Euſebius of Nicomedia, who now protected the heretic, had lately aſſiſted the tyrant ⁷⁹, might exaſperate him againſt their ad⯑verſaries. The Nicene creed was ratified by Con⯑ſtantine; and his firm declaration, that thoſe who reſiſted the divine judgment of the ſynod, muſt prepare themſelves for an immediate exile, anni⯑hilated the murmurs of a feeble oppoſition; which from ſeventeen, was almoſt inſtantly reduced to two, proteſting biſhops. Euſebius of Caeſarea yielded a reluctant and ambiguous conſent to the Homoouſion ⁸⁰; and the wavering conduct of the Nicomedian Euſebius ſerved only to delay, about three months, his diſgrace and exile ⁸¹. The im⯑pious He perſe⯑cutes the Arian Arius was baniſhed into one of the remote provinces of Illyricum; his perſon and diſciples were branded by law, with the odious name of [348] Porphyrians; his writings were condemned to the flames; and a capital puniſhment was denounced againſt thoſe in whoſe poſſeſſion they ſhould be found. The emperor had now imbibed the ſpirit of controverſy, and the angry ſarcaſtic ſtyle of his edicts was deſigned to inſpire his ſubjects with the hatred which he had conceived againſt the enemies of Chriſt ⁸².

But, as if the conduct of the emperor had been and the or⯑thodox party, guided by paſſion inſtead of principle, three years from the council of Nice were ſcarcely elapſed, A. D. 328—337. before he diſcovered ſome ſymptoms of mercy, and even of indulgence, towards the proſcribed ſect, which was ſecretly protected by his favourite ſiſter. The exiles were recalled; and Euſebius, who gradually reſumed his influence over the mind of Conſtantine, was reſtored to the epiſcopal throne, from which he had been ignominiouſly degraded. Arius himſelf was treated by the whole court with the reſpect which would have been due to an innocent and oppreſſed man. His faith was approved by the ſynod of Jeruſalem; and the emperor ſeemed impatient to repair his injuſtice, by iſſuing an abſolute command, that he ſhould be ſolemnly admitted to the communion in the cathedral of Conſtantinople. On the ſame day, which had been fixed for the triumph of Arius, he expired;—and the ſtrange and horrid circum⯑ſtances of his death might excite a ſuſpicion, that [349] the orthodox ſaints had contributed, more effica⯑ciouſly than by their prayers, to deliver the church from the moſt formidable of her enemies ⁸³. The three principal leaders of the Catholics, Athana⯑ſius of Alexandria, Euſtathius of Antioch, and Paul of Conſtantinople, were depoſed on various accuſations, by the ſentence of numerous councils; and were afterwards baniſhed into diſtant pro⯑vinces by the firſt of the Chriſtian emperors, who, in the laſt moments of his life, received the rites of baptiſm from the Arian biſhop of Nicomedia. The eccleſiaſtical government of Conſtantine can⯑not be juſtified from the reproach of levity and weakneſs. But the credulous monarch, unſkilled in the ſtratagems of theological warfare, might be deceived by the modeſt and ſpecious profeſſions of the heretics, whoſe ſentiments he never per⯑fectly underſtood; and while he protected Arius, and perſecuted Athanaſius, he ſtill conſidered the council of Nice as the bulwark of the Chriſtian faith, and the peculiar glory of his own reign ⁸⁴.

[350] The ſons of Conſtantine muſt have been admit⯑ted from their childhood into the rank of cate⯑chumens, but they imitated, in the delay of their Conſtan⯑tius fa⯑vours the Arians, baptiſm, the example of their father. Like him, they preſumed to pronounce their judgment on myſteries into which they had never been regularly A. D. 337—361. initiated ⁸⁵: and the fate of the Trinitarian con⯑troverſy depended, in a great meaſure, on the ſentiments of Conſtantius; who inherited the pro⯑vinces of the Eaſt, and acquired the poſſeſſion of the whole empire. The Arian preſbyter or biſhop, who had ſecreted for his uſe the teſtament of the deceaſed emperor, improved the fortunate occa⯑ſion which had introduced him to the familiarity of a prince, whoſe public counſels were always ſwayed by his domeſtic favourites. The eunuchs and ſlaves diffuſed the ſpiritual poiſon through the palace, and the dangerous infection was com⯑municated by the female attendants to the guards, and by the empreſs to her unſuſpicious huſband ⁸⁶. The partiality which Conſtantius always expreſſed towards the Euſebian faction, was inſenſibly forti⯑fied by the dexterous management of their leaders; and his victory over the tyrant Magnentius en⯑creaſed his inclination, as well as ability, to em⯑ploy the arms of power in the cauſe of Arianiſm. While the two armies were engaged in the plains [351] of Murſa, and the fate of the two rivals depended on the chance of war, the ſon of Conſtantine paſſed the anxious moments in a church of the martyrs, under the walls of the city. His ſpiritual com⯑forter, Valens, the Arian biſhop of the dioceſe, employed the moſt artful precautions to obtain ſuch early intelligence as might ſecure either his favour or his eſcape. A ſecret chain of ſwift and truſty meſſengers informed him of the viciſſitudes of the battle; and while the courtiers ſtood trembling round their affrighted maſter, Valens aſſured him that the Gallic legions gave way; and inſinuated with ſome preſence of mind, that the glorious event had been revealed to him by an angel. The grateful emperor aſcribed his ſucceſs to the merits and interceſſion of the biſhop of Murſa, whoſe faith had deſerved the public and miraculous approbation of Heaven ⁸⁷. The Arians, who conſidered as their own the victory of Con⯑ſtantius, preferred his glory to that of his Father ⁸⁸. Cyril, biſhop of Jeruſalem, immediately compoſed the deſcription of a celeſtial croſs, encircled with a ſplendid rainbow; which during the feſtival of Pentecoſt, about the third hour of the day, had [352] appeared over the Mount of Olives, to the edifi⯑cation of the devout pilgrims, and the people of the holy city ⁸⁹. The ſize of the meteor was gra⯑dually magnified; and the Arian hiſtorian has ventured to affirm, that it was conſpicuous to the two armies in the plains of Pannonia; and that the tyrant, who is purpoſely repreſented as an idolater, fled before the auſpicious ſign of ortho⯑dox Chriſtianity ⁹⁰.

The ſentiments of a judicious ſtranger, who Arian councils. has impartially conſidered the progreſs of civil or eccleſiaſtical diſcord, are always entitled to our notice: and a ſhort paſſage of Ammianus, who ſerved in the armies, and ſtudied the character, of Conſtantius, is perhaps of more value than many pages of theological invectives. ‘The Chriſtian religion, which, in itſelf, ſays that moderate hiſtorian, is plain and ſimple, he confounded by the dotage of ſuperſtition. Inſtead of re⯑conciling the parties by the weight of his autho⯑rity, he cheriſhed and propagated, by verbal diſputes, the differences which his vain curioſity had excited. The highways were covered with troops of biſhops, galloping from every ſide to the aſſemblies, which they call ſynods; and while they laboured to reduce the whole ſect to their own particular opinions, the public eſtab⯑liſhment [353] of the poſts was almoſt ruined by their haſty and repeated journies ⁹¹.’ Our more in⯑timate knowledge of the eccleſiaſtical tranſactions of the reign of Conſtantius, would furniſh an ample commentary on this remarkable paſſage; which juſtifies the rational apprehenſions of Atha⯑naſius, that the reſtleſs activity of the clergy, who wandered round the empire in ſearch of the true faith, would excite the contempt and laughter of the unbelieving world ⁹². As ſoon as the emperor was relieved from the terrors of the civil war, he devoted the leiſure of his winter-quarters at Arles, Milan, Sirmium, and Conſtantinople, to the amuſement or toils of controverſy: the ſword of the magiſtrate, and even of the tyrant, was un⯑ſheathed, to enforce the reaſons of the theologian; and as he oppoſed the orthodox faith of Nice, it is readily confeſſed that his incapacity and igno⯑rance were equal to his preſumption ⁹³. The eunuchs, the women, and the biſhops, who go⯑verned the vain and feeble mind of the emperor, had inſpired him with an inſuperable diſlike to the Homoouſion; but his timid conſcience was [354] alarmed by the impiety of Aetius. The guilt of that atheiſt was aggravated by the ſuſpicious favour of the unfortunate Gallus; and even the deaths of the Imperial miniſters, who had been maſſacred at Antioch, were imputed to the ſug⯑geſtions of that dangerous ſophiſt. The mind of Conſtantius, which could neither be mode⯑rated by reaſon, nor fixed by faith, was blindly impelled to either ſide of the dark and empty abyſs, by his horror of the oppoſite extreme: he alternately embraced and condemned the ſenti⯑ments, he ſucceſſively baniſhed and recalled the leaders, of the Arian and Semi-Arian factions ⁹⁴. During the ſeaſon of public buſineſs or feſtivity, he employed whole days, and even nights, in ſelecting the words, and weighing the ſyllables, which compoſed his fluctuating creeds. The ſubject of his meditation ſtill purſued and occupied his ſlumbers; the incoherent dreams of the em⯑peror were received as celeſtial viſions; and he accepted with complacency the lofty title of biſhop of biſhops, from thoſe eccleſiaſtics who forgot the intereſt of their order for the gratification of their paſſions. The deſign of eſtabliſhing an uniform⯑ity of doctrine, which had engaged him to con⯑vene ſo many ſynods in Gaul, Italy, Illyricum, and Aſia, was repeatedly baffled by his own [355] levity, by the diviſions of the Arians, and by the reſiſtance of the catholics; and he reſolved, as the laſt and deciſive effort, imperiouſly to dictate the decrees of a general council. The deſtructive earthquake of Nicomedia, the difficulty of finding a convenient place, and perhaps ſome ſecret mo⯑tives of policy, produced an alteration in the ſum⯑mons. The biſhops of the Eaſt were directed to meet at Seleucia, in Iſauria; while thoſe of the Weſt held their deliberations at Rimini, on the coaſt of the Hadriatic; and, inſtead of two or three deputies from each province, the whole epiſcopal body was ordered to march. The Eaſtern council, after conſuming four days in fierce and unavailing debate, ſeparated without any definitive concluſion. The council of the Weſt was protracted till the ſeventh month. Taurus, the Praetorian praefect, was inſtructed not to diſmiſs the prelates till they ſhould all be united in the ſame opinion; and his efforts were ſupported by a power of baniſhing fifteen of the moſt refractory, and a promiſe of the conſulſhip if he atchieved ſo difficult an adventure. His A. D. 360. prayers and threats, the authority of the ſovereign, the ſophiſtry of Valens and Urſacius, the diſtreſs of cold and hunger, and the tedious melancholy of a hopeleſs exile, at length extorted the reluctant conſent of the biſhops of Rimini. The deputies of the Eaſt and of the Weſt attended the emperor in the palace of Conſtantinople, and he enjoyed the ſatisfaction of impoſing on the world a pro⯑feſſion of faith which eſtabliſhed the likeneſs, with⯑out expreſſing the conſubſtantiality, of the Son of [356] God ⁹⁵. But the triumph of Arianiſm had been preceded by the removal of the orthodox clergy, whom it was impoſſible either to intimidate or to corrupt; and the reign of Conſtantius was diſ⯑graced by the unjuſt and ineffectual perſecution of the great Athanaſius.

We have ſeldom an opportunity of obſerving, Character and adven⯑tures of Athana⯑ſius. either in active or ſpeculative life, what effect may be produced, or what obſtacles may be ſur⯑mounted, by the force of a ſingle mind, when it is inflexibly applied to the purſuit of a ſingle object. The immortal name of Athanaſius ⁹⁶ will never be ſeparated from the Catholic doctrine of the Trinity, to whoſe defence he conſecrated every moment and every faculty of his being. Edu⯑cated in the family of Alexander, he had vigorouſly oppoſed the early progreſs of the Arian hereſy: he exerciſed the important functions of ſecretary under the aged prelate; and the fathers of the Nicene council beheld with ſurpriſe and reſpect, the riſing virtues of the young deacon. In a time of public danger, the dull claims of age and of [357] rank are ſometimes ſuperſeded; and within five months after his return from Nice, the deacon Athanaſius was ſeated on the archiepiſcopal throne of Egypt. He filled that eminent ſtation above A. D. 326—373. forty-ſix years, and his long adminiſtration was ſpent in a perpetual combat againſt the powers of Arianiſm. Five times was Athanaſius expelled from his throne; twenty years he paſſed as an exile or a fugitive; and almoſt every province of the Roman empire was ſucceſſively witneſs to his merit, and his ſufferings in the cauſe of the Ho⯑moouſion, which he conſidered as the ſole pleaſure and buſineſs, as the duty, and as the glory, of his life. Amidſt the ſtorms of perſecution, the arch⯑biſhop of Alexandria was patient of labour, jealous of fame, careleſs of ſafety; and although his mind was tainted by the contagion of fanaticiſm, Atha⯑naſius diſplayed a ſuperiority of character and abilities, which would have qualified him, far better than the degenerate ſons of Conſtantine, for the government of a great monarchy. His learning was much leſs profound and extenſive than that of Euſebius of Caeſarea, and his rude eloquence could not be compared with the po⯑liſhed oratory of Gregory or Baſil; but whenever the primate of Egypt was called upon to juſtify his ſentiments or his conduct, his unpremeditated ſtyle, either of ſpeaking or writing, was clear, forcible, and perſuaſive. He has always been revered in the orthodox ſchool, as one of the moſt accurate maſters of the Chriſtian theology; and he was ſuppoſed to poſſeſs two profane ſciences, leſs adapted to the epiſcopal character; the know⯑ledge [358] of juriſprudence ⁹⁷, and that of divination ⁹⁸. Some fortunate conjectures of future events, which impartial reaſoners might aſcribe to the experience and judgment of Athanaſius, were attributed by his friends to heavenly inſpiration, and imputed by his enemies to infernal magic.

But as Athanaſius was continually engaged with the prejudices and paſſions of every order of men from the monk to the emperor, the knowledge of human nature was his firſt and moſt important ſcience. He preſerved a diſtinct and unbroken view of a ſcene which was inceſſantly ſhifting; and never failed to improve thoſe deciſive mo⯑ments which are irrecoverably paſt before they are perceived by a common eye. The archbiſhop of Alexandria was capable of diſtinguiſhing how far he might boldly command, and where he muſt dextrouſly inſinuate; how long he might contend with power, and when he muſt withdraw from per⯑ſecution; and while he directed the thunders of the church againſt hereſy and rebellion, he could aſſume, in the boſom of his own party, the flexible and indulgent temper of a prudent leader. The election of Athanaſius has not eſcaped the reproach of irregularity and precipitation ⁹⁹; but the pro⯑priety [359] of his behaviour conciliated the affections both of the clergy and of the people. The Alexandrians were impatient to riſe in arms for the defence of an eloquent and liberal paſtor. In his diſtreſs he always derived ſupport, or at leaſt conſolation, from the faithful attachment of his parochial clergy; and the hundred biſhops of Egypt adhered, with unſhaken zeal, to the cauſe of Athanaſius. In the modeſt equipage, which pride and policy would affect, he frequently per⯑formed the epiſcopal viſitation of his provinces, from the mouth of the Nile to the confines of Aethiopia; familiarly converſing with the meaneſt of the populace, and humbly ſaluting the ſaints and hermits of the deſert ¹⁰⁰. Nor was it only in eccleſiaſtical aſſemblies, among men whoſe edu⯑cation and manners were ſimilar to his own, that Athanaſius diſplayed the aſcendancy of his genius. He appeared with eaſy and reſpectful firmneſs in the courts of princes; and in the various turns of his proſperous and adverſe fortune, he never loſt the confidence of his friends, or the eſteem of his enemies.

In his youth, the primate of Egypt reſiſted the Perſe⯑cution againſt Athana⯑ſius, great Conſtantine, who had repeatedly ſignified A. D. 330. [360] his will, that Arius ſhould be reſtored to the Ca⯑tholic communion ¹⁰¹. The emperor reſpected, and might forgive, this inflexible reſolution; and the faction who conſidered Athanaſius as their moſt formidable enemy, were conſtrained to diſ⯑ſemble their hatred, and ſilently to prepare an indirect and diſtant aſſault. They ſcattered rumours and ſuſpicions, repreſented the arch⯑biſhop as a proud and oppreſſive tyrant, and boldly accuſed him of violating the treaty which had been ratified in the Nicene council, with the ſchiſmatic followers of Meletius ¹⁰². Athanaſius had openly diſapproved that ignominious peace, and the emperor was diſpoſed to believe, that he had abuſed his eccleſiaſtical and civil power, to perſecute thoſe odious ſectaries; that he had ſacri⯑legiouſly broken a chalice in one of their churches of Maraeotis: that he had whipped or impriſoned ſix of their biſhops; and that Arſenius, a ſeventh biſhop of the ſame party, had been murdered, or at leaſt mutilated, by the cruel hand of the pri⯑mate ¹⁰³. [361] Theſe charges, which affected his ho⯑nour and his life, were referred by Conſtantine to his brother Dalmatius the Cenſor, who reſided at Antioch; the ſynods of Caeſarea and Tyre were ſucceſſively convened; and the biſhops of the Eaſt were inſtructed to judge the cauſe of Athanaſius, before they proceeded to conſecrate the new church of the Reſurrection at Jeruſalem. The primate might be conſcious of his innocence; but he was ſenſible, that the ſame implacable ſpi⯑rit which had dictated the accuſation, would direct the proceeding, and pronounce the ſentence. He prudently declined the tribunal of his enemies, deſpiſed the ſummons of the ſynod of Caeſarea; and, after a long and artful delay, ſubmitted to the peremptory commands of the emperor, who threatened to puniſh his criminal diſobedience if he refuſed to appear in the council of Tyre ¹⁰⁴. Before Athanaſius, at the head of fifty Egyptian A. D. 335. prelates, ſailed from Alexandria, he had wiſely ſe⯑cured the alliance of the Meletians; and Arſenius himſelf, his imaginary victim, and his ſecret friend, was privately concealed in his train. The ſynod of Tyre was conducted by Euſebius of Caeſarea, with more paſſion, and with leſs art, than his learning and experience might promiſe; [362] his numerous faction repeated the names of ho⯑micide and tyrant; and their clamours were en⯑couraged by the ſeeming patience of Athanaſius; who expected the deciſive moment to produce Arſenius alive and unhurt in the midſt of the aſſembly. The nature of the other charges did not admit of ſuch clear and ſatisfactory replies; yet the archbiſhop was able to prove, that, in the village, where he was accuſed of breaking a con⯑ſecrated chalice, neither church nor altar nor chalice could really exiſt. The Arians, who had ſecretly determined the guilt and condemnation of their enemy, attempted, however, to diſguiſe their injuſtice by the imitation of judicial forms: the ſynod appointed an epiſcopal commiſſion of ſix delegates to collect evidence on the ſpot; and this meaſure, which was vigorouſly oppoſed by the Egyptian biſhops, opened new ſcenes of vio⯑lence and perjury ¹⁰⁵. After the return of the deputies from Alexandria, the majority of the council pronounced the final ſentence of degrada⯑tion and exile againſt the primate of Egypt. The decree, expreſſed in the fierceſt language of ma⯑lice and revenge, was communicated to the em⯑peror and the catholic church; and the biſhops immediately reſumed a mild and devout aſpect, ſuch as became their holy pilgrimage to the Sepulchre of Chriſt ¹⁰⁶.

[363] But the injuſtice of theſe eccleſiaſtical judges had not been countenanced by the ſubmiſſion, or even by the preſence, of Athanaſius. He re⯑ſolved His firſt exile, to make a bold and dangerous experiment, A. D. 336. whether the throne was inacceſſible to the voice of truth; and before the final ſentence could be pronounced at Tyre, the intrepid primate threw himſelf into a bark, which was ready to hoiſt ſail for the Imperial city. The requeſt of a formal audience might have been oppoſed or eluded; but Athanaſius concealed his arrival, watched the moment of Conſtantine's return from an adjacent villa, and boldly encountered his angry ſovereign as he paſſed on horſeback through the principal ſtreet of Conſtantinople. So ſtrange an apparition excited his ſurpriſe and indignation; and the guards were ordered to remove the importunate ſuitor; but his reſentment was ſubdued by invo⯑luntary reſpect; and the haughty ſpirit of the emperor was awed by the courage and eloquence of a biſhop, who implored his juſtice, and awakened his conſcience ¹⁰⁷. Conſtantine liſtened to the complaints of Athanaſius with impartial and even gracious attention; the members of the ſynod of Tyre were ſummoned to juſtify their proceedings; and the arts of the Euſebian faction would have been confounded; if they had not aggravated the guilt of the primate by the dex⯑terous ſuppoſition of an unpardonable offence; a criminal deſign to intercept and detain the corn⯑fleet [364] of Alexandria, which ſupplied the ſubſiſt⯑ence of the new capital ¹⁰⁸. The emperor was ſatisfied that the peace of Egypt would be ſecured by the abſence of a popular leader; but he refuſed to fill the vacancy of the archiepiſcopal throne; and the ſentence, which, after long heſitation, he pronounced, was that of a jealous oſtraciſm, rather than of an ignominious exile. In the re⯑mote province of Gaul, but in the hoſpitable court of Treves, Athanaſius paſſed about twenty-eight months. The death of the emperor changed the face of public affairs; and, amidſt the gene⯑ral indulgence of a young reign, the primate was and reſto⯑ration, reſtored to his country by an honourable edict of the younger Conſtantine, who expreſſed a deep A. D. 338. ſenſe of the innocence and merit of his venerable gueſt ¹⁰⁹.

The death of that prince expoſed Athanaſius to His ſecond exile. a ſecond perſecution; and the feeble Conſtantius, the ſovereign of the Eaſt, ſoon became the ſecret A. D. 341. accomplice of the Euſebians. Ninety biſhops of that ſect or faction aſſembled at Antioch, under [365] the ſpecious pretence of dedicating the cathedral. They compoſed an ambiguous creed, which is faintly tinged with the colours of Semi-Arianiſm, and twenty-five canons, which ſtill regulate the diſcipline of the orthodox Greeks ¹¹⁰. It was de⯑cided, with ſome appearance of equity, that a biſhop, deprived by a ſynod, ſhould not reſume his epiſcopal functions, till he had been abſolved by the judgment of an equal ſynod; the law was immediately applied to the caſe of Athanaſius; the council of Antioch pronounced, or rather confirmed, his degradation: a ſtranger named Gregory, was ſeated on his throne; and Phila⯑grius ¹¹¹, the praefect of Egypt, was inſtructed to ſupport the new primate with the civil and military powers of the province. Oppreſſed by the con⯑ſpiracy of the Aſiatic prelates, Athanaſius with⯑drew from Alexandria, and paſſed three ¹¹² years as an exile and a ſuppliant on the holy threſhold [366] of the vatican ¹¹³. By the aſſiduous ſtudy of the Latin language, he ſoon qualified himſelf to ne⯑gotiate with the weſtern clergy; his decent flattery ſwayed and directed the haughty Julius: the Ro⯑man Pontiff was perſuaded to conſider his appeal as the peculiar intereſt of the Apoſtolic ſee; and his innocence was unanimouſly declared in a coun⯑cil of fifty biſhops of Italy. At the end of three years, the primate was ſummoned to the court of Milan by the emperor Conſtans, who, in the in⯑dulgence of unlawful pleaſures, ſtill profeſſed a lively regard for the orthodox faith. The cauſe of truth and juſtice was promoted by the influence of gold ¹¹⁴, and the miniſters of Conſtans adviſed their ſovereign to require the convocation of an eccleſiaſtical aſſembly, which might act as the repreſentatives of the Catholic church. Ninety-four A. D. 346. biſhops of the Weſt, ſeventy-ſix biſhops of the Eaſt, encountered each other at Sardica, on the verge of the two empires, but in the domi⯑nions [367] of the protector of Athanaſius. Their de⯑bates ſoon degenerated into hoſtile altercations; the Aſiatics, apprehenſive for their perſonal ſafety, retired to Philippopolis in Thrace; and the rival ſynods reciprocally hurled their ſpiritual thunders againſt their enemies, whom they piouſly con⯑demned as the enemies of the true God. Their decrees were publiſhed and ratified in their reſpec⯑tive provinces; and Athanaſius, who in the Weſt was revered as a ſaint, was expoſed as a criminal to the abhorrence of the Eaſt ¹¹⁵. The council of Sardica reveals the firſt ſymptoms of diſcord and ſchiſm between the Greek and Latin churches, which were ſeparated by the accidental difference of faith, and the permanent diſtinction of lan⯑guage.

During his ſecond exile in the Weſt, Athanaſius and reſto⯑ration, was frequently admitted to the Imperial preſence; A. D. 349. at Capua, Lodi, Milan, Verona, Padua, Aqui⯑leia, and Treves. The biſhop of the dioceſe uſually aſſiſted at theſe interviews; the maſter of the offices ſtood before the veil or curtain of the ſacred apartment; and the uniform moderation of the primate might be atteſted by theſe reſpect⯑able witneſſes, to whoſe evidence he ſolemnly appeals ¹¹⁶. Prudence would undoubtedly ſuggeſt [368] the mild and reſpectful tone that became a ſub⯑ject and a biſhop. In theſe familiar conferences with the ſovereign of the Weſt, Athanaſius might lament the error of Conſtantius; but he boldly arraigned the guilt of his eunuchs and his Arian prelates; deplored the diſtreſs and danger of the Catholic church; and excited Conſtans to emulate the zeal and glory of his father. The emperor declared his reſolution of employing the troops and treaſures of Europe in the orthodox cauſe; and ſignified, by a conciſe and peremptory epiſtle to his brother Conſtantius, that unleſs he con⯑ſented to the immediate reſtoration of Athanaſius, he himſelf, with a fleet and army, would ſeat the archbiſhop on the throne of Alexandria ¹¹⁷. But this religious war, ſo horrible to nature, was pre⯑vented by the timely compliance of Conſtantius; and the emperor of the Eaſt condeſcended to ſolicit a reconciliation with a ſubject whom he had injured. Athanaſius waited with decent pride, till he had received three ſucceſſive epiſtles full of the ſtrongeſt aſſurances of the protection, the favour, and the eſteem of his ſovereign; who in⯑vited him to reſume his epiſcopal ſeat, and who added the humiliating precaution of engaging his principal miniſters to atteſt the ſincerity of his in⯑tentions. They were manifeſted in a ſtill more public manner, by the ſtrict orders which were diſpatched into Egypt to recall the adherents of [369] Athanaſius, to reſtore their privileges, to pro⯑claim their innocence, and to eraze from the public regiſters the illegal proceedings which had been obtained during the prevalence of the Euſe⯑bian faction. After every ſatisfaction and ſecurity had been given, which juſtice or even delicacy could require, the primate proceeded, by ſlow journeys, through the provinces of Thrace, Aſia, and Syria; and his progreſs was marked by the abject homage of the Oriental biſhops, who ex⯑cited his contempt without deceiving his penetra⯑tion ¹¹⁸. At Antioch he ſaw the emperor Con⯑ſtantius; ſuſtained, with modeſt firmneſs, the embraces and proteſtations of his maſter, and eluded the propoſal of allowing the Arians a ſingle church at Alexandria, by claiming, in the other cities of the empire, a ſimilar toleration for his own party; a reply which might have appeared juſt and moderate in the mouth of an independent prince. The entrance of the archbiſhop into his capital was a triumphal proceſſion; abſence and perſecution had endeared him to the Alexandrians; his authority, which he exerciſed with rigour, was more firmly eſtabliſhed; and his fame was diffuſed from Aethiopia to Britain, over the whole extent of the Chriſtian world ¹¹⁹.

[370] But the ſubject who has reduced his prince to the neceſſity of diſſembling, can never expect a ſincere and laſting forgiveneſs; and the tragic Reſent⯑ment of Conſtan⯑tius, fate of Conſtans ſoon deprived Athanaſius of a powerful and generous protector. The civil war A. D. 351. between the aſſaſſin and the only ſurviving bro⯑ther of Conſtans, which afflicted the empire above three years, ſecured an interval of repoſe to the Catholic church; and the two contending parties were deſirous to conciliate the friendſhip of a biſhop, who, by the weight of his perſonal autho⯑rity, might determine the fluctuating reſolutions of an important province. He gave audience to the ambaſſadors of the tyrant, with whom he was afterwards accuſed of holding a ſecret correſpond⯑ence ¹²⁰; and the emperor Conſtantius repeatedly aſſured his deareſt father, the moſt reverend Atha⯑naſius, that, notwithſtanding the malicious ru⯑mours which were circulated by their common enemies, he had inherited the ſentiments, as well as the throne, of his deceaſed brother ¹²¹. Gra⯑titude and humanity would have diſpoſed the pri⯑mate of Egypt to deplore the untimely fate of Conſtans, and to abhor the guilt of Magnentius; but as he clearly underſtood that the apprehen⯑ſions of Conſtantius were his only ſafeguard, the [371] ſervour of his prayers for the ſucceſs of the righte⯑ous cauſe might perhaps be ſomewhat abated. The ruin of Athanaſius was no longer contrived by the obſcure malice of a few bigoted or angry biſhops, who abuſed the authority of a credulous monarch. The monarch himſelf avowed the re⯑ſolution, which he had ſo long ſuppreſſed, of avenging his private injuries ¹²²; and the firſt winter after his victory, which he paſſes at Arles, was employed againſt an enemy more odious to him than the vanquiſhed tyrant of Gaul.

If the emperor had capriciouſly decreed the Councils of Arles and Milan, death of the moſt eminent and virtuous citizen of the republic, the cruel order would have been A. D. 353—355. executed without heſitation, by the miniſters of open violence or of ſpecious injuſtice. The cau⯑tion, the delay, the difficulty with which he pro⯑ceeded in the condemnation and puniſhment of a popular biſhop, diſcovered to the world that the privileges of the church had already revived a ſenſe of order and freedom in the Roman govern⯑ment. The ſentence which was pronounced in the ſynod of Tyre, and ſubſcribed by a large majority of the eaſtern biſhops, had never been expreſsly repealed; and as Athanaſius had been once degraded from his epiſcopal dignity by the judgment of his brethren, every ſubſequent act might be conſidered as irregular, and even cri⯑minal. But the memory of the firm and effectual ſupport which the primate of Egypt had derived [372] from the attachment of the weſtern church, en⯑gaged Conſtantius to ſuſpend the execution of the ſentence, till he had obtained the concurrence of the Latin biſhops. Two years were conſumed in eccleſiaſtical negociations; and the important cauſe between the emperor and one of his ſubjects was ſolemnly debated, firſt in the ſynod of Arles, and afterwards in the great council of Milan ¹²³, which conſiſted of above three hundred biſhops. Their integrity was gradually undermined by the arguments of the Arians, the dexterity of the eunuchs, and the preſſing ſolicitations of a prince, who gratified his revenge at the expence of his dignity; and expoſed his own paſſions, whilſt he influenced thoſe of the clergy. Corruption, the moſt infallible ſymptom of conſtitutional liberty, was ſucceſsfully practiſed: honours, gifts, and immunities, were offered and accepted as the price of an epiſcopal vote ¹²⁴; and the condemnation of the Alexandrian primate was artfully repreſented, as the only meaſure which could reſtore the peace and union of the Catholic church. The friends of Athanaſius were not, however, wanting to their [373] leader, or to their cauſe. With a manly ſpirit, which the ſanctity of their character rendered leſs dangerous, they maintained, in public debate, and in private conference with the emperor, the eternal obligation of religion and juſtice. They declared, that neither the hope of his favour, nor the fear of his diſpleaſure, ſhould prevail on them to join in the condemnation of an abſent, an inno⯑cent, a reſpectable brother ¹²⁵. They affirmed, with apparent reaſon, that the illegal and obſolete decrees of the council of Tyre had long ſince been tacitly aboliſhed by the Imperial edicts, the ho⯑nourable re-eſtabliſhment of the archbiſhop of Alexandria, and the ſilence or recantation of his moſt clamorous adverſaries. They alleged, that his innocence had been atteſted by the unanimous biſhops of Egypt, and had been acknowledged in the councils of Rome and Sardica ¹²⁶, by the im⯑partial judgment of the Latin church. They deplored the hard condition of Athanaſius, who, after enjoying ſo many years his ſeat, his reputa⯑tion, and the ſeeming confidence of his ſovereign, was again called upon to confute the moſt ground⯑leſs [374] and extravagant accuſations. Their language was ſpecious; their conduct was honourable: but in this long and obſtinate conteſt, which fixed the eyes of the whole empire on a ſingle biſhop, the eccleſiaſtical factions were prepared to ſacrifice truth and juſtice, to the more intereſting object of defending, or removing, the intrepid champion of the Nicene faith. The Arians ſtill thought it prudent to diſguiſe in ambiguous language, their real ſentiments and deſigns: but the orthodox biſhops, armed with the favour of the people, and the decrees of a general council, inſiſted on every occaſion, and particularly at Milan, that their adverſaries ſhould purge themſelves from the ſuſpicion of hereſy, before they preſumed to arraign the conduct of the great Athanaſius ¹²⁷.

But the voice of reaſon (if reaſon was indeed on Condem⯑nation of Athana⯑ſius, the ſide of Athanaſius) was ſilenced by the cla⯑mours of a factious or venal majority; and the councils of Arles and Milan were not diſſolved A. D. 355. till the archbiſhop of Alexandria had been ſo⯑lemnly condemned and depoſed by the judgment of the Weſtern, as well as of the Eaſtern, church. The biſhops who had oppoſed, were required to ſubſcribe, the ſentence; and to unite in religious communion with the ſuſpected leaders of the ad⯑verſe party. A formulary of conſent was tranſ⯑mitted by the meſſengers of ſtate to the abſent biſhops: and all thoſe who refuſed to ſubmit their private opinion to the public and inſpired wiſdom of the councils of Arles and Milan, were [375] immediately baniſhed by the emperor, who affect⯑ed to execute the decrees of the Catholic church. Among thoſe prelates who led the honourable band of confeſſors and exiles, Liberius of Rome, Oſius of Cordova, Paulanus of Treves, Diony⯑ſius of Milan, Euſebius of Vercellae, Lucifer of Cagliari, and Hilary of Poitiers, may deſerve to be particularly diſtinguiſhed. The eminent ſtation of Liberius, who governed the capital of the em⯑pire; the perſonal merit and long experience of the venerable Oſius, who was revered as the fa⯑vourite of the great Conſtantine, and the father of the Nicene faith; placed thoſe prelates at the head of the Latin church: and their example, either of ſubmiſſion or reſiſtance, would probably be imitated by the epiſcopal crowd. But the re⯑peated attempts of the emperor to ſeduce or to intimidate the biſhops of Rome and Cordova, were for ſome time ineffectual. The Spaniard declared himſelf ready to ſuffer under Conſtan⯑tius, as he had ſuffered threeſcore years before under his grandfather Maximian. The Roman, in the preſence of his ſovereign, aſſerted the in⯑nocence of Athanaſius, and his own freedom. When he was baniſhed to Beraea in Thrace, he ſent back a large ſum which had been offered for the accommodation of his journey; and inſulted the court of Milan by the haughty remark, that the emperor and his eunuchs might want that gold to pay their ſoldiers and their biſhops ¹²⁸. The [376] reſolution of Liberius and Oſius was at length ſubdued by the hardſhips of exile and confine⯑ment. The Roman pontiff purchaſed his return by ſome criminal compliances; and afterwards ex⯑piated his guilt by a ſeaſonable repentance. Per⯑ſuaſion and violence were employed to extort the reluctant ſignature of the decrepid biſhop of Cor⯑dova, whoſe ſtrength was broken, and whoſe faculties were perhaps impaired, by the weight of an hundred years; and the inſolent triumph of the Arians provoked ſome of the orthodox party to treat with inhuman ſeverity the character, or rather the memory, of an unfortunate old man, to whoſe former ſervices Chriſtianity itſelf was ſo deeply indebted ¹²⁹.

The fall of Liberius and Oſius reflected a Exiles. brighter luſtre on the firmneſs of thoſe biſhops who ſtill adhered, with unſhaken fidelity, to the cauſe of Athanaſius and religious truth. The ingenious malice of their enemies had deprived them of the benefit of mutual comfort and ad⯑vice, ſeparated thoſe illuſtrious exiles into diſtant provinces, and carefully ſelected the moſt inho⯑ſpitable ſpots of a great empire ¹³⁰. Yet they [377] ſoon experienced that the deſerts of Libya, and the moſt barbarous tracts of Cappadocia, were leſs inhoſpitable than the reſidence of thoſe cities in which an Arian biſhop could ſatiate, without reſtraint, the exquiſite rancour of theological hatred ¹³¹. Their conſolation was derived from the conſciouſneſs of rectitude and independence, from the applauſe, the viſits, the letters, and the liberal alms of their adherents ¹³²; and from the ſatisfaction which they ſoon enjoyed of obſerving the inteſtine diviſions of the adverſaries of the Nicene faith. Such was the nice and capricious taſte of the emperor Conſtantius, and ſo eaſily was he offended by the ſlighteſt deviation from his imaginary ſtandard of Chriſtian truth; that he perſecuted, with equal zeal, thoſe who defended the conſubſtantiality, thoſe who aſſerted the ſimilar ſubſtance, and thoſe who denied the likeneſs, of the Son of God. Three biſhops degraded and ba⯑niſhed for thoſe adverſe opinions, might poſſibly meet in the ſame place of exile; and, according to the difference of their temper, might either pity or inſult the blind enthuſiaſm of their an⯑tagoniſts, whoſe preſent ſufferings would never be compenſated by future happineſs.

[378] The diſgrace and exile of the orthodox biſhops of the Weſt were deſigned as ſo many preparatory ſteps to the ruin of Athanaſius himſelf ¹³³. Six Third ex⯑pulſion of Athana⯑ſius from Alexan⯑dria, and twenty months had elapſed, during which the Imperial court ſecretly laboured, by the moſt inſidious arts, to remove him from Alexandria, and to withdraw the allowance which ſupplied his A. D. 356. popular liberality. But when the primate of of Egypt, deſerted and proſcribed by the Latin church, was left deſtitute of any foreign ſupport, Conſtantius diſpatched two of his ſecretaries with a verbal commiſſion to announce and execute the order of his baniſhment. As the juſtice of the ſentence was publicly avowed by the whole party, the only motive which could reſtrain Conſtantius from giving his meſſengers the ſanction of a writ⯑ten mandate, muſt be imputed to his doubt of the event; and to a ſenſe of the danger to which he might expoſe the ſecond city, and the moſt fer⯑tile province of the empire, if the people ſhould perſiſt in the reſolution of defending, by force of arms, the innocence of their ſpiritual father. Such extreme caution afforded Athanaſius a ſpe⯑cious pretence reſpectfully to diſpute the truth of an order, which he could not reconcile, either with the equity, or with the former declarations, [379] of his gracious maſter. The civil powers of Egypt found themſelves inadequate to the taſk of perſuading or compelling the primate to abdicate his epiſcopal throne; and they were obliged to conclude a treaty with the popular leaders of Alexandria, by which it was ſtipulated, that all proceedings and all hoſtilities ſhould be ſuſpended till the emperor's pleaſure had been more diſtinctly aſcertained. By this ſeeming moderation, the Catholics were deceived into a falſe and fatal ſecurity; while the legions of the Upper Egypt, and of Libya, advanced, by ſecret orders and haſty marches, to beſiege, or rather to ſurpriſe, a capital, habituated to ſedition, and inflamed by religious zeal ¹³⁴. The poſition of Alexandria, between the ſea and the lake Mareotis, facilitated the approach and landing of the troops; who were introduced into the heart of the city, before any effectual meaſures could be taken, either to ſhut the gates, or to occupy the important poſts of deſence. At the hour of midnight, twenty-three days after the ſignature of the treaty, Syri⯑anus duke of Egypt, at the head of five thouſand ſoldiers, armed and prepared for an aſſault, unex⯑pectedly inveſted the church of St. Theonas, where the archbiſhop, with a part of his clergy and people, performed their nocturnal devotions. The doors of the ſacred edifice yielded to the impetu⯑oſity [380] of the attack, which was accompanied with every horrid circumſtance of tumult and blood⯑ſhed; but, as the bodies of the ſlain, and the fragments of military weapons, remained the next day an unexceptionable evidence in the poſſeſſion of the Catholics, the enterpriſe of Syrianus may be conſidered as a ſucceſsful irruption, rather than as an abſolute conqueſt. The other churches of the city were profaned by ſimilar outrages; and, during at leaſt four months, Alexandria was ex⯑poſed to the inſults of a licentious army, ſtimu⯑lated by the eccleſiaſtics of an hoſtile faction. Many of the faithful were killed; who may de⯑ſerve the name of martyrs, if their deaths were neither provoked nor revenged; biſhops and preſbyters were treated with cruel ignominy; con⯑ſecrated virgins were ſtripped naked, ſcourged, and violated; the houſes of wealthy citizens were plundered; and, under the maſk of reli⯑gious zeal, luſt, avarice, and private reſentment, were gratified with impunity, and even with ap⯑plauſe. The Pagans of Alexandria, who ſtill formed a numerous and diſcontented party, were eaſily perſuaded to deſert a biſhop whom they feared and eſteemed. The hopes of ſome peculiar favours, and the apprehenſion of being involved in the general penalties of rebellion, engaged them to promiſe their ſupport to the deſtined ſuc⯑ceſſor of Athanaſius, the famous George of Cap⯑padocia. The uſurper, after receiving the con⯑ſecration of an Arian ſynod, was placed on the epiſcopal throne by the arms of Sebaſtian, who had been appointed Count of Egypt for the exe⯑cution [381] of that important deſign. In the uſe, as well as in the acquiſition, of power, the tyrant George diſregarded the laws of religion, of juſ⯑tice, and of humanity; and the ſame ſcenes of violence and ſcandal which had been exhibited in the capital, were repeated in more than ninety epiſcopal cities of Egypt. Encouraged by ſuc⯑ceſs, Conſtantius ventured to approve the conduct of his miniſters. By a public and paſſionate epiſtle, the emperor congratulates the deliverance of Alexandria from a popular tyrant, who deluded his blind votaries by the magic of his eloquence; expatiates on the virtues and piety of the moſt reverend George, the elected biſhop; and aſpires, as the patron and benefactor of the city, to ſur⯑paſs the fame of Alexander himſelf. But he ſolemnly declares his unalterable reſolution to purſue with fire and ſword the ſeditious adherents of the wicked Athanaſius, who, by flying from juſtice, has confeſſed his guilt, and eſcaped the ignominious death which he had ſo often de⯑ſerved ¹³⁵.

Athanaſius had indeed eſcaped from the moſt His beha⯑viour. imminent dangers; and the adventures of that extraordinary man deſerve and fix our attention. On the memorable night when the church of St. Theonas was inveſted by the troops of Syrianus, the archbiſhop, ſeated on his throne, expected, with calm and intrepid dignity, the approach of death. While the public devotion was inter⯑rupted [382] by ſhouts of rage, and cries of terror, he animated his trembling congregation to expreſs their religious confidence, by chanting one of the pſalms of David, which celebrates the triumph of the God of Iſrael over the haughty and impious tyrant of Egypt. The doors were at length burſt open; a cloud of arrows was diſcharged among the people; the ſoldiers, with drawn ſwords, ruſhed forwards into the ſanctuary; and the dread⯑ful gleam of their armour was reflected by the holy luminaries which burnt round the altar ¹³⁶. Athanaſius ſtill rejected the pious importunity of the Monks and Preſbyters, who were attached to his perſon; and nobly refuſed to deſert his epiſ⯑copal ſtation, till he had diſmiſſed in ſafety the laſt of the congregation. The darkneſs and tu⯑mult of the night favoured the retreat of the archbiſhop; and though he was oppreſſed by the waves of an agitated multitude, though he was thrown to the ground, and left without ſenſe or motion, he ſtill recovered his undaunted courage; and eluded the eager ſearch of the ſoldiers, who were inſtructed by their Arian guides, that the head of Athanaſius would be the moſt acceptable preſent to the emperor. From that moment the primate of Egypt diſappeared from the eyes of his enemies, and remained above ſix years concealed in impenetrable obſcurity ¹³⁷.

[383] The deſpotic power of his implacable enemy filled the whole extent of the Roman world; and the exaſperated monarch had endeavoured, by a His retreat, very preſſing epiſtle to the Chriſtian princes of A. D. 356—362. Aethiopia, to exclude Athanaſius from the moſt remote and ſequeſtered regions of the earth. Counts, praefects, tribunes, whole armies, were ſucceſſively employed to purſue a biſhop and a fugitive; the vigilance of the civil and military powers were excited by the Imperial edicts; liberal rewards were promiſed to the man who ſhould produce Athanaſius, either alive or dead; and the moſt ſevere penalties were denounced againſt thoſe who ſhould dare to protect the public enemy ¹³⁸. But the deſerts of Thebaïs were now peopled by a race of wild, yet ſubmiſſive fanatics, who preferred the commands of their abbot to the laws of their ſovereign. The numerous diſciples of Antony and Pachomius received the fugitive primate as their father, admired the patience and humility with which he conformed to their ſtricteſt inſtitutions, collected every word which dropt from his lips as the genuine effuſions of inſpired wiſdom; and perſuaded themſelves, that their prayers, their faſts, and their vigils, were leſs meritorious than the zeal which they expreſſed, [384] and the dangers which they braved, in the de⯑fence of truth and innocence ¹³⁹. The monaſteries of Egypt were ſeated in lonely and deſolate places, on the ſummit of mountains, or in the iſlands of the Nile; and the ſacred horn or trum⯑pet of Tabenne was the well-known ſignal which aſſembled ſeveral thouſand robuſt and determined Monks, who, for the moſt part, had been the peaſants of the adjacent country. When their dark retreats were invaded by a military force, which it was impoſſible to reſiſt, they ſilently ſtretched out their necks to the executioner; and ſupported their national character, that tortures could never wreſt from an Egyptian the confeſſion of a ſecret which he was reſolved not to diſ⯑cloſe ¹⁴⁰. The archbiſhop of Alexandria, for whoſe ſafety they eagerly devoted their lives, was loſt among a uniform and well-diſciplined multitude; and on the nearer approach of danger, he was ſwiftly removed, by their officious hands, from one place of concealment to another, till he reached the formidable deſerts, which the gloomy and credulous temper of ſuperſtition had peopled with daemons and ſavage monſters. The retire⯑ment of Athanaſius, which ended only with the life of Conſtantius, was ſpent, for the moſt part, in the ſociety of the Monks, who faithfully ſerved him as guards, as ſecretaries, and as meſſengers; [385] but the importance of maintaining a more inti⯑mate connection with the Catholic party, tempted him, whenever the diligence of the purſuit was abated, to emerge from the deſert, to introduce himſelf into Alexandria, and to truſt his perſon to the diſcretion of his friends and adherents. His various adventures might have furniſhed the ſubject of a very entertaining romance. He was once ſecreted in a dry ciſtern, which he had ſcarcely left before he was betrayed by the trea⯑chery of a female ſlave ¹⁴¹; and he was once con⯑cealed in a ſtill more extraordinary aſylum, the houſe of a virgin, only twenty years of age, and who was celebrated in the whole city for her ex⯑quiſite beauty. At the hour of midnight, as ſhe related the ſtory many years afterwards, ſhe was ſurpriſed by the appearance of the archbiſhop in a looſe undreſs, who, advancing with haſty ſteps, conjured her to afford him the protection which he had been directed by a celeſtial viſion to ſeek under her hoſpitable roof. The pious maid ac⯑cepted and preſerved the ſacred pledge which was entruſted to her prudence and courage. Without imparting the ſecret to any one, ſhe inſtantly con⯑ducted Athanaſius into her moſt ſecret chamber, and watched over his ſafety with the tenderneſs of a friend and the aſſiduity of a ſervant. As long as the danger continued, ſhe regularly ſupplied him with books and proviſions, waſhed his feet, ma⯑naged [386] his correſpondence, and dexterouſly con⯑cealed from the eye of ſuſpicion, this familiar and ſolitary intercourſe between a ſaint whoſe character required the moſt unblemiſhed chaſtity, and a female whoſe charms might excite the moſt dangerous emotions ¹⁴². During the ſix years of perſecution and exile, Athanaſius repeated his viſits to his fair and faithful companion; and the formal declaration, that he ſaw the councils of Rimini and Seleucia ¹⁴³, forces us to believe that he was ſecretly preſent at the time and place of their convocation. The advantage of perſonally negociating with his friends, and of obſerving and improving the diviſions of his enemies, might juſtify, in a prudent ſtateſman, ſo bold and dan⯑gerous an enterpriſe: and Alexandria was con⯑nected by trade and navigation with every ſea⯑port of the Mediterranean. From the depth of his inacceſſible retreat, the intrepid primate waged an inceſſant and offenſive war againſt the protector of the Arians; and his ſeaſonable writings, which were diligently circulated, and eagerly peruſed, contributed to unite and animate the orthodox party. In his public apologies, which he ad⯑dreſſed to the emperor himſelf, he ſometimes [387] affected the praiſe of moderation; whilſt at the ſame time, in ſecret and vehement invectives, he expoſed Conſtantius as a weak and wicked prince, the executioner of his family, the tyrant of the republic, and the antichriſt of the church. In the height of his proſperity, the victorious mo⯑narch, who had chaſtiſed the raſhneſs of Gallus, and ſuppreſſed the revolt of Sylvanus, who had taken the diadem from the head of Vetranio, and vanquiſhed in the field the legions of Magnen⯑tius, received from an inviſible hand a wound, which he could neither heal nor revenge; and the ſon of Conſtantine was the firſt of the Chriſtian princes who experienced the ſtrength of thoſe principles, which, in the cauſe of religion, could reſiſt the moſt violent exertions of the civil power ¹⁴⁴.

The perſecution of Athanaſius, and of ſo many Arian biſhops. reſpectable biſhops, who ſuffered for the truth of their opinions, or at leaſt for the integrity of their conſcience, was a juſt ſubject of indignation and diſcontent to all Chriſtians, except thoſe who were blindly devoted to the Arian faction. The people regretted the loſs of their faithful paſtors, whoſe baniſhment was uſually followed by the in⯑truſion [388] of a ſtranger ¹⁴⁵ into the epiſcopal chair; and loudly complained, that the right of election was violated, and that they were condemned to obey a mercenary uſurper, whoſe perſon was un⯑known, and whoſe principles were ſuſpected. The Catholics might prove to the world, that they were not involved in the guilt and hereſy of their eccleſiaſtical governor, by publicly teſtifying their Diviſions. diſſent, or by totally ſeparating themſelves from his communion. The firſt of theſe methods was invented at Antioch, and practiſed with ſuch ſuc⯑ceſs, that it was ſoon diffuſed over the Chriſtian world. The doxology, or ſacred hymn, which celebrates the glory of the Trinity, is ſuſceptible of very nice, but material, inflexions; and the ſub⯑ſtance of an orthodox, or an heretical, creed, may be expreſſed by the difference of a diſjunctive, or a copulative, particle. Alternate reſponſes, and a more regular pſalmody ¹⁴⁶, were introduced into the public ſervice by Flavianus and Diodorus, two devout and active laymen, who were attached to the Nicene faith. Under their conduct, a ſwarm of Monks iſſued from the adjacent deſert, bands of well-diſciplined ſingers were ſtationed in the cathedral of Antioch, the Glory to the Father, [389] AND the Son, AND the Holy Ghoſt ¹⁴⁷, was tri⯑umphantly chanted by a full chorus of voices; and the Catholics inſulted, by the purity of their doctrine, the Arian prelate, who had uſurped the throne of the venerable Euſtathius. The ſame zeal which inſpired their ſongs, prompted the more ſcrupulous members of the orthodox party to form ſeparate aſſemblies, which were governed by the preſbyters, till the death of their exiled biſhop allowed the election and conſecration of a new epiſcopal paſtor ¹⁴⁸. The revolutions of the court multiplied the number of pretenders; and the ſame city was often diſputed, under the reign of Conſtantius, by two, or three, or even four biſhops, who exerciſed their ſpiritual juriſdiction over their reſpective followers, and alternately loſt and regained the temporal poſſeſſions of the church. The abuſe of Chriſtianity introduced into the Roman government new cauſes of tyranny and ſedition; the bands of civil ſociety were torn aſunder by the fury of religious factions; and the obſcure citizen, who might calmly have ſurveyed the elevation and fall of ſucceſſive em⯑perors, [390] imagined and experienced, that his own life and fortune were connected with the intereſts of a popular eccleſiaſtic. The example of the two capitals, Rome and Conſtantinople, may ſerve to repreſent the ſtate of the empire, and the temper of mankind, under the reign of the ſons of Conſtantine.

I. The Roman pontiff, as long as he main⯑tained Rome. his ſtation and his principles, was guarded by the warm attachment of a great people; and could reject with ſcorn the prayers, the menaces, and the oblations of an heretical prince. When the eunuchs had ſecretly pronounced the exile of Liberius, the well-grounded apprehenſion of a tumult engaged them to uſe the utmoſt precau⯑tions in the execution of the ſentence. The capital was inveſted on every ſide, and the Prae⯑fect was commanded to ſeize the perſon of the biſhop, either by ſtratagem or by open force. The order was obeyed; and Liberius, with the greateſt difficulty, at the hour of midnight, was ſwiftly conveyed beyond the reach of the Roman people, before their conſternation was turned into rage. As ſoon as they were informed of his ba⯑niſhment into Thrace, a general aſſembly was convened, and the clergy of Rome bound them⯑ſelves, by a public and ſolemn oath, never to deſert their biſhop, never to acknowledge the uſurper Faelix; who, by the influence of the eu⯑nuchs, had been irregularly choſen and conſe⯑crated within the walls of a profane palace. At the end of two years, their pious obſtinacy ſub⯑ſiſted entire and unſhaken; and when Conſtan⯑tius [391] viſited Rome, he was aſſailed by the impor⯑tunate ſolicitations of a people, who had preſerved, as the laſt remnant of their ancient freedom, the right of treating their ſovereign with familiar in⯑ſolence. The wives of many of the ſenators and moſt honourable citizens, after preſſing their huſ⯑bands to intercede in favour of Liberius, were ad⯑viſed to undertake a commiſſion, which, in their hands, would be leſs dangerous, and might prove more ſucceſsful. The emperor received with po⯑liteneſs theſe female deputies, whoſe wealth and dignity were diſplayed in the magnificence of their dreſs and ornaments: he admired their in⯑flexible reſolution of following their beloved paſtor to the moſt diſtant regions of the earth; and con⯑ſented that the two biſhops, Liberius and Faelix, ſhould govern in peace their reſpective congre⯑gations. But the ideas of toleration were ſo re⯑pugnant to the practice, and even to the ſenti⯑ments, of thoſe times, that when the anſwer of Conſtantius was publicly read in the Circus of Rome, ſo reaſonable a project of accommodation was rejected with contempt and ridicule. The eager vehemence which animated the ſpectators in the deciſive moment of a horſe-race, was now directed towards a different object; and the Cir⯑cus reſounded with the ſhout of thouſands, who repeatedly exclaimed, ‘One God, One Chriſt, One Biſhop.’ The zeal of the Roman people in the cauſe of Liberius, was not confined to words alone; and the dangerous and bloody ſedi⯑tion which they excited ſoon after the departure [392] of Conſtantius, determined that prince to accept the ſubmiſſion of the exiled prelate, and to reſtore him to the undivided dominion of the capital. After ſome ineffectual reſiſtance, his rival was ex⯑pelled from the city by the permiſſion of the em⯑peror, and the power of the oppoſite faction; the adherents of Faelix were inhumanly murdered in the ſtreets, in the public places, in the baths, and even in the churches; and the face of Rome, upon the return of a Chriſtian biſhop, renewed the horrid image of the maſſacres of Marius, and the proſcriptions of Sylla ¹⁴⁹.

II. Notwithſtanding the rapid increaſe of Chriſt⯑ians under the reign of the Flavian family, Rome, Conſtan⯑tinople. Alexandria, and the other great cities of the em⯑pire, ſtill contained a ſtrong and powerful faction of Infidels, who envied the proſperity, and who ridiculed, even on their theatres, the theological diſputes of the church. Conſtantinople alone enjoyed the advantage of being born and educated in the boſom of the faith. The capital of the Eaſt had never been polluted by the worſhip of Idols; and the whole body of the people had deeply imbibed the opinions, the virtues, and the paſſions, which diſtinguiſhed the Chriſtians of that age from the reſt of mankind. After the death of Alexander, the epiſcopal throne was diſ⯑puted by Paul and Macedonius. By their zeal [393] and abilities they both deſerved the eminent ſta⯑tion to which they aſpired; and if the moral cha⯑racter of Macedonius was leſs exceptionable, his competitor had the advantage of a prior election and a more orthodox doctrine. His firm attach⯑ment to the Nicene creed, which has given Paul a place in the calendar among ſaints and martyrs, expoſed him to the reſentment of the Arians. In the ſpace of fourteen years he was five times driven from his throne; to which he was more frequently reſtored by the violence of the people, than by the permiſſion of the prince; and the power of Ma⯑cedonius could be ſecured only by the death of his rival. The unfortunate Paul was dragged in chains from the ſandy deſerts of Meſopotamia to the moſt deſolate places of Mount Taurus ¹⁵⁰, confined in a dark and narrow dungeon, left ſix days without food, and at length ſtrangled, by the order of Philip, one of the principal miniſters of the emperor Conſtantius ¹⁵¹. The firſt blood which ſtained the new capital was ſpilt in this ec⯑cleſiaſtical conteſt; and many perſons were ſlain on [394] both ſides, in the furious and obſtinate ſeditions of the people. The commiſſion of enforcing a ſen⯑tence of baniſhment againſt Paul, had been en⯑truſted to Hermogenes, the maſter-general of the cavalry; but the execution of it was fatal to him⯑ſelf. The Catholics roſe in the defence of their biſhop; the palace of Hermogenes was conſumed; the firſt military officer of the empire was dragged by the heels through the ſtreets of Conſtantinople, and, after he expired, his lifeleſs corpſe was ex⯑poſed to their wanton inſults ¹⁵². The fare of Hermogenes inſtructed Philip, the Praetorian prae⯑fect, to act with more precaution on a ſimilar oc⯑ſion. In the moſt gentle and honourable terms, he required the attendance of Paul in the baths of Zeuxippus, which had a private communication with the palace and the ſea. A veſſel, which lay ready at the garden-ſtairs, immediately hoiſted fail; and, while the people were ſtill ignorant of the meditated ſacrilege, their biſhop was already embarked on his voyage to Theſſalonica. They ſoon beheld, with ſurpriſe and indignation, the gates of the palace thrown open, and the uſurper Macedonius ſeated by the ſide of the praefect on a lofty chariot, which was ſurrounded by troops of guards with drawn ſwords. The military proceſ⯑ſion advanced towards the cathedral; the Arians and the Catholics eagerly ruſhed to occupy that important poſt; and three thouſand one hundred and fifty perſons loſt their lives in the confuſion of [395] the tumult. Macedonius, who was ſupported by a regular force, obtained a deciſive victory; but his reign was diſturbed by clamour and ſedition; and the cauſes which appeared the leaſt connected with the ſubject of diſpute, were ſufficient to nouriſh and to kindle the flame of civil diſcord. As the chapel in which the body of the great Con⯑ſtantine had been depoſited was in a ruinous con⯑dition, the biſhop tranſported thoſe venerable re⯑mains into the church of St. Acacius. This pru⯑dent and even pious meaſure was repreſented as a wicked profanation by the whole party which ad⯑hered to the Homoouſian doctrine. The factions immediately flew to arms, the conſecrated ground was uſed as their field of battle; and one of the eccleſiaſtical hiſtorians has obſerved, as a real fact, not as a figure of rhetoric, that the well be⯑fore the church overflowed with a ſtream of blood, which filled the porticoes and the adjacent courts. The writer who ſhould impute theſe tumults ſolely to a religious principle, would betray a very im⯑perfect knowledge of human nature; yet it muſt be confeſſed, that the motive which miſled the ſincerity of zeal, and the pretence which diſguiſed the licentiouſneſs of paſſion, ſuppreſſed the re⯑morſe which, in another cauſe, would have ſuc⯑ceeded to the rage of the Chriſtians of Conſtan⯑tinople ¹⁵³.

[396] The cruel and arbitrary diſpoſition of Conſtan⯑tius, which did not always require the provoca⯑tions of guilt and reſiſtance, was juſtly exaſperated Cruelty of the Arians. by the tumults of his capital, and the criminal behaviour of a faction, which oppoſed the autho⯑rity and religion of their ſovereign. The ordinary puniſhments of death, exile, and confiſcation were inflicted with partial rigour; and the Greeks ſtill revere the holy memory of two clerks, a reader and a ſub-deacon, who were accuſed of the murder of Hermogenes, and beheaded at the gates of Conſtantinople. By an edict of Conſtantius againſt the Catholics, which has not been judged worthy of a place in the Theodoſian code, thoſe who refuſed to communicate with the Arian biſhops, and particularly with Macedonius, were deprived of the immunities of eccleſiaſtics, and of the rights of Chriſtians; they were compelled to relinquiſh the poſſeſſion of the churches; and were ſtrictly prohibited from holding their aſſem⯑blies within the walls of the city. The execution of this unjuſt law, in the provinces of Thrace and Aſia Minor, was committed to the zeal of Ma⯑cedonius; the civil and military powers were directed to obey his commands; and the cruelties exerciſed by this Semi-Arian tyrant in the ſupport of the Homoiouſion, exceeded the commiſſion, and diſgraced the reign, of Conſtantius. The ſacra⯑ments of the church were adminiſtered to the reluctant victims, who denied the vocation, and abhorred the principles, of Macedonius. The rites of baptiſm were conferred on women and chil⯑dren, who, for that purpoſe, had been torn from [397] the arms of their friends and parents; the mouths of the communicants were held open, by a wooden engine, while the conſecrated bread was forced down their throat; the breaſts of tender virgins were either burnt with red-hot egg-ſhells, or in⯑humanly compreſſed between ſharp and heavy boards ¹⁵⁴. The Novatians of Conſtantinople, and the adjacent country, by their firm attachment to the Homoouſian ſtandard, deſerved to be con⯑founded with the Catholics themſelves. Macedo⯑nius was informed, that a large diſtrict of Pa⯑phlagonia ¹⁵⁵ was almoſt entirely inhabited by thoſe ſectaries. He reſolved either to convert or to ex⯑tirpate them; and as he diſtruſted, on this occa⯑ſion, the efficacy of an eccleſiaſtical miſſion, he commanded a body of four thouſand legionaries to march againſt the rebels, and to reduce the territory of Mantinium under his ſpiritual domi⯑nion. The Novatian peaſants, animated by de⯑ſpair and religious fury, boldly encountered the invaders of their country; and though many of the Paphlagonians were ſlain, the Roman legions were vanquiſhed by an irregular multitude, [398] armed only with ſcythes and axes; and, except a few who eſcaped by an ignominious flight, four thouſand ſoldiers were left dead on the field of battle. The ſucceſſor of Conſtantius has expreſſ⯑ed, in a conciſe but lively manner, ſome of the theological calamities which afflicted the empire, and more eſpecially the Eaſt, in the reign of a prince who was the ſlave of his own paſſions, and of thoſe of his eunuchs. ‘Many were impriſoned, and perſecuted, and driven into exile. Whole troops of thoſe who are ſtiled heretics were maſſacred, particularly at Cyzicus, and at Samo⯑ſata. In Paphlagonia, Bithynia, Galatia, and in many other provinces, towns and villages were laid waſte, and utterly deſtroyed ¹⁵⁶.’

While the flames of the Arian controverſy con⯑ſumed the vitals of the empire, the African pro⯑vinces The revolt and fury of the Dona⯑tiſt Cir⯑cumcel⯑lions, were infeſted by their peculiar enemies the ſavage fanatics, who, under the name of Circum⯑cellions, formed the ſtrength and ſcandal of the A. D. 345, &c. Donatiſt party ¹⁵⁷. The ſevere execution of the laws of Conſtantine had excited a ſpirit of diſcon⯑tent and reſiſtance; the ſtrenuous efforts of his ſon Conſtans, to reſtore the unity of the church, exaſperated the ſentiments of mutual hatred, which had firſt occaſioned the ſeparation; and the me⯑thods [399] of force and corruption employed by the two Imperial commiſſioners, Paul and Macarius, furniſhed the ſchiſmatics with a ſpecious contraſt between the maxims of the apoſtles and the con⯑duct of their pretended ſucceſſors ¹⁵⁸. The pea⯑ſants who inhabited the villages of Numidia and Mauritania, were a ferocious race, who had been imperfectly reduced under the authority of the Roman laws; who were imperfectly converted to the Chriſtian faith; but who were actuated by a blind and furious enthuſiaſm in the cauſe of their Donatiſt teachers. They indignantly ſupported the exile of their biſhops, the demolition of their churches, and the interruption of their ſecret aſſemblies. The violence of the officers of juſtice, who were uſually ſuſtained by a military guard, was ſometimes repelled with equal vio⯑lence; and the blood of ſome popular eccleſiaſtics, which had been ſhed in the quarrel, inflamed their rude followers with an eager deſire of re⯑venging the death of theſe holy martyrs. By [400] their own cruelty and raſhneſs, the miniſters of perſecution ſometimes provoked their fate; and the guilt of an accidental tumult precipitated the criminals into deſpair and rebellion. Driven from their native villages, the Donatiſt peaſants aſſembled in formidable gangs on the edge of the Getulian deſert; and readily exchanged the habits of labour for a life of idleneſs and rapine, which was conſecrated by the name of religion, and faintly condemned by the doctors of the ſect. ‘The leaders of the Circumcellions aſſumed the aſſumed the title of captains of the ſaints; their principal weapon, as they were indifferently pro⯑vided with ſwords and ſpears, was a huge and weighty club, which they termed an Iſraelite; and the well-known ſound of "Praiſe be to God," which they uſed as their cry of war, diffuſed con⯑ſternation over the unarmed provinces of Africa.’ At firſt their depredations were coloured by the plea of neceſſity; but they ſoon exceeded the meaſure of ſubſiſtence, indulged without controul their intemperance and avarice, burnt the villages which they had pillaged, and reigned the licen⯑tious tyrants of the open country. The occupa⯑tions of huſbandry, and the adminiſtration of juſtice, were interrupted; and as the Circumcel⯑lions pretended to reſtore the primitive equality of mankind, and to reform the abuſes of civil ſociety, they opened a ſecure aſylum for the ſlaves and debtors, who flocked in crowds to their holy ſtandard. When they were not reſiſted, they uſually contented themſelves with plunder, but the ſlighteſt oppoſition provoked them to acts of [401] violence and murder; and ſome Catholic prieſts, who had imprudently ſignalized their zeal, were tortured by the fanatics with the moſt refined and wanton barbarity. The ſpirit of the Circumcel⯑lions was not always exerted againſt their defence⯑leſs enemies; they engaged, and ſometimes de⯑feated, the troops of the province; and in the bloody action of Bagai, they attacked in the open field, but with unſucceſsful valour, an advanced guard of the Imperial cavalry. The Donatiſts who were taken in arms, received, and they ſoon deſerved, the ſame treatment which might have been ſhewn to the wild beaſts of the deſert. The captives died, without a murmur, either by the ſword, the axe, or the fire; and the meaſures of retaliation were multiplied in a rapid proportion, which aggravated the horrors of rebellion, and excluded the hope of mutual forgiveneſs. In the beginning of the preſent century, the example of the Circumcellions has been renewed in the per⯑ſecution, the boldneſs, the crimes, and the en⯑thuſiaſm of the Camiſards; and if the fanatics of Languedoc ſurpaſſed thoſe of Numidia, by their military atchievements, the Africans maintained their fierce independence with more reſolution and perſeverance ¹⁵⁹.

Such diſorders are the natural effects of religious tyranny; but the rage of the Donatiſts was in⯑flamed Their re⯑ligious ſuicides. by a frenzy of a very extraordinary kind; [402] and which, if it really prevailed among them in ſo extravagant a degree, cannot ſurely be paral⯑leled in any country, or in any age. Many of theſe fanatics were poſſeſſed with the horror of life, and the deſire of martyrdom; and they deemed it of little moment by what means, or by what hands, they periſhed, if their conduct was ſanctified by the intention of devoting them⯑ſelves to the glory of the true faith, and the hope of eternal happineſs ¹⁶⁰. Sometimes they rudely diſturbed the feſtivals, and profaned the temples of paganiſm, with the deſign of exciting the moſt zealous of the idolaters to revenge the inſulted honour of their gods. They ſometimes forced their way into the courts of juſtice, and compelled the affrighted judge to give orders for their im⯑mediate execution. They frequently ſtopped tra⯑vellers on the public highways, and obliged them to inflict the ſtroke of martyrdom, by the pro⯑miſe of a reward, if they conſented, and by the threat of inſtant death, if they refuſed to grant ſo very ſingular a favour. When they were diſap⯑pointed of every other reſource, they announced the day on which, in the preſence of their friends and brethren, they ſhould caſt themſelves head⯑long from ſome lofty rock; and many precipices were ſhewn, which had acquired fame by the number of religious ſuicides. In the actions of theſe deſperate enthuſiaſts, who were admired by one party as the martyrs of God, and abhorred by [403] the other, as the victims of Satan, an impartial philoſopher may diſcover the influence and the laſt abuſe of that inflexible ſpirit, which was ori⯑ginally derived from the character and principles of the Jewiſh nation.

The ſimple narrative of the inteſtine diviſions, General character of the Chriſtian ſects, which diſtracted the peace, and diſhonoured the triumph, of the church, will confirm the remark of a pagan hiſtorian, and juſtify the complaint of a A. D. 312—361. venerable biſhop. The experience of Ammianus had convinced him, that the enmity of the Chriſt⯑ians towards each other, ſurpaſſed the fury of ſavage beaſts againſt man ¹⁶¹; and Gregory Nazianzen moſt pathetically laments, that the kingdom of heaven was converted, by diſcord, into the image of chaos, of a nocturnal tempeſt, and of hell itſelf ¹⁶². The fierce and partial writers of the times, aſcribing all virtue to themſelves, and imputing all guilt to their adverſaries, have painted the battle of the angels and daemons. Our calmer reaſon will reject ſuch pure and perfect monſters of vice or ſanctity, and will impute an equal, or at leaſt an indiſcri⯑minate, meaſure of good and evil to the hoſtile ſectaries, who aſſumed and beſtowed the appella⯑tions of orthodox and heretics. They had been educated in the ſame religion, and the ſame civil ſociety. Their hopes and fears in the preſent, or in a future, life, were balanced in the ſame pro⯑portion. On either ſide, the error might be in⯑nocent, [404] the faith ſincere, the practice meritorious or corrupt. Their paſſions were excited by ſimi⯑lar objects; and they might alternately abuſe the favour of the court, or of the people. The meta⯑phyſical opinions of the Athanaſians and the Arians, could not influence their moral character; and they were alike actuated by the intolerant ſpi⯑rit, which has been extracted from the pure and ſimple maxims of the goſpel.

A modern writer, who, with a juſt confidence, Toleration of pagan⯑iſm has prefixed to his own hiſtory the honourable epithets of political and philoſophical ¹⁶³, accuſes the timid prudence of Monteſquieu, for neglect⯑ing to enumerate, among the cauſes of the decline of the empire, a law of Conſtantine, by which the exerciſe of the pagan worſhip was abſolutely ſup⯑preſſed, and a conſiderable part of his ſubjects was left deſtitute of prieſts, of temples, and of any public religion. The zeal of the philoſophic hiſtorian for the rights of mankind, has induced him to acquieſce in the ambiguous teſtimony of thoſe eccleſiaſtics, who have too lightly aſcribed to their favourite hero the merit of a general per⯑ſecution ¹⁶⁴. Inſtead of alleging this imaginary [405] law, which would have blazed in the front of the Imperial codes, we may ſafely appeal to the ori⯑ginal epiſtle, which Conſtantine addreſſed to the followers of the ancient religion; at a time when he no longer diſguiſed his converſion, nor dreaded the rivals of his throne. He invites and exhorts, in the moſt preſſing terms, the ſubjects of the Roman empire to imitate the example of their maſter; but he declares, that thoſe who ſtill re⯑fuſe by Con⯑ſtantine, to open their eyes to the celeſtial light, may freely enjoy their temples, and their fancied gods. A report, that the ceremonies of paganiſm were ſuppreſſed, is formally contradicted by the em⯑peror himſelf, who wiſely aſſigns, as the principle of his moderation, the invincible force of habit, of prejudice, and of ſuperſtition ¹⁶⁵. Without violating the ſanctity of his promiſe, without alarming the fears of the pagans, the artful mo⯑narch advanced, by ſlow and cautious ſteps, to undermine the irregular and decayed fabric of polytheiſm. The partial acts of ſeverity which he occaſionally exerciſed, though they were ſe⯑cretly prompted by a Chriſtian zeal, were colour⯑ed by the faireſt pretences of juſtice, and the public good; and while Conſtantine deſigned to ruin the foundations, he ſeemed to reform the abuſes, of the ancient religion. After the example [406] of the wiſeſt of his predeceſſors, he condemned, under the moſt rigorous penalties, the occult and impious arts of divination; which excited the vain hopes, and ſometimes the criminal attempts, of thoſe who were diſcontented with their preſent condition. An ignominious ſilence was impoſed on the oracles, which had been publicly con⯑victed of fraud and falſehood; the effeminate prieſts of the Nile were aboliſhed; and Conſtan⯑tine diſcharged the duties of a Roman cenſor, when he gave orders for the demolition of ſeveral temples of Phoenicia; in which every mode of proſtitution was devoutly practiſed in the face of day, and to the honour of Venus ¹⁶⁶. The Im⯑perial city of Conſtantinople was, in ſome mea⯑ſure, raiſed at the expence, and was adorned with the ſpoils, of the opulent temples of Greece and Aſia; the ſacred property was confiſcated; the ſtatues of gods and heroes were tranſported, with rude familiarity, among a people who con⯑ſidered them as objects, not of adoration, but of curioſity: the gold and ſilver were reſtored to cir⯑culation; and the magiſtrates, the biſhops, and the eunuchs, improved the fortunate occaſion of gratifying, at once, their zeal, their avarice, and their reſentment. But theſe depredations were confined to a ſmall part of the Roman world; and the provinces had been long ſince accuſtomed to [407] endure the ſame ſacrilegious rapine, from the tyranny of princes and proconſuls, who could not be ſuſpected of any deſign to ſubvert the eſtabliſhed religion ¹⁶⁷.

The ſons of Conſtantine trod in the footſteps of and his ſons. their father, with more zeal, and with leſs diſ⯑cretion. The pretences of rapine and oppreſſion were inſenſibly multiplied ¹⁶⁸; every indulgence was ſhewn to the illegal behaviour of the Chriſ⯑tians; every doubt was explained to the diſad⯑vantage of paganiſm; and the demolition of the temples was celebrated as one of the auſpicious events of the reign of Conſtans and Conſtan⯑tius ¹⁶⁹. The name of Conſtantius is prefixed to a conciſe law, which might have ſuperſeded the neceſſity of any future prohibitions. ‘It is our pleaſure, that in all places, and in all cities, the temples be immediately ſhut, and carefully guarded, that none may have the power of offending. It is likewiſe our pleaſure, that all [408] our ſubjects ſhould abſtain from ſacrifices. If any one ſhould be guilty of ſuch an act, let him feel the ſword of vengeance; and after his execution, let his property be confiſcated to the public uſe. We denounce the ſame penalties againſt the governors of the pro⯑vinces, if they neglect to puniſh the crimi⯑nals ¹⁷⁰.’ But there is the ſtrongeſt reaſon to believe, that this formidable edict was either compoſed without being publiſhed, or was pub⯑liſhed without being executed. The evidence of facts, and the monuments which are ſtill extant of braſs and marble, continue to prove the public exerciſe of the pagan worſhip during the whole reign of the ſons of Conſtantine. In the Eaſt, as well as in the Weſt, in cities, as well as in the country, a great number of temples were reſpected, or at leaſt were ſpared; and the devout multi⯑tude ſtill enjoyed the luxury of ſacrifices, of feſti⯑vals, and of proceſſions, by the permiſſion, or by the connivance, of the civil government. About four years after the ſuppoſed date of his [409] bloody edict, Conſtantius viſited the temples of Rome; and the decency of his behaviour is re⯑commended by a pagan orator as an example worthy of the imitation of ſucceeding princes. ‘That emperor, ſays Symmachus, ſuffered the privileges of the veſtal virgins to remain inviolate; he beſtowed the ſacerdotal dignities on the nobles of Rome, granted the cuſtomary allowance to defray the expences of the pub⯑lic rites and ſacrifices: and, though he had embraced a different religion, he never at⯑tempted to deprive the empire of the ſacred worſhip of antiquity ¹⁷¹.’ The ſenate ſtill pre⯑ſumed to conſecrate, by ſolemn decrees, the divine memory of their ſovereigns; and Conſtan⯑tine himſelf was aſſociated, after his death, to thoſe gods whom he had renounced and inſulted during his life. The title, the enſigns, the pre⯑rogatives of SOVEREIGN PONTIFF, which had been inſtituted by Numa, and aſſumed by Auguſtus, were accepted, without heſitation, by ſeven Chriſt⯑ian emperors; who were inveſted with a more abſolute authority over the religion which they had deſerted, than over that which they pro⯑feſſed ¹⁷².

[410] The diviſions of Chriſtianity ſuſpended the ruin of paganiſm ¹⁷³; and the holy war againſt the in⯑fidels was leſs vigorouſly proſecuted by princes and biſhops, who were more immediately alarmed by the guilt and danger of domeſtic rebellion. The extirpation of idolatry ¹⁷⁴ might have been [411] juſtified by the eſtabliſhed principles of intole⯑rance: but the hoſtile ſects, which alternately reigned in the Imperial court, were mutually ap⯑prehenſive of alienating, and perhaps exaſperat⯑ing, the minds of a powerful, though declining faction. Every motive of authority and faſhion, of intereſt and reaſon, now militated on the ſide of Chriſtianity; but two or three generations elapſed, before their victorious influence was univerſally felt. The religion which had ſo long and ſo lately been eſtabliſhed in the Roman em⯑pire was ſtill revered by a numerous people, leſs attached indeed to ſpeculative opinion, than to ancient cuſtom. The honours of the ſtate and army were indifferently beſtowed on all the ſub⯑jects of Conſtantine and Conſtantius; and a con⯑ſiderable portion of knowledge and wealth and valour was ſtill engaged in the ſervice of poly⯑theiſm. The ſuperſtition of the ſenator and of the peaſant, of the poet and the philoſopher, was derived from very different cauſes, but they met with equal devotion in the temples of the gods. Their zeal was inſenſibly provoked by the inſult⯑ing triumph of a proſcribed ſect; and their hopes [412] were revived by the well-grounded confidence, that the preſumptive heir of the empire, a young and valiant hero, who had delivered Gaul from the arms of the Barbarians, had ſecretly em⯑braced the religion of his anceſtors.