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THE MEMOIRS OF THE HONOURABLE Sir JOHN RERESBY, Bart. And laſt GOVERNOR of YORK. Containing ſeveral Private and Remarkable Tranſactions, From the RESTORATION to the REVOLUTION Incluſively.

Publiſhed from his Original Manuſcript.

LONDON: Printed for SAMUEL HARDING, Bookſeller on the Pavement in St. Martin's Lane, 1734.

Price 4 s. 6 d. bound.

PREFACE.

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TO inſiſt on the Value of Works of this Nature, when they come from Men of real Knowledge and Underſtanding, were only to repeat what the wiſeſt Men have often ſaid for us. The Reader, we believe, will be convinced that Sir John was a Perſon very equal to the Task he undertook; and having ſuch Opportunities of prying, as it were, into the Hearts of the greateſt Mini⯑ſters and Princes of his Time, it had been unpardonable in him to have refrained from communicating the many important Matters he ſo aſſuredly knew. The Reader, will, [] we hope, find in him an Impartiality rare⯑ly met with in Writers, who have been, like him, of a Party; for being a Man of the ſtricteſt Honour, and niceſt Conſcience, he it ſeems thought it as unjuſt not to ap⯑plaud an Enemy for any good he had done, as weak not to accuſe a Friend when, through human Frailty▪ he hapned to deſerve it. This, and what goes before, might be ſufficient to beſpeak the Reader in his Fa⯑vour, even tho' he had related no Fact but ſuch as had been an hundred Times repeat⯑ed before this Appearance of his Book; but as he abounds with Things new, or what is the ſame, with Matters known to very few living, and which will much aſſiſt us in forming a right Idea of the Times he lived in, he muſt claim a greater Share of At⯑tention. But we will now leave Sir John to plead his own Cauſe, and ſhall only add, that we flatter our ſelves with the Appro⯑bation of the Public for our thus retrieving him from the Receſſes of Privacy.

MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN RERESBY. From the Year 1658 to the Year 1689.
Sir JOHN having very minutely acquainted us with his Birth, Education and Travels, which could neither affect the Reader, nor be admitted as Part of what we promiſe to print of him, we ſhall ſet out from the Year 1658.

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THIS Year, ſays he, died date 1658 the Protector Oliver Crom⯑well, date Sept. 3. one of the greateſt and braveſt Men, had his Cauſe been good, the World ever ſaw. His Actions I leave to the Hiſtorian; and having been very near his Perſon but once, at an Audience of an Ambaſſador at Whitehall, I can only ſay that his Figure did not come up to his Character; he was indeed a likely Perſon, but not handſom, nor had he a very bold look with him. He [2] was plain in his Apparel, and rather negli⯑gent than not. Tears he had at will, and was doubtleſs, the deepeſt Diſſembler on Earth.

The Duke of Buckingham, who had at⯑tended date Aug. 12. date 1659 the King in his Exile, had diſobliged, and left his Majeſty ſome time before, and was now endeavouring to marry the Daugh⯑ter and Heireſs of Thomas Lord Fairfax, formerly the Parliament's General, and un⯑to whom had been granted the greateſt Part of the ſaid Duke's Eſtate. This Duke was the fineſt Gentleman, both for Perſon and Wit, I think I ever ſaw; but he knew not how to be long ſerious, or mindful of Buſineſs; and had behaved with ſome Inſolence to the King, which was the Cauſe of their Separation. It was now that I firſt became acquainted with him, and he from the very firſt Moment expreſſed a Kindneſs for me.

It was now eaſy to perceive that a way was paved to facilitate the King's Return; but ſtill the Rump kept up ſome Face of State; and I remember to have been pre⯑ſent at a Dinner, given by the City of Lon⯑don, to Lambert and other Officers of the Army, by far more coſtly and ſplendid, than any I ever ſaw given afterwards to his [3] Majeſty; ſo much is Awe more prevalent than Love. date Oct. 20.

Continuing but in an indifferent State of Health, I, partly for that Reaſon, and partly for others, returned to Paris, where I had no ſooner put my ſelf into ſome Equi⯑page, but I endeavoured to be known at our Queen Mother's Court, which ſhe then kept at the Palais Royal. Her Majeſty had none of her Children with her, but the Princeſs Henrietta Maria; and few of the Engliſh making their Court there, I was the better received. As I ſpoke the Language of the Country and danced pretty well, the young Princeſs, then about fifteen Years of Age, behaved towards me with all the civil Freedom that might be; ſhe made me dance with her, played on the Harpſicord to me in her Highneſs's Chamber; ſuffered me to wait on her as ſhe walked in the Garden, and ſometimes to toſs her in a Swing between two Trees, and, in fine, to be preſent at all her innocent Diverſions.

The Queen commanded me to attend as often as I conveniently could; ſhe had a great affection for England, notwithſtanding the Severity of Uſage ſhe and hers had met with there. With the great Men and La⯑dies [4] of France, ſhe diſcourſed much in Praiſe of the People and Country, of their Courage, their Generoſity, their good Nature, and would excuſe all the late Misfortunes, as brought about by ſome deſperate Enthuſiaſts, rather than proceeding from the Genius and Temper of the Nation. To give a lit⯑tle Inſtance of her Inclination for the Eng⯑liſh, I hapned to carry an Engliſh Gentle⯑man with me one Day to Court, and he, to be very fine, had got him a Garniture of rich Ribbon to his Suit, in which was a Mixture of Red and Yellow; which the Queen obſerving, called to me, and bad me adviſe my Friend to mend his Fancy a lit⯑tle, as to his Ribbons, the two Colours he had joined, being ridiculous in France, and might give the French Occaſion to laugh at him.

I had three Couſins then in an Engliſh Convent at Paris, one of them an antient Lady, and ſince Abbeſs of the Houſe: Hi⯑ther the Queen was wont often to retire for ſome Days; and the Lady would tell me that Lord Jermyn, ſince St. Albans, had the Queen greatly in awe of him, and indeed it was obvious that he had great Intereſt with her Concerns; but that he was marri⯑ed to her, or had Children by her, as ſome [5] have reported, I did not then believe, tho date 1660 the Thing was certainly ſo.

The Court of France was very ſplendid this Winter; a grand Mask was danced at the Louvre, where the King and Princeſs Henriette of England danced to Admiration: But there was now a greater Reſort to the Palace than the French Court; the good Humour and Wit of our Queen Mother, and the Beauty of the Princeſs her Daugh⯑ter being more inviting than any thing that appeared in the French Queen, who was a Spaniard.

The Queen Mother received the News of his Majeſty's happy Reſtoration, with all imaginable Demonſtrations of Joy, and a⯑mong other Things, gave a noble Ball at her Court, to which every Body of the greateſt Quality was invited. and to which all the Engliſh Gentlemen, then at Paris, had Admittance. Having been ill ſome Time before, I would have been excuſed from Dancing, but the Queen commanded me to take out the Cardinal's Niece, I o⯑beyed.

I ſtayed at Paris till Auguſt, and received more Honours from the Queen and the Princeſs her Daughter than I deſerved, or could acknowledge, but by the moſt [6] conſtant Duty and Attendance in my Power.

date Aug. 2. On the 2d Inſtant I ſat out for England; but before my Departure, I waited on the Queen for her Commands; ſhe told me ſhe would write by me, and ordered me to at⯑tend next Morning for her Letter. Hav⯑ing received it and taken my Leave, I de⯑ſired to know if it required Haſte? Her Majeſty ſaid, No, for that it contained but little beſides a particular Recommendation of me to her Son the King.

At London I met my Mother and moſt of my Relations, who were come up, as from all Parts of England they did, to ſee the King, and was preſented by the Duke of Ormond, then but Marquiſs, to his Majeſty in the privy Chamber at Whitehall, and de⯑livering him the Queen's Letter, he asked me ſeveral Queſtions, both concerning her and my Voyage.

The Court at Whitehall ſoon became very magnificent, the Duke of York having his Court apart, and the Duke of Glouceſter his: The Kingdom was now very rich, and Men were generally ſatisfied with the King's Return, tho' ſome Malecontents of ſeveral Sorts there were; and how ſhould it be o⯑therwiſe? But the King did not much ad⯑here [7] to Buſineſs: All was calm and eaſy, he had a Parliament ready to yield to any Thing that was reaſonable, as the Acts they made ſufficiently declare, and the Earl of Clarendon, then Chancellor, was at the Helm. The King, who was at an Age and Vigor for it, purſued his Pleaſures; and if Love prevailed with him more than any other Paſſion, he had this for Excuſe, be⯑ſides that his Complection was of an amo⯑rous Sort, the Women ſeemed to be the Aggreſſors; and I have ſince heard the King ſay That they would ſometimes offer themſelves to his Embraces: Nor were the two Dukes, his Brothers, more averſe to the Sex than his Majeſty.

date Nov. About this Time the King's Aunt (the Queen of Bohemia) came over from the Hague, as did alſo his Siſter, the Princeſs of Orange; but they both dyed ſoon after their Arrival: as did alſo the Duke of Glou⯑ceſter.

The Queen Mother often asked me if the King had done any thing for me, and what it was I had fixed my Mind on, that ſhe might ſpeak a Word for me; but in truth I did not at that Time purſue my own Advan⯑tage as I might have done; and went to Court rather to converſe and look about me, [8] than to ſollicit any Favour: I chiefly relied on the Queen's Kindneſs to me, and the Influence ſhe had over the King; but all the pleaſing Superſtructure fell to the Ground; the Queen left England ſoon after the Death of her Children, taking the Prin⯑ceſs Henrietta away with her to Paris, and I was diſappointed.

date Jan. 6. At this Time a ſmall Rebellion was raiſ⯑ed in London by one Venner, which in its very Riſe was defeated by a Party of the Guards; but running out of Town they rallied again in Cane-wood near Highgate-Having a mind therefore to ſee a little A⯑ction, I mounted one of my Coach-horſes, and mounted my Man upon the other, and joined Sir Thomas Sands, who commanded the Party of the Guards that went in pur⯑ſuit of the Incendiaries. Having ſearch'd the Wood till Midnight, we came to a lit⯑tle Houſe, where the People told us they had been deſiring ſome Victuals but a little while before, and that they could not be far off. Accordingly, about an Hour after this, we found ſome of them in the thickeſt Part of the Wood. They diſcharged their Pieces at us, but the Moon ſetting they got from us, and hurried back again to Lon⯑don, [9] where they met with the Fate every date 1661 Body knows. Their Captain and about twenty more were hanged, drawn and quar⯑tered: About twenty of them were killed in their ſeveral Skirmiſhes, and about as many of the King's Men, one of which was ſhot not far from me in Cane-Wood.

It was this Summer that the Duke of York firſt took any particular Notice of me. I hapned to be in Diſcourſe with the French Ambaſſador, and ſome other Gentlemen of his Nation, in the Preſence at Whitehall, and the Duke joined us, he being a great Lover of the French Tongue, and kind to thoſe who ſpoke it. The next Night he talked with me a long while, as he was at Supper with the King.

Now it was that the King went to re⯑ceive date 1662 the Infante of Portugal at Portſmouth, date May 19. attended by the greateſt Court I ever ſaw in any Progreſs. But though, upon this Occa⯑ſion, every thing was gay and ſplendid, and profuſely joyful, it was eaſy to diſcern that the King was not exceſſively charmed with his new Bride, who was a very little Woman with a pretty tolerable Face; ſhe, neither in Perſon nor Manners, had any one Article to ſtand in Competition with the Charms of the Counteſs of Caſtlemain, (ſince [10] Dutcheſs of Cleveland) the fineſt Woman of her Age. It is well known that the Lord Chancellor had the Blame of this unfruitful Match, and that the Queen was ſaid to have had a conſtant Fluor upon her, which ren⯑der'd her incapable of Conception.

date 1664 This Year the War broke out between us and the Dutch; and I reſolved to ſerve as Vo⯑lunteer in our Fleet, hoping to be on Board the Duke's own Ship. I accordingly equipped my ſelf with Neceſſaries for the Sea, and went to procure the King's Leave to go on board, and to receive his Commands to the Duke, intending to be gone the next Day. The King told me he was willing I ſhould go, but had Letters to write to the Duke, which he would ſend by me, and ordered me to ſtay for them day after day (expecting, it ſeems, firſt to hear from the Duke) till at laſt his Majeſty told me he ſhould not write, and that I needed not now to go, for that the Duke would be ſpeedily on Shore, he not having been able to bring the Dutch to Action.

date 1665 A dreadful Plague raged this Summer in London, and ſwept away 97309 Perſons. It was uſual for People to drop down in the Streets as they went about their Buſineſs; and a Story is reported for a certain Truth, [11] That a Bagpiper being exceſſively overcome with Liquor, fell down in the Street and there lay aſleep. In this Condition he was taken up and thrown into a Cart, betimes the next Morning, and carried away with ſome dead Bodies. Mean while he awoke from his Sleep, it being now about Day⯑break, and riſing up began to play a Tune, which ſo ſurpriz'd the Fellows that drove the Cart, who could ſee nothing diſtinctly, that in a Fright they betook them to their Heels, and would have it that they had taken up the Devil in the Diſguiſe of adead Man.

But to reſume other Things, I married, and was thereby prevented from being an Eye⯑witneſs of the Dutch War; and ſo I ſhall only ſay that his Highneſs obtained a glori⯑ous Victory over that Republick.

His Royal Highneſs the Duke and his Ducheſs came down to York, where it was date Aug. 5. obſerved that Mr. Sydney, the handſomeſt Youth of his Time, and of the Duke's Bed⯑chamber, was greatly in love with the Ducheſs, and indeed he might well be excuſ⯑ed, for the Ducheſs Daughter to Chancellor Hide, was a very handſom Perſonage, and a Woman of fine Wit. The Ducheſs on her Part ſeemed kind to him, but very innocently: But he had the Misfortune to be baniſhed [12] the Court afterwards for another Reaſon, as was reported.

date Oct. 5. I went to Oxford to put the King in mind of a former Promiſe, to make me High She⯑riff of the County of York, the Year next enſuing; but hearing that Sir Francis Cob (who had been at ſome extraordinary Charge in receiving and attending the Court at York) obtained a Grant to continue in that Office for another Year, at his High⯑neſs's Interceſſion I waited on the Duke, acquainted him with my Claim, and begged his Aſſiſtance. He told me he wiſhed he had known my Claim in time, that he ſhould have been ready to ſerve me, and that I had nevertheleſs his Leave to ſollicit his Majeſty's Promiſe. I thank'd him, but ſaid I could not appear in any Degree of Oppoſition to his Highneſs's Intereſt and Pleaſure, and would therefore defer my Pretenſions to a better Opportunity. This he took very kindly, went with me to the King, and preſented me to him for the next Year; his Majeſty gave me his Hand to kiſs, and his Word once more that I ſhould be Sheriff as I had deſired.

date 1666 date July 25. A great and happy Victory was obtained over the Dutch by Prince Rupert and the Duke of Albemarle, and a ſad and diſmal [13] Fire laid the vaſt and noble City of London in Aſhes, but theſe being Events that have been of late largely deſcribed already, I ſhall only obſerve of the latter, that the dreadful Deſtruction was not more extraor⯑dinary than the Speed, Regularity, and Coſt wherewith it was retrieved, and a new London, far exceeding the old, erected.

date Oct. 2. I went to London to put the King and Duke in mind of their Promiſe, that I ſhould be High Sheriff for the County of York for the Year next enſuing; and no ſooner did I appear before the Duke than he ſaid to me, I remembered you tho' you was not here, and Your Buſineſs is done for you. And, to ſay the Truth, there was no Prince at that Time obſerved to be more punctual to his Word. I found what the Duke told me to be perfectly true, the King did graciouſly confirm what he had ſaid, and named me Sheriff for the County of York, tho' I was not of the three preſent⯑ed to him by the Judges.

The Duke of Buckingham had been ſome date 1667 Time in Diſgrace at Court; and being ſuſ⯑pected of ſome evil Practices againſt the King, a Proclamation was iſſued out to ap⯑prehend date March 8. him. I confeſs I was at a Loſs to know how to act in this Matter, between the Obligation of my Office as Sheriff, and [14] the Reſpect I had for the Duke: But the Judges coming down to the Aſſizes, adviſed me by all means to proclaim it, which I did, and It for ever after leſſened me in the E⯑ſteem of that Lord.

My Lord Southampton, Lord High Trea⯑ſurer of England, being lately dead, the Ad⯑miniſtration of that great Office was tranſact⯑ed by four Commiſſioners, the Duke of Albe⯑marle, Lord Aſhley Cooper, afterwards Earl of Shaftsbury, Sir William Coventry, Secretary to the Duke of York, and Sir John Duncomb. It was now that the Parliament fell upon the great Earl of Clarendon, who having ſurren⯑dred the Seals, a few Months afterwards as much as poſſible to avoid the Heat of his Enemies, retired privately into France. His greateſt Enemy in the Houſe of Lords was the Duke of Buckingham; in the Houſe of Commons, Sir Thomas Oſborne, ſince Earl of Danby; by this Step, and by the help of his Grace the Duke of Buckingham, who was now abſolute Favourite, it was that Sir Thomas more eſpecially roſe to his height of Dignity.

The Duke of Buckingham now acted as prime Miniſter: The King conſulted him chiefly in all Concerns of Moment; the Fo⯑reign Miniſters were to apply to him, be⯑fore [15] they could be admitted to an Audience. But he was ſuch a Foe to Buſineſs, ſuch a Friend to Pleaſure, and ſo apt to turn the Day into Night, and the Night into Day, that he could neither attend regularly on the King, nor diſpatch Buſineſs, as it ought to be, with thoſe who had any Thing to negociate with him; ſo his Miniſtry proved of no long Duration.

This Spring I carried my Family up to date 1668 Town, where the Court and City were all gay and jovial; for Peace was now con⯑cluded with France, with Spain, with Den⯑mark, and the States General. Embaſſadors extraordinary were now ſent and received with the greateſt Pomp and Splendor.

date April. 5. And now the Prince of Tuſcany came to London, with a Retinue and Equipage ſuita⯑ble date 1669 to his high Quality, and was at firſt magnificently entertained by the King; but after ſome Time, he kept Houſe at his own Expence, and had Plenty of all the porta⯑ble Rarities for Food and Drink, Italy had to afford. I dined with him twice; he was very kind to me, as he was to all thoſe who had travelled into Italy, and ſpoke the Lan⯑guage. And this Spring the Prince of Den⯑mark was in London, the ſame who ſome [16] Years afterwards married the Princeſs Anne of England.

date Aug. 10. But all this Jollity was turned into Mourn⯑ing for the Death of the Queen Mother, who about this Time departed this Life at Paris: She was a great Princeſs, and my very good Miſtreſs.

date 1670 This Summer the Ducheſs of Orleans, the King's Siſter, came over to Dover, where ſhe was met by the King, the Duke of York, and the whole Court. Here it was that ſhe confirmed his Highneſs the Duke in the Popiſh Superſtition, of which he had as yet been but barely ſuſpected; and it is ſaid to have been his grand Argument, for ſuch his Adherence to thoſe Tenets, That his Mother had, upon her laſt Bleſſing, com⯑manded him to be firm and ſtedfaſt thereto. Before this, it was thought he was rather a Friend to the Presbyterians; for not long before, a Nonconformiſt Miniſter be⯑ing proſecuted at Pomfret, for preaching in a Conventicle, it was reported that his Highneſs, and the Duke of Buckingham, then principal Miniſter of State, had writ⯑ten in his Favour to the Juſtices: But the Duke as I was one Day attending on him in St. James's Park, called me to him, and diſcourſing over the Thing to me, declared [17] what was reported to be a Miſtake, that he had not concerned himſelf at all with it, tho' he was ſo much a Friend to that Sort of People, that he could wiſh the Law had not been put in Execution againſt him, or to that Effect, and that abſolutely he did not write. At the ſame Time he told me to repreſent him, upon Occaſion, as no E⯑nemy to ſuch. Hereupon I acquainted his Highneſs, that there was a Kinſman of mine, one Mr. Vincent, in Town, who was a lead⯑ing Man of that Party; his Highneſs or⯑dered me to bring him to Court, which I did, and the Duke took him aſide, and talked with him a great while. It was ge⯑nerally believed that the Duke, in this, acted the politician ſuitable to the Time; for it was now rumoured about, the King would be divorced from his Queen, which, by thus courting all Parties, he propoſed to prevent.

But however this was, our Royal Family loſt another of its Number; for the Duke of Orleans had for ſome time before been jea⯑lous of his Wife, and, if all that is ſaid be true, not without good Ground: The Count de Guiche it ſeems, had been a Favourite with her, and now ſhe is ſaid to have fallen in Love with the Duke of Monmouth, while ſhe was at Dover; in ſhort, Things were ſo [18] repreſented to the Duke her Husband, that ſhe died very ſuddenly after her Return to Paris, by Poiſon as the Report went.

date October. This Month the Prince of Orange came to London to pay a Viſit to the King. The Parliament being now met, purſuant to Pro⯑rogation, it hapned that Sir John Coventry, in a Speech he made, reflected on the King's Wenching; which being reported to the Duke of Monmouth, he ordered Sir Thomas Sands (an Officer of the Guards) and three or four more, to way-lay him as he went late home to his Lodging; which they ac⯑cordingly did, and, taking him out of his Coach, ſlit his Noſe. But complaint there⯑of being made to the Houſe, it cauſed ſuch a Heat, that thence proceeded the Act a⯑gainſt malicious Maiming and Wounding.

The Prince of Orange remaining in Eng⯑land, and making his Addreſſes to the Lady Mary, eldeſt Daughter to the Duke, the King entertained him with great Splendor, as well on that Account, as becauſe of his Relation to him, and great perſonal Merit. One Night at a Supper, given by the Duke of Buckingham, the King made him drink very hard: the Prince was naturally averſe to it, but being once entered, was more frolic and gay than the reſt of the Compa⯑ny; [19] and now the Mind took him to break the Windows of the Chambers belonging to the Maids of Honour, and he had got into their Apartments, had they not been timely reſcued. His Miſtreſs, I ſuppoſe did not like him the worſe for ſuch a notable Indi⯑cation of his Vigor.

date March 31. This Day dyed Anne Ducheſs of York, date 1671 with her laſt Breath declareing her ſelf a Papiſt.

date April 31. War was declared againſt the States Ge⯑neral; and now the City of London had in a great Meaſure recovered herſelf out of her Aſhes, and was ſo far rebuilt this Year, that the King was on the Lord Mayor's Day invited to a Dinner, which he accepted.

The King about this Time iſſued out a Proclamation for the Indulgence of tender Conſciences, which cauſed great Uneaſineſs, not only in the Houſes of Parliament, where it was afterwards reverſed, but throughout the whole Kingdom; and was the moſt vio⯑lent Blow that had been given to the Church of England from the Day of the Re⯑ſtoration. All Sectaries now publickly re⯑paired to their Meetings and Conventicles nor could all the Laws afterwards, and the moſt rigorous Execution of them, ever ſup⯑preſs [20] date 1672 theſe Separatiſts, or bring them to due Conformity.

date May. This Month the French joined us againſt the Dutch, but in the End betrayed us. In the Engagement, upon the 18th of May, the French ſtood off, and left us and the Dutch to make the beſt we could of it; whereas if they had aſſiſted his Highneſs of York, who then commanded in Chief as High Admiral, we had doubtleſs obtained a ſignal Victory; but as the Caſe was; we had ſo much the better, that, after a Fight of eight Hours, the Dutch made Sail from us. In this En⯑gagement periſhed Edward Montague, Earl of Sandwich, Vice Admiral.

It was this Year that my Lord Hallifax firſt came into Buſineſs, and was ſworn of the Privy Council. He was ſoon after join⯑ed date July 21. in Commiſſion with the Duke of Buck⯑ingham, and Lord Arlington as Ambaſſadors to the States; but to no Purpoſe; the War continued.

date 1673 I had heard the King intended to erect a Fort at Burlington, for the Security of the Colliers and others, trading to the North⯑ward; and I immediately applyed to the Duke, entreating him to ſpeak to the King that I might have the Command of the in⯑tended Place; who accordingly did: But [21] whilſt the Thing was in Agitation, his Highneſs refuſed to take the Oaths tender⯑ed to him as Lord High Admiral, thereby declaring himſelf a Roman Catholic, and reſigning all his Employments, ſo that no⯑thing more was done in my Buſineſs for that Time.

And now the King having borrowed moſt of the ready Money in the Nation, of the Goldſmiths, (at that Time called Bankers,) locked up the Exchequer, to the Bankrupt⯑cy of the moſt conſiderable of them, and the Ruin of an infinite People, whoſe Money they had borrowed at Intereſt: And with this Calamity we conclude this Year.

date Aug. 15. Now it was that my Neighbour Sir Tho⯑mas Osborne roſe to the great Office of High Treaſurer of England, my Lord Clifford re⯑ſigning his Staff, and confeſſing himſelf a Papiſt. The Duke of Buckingham was cheif⯑ly inſtrumental in bringing this about for Sir Thomas, by a Bargain he made between Lord Clifford and him, namely, that Sir Thomas ſhould officiate and give him half the Salary, and afterwards prevailing on the King to confer the Staff on Sir Thomas then created Lord Viſcount Dunblain, tho' after⯑wards Earl of Danby, and had a Patent paſſing for Marquiſs juſt as he fell into Diſgrace.

[22] The War with the Dutch ſtill continued, Prince Rupert being Admiral for us, and the Count d'Eſtrees for the French. Two Victories we now obtained over them, but they were leſſened by the Loſs of that great Seaman Sir Edward Spraig.

The Parliament of theſe Days, had from the Beginning, which was ſoon after the Reſtoration, been perfectly well inclined to the King: They had given him a very great Revenue upon Tonnage and Poundage, as alſo by an Exciſe upon ſeveral Sorts of Liquors, Hearth-Money, not to mention Temporary Taxes, the whole amounting to above three times more than had been en⯑joyed by any King of England before. The Country groaned under this Preſſure, and began to be diſſatisfied; which having an Influence on ſome Gentlemen of both Houſes, gave Birth to two Parties, the one for the Country, the other for the Court. The former pretended in an impartial Manner to eſpouſe the Cauſe of the People, in their Liberties and Properties, and whatever is dear to Engliſhmen; to aſſert the Religion and Government by Law eſtabliſhed: The latter pretended to the ſame, but thought the King was to have a competent Income, and be inveſted with a due Power for the [23] Exerciſe of his regal Office, without having too great a Dependance on the People, a Cauſe which had been of ſuch pernicious Effects to his Royal Father. Hence it was that Gentlemen beſtirred themſelves more than uſual to be elected into a Seat in Par⯑liament; ſo that great was the Competition between the Candidates, and at great Ex⯑pences they were, even from One or Two Hundred, to Two Thouſand Pounds. But the Concerns of the Public were not what alone actuated all Men; ſome wanted to be in the Houſe to be ſcreened from their Debts, this Parliament having ſat a long while; and ſome had obtained great Emo⯑luments from the Court to ſtand up for that Intereſt; ſo that it is no wonder I had no leſs than five Competitors when I offered myſelf for Audborough. And not to drop this Matter here, I muſt obſerve that Mr. Benſon was the moſt formidable of the five; a Man of no Birth, but who from a Clerk to a Country Attorney, had raiſed himſelf to be Clerk of the Peace at the Old Bailey, Clerk of Aſſize of the Northern Circuit, as alſo to an Eſtate of two thouſand five hun⯑dred Pounds, tho' not without ſome Reflec⯑tions on his Way of getting it. The Elec⯑tion was irregularly carried on in Favour of [24] this Gentleman, and in the January follow⯑ing I moved the Houſe to determine the Merit of the Return; but before a Hearing came on, a Prorogation intervened, ſo that I had the Charge of bringing up Witneſſes, to no Manner of Purpoſe.

Towards the latter End of this Year the Duke declared his Marriage with Ma⯑ry, Daughter to the Duke of Modena, not long before arrived with the Ducheſs her Mother. The Nation was much grieved at this Match, the Lady being a Papiſt of the ſtricteſt Claſs, and the whole Affair Managed by the French Intereſt.

date January The Duke of Buckingham was now again in Diſgrace, for which he was indebted to the Ducheſs of Portſmouth, a French Lady, and now the moſt abſolute of all the King's Miſtreſſes; a very fine Woman ſhe was, but moſt think ſhe was ſent on Purpoſe to enſnare the King, who moſt readily ran in⯑to Toils of that Sort. His Grace in vain made Uſe of the Mediation of the Lord Treaſurer: And to ſay the Truth, his Lord⯑ſhip was not altogether ſo zealous for his Grace as he ought to have been, eſpecially if we conſider that it was to him he owed the White Staff he bore. In ſhort, the Duke was not the only Perſon that accuſed him of Ingratitude.

[25] The King was at this time particularly date 1674 diſpleaſed with his Grace, for that being ſummoned by the Houſe of Commons to give an Account of ſome Malverſations when he was Miniſter; he did not only appear, being a Peer, and that without the King's Leave, but to excuſe himſelf reflected on others, and upon the whole, behaved in that Aſſembly in too mean and ſubmiſſive a Manner; which however was of no avail to him againſt the Commons, who addreſſed the King to lay him aſide with regard to all Offices of Truſt or Profit. His Grace was alſo called to the Bar of the Houſe of Peers, for ſcandalouſly living with the Lady Shrewſ⯑bury as Man and Wife, he being a married Man, and for having killed my Lord Shrewſ⯑bury after he had debauch'd his Wife.

The King prorogued the Parliament to date 1675 the 13th of April next enſuing. date April.

The Time of the Meeting of Parliament now drawing on, I repaired to London, and petitioned the Committee of Privileges and Elections; and after all endeavours to the contrary, I was voted the Sitting Member, and conducted into the Houſe by Lord Ruſſell, and Lord Cavendiſh.

Being thus received into the Houſe, I found the two Parties in great Extremes [26] againſt each other. The Court-ſide was very preſſing and urgent for Money for the King's preſent Occaſions; the Country Par⯑ty thought of nothing leſs, except ſome Laws were enacted for the better Security of the Proteſtant Religion, and the grand Point of Property. But the two were ſo equal that nothing more than Words paſſed between them; meer Words without any Effect, for neither dared ſtand the Chance date May 15. of a Queſtion put. In the midſt of this, Doctor Shirley prefers a Petition to the Houſe of Lords againſt Sir John Fag, a Member of the Lower Houſe, to appear and anſwer in a Cauſe he had brought before the Lords, and a Summons was ſent to Sir John, accordingly; which the Commons conſider⯑ing as a Breach of Privilege, great Heats aroſe among them, and high Expreſſions be⯑ing, upon this Occaſion, mutually vented againſt each other by both Houſes, the King thought fit to adjourn their Time of Sitting for the preſent.

date October. They no ſooner ſat again than my Com⯑petitor Benſon, and another, Mr. Long, pe⯑titioned againſt me. They would have had a ſhort Day, but it was my Buſineſs to get as long a one as I could, and I accordingly did ſo. In ſhort, the Buſineſs of the Houſe [27] was of ſuch Conſequence, that the Proro⯑gation came on before our Cauſe could be heard. I took a particular Account of what was tranſacted this Seſſion, the moſt extra⯑ordinary Particulars of which were ſumma⯑rily theſe.

The King had in his Speech acquainted us, That he was four Millions in Debt, ex⯑cluſive of what he owed to the Godſmiths or Bankers, a vaſt Sum more, for which he paid neither Principal nor Intereſt, to the Ruin of many Families. It being upon this put to the Vote whether Money ſhould be given or not, It was carried in the Nega⯑tive by four Voices, and that, when near four hundred Members were in the Houſe. But it appearing that both the Dutch and French exceeded us in the Proportion and Number of their Shipping, a Sum of Three Hundred Thouſand Pounds was voted to the King for the Building of twenty Ships, namely, One of the Firſt Rate, Five of the Second, and Fourteen of the Third.

Several Ways were debated for the Rai⯑ſing of this Sum, as upon Land, upon the Jews, by Way of Poll, or upon French Commodities, and laſtly upon our own Con⯑ſumption, and upon Merchandiſe. At length it was to be levied upon Land, and paid in [28] eighteen Months; to be lodged apart in the Exchequer, and appropriated to that particular Uſe, with very ſevere Penalties upon the Officers that ſhould apply it to any other: But the Sum itſelf, the time it was to be raiſed in, and other Circumſtances, were by no means grateful to the Court. It was farther voted That the Cuſtoms having been formerly given to the King for the Maintenance of the Fleet, a Clauſe to that effect and purpoſe ſhould be inſerted in this Bill, or a new one prepared to confirm it.

The State of the Fleet was now given in, whereby it appeared that we had no more than eight Firſt Rates, nine Second Rates, and forty Three Third Rates; while the French exceeded us in the Number of theſe Rates by ſix and twenty, and the Dutch by fourteen.

It was moreover voted that the Atheiſm, Debauchery, and Impiety of the preſent Age be inſerted, as Grievances to be redreſ⯑ſed: And it being violently ſuſpected that ſome Members of the Houſe did receive Gratuities from the Court to Vote on that ſide; it was put that a Committee ſhould be appointed to form a Kind of Oath or Teſt, to diſcover what Sums of Money and Offices had been given to Parliament Men to gain their Intereſt.

[29] The French Trade alſo was complained of, as being Thirteen Hundred Thouſand Pounds an overbalance for ours; and upon the Matter it appeared, that every Thou⯑ſand Pounds a Year had ſince the Reſtora⯑tion paid a Hundred Pounds in Taxes to the Crown.

It was alſo voted a Grievance, that Juſ⯑tices of the Peace ſhould be ſummoned to appear before the Council, to account for what they did in their judicial Capacity.

date Novemb. The Buſineſs alſo of Luzance took up ſome time in the Houſe. This Luzance was a French Jeſuit, but becoming a Convert to the Church of England, inveighed againſt the Fallacies of the Church of Rome, in a Ser⯑mon he preached in the French Church in the Savoy. This alarmed the Papiſts, and particularly one Doctor Burnet, a Jeſuit, and Confeſſor to the Ducheſs of York, who finding him alone in his Chamber, and poſt⯑ing Three Men at the Door, threatned to murder him if he did not make Satisfaction for the Injury, eat his Words, and ſpeedily return to France. The Man in this deſ⯑perate Dilemma promiſed faithfully what⯑ever was required of him, 'till he got his Liberty, when preſently going to Doctor Breval, a converted Jeſuit as well as him⯑ſelf, [30] he told him the whole Story; Breval the next Day acquainted me with it, and I communicated it to the Houſe. The Com⯑mons took Fire at this, and ſtrait appointed a Committee to examine into the Matter, and ordered me to produce Luzance the next Day. He appeared accordingly, and averred the Thing for a Truth. This was the firſt time I preſumed to ſpeak in that great Aſſembly, or in any Committee; but the next Day I was obliged to do it ſeveral times in what concerned this violent Buſi⯑neſs.

Upon the Report made from the Com⯑mittee to the Houſe, my Lord Cavendiſh cal⯑led me up to give an Account of ſome other things I had had from Luzance. One was that Two French Proteſtants, being Mer⯑chants of great Subſtance and Credit, had been threatned by certain Papiſts, that if they were not leſs ſevere upon the Ro⯑maniſts, they ſhould ere long ſee the Pro⯑teſtant Blood flow in London Streets. A Committee was appointed to enquire into the Truth of this Matter; and Luzance be⯑ing ſummoned, gave Evidence to the very ſelf ſame Effect, and gave it under his own Hand. The Parties he had his Information from being ſent for, appeared alſo, and de⯑clared [31] ſuch Threats to have been uſed to⯑wards them by ſome French Papiſts; but, to what Cauſe it was owing is uncertain, they gave in only ſuch Names as were of Perſons either abſent, or of no Eſtimation; ſo that little came of this Buſineſs. But theſe and other ſuch Informations, concerning the Height and Inſolence of the Papiſts, did ſo exaſperate the Houſe, that many Motions were made to humble them. Some were for a ſpeedy Confinement of them to the Coun⯑try, others for Baniſhment, and ſome again for diſarming them, and the like.

In a ſhort time after, the Matter of Doctor Shirley's Petition to the Lords againſt Sir John Fag, was again renewed, tho' it had broke up the Parliament the laſt time. There were thoſe who thought the King had conſented to it, diſliking the warm Pro⯑ceedings of both Houſes: While others were of Opinion that the Lords of the Country Intereſt had perſuaded the Doctor thereto, with a View thereby to kindle ſuch a Flame between the two Houſes, that the King ſhould be obliged either to prorogue, adjourn, or diſſolve them: The ſaid Lords apprehending that if this Parliament ſhould ſit much longer, the Majority might be gained over by Money and Places, ſo as to [32] become quite obſequious to the Court; and this My Lord Hallifax (then in the Intereſt of Lord Shaftsbury his Uncle, who was upon ill Terms with the Court, being no longer Lord Chancellor) told me was his Opinion.

But whatever the Cauſe was, the Effect was ſuch That the Commons refuſing to let their Member plead at the Bar of the Lords during a Time of Privilege, it was reſolved That the Lords by receiving an Appeal from any Court, either of Law or Equity, againſt a Member of the Lower Houſe, du⯑ring a Seſſion of Parliament, were thereby Infringers of the Privileges of the Commons of England; and that ſuch Lawyers as ſhould attend as Counſel to plead in any ſuch Cauſe at the Lords Bar, ſhould be deemed as Be⯑trayers of the Rights of the Commons of England; and that the ſaid Vote be affixed to the Door of the Houſe of Commons, Weſtminſter-Hall, and the Inns of Court; which was accordingly done: And the ſame Day it was voted by the Lords, that the ſame was Illegal and Unparliamentary, and tended to the Diſſolution of the Go⯑vernment: And upon the whole, that they would not recede from their Right of Ju⯑dicature by Appeals from the Courts of Equity.

[33] It was then put to the Queſtion, If the King ſhould not be petitioned to diſſolve this Parliament, and it was carried in the Negative by no more than Two Votes.

This Miſunderſtanding between the Houſes was very diſſatisfactory to the King. The Lords who had voted for the Diſſolu⯑tion of this Parliament, entered their Pro⯑teſt in the Journal of their Houſe, together with their Reaſons ſor ſo doing; ſo that Things being at this Paſs, the only Expe⯑dient left, was to diſmiſs the Parliament, which the King did, by Prorogation to the 10th of February next.

Before I left London, I, at the Interpo⯑ſition of my Lord Ogle, went with his Lord⯑ſhip to ſee the Duke of Buckingham, being well aſſured that I ſhould be kindly re⯑ceived.

I had a fine Black of about Sixteen Years date 1676 of Age, preſented to me by a Gentleman who brought him over from Barbadoes: This Black lived with me ſome Years, and died about this time of an Impoſthume in his Head. Six Weeks after he was buried, I date Octob. 20. received an Account That at London it was credibly reported I had cauſed him to be Gelt, and that the Operation had killed him. I laughed at it at firſt, conſcious it was a [34] Falſehood, and a ridiculous Story, 'till be⯑ing further informed that it came from the Duke of Norfolk and his Family, with whom I had had ſome Differences at Law, and that he had waited upon the King to beg my Eſtate, if it became a Forfeiture by this Felony; I thought it convenient to ſend for the Coroner to view the Body with a Jury, before it was too far decayed, that a rot⯑tenneſs of the Part might not be imputed to Inciſion. The Coroner accordingly ſum⯑mons a Jury, and does his Office; but when they came to uncover the Breaſt, it was ſo putrified they would go no further; ſo that upon the Examination of Eleven Witneſſes, ſome that laid him out, and ſome that ſaw him naked, ſeveral, becauſe of his Colour, having a Curioſity to ſee him after he was dead, they gave their Verdict, that he died Ex Viſitatione Dei, by the Hand of God.

This however, was not thought ſuffici⯑ent; for within a few Days after, there came one Bright, a Lawyer, one Chappel, an Attorney, (both concerned in the Duke's Affairs,) and one Buck, a Surgeon of Shef⯑field, whom I had cauſed to be proſecuted not long before for having two Wives, to⯑gether with ſome others, with my Lord Chief Juſtice's Warrant, directed to the [35] Coroner to take up the Body; which the Coroner refuſed to obey, ſaying He had done his Office already. Theſe Ambaſſa⯑dors, however, took up the Body, and Buck, under Pretence of viewing the Part the better, would have taken it up with a Penkniſe, but it was not ſuffered, leſt by that Inſtrument he ſhould give the Wound he ſought for: But what was not only a Mercy, but a Miracle alſo, the Part proved to be perfectly ſound and entire, tho' the Body had been ſo long under Ground, and the reſt of it was much putrified and decay⯑ed; ſo that Shame of Face and Confuſion came pretty plentifully upon the Actors in this extraordinary Scene.

A black and moſt ridiculous Piece of Ma⯑lice this; for had their Suggeſtion been prov⯑ed a Fact, all their Art could never have ſo fix⯑ed it, as to have indangered either my Perſon or Eſtate. My Lord Chief Juſtice Rainsford acted irregularly and illegally in this Buſi⯑neſs, his Information not being given in to him upon Oath. And indeed he afterwards confeſſed he was miſled into it, and that the Duke's Solicitor was moſt preſſing and urgent with him, to grant the Warrant. The Duke of York told my Brother, He wondered ſuch a ſtir was made about a Re⯑port [36] which muſt certainly be a flat Falſe⯑hood: And Lord Ogle acquainted me, as did alſo my Lord Treaſurer himſelf after⯑wards, That he, meaning the Treaſurer, had taken great Pains to prevent the beg⯑ging of my Eſtate; and I believed it to be true, but ſhrewdly doubt it was with De⯑ſign, had it proved a Forfeiture, to have ſe⯑cured it for himſelf; I was told as much afterwards. I endeavoured however to reach the Bottom of his Plot, and to pro⯑cure myſelf ſome Reparation, as may be obſerved hereafter.

date Febr. Having kept my Chriſtmaſs in the Coun⯑try, I no ſooner returned to London than my Lord Treaſurer ſent to ſpeak with me. I waited on him therefore, and found him very open in his Diſcourſe upon ſeveral Sub⯑jects, but for the moſt Part lamenting That his Countrymen would not allow him an Opportunity to be of Service to them with the King, and making many Proteſtations That the Jealouſies of thoſe who called themſelves of the Country Party, were en⯑tirely groundleſs and without Foundation: That to his certain knowledge, the King meant no other than to preſerve the Religion and Government by Law eſtabliſhed; and, upon the whole, wiſhed that neither himſelf [37] or his Poſterity might proſper, if he did not ſpeak what he really believed: That if the Government was in any Danger, it was moſt from thoſe who pretended ſuch a mighty Zeal for it; but who under that Pretence were endeavouring to create ſuch Diſcontents between the King and the Na⯑tion, as might produce Confuſion in the End; And intreated me to be careful how I im⯑barked myſelf with that Sort of People. My reply was, That I hoped I was not one to be wilfully miſled; that I ſhould have no Rule to go by in that Houſe but my Rea⯑ſon and Conſcience, and that ſo I could be of no particular Faction or Party: That as much as I yet underſtood of the Duty of a Member of the Houſe of Commons at this Time, ſuggeſted to me a Moderation be⯑tween the two Extremes, and to have an e⯑qual Regard for the Prerogative of the King and the Liberty of the Subject.

True it is, till now that the Treaſurer uſed ſuch ſolemn Aſſeverations, with regard to the King's good Intention, and pretty clear⯑ly convinced me that ſome of the Chiefs of the Country Party had moſt at Heart their own private Intereſt, whatever they aſſert⯑ed in Favour and Defence of the Public, I [38] had great Notions of the Truth and Since⯑rity of the Country Party.

date Feb. 15. The Parliament meeting, the King parti⯑cularly deſired a conſiderable Sum for the Building and Rigging of Ships. The Coun⯑try did every thing poſſible to ſtint the Sum to four hundred thouſand Pounds; while the Courtiers were for a Million, or eight hun⯑dred thouſand Pounds at the leaſt; but the moderate Men ſtept in between with an Offer of ſix hundred thouſand Pounds, which Sum was granted, and for this I gave my Vote, a Sum intended for the Building of thirty Men of War of ſeveral Rates. My Lord Treaſurer took it ſo kindly that I ſided not with thoſe, who did all they could to wea⯑ken and diſtreſs the Crown, that he would needs carry me to kiſs his Majeſty's Hand, which I had not yet done ſince I came to Town; and preſented me in the Lobby of the Houſe of Lords, next to the Prince's Lodgings, no Body being preſent but his Majeſty, his Lordſhip and my ſelf. He ſaid much more of me to the King than I de⯑ſerved, but laſtly, That as my Family had been always Loyal, he knew I was perfect⯑ly inclined to tread in their Footſteps; and that the beſt way to confirm me in ſuch my Diſpoſition, would be to let me underſtand [39] how little of Truth there was in the Pre⯑tences ſet on Foot to deceive Gentlemen, and withdraw them from their Duty. ‘"The King ſaid he had known me long, and hoped I knew him ſo well as to give no Ear to ſuch Reports of him. I know, ſays he, it is ſaid I aim at the Subverſion of the Government and Religion: That I intend to lay aſide Parliaments, and to raiſe Money another way; but every Man, nay thoſe who inſiſt the moſt there⯑on, knows the Thing in all its Circum⯑ſtance, to be falſe. There is not a Sub⯑ject that lives under me, whoſe Safety and Welfare I deſire leſs than my own: And I ſhould be as ſorry to invade his Liber⯑ty and Property, as that another ſhould invade mine. Thoſe Members, continu⯑ed the King, who boaſt this mighty Friendſhip for the Public, are of two Sorts either thoſe who would actually and irre⯑trievably ſubvert the Government, and re⯑duce it to a Common-wealth once more; or elſe thoſe who ſeem only to join with the former, and talk loud againſt the Court, purely in hopes to have their Mouths ſtop⯑ped with Places or Preferments."’ And to ſay the Truth, the Treaſurer had named ſome of the Chiefs to me, who had deſired [40] ſo and ſo of the King, and upon ſuch Con⯑ditions promiſed to come over.

I made Anſwer to the King, That indeed the Pretences were many, and, to ſome I believed, plauſible, that were raiſed in Op⯑poſition to what others underſtood to be for his Majeſty's Intereſt: But that they had gained but little on me, who had had the Honour of being ſo long known to his Ma⯑jeſty, and had been ſo lately confirmed in my Belief by Aſſurances from my Lord Trea⯑ſurer: That to the beſt of my Knowledge I ſhould never do any Thing that became not a true and faithful Subject, or ſhould be in⯑conſiſtent with the Proſperity of his Maje⯑ſty's Royal Perſon and Government. The King ſaid he was very well pleaſed that he had ſeen me, commanded me to wait on him ſometimes, and told me I ſhould have Ac⯑ceſs to him when and wherever I deſired it.

The Condeſcenſion of the King, in giving this Satisfaction to ſo mean a Perſon, con⯑vinced me very much of the Truth of what he ſaid; as did alſo his natural Temper and Conſtitution; for he was not an active, buſy, or ambitious Prince, but perfectly a Friend to Eaſe, and fond of Pleaſure; he ſeemed to be chiefly deſirous of Peace and Quiet for his own Time.

[41] At this Time a great Diſpute ariſing be⯑tween the Lord Marſhal of England, Lord Henry Howard, (tho' commonly called Duke of Norfolk) and his younger Brothers, they not only petitioned the Houſe of Commons in behalf of themſelves, but alſo of their eld⯑eſt Brother the Duke, whom the ſaid Lord Marſhal kept up at Padua as a Lunatic, tho' perfectly in Poſſeſſion of his Senſes, praying that the Houſe would be pleaſed to move the King to oblige the Marſhal to ſend for him into England. Upon this a Debate aroſe in the Houſe, every one delivering his Mind according to his Belief, or Prejudices; till at length the Gentlemen of the Houſe who had been at Padua, were deſired to give their Opinions as to the State and Condition of the Duke. Upon this Occaſion I declar⯑ed that at the Time I ſaw him, he laboured under all the Symptoms of Lunacy and Di⯑ſtraction. This being carried to the Lord Marſhal, who was very conſcious I was in⯑debted to him for no Obligation, he ſent a Gentleman to me the next Day to thank me for my Generoſity to a Perſon who had not ſeemed to have been ſo much my Friend as he ought to have been, and touching oblique⯑ly on the Affair of the Blackamoor, he ſaid [42] he intended to wait on me to give me ſome farther Satisfaction as to that.

My Anſwer to this Meſſage was, That I was ſurpriſed at the Compliment from a Gen⯑tleman to whom I intended none, what I had ſaid having been with a due Regard to Truth: That however I was not ſorry I had happened to oblige his Lordſhip by it; and that ſince he had denied all concern in the iniquitous Affair of my dead Servant, I would prevent his Lordſhip, and wait on him my ſelf; as I did two or three Days afterwards. He received me with all the Civility and Kindneſs imaginable, and wiſhed that nei⯑ther himſelf or Proſperity might proſper, if he was any way aiding or aſſiſting in the Plot laid againſt me. I told his Lordſhip, that I could not but add Faith to his Words; but that if he was not, I was well aſſured his Servants were; and therefore deſired he would give me leave to uſe my beſt Endea⯑vours to find it out: With all his Heart he ſaid, he did not only conſent to it, but would moreover aſſiſt me in the Inquiry; and ſo, with all poſſible Demonſtrations of Friend⯑ſhip we parted.

I very often viſited and dined with my Lord Treaſurer, and often waited on the King, who, when he ſaw me, would ask [43] me how things went forward; and particu⯑larly I this Day entertained him a long date March 18. while, in the Dutcheſs of York's Bedcham⯑ber, with what had then been tranſacting in the Houſe of Commons.

This Seſſion had gone on ſmoothly and ſedately enough, in both Houſes, my Lord Treaſurer having ſo ordered it, that the King's Party encreaſed rather than the o⯑ther but it was much feared that ſome Votes were obtained more by Purchaſe than Affe⯑ction; and with this we cloſe up the Year.

The Commons voted a ſecond Addreſs to the King, That he would be pleaſed to date 1677 date March 29. contract Alliances for the Preſervation of Flanders in the Hands of the King of Spain; but with this Reſtriction, That his Majeſty ſhould not be obliged to return any Anſwer to the Houſe, upon the Subject of the ſaid Addreſs; tho' a Number who would have drawn him into Inconveniencies, would have had him urged to declare his Intenti⯑ons therein; by which he muſt have either diſobliged the Nation on the one Hand, or on the other have declared War with France, before he was prepared to proſecute it.

date April 12. The King and the Duke had both of them much intereſted themſelves in the Af⯑fair [44] fair of my Election. which being to be try⯑ed very ſoon, his Majefty gave Orders to his Servants that were of the Houſe, to attend the Committee, and aſſiſt me with their beſt Services when it came on. The ſame Day the Duke of Albemark came down to engage his Friends to be for me, nor did the Duke of York forget to concern himſelf very ear⯑neſtly in my Behalf.

The ſame Day being alone with the Lord Treaſurer, in his Coach as he was going to Weſtminſter, I told him that ſome of the Diſcontented had reſolved to haſten the Mo⯑ney-Bill as faſt as might be, that ſo the Houſe might riſe before Eaſter, and the pub⯑lic Bills, that were preparing, be left un⯑paſſed; hoping thereby to incenſe the Nati⯑on, and bring about Cauſe of Complaint a⯑gainſt the King, as if he called the Parlia⯑ment together for nothing but to get Money from them. His Lordſhip anſwered, That the King, well aware of the Deſign, would pre⯑vent it by a Meſſage, that Day to be deli⯑vered to the Houſe by Mr. Secretary Coven⯑try, to this Effect, That if ought remained undone, which the Houſe judged neceſſary to be done for the good of the Nation, the King would allow them a ſufficient Time after Eafter, and that when they were ready, [45] His Majeſty would paſs their Bills; a Meſ⯑ſage that was accordingly delivered.

My Lord Treaſurer ſent for me among o⯑thers, deſiring us to aſſiſt what we could, towards the Reconciliation of a Difference likely to take place between the two Houſes, about framing the Bill for the ſix hundred thouſand Pounds, to be given to the King, which might endanger the Loſs of the ſame: For the Commons had made a Clauſe there⯑in, injoining the Officers of the Exchequer to give them an Account of the Disburſment and Diſtribution of the ſaid Sum; while the Lords had aſſerted they ſhould be accounta⯑ble to both Houſes. This the Commons would not ſuffer, alledging the Lords could neither add to nor take away from a Mo⯑ney-Bill; for that as it was peculiar to them only to give Money, it was to them only that Account was to be given how it was ap⯑plied. The Lords to this replied, That to de⯑ny them the Power of calling the Officers of the Exchequer to a Reckoning, was to abridge them of the Privilege of Judicature they un⯑doubtedly had as the ſupreme Court; and by way of Precedent obſerved, That when the Convention gave Money for the Disbanding of the Army, an Account of the ſame was or⯑dered to be laid before their Houſe as well [46] as the other. They both adhered tenaci⯑ouſly to their Point, till the King at length prevailed with the Lords to eraſe their Clauſe; and ſo the Commons got the better of the Day.

It was not long before this, That the King of France, having obtained a Victory over the Prince of Orange, did in his Return by Calais ſend over the Duke of Crequy, and the Archbiſhop of Rheims, to pay a Com⯑pliment to our King, who returned it by my Lord Sunderland. This gave juſt Cauſe to think there would be no War between the two Kings, contrary to what the Parliament had ſo earneſtly adviſed. I ſaw a Copy of the Letter theſe Ambaſſadors brought with them; beginning with this Stile or Title, Tres haut, tres Excellent & tres Puiſſent Prince, tres cher tres aimé bon Frére Couſin & Allié: And in truth our King's Neutrality deſerved all this from France, and much more.

date May 12. Not long after, having the Opportunity of a private Converſation with the Treaſurer, I complained to him of the Injuſtice done me in the fooliſh Story of my Black's Caſtra⯑tion, as alſo of the King's readineſs to grant away my Eſtate. He ſaid he did not be⯑lieve the King had given it, for that he had begged of him not to be too haſty in that [47] particular, believing the Report to be a ma⯑licious Lye: But that he was of Opinion with me, that now was a fit Time to ask his Majeſty for ſomething by way of Reparati⯑on, and that he would aſſiſt me therein. His Lordſhip was upon this Occaſion ſo o⯑pen with me as to tell me, That tho' the King denied ſcarce any thing to the Duke, his Brother, he certainly did not love him at his Heart.

He told me alſo That the King had no mind to fall out with France; and that if the Parliament would effectually engage him in that War, their Way would be to furniſh him with Sums of Money to prepare for it, and that no leſs than ſix hundred thouſand Pounds would be abſolutely neceſſary for that Purpoſe. That if the King accepted of this, he would be obliged to carry on the War; but that if the Parliament would not truſt him, he was in the right not to em⯑bark himſelf, and might juſtly argue, How can I depend on my Parliament to furniſh me with regular and equal Supplies to carry on a War, which they will not ſo much as enable me to prepare for? But I eaſily ſaw through this; I plainly perceived it was all Artifice to get the fingering of Money.

[48] He moreover ſaid, That the King could not in Honour join the Confederates againſt France: That in all the Treaties the King of England had been mentioned as Principal in the War: That in the Beginning he did actually join with France, and that for him now to turn his Arms againſt that Crown, would look neither juſt nor honourable in the Eye of the World. This his Lordſhip told me was the King's own Way of argu⯑ing, whenever War hapned to be the Sub⯑ject of their Diſcourſe together; but that his Anſwer to his Majeſty was, That he needed not be ſo regardful of that Tranſaction, the French King having plaid him the very ſame Trick when Chancellor Hyde was chief Mi⯑niſter. To this he replied, That the French King had a Pique againſt the Lord Chan⯑cellor: To which the Treaſurer ſubjoined, That whatever was the Cauſe, the thing was as he had ſaid.

He was ſo free alſo as to tell me ſtill fur⯑ther, That the Duke was the Grand Promo⯑ter of the French Intereſt, and that he now made his Court to the Sectaries and Fana⯑ticks, only to give Strength and Vigour to the Popiſh Intereſt: That his Highneſs was ſo very a Bigot, that tho' the Archbiſhop of Rheims made no Scruple to go into our [49] Churches, and even kneel down during the Time of divine Service, the Duke at the ſame time could not be prevailed on ſo much as to ſtep within the Doors. He obſerved that the Duke was particularly unhappy in his Servants, a ſenſeleſs Pack; but that in⯑deed his Confeſſor was a notable Man, and one that had a great Influence over him; being as well as his Maſter averſe to a War with France. His Lordſhip however declared himſelf for it.

The next Day I went to viſit the Duke and Dutcheſs of Lautherdale, at their fine Houſe at Ham. After Dinner, her Grace en⯑tertained me in her Chamber with much Diſ⯑courſe upon Affairs of State. She had been a beautiful Woman, the ſuppoſed Miſtreſs of Oliver Cromwell, and at that time a Lady of great Parts. Both her Grace and the Duke her Husband, were entirely in the Treaſurer's Intereſt. Her chief Complaint was, That the Duke ſo adhered to Papiſts and Fanaticks, and ſo put the King upon changing the Deputies of Ireland, and all purely for the Subſervience of the Romiſh Intereſt; and in ſhort, let me into the Secret of many Things I had never ſo much as heard of before; and particularly acquainted me with the State and Bent of Scotland, which, [50] as her Husband was Lord Commiſſioner, ſhe was well able to do.

The Day after I went to ask Mr. Secreta⯑ry Williamſon, if any Entry had been made in his Office concerning my Eſtate? He an⯑ſwered He durſt only own it to me in private, but that upon ſome Rumour of a Forfeiture, by ſome Act of mine, it was true that Mr. Felton, of the Bedchamber, had begged it of the King, and entered a Caveat thereof at his Office.

Upon this I prevailed with my Lord Treaſurer to go with me to the King, of whom I begged two Things, namely, That he would be pleaſed to order Mr. Secretary Williamſon to eraze a Caveat that had been en⯑tered with him, upon his Majeſty's granting away my Eſtate to Mr. Felton, reputed to be forfeited by my pretended felonious Pra⯑ctices with the Blackamoor that died in my Service: And that alſo he would be pleaſed to lay his Commands upon my Lord Chief Juſtice Rainsford, to diſcover to me at whoſe Sollicitation, or upon what Suggeſtion it was his Lordſhip iſſued out his Warrant to the Coroner to take up the Body after it had been ſo long interred.

To the Firſt the King anſwered, he did not remember any Grant he had made of [51] my Eſtate to any Perſon whatſoever, but that if any ſuch Caveat was entered, he would ſee that it was expunged. As for the Second, He directed my Lord Treaſurer to ſend one with me to my Lord Chief Juſtice, as from him, to do as I had deſired; which his Lord⯑ſhip did the next Day by his Secretary. When we came to him, he told us the whole Matter, and begged I would excuſe him for having been ſo very forward in that Affair; and indeed he had good Reaſon ſo to do, having done more than he could juſtify; for he had granted his Warrant upon a bare Suggeſtion, that the Moor had dyed by ſuch an Act, without taking any Information ei⯑ther in Writing or upon Oath.

date May 21. The Parliament met at Weſtminſter purſu⯑ant to Adjournment; and the King, in his Speech, told the Houſe, He could not make ſuch Alliances as they deſired, except they gave him Money, to make Preparations for War. The Commons did not approve of this, and voted that no Money ſhould be raiſed, till the King had firſt entered into a League Offenſive and Defenſive with Holland, and the reſt of the United Provinces, for the Safety of theſe Kingdoms, and the Recovery of Flanders, and to abate the Power of the French King.

[52] In anſwer to this, the King ſaid, They date May 28. had exceeded the Bounds and Methods of Parliament, That they entrenched on his Prerogative, by not only directing him to make Alliances, but by pointing out to him what thoſe Alliances ſhould be, and with whom to be made. That the Power of mak⯑ing Peace or War reſided wholly in himſelf, and that if they took that from him, he ſhould have nothing left but the empty Name of King, and no more, and that in ſuch caſe, no Prince or State would enter into Engage⯑ments with him. Upon the whole, He re⯑jected the Addreſs, but would uſe ſuch Means as became him for the Preſervation of his Kingdoms; adjourning them to the 16th Day of July following.

In the mean time, having heard that my Lord Yarmouth was one that had begged my Eſtate, upon the Occaſion oſ the Death of my Black, and underſtanding that his Lord⯑ſhip was come to Town, I preſently waited on him at his Houſe, and being with ſome Difficulty admitted (for I had never ſeen him) asked him if the Thing was true? Whereupon he bitterly ſwore he never asked it from the King, and that he never knew any thing of it, farther than that one Wright, Sollicitor to the Lord Henry Howard, did [53] come and acquaint him That there was like⯑ly to be ſuch a Forfeiture, and adviſed him to uſe his Intereſt with the King for it; but that he abſolutely gave no Ear to the Propo⯑ſal, ſaying, He would never be the richer for the Misfortunes of others: That he believed it was pure Malice againſt me, and that he would ſerve me all he could to find out the Authors of it. In ſhort, I got it from un⯑der his Hand, That he was neither directly or indirectly concerned in begging my E⯑ſtate.

The very ſame Day I found out Mr. Wright, and threatned to bring my Action of Scan⯑dal againſt him, upon the Information I had received from my Lord Yarmouth, if he did not let me into the whole Intrigue. He then ingenuouſly confeſſed, That both Bright and Chappel beforementioned, had given him an Account of the Moor's Death, with all the Circumſtances of his pretended Caſtrati⯑on, and with all Aſſurance of the Truth of what they ſaid; and that he telling the Sto⯑ry to Lord Henry Howard, his Lordſhip ſent him to Lord Yarmouth, adviſing him to beg my Eſtate of the King, and that he begged it accordingly. I was now much ſurpriſed that two Noblemen ſhould make their Ho⯑nour ſo cheap, and deny a real Fact with [54] ſuch Oaths and Aſſeverations; but conſider⯑ing with my ſelf that to make more Stir in the Thing, would be only to make a great deal of Noiſe about a very fooliſh Story, I contented my ſelf with this Satisfaction, that as a Sign of their Shame and Repen⯑tance, they had both given themſelves the Lye.

date Oct. 19. At this Time was the Marriage agreed on between the Prince of Orange, and the La⯑dy Mary, firſt Daughter to his Royal High⯑neſs, to the great Joy of the Nation; for his Highneſs being a Proteſtant Prince, this Match in a great meaſure expelled the Fears that the Majority had conceived concerning Popery. Lord Danby, the Treaſurer, was believed to have promoted this Alliance, and got good Reputation by it.

date 26 The Parliament which was to have met upon the 3d of December, was by Proclama⯑tion prorogued to the 4th of April; but ne⯑vertheleſs, the public Buſineſs required it, the Day was ſhortned, and they were to meet on the 10th of January, but when the Time came, they were adjourned for 15 Days.

date Nov. 2. I dined with my Lord Treaſurer, who received me very kindly; and the next Day I kiſſed the King's Hand, and the Duke's. His Highneſs, among other Things, told me [55] the Reaſon of this ſhort Adjournment was becauſe the King could not ſo fully acquaint both Houſes why they were called together at this Time, till he had a more perfect Ac⯑count of a Treaty now upon the Carpet with Spain; and after ſome other Diſcouſe of pub⯑lick Concern, I gave him ſome Aſſurances of Duty and Reſpect, which by a former, tho' falſe, Report he had fome Reaſon to doubt of.

The Parliament met, and the King, in his Speech, informed them That he was en⯑tered in a ſtrict Alliance with the Prince of Orange, and the United Provinces, to oppoſe the French King, and the Progreſs of his Arms in Flanders; and deſired he might have Money to enable him to fulfil his En⯑gagements.

date Nov. 28. The Commons immediately voted an Ad⯑dreſs of Thanks to the King, for the Care he had taken of the Proteſtant Religion, in marrying his Niece to the Prince of Orange; but obſerved they could grant no Supplies for the War, if his Majeſty and his Al⯑ies would not engage to lay down their Arms, till the Treaty of the Pyrenées was performed, and till the French King was re⯑duced to the Condition he then was in; for [56] that without this, neither this Kingdom, nor the reſt of Chriſtendom was ſafe.

date Nov. 30. They now voted the Sum of ſeventy thou⯑ſand Pounds, to be raiſed for the Royal In⯑terment of King Charles the Martyr, and for erecting a Monument to his Memory.

Supping this Night with my Lord Trea⯑ſurer. he told me He fully had intend⯑ed to ſollicit the King to do ſomething for me; but, if he had really meant it, I knew he might have done it long before then.

date Feb. 4. The King ſent us an Anſwer to our Ad⯑dreſs, and therein preſſed us to raiſe Money to carry on the War; and to prevail on us the more effectually, he acquainted us with the Alliances he had made; which ſo wrought upon the Houſe, That the Queſtion being put, it was carried by two and forty Voices, to aſſiſt his Majeſty in the War, and to con⯑ſider of the Way to do it; but it being late, the Debate was put off till the next Morning.

date 5 The next Morning I waited on the Duke of York, and had a great deal of Diſcourſe with him concerning this Matter; and being the Night before with my Lord Treaſurer, the Scheme was laid how to proceed the next Day.

[57] Great Debates had ariſen upon this Affair, and the Reaſon of the violent Oppoſition it met with, was a Deſire in ſome to oppoſe the Crown, tho' in the very thing they them⯑ſelves wiſhed for, the Nation being ever de⯑ſirous of a War with France; and a Jealouſy in others, That the King indeed intended to raiſe an Army, but never deſigned to go on with the War, and, to ſay the Truth, ſome of the King's own Party were not ve⯑ry ſure of the contrary. However, the Commons ſoon after voted Money for the raiſing ſix and twenty Regiments of Foot, four of Horſe, and two of Dragoons, toge⯑ther with a Navy of ninety Men of War, for a War with France.

A few Days afterwards, I acquainted the King and the Duke with ſome of the Tran⯑ſactions of the Houſe, and of the Doubts ſome had there expreſſed concerning the Ratification of the Peace betwixt us and Hol⯑land. To which the King replyed, ‘That the League offenſive and defenſive was actually ſigned by the States, ſo that they could not now recede, but that the Rati⯑fication was not yet ſealed, the ſeveral Provinces not having yet confirmed the Act of their Deputies, and of the Council of Eight who had received it.’

[58] The great Buſineſs of granting an Aid to date Feb. 18. the King came on Debate in the Houſe, where it was thoroughly controverted, and many difficulties were ſtarted, and many Mi⯑ſtruſts of the King. Among others, I ſpoke and attempted to ſhew the Neceſſity there was for a Truſt at this Time, and how im⯑poſſible it was (tho' ſome Ground might ap⯑pear for it) to recede at this Hour of the Day.

date The next Day the Commons voted a Mil⯑lion, to enable the King to make War with France, for the Preſervation of Flanders.

We had at this Time News that the French had taken Ghent and Bruges, and that Oſtend was beſieged; whereupon the King cauſed ſixteen hundred Men to be immediately drawn out of his Guards and other Forces here, and ſent them to Oſtend, under the Command of the Duke of Monmouth; in ſhort, this News quite alarmed Flanders, Hol⯑land and England. The Commons particu⯑larly concerned themſelves therein, and now grown warm, they begin to reflect on the King's ill Councils, that had not adviſed him to a War before. No Man was named, but they plainly pointed at the Duke of York, and the Lord Treaſurer.

[59] Attending the King's Levee, His Maje⯑ſty told me and ſome other Members then date Feb. 28. preſent, ‘"That except the Money voted was ſpeedily raiſed, it would come after the French King had done his Work."’ His Highneſs alſo told me the ſame Morning, that his Friends would have a hard Task of it that Day, he being informed that ſome of the Houſe had reſolved to renew the Debate concerning ill Councellors; but I aſſured him it was not likely, having but the Day before heard a Leader of the anticourt Party ſay, It was no Time to raiſe Diſputes at home, now that we were in ſuch a Way of being embroiled abroad; and it proved even as I had ſaid.

date March 2. But after all, News came that Ghent and Bruges had not been taken, as had been re⯑ported; and moreover, that Monſ. Rouvigny was coming over, on the Part of France, with Tenders of Peace. The Parliament ſtarted at this, and grew jealous the Offers would be accepted; but ſtill our Forces marched onwards, in their Way to Oſtend; and two Days aſterwards the Bill for raiſing Money, by way of Poll, was perfected, when the King and the Duke talked much of a War, tho' ſtill it was ſuſpected their Hearts were more inclined for Peace.

[60] His Highneſs told me, He was informed date March 10. of a Deſign in the Houſe of Commons, to fall upon him and my Lord Treaſurer, and deſired me to oppoſe it. My Lord Trea⯑ſurer aſſured me of the ſame thing, and that it was to be done that very Day. That, among other Articles, they laid to his Charge a Treaty between the King and the Prince of Orange; but that in reality there was no ſuch Treaty; and had it been, he did not think it had been diſadvantagious to England. Another of his Crimes, he ſaid, would be for adviſing the King to make a Peace which he never did; tho' it was not impoſſible but ſuch a Deſign there might be; but that if ſo it were, it proceeded from nothing but the King's own Judgment, who was that way very much bent, if lawful it were ſo to ſay.

date 14 Now ſeveral Speeches were made in the Houſe, full fraught of Jealouſies and Fears, and particularly with regard to the Army at this time levying; as if it rather intended to erect abſolute Monarchy at home, than infeſt the Enemy abroad. Complaints were made of evil Council, and of the Councel⯑lors, but ſtill no Body was named. A long Debate it proved, and in the End produced an Addreſs to the King, That before they proceeded to give any more Money, His [61] Majeſty would be pleaſed to declare War with France, and withdraw his Ambaſſador from that Court. It was alſo ſtifly contend⯑ed, That a Part of this Addreſs ſhould be to intreat the King to put away thoſe evil Councellors from about him, who had ad⯑viſed him to adjourn the Parliament in May laſt, and prevented a War with France all this Time; but this being put to the Queſti⯑on, it was carried in the Negative by five Votes only.

date March 14. The Commons then reſolved, That a Day ſhould be appointed to conſider of the State of the Kingdom with regard to Popery: And three Days afterwards my Lord Trea⯑ſurer ſent for ſeveral Members of the Houſe, and me among others, to the Treaſury Chamber. His Lordſhip there told us, It became all good Subjects to withſtand all ſuch Motions and Proceedings, which tend⯑ed only to perplex the Minds of Men, and diſturb the publick Tranquility; in ſhort, to raiſe Jealouſies againſt the Government. The Duke alſo, among other Things, told me, It would be to diſarm all Popiſh Re⯑cuſants, which he ſeemed to think a ridicu⯑lous Thing; and here we put a Period to this Year.

[62] date 1678 At this time, many well meaning Men be⯑gan to fear the Army now raiſed, was rather intended to awe our own Kingdom, than to war againſt France. as had at firſt been ſug⯑geſted; and now it being put to the Queſti⯑on, date May 8. whether an Addreſs ſhould be made to the King, for laying aſide Duke Lauther⯑dale, of the Kingdom of Scotland, it was carried in the negative by one Vote only.

The Queſtion was put again, and carried, That ſuch Councellors as had adviſed the King to make ſuch Anſwers to the late Ad⯑dreſſes from his Parliament, being Betrayers of the King and Kingdom, or to that Effect, an Addreſs ſhould be humbly preſented to his Majeſty, to lay them aſide from his date 10 Councils. and remove them from their other Employments. This Addreſs was accord⯑ingly, and his Majeſty's Anſwer was this, That they were ſo extravagant in the Con⯑tents of it, that he was not willing to make ſuch Reply to it as it deſerv'd. Lautherdale was particularly named. And the ſame Day it was carried, tho' but by one Voice in a full Houſe, That the King's Meſſage lately ſent to them to conſider of ſome Means for a Supply to his Majeſty, for paying off his Fleet, ſhould not be obſerved.

[63] The King underſtanding the Tide of their Proceedings to run ſo very high, prorogued date May 13. them to the 23d of the ſame Month, which put a Stop to their further Proceedings.

It was, at this Time, generally believed that Peace was concluded between us, the Confederates, and the King of France. We blamed the States for their ready Comply⯑ance; the States blamed the Spaniard who was full of his Offers, while he had neither Men, Arms, or Money in Flanders to defend it; and they both fell upon the Parliament of England, who when they ſhould have given Money; and made other Preparations for the War, were waſting their Time in quarrelling at home with the Government, and with each other.

The Parliament met, purſuant to adjourn⯑ment, when the King ſpoke to them a little date 23 more briskly than uſual. He told them, a Peace was near upon Concluſion between France and the Confederates, at which they were extremely concerned. This Peace with France, when there was like to be ſo ſtrong a Union combined to reduce that proud and potent King to a better Senſe of himſelf, was very ungrateful News to Eng⯑land; and therefore the King, to throw the Blame of it upon the Commons, told us, in [64] his Speech, it was owing to their Refuſal of Money, till ſomething was done for the Se⯑curity of their Religion; their Negligence to direct or adviſe him concerning the in⯑tended War, or to aſſiſt him till he had changed Councellors, and conſequently the little Hopes the Confederates could have of Help from him; that this, together with the low Condition of Spain, had prompted them to lend an Ear to the Offers of Peace; not to ſpeak of the ſluggiſh Motion of the Germans, the Difficulty of getting them to⯑gether, their Princes being influenced by ſuch diſcordant Views and Intereſts, and the preſent Poverty of the States General, all which had contributed towards the Ceſ⯑ſation of the War.

But ſtill our King was chiefly condemned in this great Affair, as he ſo long deferred to engage in this Alliance; which, had he ſooner done, the French King had never dared to perſiſt in the War; at leaſt he could not have made ſo great a Progreſs in Flan⯑ders, or have been able to make ſo good a Market for himſelf, as he did by this Peace.

To this our King made Anſwer, He could not have believed the French King would have been able to weather out a War ſo well as he did, tho' in a manner againſt all Eu⯑rope, [65] Himſelf and the King of Sweden only date 16 excepted, who ſat Neuters: And that in caſe this Number of Enemies had humbled that Kingdom, England might well have been ſatisfied with the having been an un⯑concerned Looker-on, while ſhe engroſſed all the Commerce of Europe, and might in the End have reaped an equal Share of Ad⯑vantage with even the Labourers themſelves, who had been at all the Pains and Expence.

date June 4. The Commons voted two hundred thou⯑ſand Pounds, to be given for disbanding the Army; but under great Reſtrictions, fear⯑ing the King might take the Money, and convert it to other Uſes. Wherefore great Penalties were levelled againſt the Officers of the Exchequer, and others, through whoſe Hands it was to paſs, to prevent their di⯑verting it from its right Channel, and this done, the Money was chearfully given, the Nation, and its Repreſentatives, dreading nothing ſo much, at that Time, as a ſtand⯑ing Army.

About this Time there was freſh Diſcourſe date 22 about a War with France, the French King and ours not agreeing concerning the Intereſt of the King of Sweden, which the French would have to be adjuſted, before they would de⯑liver up the Towns they had taken in Flan⯑ders: [66] But, by what I heard, I thought the thing had but an unlikely Aſpect, and parti⯑cularly as I had ſeen the King, Duke, and French Ambaſſador ſo very often merry, and intimate together at the Ducheſs of Port⯑ſmouth's Lodgings, laughing at thoſe who believed it in earneſt.

date Octob. 10. Now came the firſt News of the Popiſh Plot, or a Deſign of the Papiſts to kill the King. No Body can conceive, that was not a Witneſs thereof, what a Ferment this raiſed among all Ranks and Degrees. Being at this Time in the Country, I hurried to town with my Family.

date 21 The Parliament met, and the King in his Speech told us, He had kept the Army on foot longer than by the Act for disbanding it was allowed; but that he had done it to preſerve the reſt of Flanders, which had prov⯑ed an expenſive Precaution to him; That he was deeply in Debt; That his Revenue would not defray the Charge of the Govern⯑ment; That he would ſatisfy them as to this, by laying the whole Scheme of his Income before them, and that he then doubted not but they would make him a proper Augmentation. That there had been a Deſign againſt his Life by the Jeſuits and their Friends; but that he would not deſcend to the Particulars [67] of the Thing, leſt ſome ſhould think he ſaid too little, and others, that he ſaid too much: In a word, he left the whole to their Diſ⯑covery.

The two Houſes, (but the Commons eſpe⯑cially) took Fire at this, and immediately voted an Addreſs to the King, That all Pa⯑piſts ſhould be removed ten Miles from Lon⯑don. And now came on the Tragedy of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey; and now alſo appear⯑ed Doct. Oates, who, as he pretended, hav⯑ing ſome Jealouſy of what was in Agitation, diſſembled himſelf a Papiſt, and got Admit⯑tance of the Jeſuits College at St. Omers, where ſeeing into the whole Matter, he told it to one Doctor Tongue, an Engliſh Divine, who told it to my Lord Treaſurer, who privately told it to the King, in ſuch Man⯑ner that the Thing was ſtifled and latent for a whole Month. But being with the King date Octob. 23. at the Ducheſs of Portſmouth's Lodgings, my Lord Treaſurer alſo being preſent, the King told me, ‘He took it it to be ſome Arti⯑fice, and that he did not believe one Word of the whole Story.’

Coleman's Affair made alſo a Noiſe, and date 25 ſeemed in ſome Sort to confirm the other. He made very free with his Highneſs's Name upon ſeveral important Articles, tho' the Duke [68] was an utter Stranger to his Correſpondence, as he deſired his Friends of both Houſes to declare for him. The Commons, however, were very angry with my Lord Treaſurer, for keeping the Plot ſo long in the dark, ſeeing the King might have been made away with in the mean time. This News I firſt of any Body communicated to his Lordſhip, in the Preſence of the King, who ſaid, ‘"My Lord was in no Fault as to that; he he having commanded him to keep it ſe⯑cret, the better to make Diſcovery of what Truth there might be therein."’

Now to enter into the Particulars of this Plot, real or pretended, is not the Deſign of this Work; the ſeveral Narratives of the Witneſſes before the two Houſes of Parlia⯑ment, and the Courts of Juſtice, upon the Tryals of the Parties accuſed, give ſufficient Inſight and Satisfaction, as to all that ca [...] be ſaid of it. Thus much we may, however, obſerve, that tho' a great deal of what was advanced and confidently related, bore the Face of Improbability, yet ſuch was the Torrent of the Times, that no Doubt was to be made of all that was heard.

date November. All the Beginning of this Month was ta⯑ken up by the Commons, in examining of Witneſſes concerning the Plot, who came in [69] very plentifully, the King having, at the Requeſt of the Commons, granted Indemni⯑ty to all who ſhould make any Diſcovery, tho' ever ſo deeply and blackly engaged themſelves, and not only Indemnity, but Sub⯑ſiſtence into the Bargain. At length the Com⯑mons came to this Reſolution, That upon the Evidence which appeared from Coleman's Let⯑ters, and the Informations of Oates and others, it was plain there was a helliſh and damna⯑ble Deſign to aſſaſſinate and murder the King, and to ſubvert the Religion and Government as by Law eſtabliſhed.

The Houſe of Lords now requeſted his Royal Highneſs, to withdraw himſelf from the King's Councils, and he complied with the Requeſt; but the Commons went a Step higher, and were for removing him from a⯑bout the King's Perſon. There were thoſe in the Houſe who argued the Danger of this, obſerving that his Highneſs might be there⯑by tempted to put himſelf at the Head of the Popiſh Faction. Some there were alſo, who moved That the Duke ſhould be ſent out of England. The King and Duke both, ſpoke to all their Friends to oppoſe this, and it was effectually done; for no Reſolution be⯑ing taken that Day, the Debate was adjourn⯑ed to the 8th Inſtant. But tho' it came not [70] to the Vote, the Houſe was generally of O⯑pinion, That the Duke's being of that Re⯑ligion was what principally encouraged the Papiſts to ſuch wicked Attempts: In ſhort, they were, by Proclamation, baniſhed to the Diſtance of ten Miles from London.

date Nov. 6, 7. While Coleman's Letters were under the Conſideration of the Houſe, I waited ſeveral Times on my Lord Treaſurer, who had called ſeveral of us together, to conſult us about an Act to leſſen the Popiſh Intereſt in this Kingdom; when his Lordſhip told us, The King was willing ſomething ſhould be enacted, To pare (as his Expreſſion was) the Nails of a Popiſh Succeſſor; but that he would never ſuffer his Brother to be taken away from him, or the right Line to the Crown date 8 to be interrupted; and to the ſame Effect the King ſpoke to the two Houſes the next Day.

To paſs over other Things more generally known, a Jealouſy now ſeemed to ariſe be⯑tween the Duke and the Lord Treaſurer. The Duke thought his Lordſhip was within himſelf for his leaving the Court, that ſo he might have the King the more abſolutely in his own Power: And my Lord (tho' I be⯑lieve he endeavoured to ſerve the Duke all he could, tho' no Friend to his Religion) [71] reſented the Duke's Suſpicion. Much was, at this time, done and tranſacted, in disfa⯑vour date Nov. 13. of the Popiſh Party; and particularly it was now that the Lords paſſed that great Bill to incapacitate ſuch of the Roman Ca⯑tholic Members as ſhould refuſe to take the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy; tho' my Lord High Treaſurer ſaid in my Hearing, but the Night before, He was ſure it would never paſs in that Houſe.

The Duke of Holſtein's Reſident had, it ſeems, reported the Lord Treaſurer to be in the Pay and Penſion of France. Thus, at leaſt, had his Lordſhip been informed, and ſending for him, he ſent for me alſo to be preſent at the Examination; but the Reſi⯑dent abſolutely denied what was laid to his Charge. To make amends for this, I, a few Days after, acquainted his Lordſhip, That the ſame Gentleman had aſſured me, the Commons would moſt certainly fall up⯑on him, and that it was in his Power to turn the Edge of one that was moſt violent againſt him. I told him alſo, that I had, from other Hands, been informed, that my Couſin Ralph Montague, ſince Lord Montague, lately recalled from being Ambaſſador in France, and now Member of our Houſe, would accuſe him there. But my Lord gave [72] no Ear to either of theſe; ſaying, The lat⯑ter durſt not impeach him, for that he had Letters to ſhow from him, whilſt Ambaſſa⯑dor, that would prove how officious he was to perſuade him, to accept of the French King's Money, tho' he abſolutely refuſed it. The ſame Day the Duke told me, He expected to be attacked by the Commons, and hoped his Friends would ſtand firm to him; and Sir Joſeph Williamſon, Secretary of State, was, by the Houſe, committed to the Tower, for paſſing the Muſters of ſome Po⯑piſh Officers, without tendering them the Oaths, tho' he had his Majeſty's Orders for ſo doing.

date Nov. 21. Bedloe, the Evidence, went on apace, but being this Day with the King, his Majeſty told me, ‘Bedloe was a Rogue, and that he was ſatisfied he had given ſome falſe Evi⯑dence, concerning the Death of Sir Ed⯑mundbury Godfrey.’

In preparing the Bill for purging the Houſe of Lords of ſuch as refuſed the new Teſt, it was put to the Queſtion, Whether or no his Royal Highneſs ſhould be excuſed from taking it, and it was carried in the affirmative, but by no more than two Votes: Had it been carried in the negative, he would, in the next Place, have been voted [73] away from the King's Preſence. And now all the popiſh Lords, three excepted, were expelled the Houſe of Peers.

date Decem. 1. Having proceeded thus far, the Commons voted an Addreſs to the King, from that Houſe, to repreſent the ill State of the Na⯑tion, and the Danger it was in, by his Ma⯑jeſty's adhering to private Councils rather than to his two Houſes of Parliament: This aimed at my Lord Treaſurer, and ſome o⯑thers of the Cabinet Council. This was car⯑ried by two and twenty Votes, and even ſome of the Courtiers were for it; whence it was by ſome ſurmiſed, That the Duke, being no longer in Councils, was grown jealous of the Treaſurer, and had a mind he ſhould be removed. It was now ſaid the Duke had been perſuaded (but unjuſtly) that his Lordſhip endeavoured to inſinuate into the King, that there was ſomething of Pro⯑bability in the Accuſation againſt the Queen, purely that he might hearken to a Divorce, and marry another more likely to bring Chil⯑dren to the Crown.

The Commons were now intent upon diſ⯑banding the Army, raiſing of Money for that Purpoſe, and the Conviction of Popiſh Recuſants; during which the Right of the Lords to interfere in a Money-Bill was [74] warmly conteſted; but not to dwell on ſo date Decem. 6. nice a Subject, the King cauſed Mr. Mon⯑tague's Papers to be ſeized, and acquainted the Houſe of Commons, That having been his Ambaſſador at the French Court, he had taken on him to treat with the Pope's Nun⯑cio, without any Commiſſion from him for ſo doing; and that he had ſeized his Papers to come at the Purport of the ſaid Treaty. But Montague aſſured the Houſe, that this was a mere Artifice, a Contrivance of the Treaſurer's to ſave himſelf; but that his Lordſhip had therein failed, for that altho' moſt of his Letters were ſeized, he had by good Look ſaved the moſt material. One of them, dated the 25th of March 1678, in⯑ſtructed him to acquaint that Court with the great Difficulties he met withal here in the Affair of Peace between us and them, and the Fear there was the Parliament ſhould diſ⯑cover it: That however he had Orders from the King to bid him treat with them for a Peace, as well between them and the Confe⯑derates, as our ſelves; upon Condition, the French King would give ours ſix hundred thouſand Livers per Annum, for three Years together, after the Concluſion of the Peace▪ for that as our King would thereby diſguſ the Parliament, he could expect no Money [75] from them of ſo long a time: And finally, That when he wrote back to the Secretary, concerning this Tranſaction, he ſhould be ſilent as to the Money, and ſo on. Signed,

Danby.

This put the Houſe into a Flame, and a Motion was inſtantly made, that the Trea⯑ſurer ſhould be impeach'd of High Treaſon; for that he had endeavoured to eſtrange the King from his Parliament, and make it of no Uſe to him; and one Mr. Powel obſerv⯑ed, That this was uſurping a Power to the Excluſion of other Councellors, who had a Right to adviſe the King as well as himſelf; the very Treaſon that was laid to the Charge of the Spencers, and the Duke of Ireland, in the Days of Richard the Second.

But it was anſwered, That it was no ſuch great Offence to write this by the King's own Order, as was expreſſed in the Letter it ſelf, and would be owned, as ſuppoſed, by the King at this Time. That the King had certainly a Power to adviſe with which of his Councellors he pleaſed; and that if his Majeſty foreſaw the Confederates would ſtrike up a Peace, which we muſt comply with, where was the Harm of making what Advantage we could of it to our ſelves, and at the ſame Time of ſparing the Purſes of the Subject?

[76] A ſecond Letter was produced, which gave Aſſurance of Inclinations for a very fair Un⯑derſtanding between us and his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty; together with Advice to haſten the Peace; becauſe the Duke ſeemed every Day more and more averſe to it; and mentioned ſome Towns to be given up, by the French, as cautionary, to the Confederates, upon the Concluſion of this Peace. Mr. Montague then declared in the Houſe, That the French King was willing to deliver up two Towns more than he did by the former Treaty; but that my Lord Treaſurer was ſo earneſt and preſſing for Money, that he thereby made the Terms much worſe for the Confederates; but at the ſame Time acknowledged he could not ſay he knew of any Money paid either to him or to his Majeſty. Other Things were now laid to the Treaſurer's Charge, as the Male-adminiſtration of his Office, and the Lowneſs of the Exchequer: But to this it was anſwered, by his Lordſhip's Friends, That a Debt of ſix hundred thouſand Pounds had been paid off ſince he had been in Office, tho' no Money had in all that Time been given to the King, but what had been ap⯑propriated to the Uſes deſigned.

He was farther accuſed, (this Letter bear⯑ing Date the 25th of March 1678, and the [77] Act which gave Money to the King to en⯑ter into a War with France being paſſed but the 20th) of deluding the Nation, in advi⯑ſing the King to take Money for raiſing an Army for Service abroad, and at the ſame Time treating for Money from France to make a Peace, which looked as if a ſtanding Army was deſigned to humble England, and not France. In ſhort, the Queſtion being put, it was reſolved, That an Impeachment be drawn up againſt the Lord Treaſurer, and a Committee was accordingly appointed for that Purpoſe.

Mr. Montague was, in this Caſe, juſtly cenſured, for diſcloſing what had paſſed through his Hands, when a public Miniſter, without the King's Leave. Mean while, date Dec. 7. the Treaſurer endeavoured to deſtroy the Credit of his Accuſer, and produced ſome Letter, from him, when in France, which were read in the Houſe, and made it appear that Montague had been very guilty of the Offences he threw upon his Lordſhip: But his Enemies were ſo many and ſo powerful, that the whole Edge was bent againſt him; in a Word, the Tide was not to be ſtemmed, and ſix Articles of Impeachment were drawn up againſt him.

[78] But a Debate aroſe, whether, ſuppoſing any of theſe Articles to be true, they amount⯑ed to High Treaſon, none of them being within the Statute of Edward III. At length the Queſtion being put, Whether or no an Impeachment of High Treaſon, founded up⯑on the ſaid Articles againſt his Lordſhip, ſhould be carried up to the Houſe of Lords, date Dec. 23. the Ay's were 179, and the No's 130. The Impeachment then was carried up to the Bar of the Houſe of Lords, where it being pre⯑ſently debated, whether or no his Lordſhip ſhould withdraw, it was carried in the ne⯑gative by 20 Voices; and then both Houſes adjourned for Chriſtmaſs Eve, and Chriſtmaſs Day only.

date 26 The Houſes met, and the Commons heard ſome Evidence concerning the Death of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, and quarrelled with the Lords on account of the Amendment they had made in the Money-Bill for disbanding the Army. The ſame Day I ſpoke both with the King and the Duke, who both de⯑clared they would adhere to my Lord Trea⯑ſurer.

date 27 The next Day the Lords voted, That he ſhould not be committed: And the ſame Day the Diſpute between the two Houſes, concerning the Money-Bill, was decided by [79] a Conference, and the Bill paſſed both Houſes. And here I cannot but take Notice, that the King obſerving the Lord Stafford to be very violent in the Houſe againſt the Lord Dan⯑by, (which, it ſeems, took Birth from a perſonal Pique to him, for obſtructing a Pen⯑ſion he had from the Crown) told me, ‘He wondered at it much, ſeeing his Father came to the unfortunate End he did, by the very ſelf ſame Method of Proce⯑dure.’

date Dec. 30. And now, when it was leaſt expected, the King prorogued the Parliament to the 4th of February; ſome ſaid in favour of the Papiſts, others of the Lord Treaſurer, and others again in Defence of his Prerogative, which was more than one Way invaded by the Commons: But his Majeſty at the ſame Time declared he intended to disband the Army, and proſecute the Buſineſs of the Plot. Montague was now diſcovered in a Diſguiſe at Dover, in his Way to France.

date Jan. 24. My Lord Treaſurer ſent for me, and told me, The King had declared he would diſ⯑ſolve the Parliament, and adviſed me to make Intereſt as ſoon as I could againſt the approaching Election, for that another Par⯑liament would ſpeedily be called. This Par⯑liament was, for the moſt Part, very Loyal [80] both to the King and the Church; which made thoſe of adverſe Sentiments very deſi⯑rous of its Diſſolution; and the Way they contrived to bring it about, as was credibly reported, was by perſuading the Treaſurer to obtain it of the King, promiſing if he ſhould ſucceed therein, That there ſhould be no farther Proſecution againſt him in the next Parliament; but they deceived him, as he afterwards experienced.

date Jan. 31. Both the King and the Duke adviſed me to ſtand for the next Parliament, and both of them aſſured me, not only of my Govern⯑ment of Burlington, but of their Aſſiſtance alſo, if it came to a controverted Election.

date Feb. 14. Accordingly a Proclamation coming out for the Election of a new Parliament, my Lord Treaſurer conducted me to his Majeſty, and thanked him for his Promiſe of continu⯑ing me in my Government; to which the King replied, That I had ſerved him faith⯑fully, and that he intended to be kind to me. My Lord Treaſurer wrote alſo to the High Sheriff of Yorkſhire, to be favourable to me in the Return; to conclude, having taken leave of the Duke of Monmouth, I left the Town to go into the Country.

date March 6. The Parliament met, but a Difference a⯑roſe about the Choice of a Speaker, the Houſe [81] being for one, and the King recommending another; wherefore they refuſed to enter upon Buſineſs, but adjourned to the 7th In⯑ſtant, date March 7. then to the 8th, and ſo to the 10th. The next Day I met the King in his Royal Robes, and with his Crown upon his Head, as he came out of the Houſe of Lords: He ſtopped to ask me If I was elected? To which replying Yes, he ſaid, He was glad of it. Upon my Return to Town, I, to the ſurpriſe of all Men, found that the King had commanded the Duke to go into Flanders: Some ſaid the Treaſurer had brought this to paſs, that he might engroſs the King to him⯑ſelf; others ſaid it was to divert the Vio⯑lence of both Houſes againſt his Highneſs, from the Suſpicion of ſome that he was of the Plot. But I preſume it was chiefly in⯑tended to extirpate all Jealouſies in the Par⯑liament, That he was influenced by Popiſh Councils, tho' even from his own Brother.

The Commons began to be angry with the Treaſurer, for that the Speaker they had propoſed had been rejected by the King; ſaying he was the cauſe of it, becauſe, truly, the Gentleman was not his Lordſhip's Friend. This Diſpute ſubſiſting between the King and the Commons, they at length Addreſs him, Beſeeching him not to invade their un⯑doubted [82] Privilege of chuſing their Speaker; but His Majeſty ſtill inſiſts on it, That without his Approbation, their Choice is of none Effect. Now all the Moderate Men in the Houſe were concerned That ſuch Punctilio's ſhould ſtand in the Way of Buſineſs, eſpecially when Buſineſs of ſuch High Importance lay before them; but the Angry Party was deaf to all Remonſtrance; and the King, by way of Expedient, prorogued the Parliament to the 11th Inſtant, and from thence to the 15th, when Serjeant Gregory being elected, both ſides were ſatisfied.

The Storm now begins to fall heavy upon the Lord Treaſurer, inſomuch that he has Thoughts of delivering up his Staff, and with it his Office, in hopes by ſuch Reſignation to allay the Heats againſt him. I was averſe to this Step, I confeſs, and would have had him ſtood his ground, as long as the King would ſtand by him, ſaying, his Reſigna⯑tion would but expoſe him the more to the Power of his Enemies; in ſhort, that the Lords would fear him the leſs, and the Com⯑mons not love him a bit the better. Several Perſons had got poſſeſſed of good Employ⯑ments, not ſo much by my Lord's Favour and Kindneſs, as by giving Money to his Lady, who had for ſome time driven on a [83] private Trade of this ſort, tho' not without his Lordſhip's participation and concurrence. This I knew, but had neither the Face nor the Inclination to come in at that Door; ſo that I was poſtponed to many, who, as I thought, deſerved as little as my ſelf; but they had but a bad Bargain, they were now all ſwept away with the ſame Torrent that began to overwhelm his Lordſhip; againſt whom freſh Matter now appeared, upon the date March 17. Evidence of Bedloe, before the Committee appointed to examine into the Plot, he ac⯑cuſing the Treaſurer of having tampered with him to fly during this Interval of Par⯑liament. And now every thing went harder and harder with his Lordſhip's Friends; ſo that my Election being controverted, the Committee of Privileges and Elections, in a few Days afterward, gave my Cauſe againſt me by a ſmall Majority of two only; which conſidering the Stream of the Times, I rec⯑koned to be as good as half a Victory at leaſt.

In the mean time a Meſſage was ſent to date 20 the Lords, deſiring the Treaſurer might be committed; but their Lordſhips had but juſt before Voted him Eight Days to prepare his Defence in. The Commons repeated their date 22 former Meſſage to the Lords; and the next [84] Day the King coming to the Houſe of Lords, in the uſual State and Formality, in⯑formed both Houſes, That it was by his par⯑ticular Order the Lord Treaſurer had writ⯑ten the Two Letters, produced by Mon⯑tague: That it was not the Lord Treaſurer who had concealed the Plot, but that it was himſelf who told it his Lordſhip from time to time, as he thought fit. His Maje⯑ſty then declared he had granted the ſaid Nobleman a full Pardon, and that, if Occa⯑ſion required, he would give it him again Ten times over: That, however, he intended to lay him aſide from his Employments, and to forbid him the Court.

Some would have peſuaded his Lordſhip to take Refuge abroad, as what would ap⯑peaſe both Houſes: And indeed the Lords had a Conference with the Commons about preparing a Bill to baniſh him, and the Com⯑mons deſired ſome Days to conſider of it, in hopes he would have withdrawn in that date March 24. time. In the midſt of this Perplexity I ſaw his Lordſhip at Midnight, as he came out of his Cloſet, from adviſing with his Friends what to do. He gave me a great many Thanks and good Words; told me he had recommended me to the King as a fit Per⯑ſon to be ſent his Envoy into France; as [85] alſo where I was to make Application in his Abſence, if I wanted any thing with the King.

date March 25. The next Day the Commons, in a great date 1679 Heat, refuſed to comply with the Lords, in their Bill of Baniſhment; they ſaid it was too ſlight a Puniſhment, and ſent to demand Juſtice of their Lordſhips againſt the Trea⯑ſurer, declaring, He ought not only to be puniſhed in his own Perſon, but in his Po⯑ſterity likewiſe, as an Example of thoſe, who for the future ſhould ſucceed him in his Office: But before the Meſſage came, the Lords had changed their Minds, and ſent the Black Rod for the Treaſurer; too late tho'; he was gone, and now it was ſur⯑miſed the King was grown cool towards him.

A moſt unhappy thing it is to ſerve a fickle Prince, which, it muſt be owned, was Part of our Maſter's Character. Had the Treaſurer conſidered no Body but himſelf, he might certainly have fared better; but he reſolved rather to ſuffer; than to do any thing that might derive any Diſhonour on the King, or others about him, as he has ſince ſaid himſelf. This great Change, I muſt own, made me ſeriouſly ponder the in⯑certitude of human Grandeur: It was but a [86] few Months before that few things were tranſacted at Court, but with the Privity or Conſent of this great Man; the King's Bro⯑ther, and favourite Miſtreſs, were glad to be fair with him, and the general Addreſs of all Men of Buſineſs was to him, who was not only Treaſurer, but prime Miniſter al⯑ſo; who not only kept the Purſe, but was the firſt and greateſt Confident in all Affairs of State. But now he is neglected of all, forced to hide his Head as a Criminal, and in danger of loſing all he has got, and his Life therewith: His Family raiſed from Privacy to the Degree of Marquiſs, (a Patent was then actually paſſing, to inveſt him with that Dignity) is now on the Brink of fall⯑ing below the humble ſtand of a Yeoman; nor would almoſt the meaneſt Subject change Conditions with him now, who ſo very lately the greateſt beheld with Envy. This confirmed me in a Belief, that a Middle State is always the beſt; not ſo lowly as to be trodden on, nor ſo lofty as to fear the Blaſts of Envy. A Man ſhould not be ſo wanting in point of Induſtry, as not to en⯑deavour to diſtinguiſh himſelf in ſome ſort from the Bulk of thoſe of his Rank; nor yet ſo ambitious as to ſacrifice the Eaſe of this Life, and of that to come, by mounting [87] over the Heads of others, to a Greatneſs of uncertain Duration. But to digreſs no far⯑ther,

I wrote to his Royal Highneſs, to ac⯑quaint him with the Poſture of Affairs here at preſent. The Two Houſes of Parliament continued in Diviſion, as to what ſhould be inflicted on the fallen Treaſurer; the Lords adhering to their Bill to baniſh him, and the Commons to their Bill of Attainder, till at laſt it came to a free Conference between them. This Buſineſs, and the Plot, engroſ⯑ſed the Attention of the Houſes for a long time; during which time it was thought the Lord Danby lay concealed at Whitehall.

The King ſeemed not at all concerned at thus parting with his Brother, and his Trea⯑ſurer; nor in any Degree ſollicitous about the Uſe the Parliament would make there⯑of; tho' it was ſuſpected they would get their own Friends into Power, and obtain a ſnip of the Prerogative, in Conſideration of the Money they gave to his Majeſty.

date April 17. My Lord Danby at length ſurrendering himſelf, was committed Priſoner to the Tower, where going to pay him a Viſit, he ſeemed to be very little concerned.

The Privy Council of Fifty Lords, was date 19 now diſmiſſed, and a new one called, con⯑ſiſting [88] of Thirty of thoſe Lords and Com⯑moners, who had, in both Houſes, been moſt active againſt the late Court Meaſures; of theſe were Lord Ruſſel, Lord Hallifax, Lord Cavendiſh and others. The Admiralty was put into Commiſſion, and ſo was the Treaſury. The Duke of Monmouth was ſup⯑poſed to be at the Bottom of all this; it is certain it was now that he began to ſet up for himſelf.

date April 25. My Lord Danby returned Anſwer to his Impeachment, to the Upper Houſe, pleading the King's Pardon, This was ſent down to the Commons, who referred it to a Com⯑mittee; and the Reſult was, That his Ma⯑jeſty had no Power to grant Pardon in this Caſe: The ſame Day both Houſes began to caſt Reflections on the Ducheſs of Portſ⯑mouth.

date 27 The Commons, purſuant to their Reſolu⯑tion the Day before, ſat this Day, being Sunday, to conſider of the means for the Preſervation of his Majeſty's Perſon; and Voted, That the beſt way would be to pre⯑vent the Succeſſion from falling into the Hands of a Papiſt, and that the Duke of York being ſuch, was the Reaſon of the late Conſpiracy againſt the King's Perſon and Government, and the Religion as by Law eſtabliſhed.

[89] My Lord Viſcount Hallifax being now of the Council, and entering into Buſineſs, he, tho' a great Enemy to the Earl of Danby, profeſſed a Kindneſs for me; but here I muſt obſerve, that moſt of the other Lords and Gentlemen of the Privy Council, tho' great Patriots before, in the Eſteem of both Houſes, began, in ſome Meaſure, to loſe their Credit with both, ſo true it is, That there is no wearing the Court and Country Livery together.

date May 11. The Lords in the Tower moved, that Council might be aſſigned them, in vain; and a Day was appointed to conſider of that part of his Majeſty's Speech, where he ſaid he was willing to concur with his Parliament, in paſſing a Bill to limit a Popiſh Succeſſor, ſo that he ſhould not be able to alter the Government and Religion as now by Law eſtabliſhed, tho' he would not ſuffer the Succeſſion itſelf to be touched: Againſt this Day a Committee was appointed to examine into Coleman's Letters, and to make Report to the Houſe of whatever therein related to the Duke of York. They reported that by the ſaid Letters they had diſcovered, That his Highneſs had written thrice to the Pope; that his firſt Letter miſcarried; that the ſe⯑cond gave his Holineſs ſuch an exceſs of [90] Joy, that the old Gentleman could not re⯑frain from Tears; and that the third was to excuſe the conſent he gave to have his Daughter married to the Prince of Orange, and to acquaint him, that the run of the Times had obliged him to ſuch involuntary Compliance. Upon this and ſome further intimation of the ſame Nature, a Debate a⯑roſe, whether a Bill ſhould be drawn up in the way his Majeſty had ſuggeſted, or whe⯑ther they ſhould immediately proceed to a total Excluſion. The Friends for the Limi⯑tation argued, that we might be as ſafely ſecured the one way as the other; that a ſmall Revenue might be ſettled upon a Po⯑piſt Succeſſor while he contined in that Per⯑ſuaſion; that the Militia might be taken out of his Hands; and that a Parliament might be impowered to aſſemble, whenever the preſent King ſhould die, and to ſit for ſix Weeks, in order to ſettle the Affairs of the Kingdom, to appoint Proteſtant Offi⯑cers, Military and Civil, and to make Choice of Biſhops, which the Succeſſor, if a Papiſt, ſhould have no Power to nominate.

To this it was objected, that ſuch a Pro⯑ject of Procedure were altering the very Frame and Conſtitution of our Government and Monarchy, and directly to reduce it [91] to a Republic; that it would be quite inef⯑fectual; that the King, by the fundamental Laws of the Land, was Head and Supreme of the three Eſtates; that a Parliament ſo convened as above, could enact nothing va⯑lid without him; that while he enjoyed the Title of King, he would exerciſe a Power adequate to his Office; and that therefore the means propoſed were deluſory and un⯑ſafe, in compariſon of an utter Excluſion. It was replied, that this Expedient was by far more to be avoided than the former; that it was depriving the Duke of his Birthright; that if his Highneſs ſurvived, he had as clear a Claim to ſucceed the King, if he died Childleſs, as any Man whatever had to ſuc⯑ceed to his Father's Poſſeſſions; that proba⯑bly a Prince of his Spirit would not eaſily ſubmit to be ſo diſinherited; that ſuch a Di⯑ſturbance of the Succeſſion had never, in this Kingdom, been of any laſting Effect; that Right had always prevailed at laſt; that Ci⯑vil Wars, upon the like Occaſions had been diſaſtrous to England; that Succeſs would reverſe all Attainder; and that ſhould his Highneſs force his way to the Crown, the overthrow of Religion and Government were more, much more, to be feared, than by his peaceful Acceſſion.

[92] The next Day I acquainted the King with date May 12. my Fate in the Committee, he ſaid, ‘"He was very ſorry for it, but that they ſhould not ſtay long behind me, if they did not uſe himſelf and his Brother better than they did";’ and promiſed to continue me in my Command at Burlington, with a Sala⯑ry of Two Hundred Pounds, till a Company ſhould become vacant, which I ſhould have in lieu of mine now to be disbanded with the reſt oſ the Army.

date 14 The King ſent a Meſſage to the Com⯑mons, adviſing them to think of raiſing Mo⯑ney for the Equipment of a Fleet, and for a freſh Proviſion of Naval Stores, very much wanted in all the Yards in England. This Meſſage being taken into Conſideration, the Houſe inſiſted on a Change of the Succeſ⯑ſion, and a proper Security for Religion, and a Removal of all Officers they diſliked the Kingdom over. Such was the Tenor of the Debate, but no Vote paſſed, except to adjourn the farther Conſideration of this Matter for Eight Days.

Now the Lords who were in the Tower for the Plot, and my Lord Danby, being ſhortly to take their Trials, an arduous Queſtion aroſe in the Houſe of Lords, con⯑cerning the Biſhops, Whether or no they [93] ought to be preſent in Caſes of Blood. Whereupon the Commons, thinking theſe Spiritual Lords would be of too favourable an Inclination, took the Conſideration of the ſame into their Houſe, and came to an O⯑pinion, They ought not to be preſent. This was reſented by the Lords, as if the Commons interfered with a Branch of their Judica⯑ture; in ſhort, the Diſpute grew to be of great Warmth.

Mean while the Kingdom in general had a very melancholy Aſpect; the King was poor; the Officers of the Crown and of the Houſhold were clamorous for their Salaries and Dues, which had not of a long time been paid, and no wonder, when Sir Robert Howard, one of the chief Officers of the Ex⯑chequer, declared in the Houſe of Com⯑mons, that there was not Money ſufficient for Bread for the King's Family; there were no Stores any where, either for the Sea Service or the Land; the Garriſons were all out of Repair, the Platforms de⯑cayed, and the Cannon diſmounted; the Army divided, for the Duke of York and a⯑gainſt him, the Officers of State the ſame; the Parliament for the moſt part in a fer⯑ment, and glad of theſe public Miſunder⯑ſtandings, as favoring their Deſire of clip⯑ping [94] the Wings of the Prerogative, redu⯑cing the height of Monarchy, and furthering their private Deſigns; the King alſo and his Brother at variance, and ſo kept by thoſe who promiſed to make his Majeſty quite ea⯑ſy, if he would but comply with them ſo far as to diſinherit the Duke; ſo that he was quite in Suſpence as to what Reſolution he ſhould or ſhould not take.

The Duke of Monmouth was certainly ve⯑ry much in the King's Affections, was evi⯑dently in Councils againſt his Uncle of York; for all his Creatures in the Houſe voted againſt his Highneſs, nor were any Men higher in his Eſtimation, than the Earls of Shaftsbury and Eſſex, and other Chiefs of the Cabal. The truth is, tho' the Duke of Monmouth was quite finiſhed as to his exte⯑rior, his inſide was by no means of a Piece therewith; ſo that he was eaſily beguiled by Shaftsbury into the flattering Notion of being, the Duke diſinherited, the next Heir to the Crown, either by the King's delaring Marriage with his Mother, or by being made Legitimate by Act of Parliament. And indeed, tho' at the Inſtances of the Duke of York, the King had openly in Coun⯑cil declared, that the Duke of Monmouth was but his Natural Son, and that he never [95] was married to his Mother; there were Numbers ready to aſſert his Right, and who pretended that ſufficient Witneſs was to be produced of ſuch as were actually at the Wedding, and that a Record of the ſame was kept in a Black Box, in cuſtody of ſome of the Duke of Monmouth's Friends; but to diſmiſs this,

date May 21. The Lords voted, That the Biſhops might be preſent at the Tryal of the Lords, and the Commons committed the Bill of Ex⯑cluſion, upon a previous Queſtion put, the Ay's being 240, the No's 128. date 23

Two Days afterwards, I was at the King's Couchée, and wondered to ſee him quite chearful, amidſt ſuch an intricacy of Trou⯑bles; but it was not his Nature to think or perplex himſelf much about any thing. I had the good Fortune to ſay ſomething that pleaſed his Majeſty, and the Duke of New⯑caſtle, one of the Bedchamber, being in wait⯑ing, his Grace took the Opportunity of ſay⯑ing ſome kind things of me, whereupon his Majeſty came to me, and reaſſured me of a continuance in my Command, and told me, he would ſtick by his old Friends. date 29

But the Lords perſiſting in their Opinion, That their Spiritual Members might be pre⯑ſent at the Trial of the Priſoners, and parti⯑cularly [96] of the Earl of Danby's, as to the Validity of his Pardon, which was his Plea; and on the other Hand, the Commons vot⯑ing that the ſaid Lords ſhould not be pre⯑ſent, and reſolving only to proceed againſt that Earl, and not the reſt of the Priſoners, tho' the time appointed for the Trial of them all was come; extraordinary Heats a⯑roſe between the Two Houſes, inſomuch that his Majeſty came and told them, That not perceiving which way they were to be reconciled, he prorogued them till the 14th of Auguſt. The City of London, where the An⯑ticourt Party was very ſtrong, took ſo great Offence at this, and were ſo angry, that it was thought they would have riſen; but all, with much ado, was huſhed and kept quiet.

date June 12. And now came News of an Inſurrection in Scotland, to the Number of 7000 Men, that they had burnt ſeveral Acts of Parlia⯑ment, as the Act of Uniformity and Epiſco⯑pacy, as alſo the Act which aboliſhed and condemned the Covenant. That they had ſet forth a Declaration for Jeſus Chriſt, the Kirk, and the Covenant; in ſhort, ſome Troops that were ordered out againſt them being defeated, the Duke of Monmouth was ſent Poſt haſte into Scotland to ſtop the Pro⯑greſs of this Infant Rebellion.

[97] The King told me he had an Account that the two Armies were but ten Miles di⯑ſtant date June 22. from each other, that his conſiſted not of above 1200, and that the Rebels were a⯑bove 6000 ſtrong; but notwithſtanding this great Odds, News came the next Day that the latter, after a very poor Reſiſtance, had been utterly routed and diſperſed.

date July 9. Being ſoon after in the Country, and un⯑derſtanding the Duke of Monmouth was to be at Doncaſter, poſt out of Scotland; I went to meet him, and ſent half a Buck, and ſome extraordinary Sorts of Wine to entertain him there. He came not till Midnight, and raiſed me out of the Bed deſigned for him, his Delay tempting me to think he would hard⯑ly be in that Night. Sir Thomas Armſtrong was with him, and told me the King had heard ſome Falſehoods concerning the Duke, and had, in all haſte, ſent for him out of Scotland. And indeed it hapned to be un⯑derſtood, That after his Victory he was a⯑bout laying a Foundation whereon to ſuc⯑ceed in that Kingdom, and by the Induſtry of his Agents making himſelf popular.

The Duke of York, who had been ſome⯑time abroad, ſuddenly appeared again in England, to ſee the King, who, as was pre⯑tended, had not been well. The Duke of [98] Monmouth, who thought he had the King to himſelf, knew nothing of it, till his High⯑neſs actually arrived at Windſor; nor were there above four Perſons who knew any thing at all of the Matter, ſo cloſe and re⯑ſerved could the King be, when he con⯑ceived it to be neceſſary. This Revocation of the Duke was principally owing to the Intervention of Lord Feverſham, who after⯑wards told me the whole Story. And now it was thought that the Parliament, being chiefly made up of Excluſioniſts, would be but very ſhort-lived. The Duke however went back again, but it was only to fetch his Ducheſs, whom he had left behind him, returning preſently, with his whole Court from Flanders, and deſiring of the King, That if he muſt needs be abſent, he might rather remain in ſome Part of his Majeſty's Dominions, and ſo he was ſent into Scotland. His Highneſs then proceeded Northward; but Lord Shaftsbury being ſoon after remov⯑ed, the Excluſioniſts began to diſpair of Suc⯑ceſs; nor was that all; for the Duke of Monmouth having been ſent into Flanders, and returning without the King's Leave, drew ſuch Diſpleaſure on him, that he was diveſted of all his Employments. Soon after, I heard the Duke had been ſent for, from [99] Scotland, by the King; that the two Bro⯑thers date 1680 met very affectionately, and that the King particularly ſhould ſay, No Body ſhould ever part them for the future; and with this we conclude this Year.

date April. I went to London to ſollicit ſome Buſineſs at Court, but the Application of all Men be⯑ing to the Duke, who quite engroſſed the King to himſelf, his Highneſs had but lit⯑tle Leiſure to give Ear to, or aſſiſt his Friends, for as ſuch he ſeemed to look on me when I attended him at York, the laſt Year, as he went down to Scotland; and, indeed, there was ſmall Hopes of ſucceeding in Money Requeſts, as mine was, the King every Day retrenching rather than increa⯑ſing his Expences, that ſo he might ſtand the leſs in need of his Parliament, which he deſpaired of finding in any good Humour.

There were, at this Time, great Meetings of Perſons diſſatisfied with the Court, where Conſultations were held to diſtreſs the King upon all Occaſions, whether in Parliament, or out of it, and theſe Reſorts were called Cabals. The Duke of Monmouth, the Earl of Shaftsbury, and the Lords Ruſſel, Caven⯑diſh and others, where the Chiefs of theſe Aſſemblies, which, for the greater Privacy, ſhifted every Night from Houſe to Houſe; [100] the public Out-cry pretending Fears of Po⯑pery, and the Safety of the King.

date April 21. The King and the Duke being at Windſor, came to Town but once a Week, to be pre⯑ſent at Council; and finding the Friends I had with the King were but of little Service to me, I went my ſelf to Windſor, and ac⯑quainted date May 8. the Duke with a Deſign, in Agita⯑tion with ſome People, to prove the King's Marriage with the Duke of Monmouth's Mo⯑ther, and inform'd him how he might ob⯑viate it; for which he thanked me, and told me, without my asking it, that he had been mindful of my Buſineſs. The King ſhewed me a great deal of what he had done to the Houſe, which was indeed very fine, and acquainted me with what he intended to do more; for then it was he was upon fi⯑niſhing that moſt majeſtic Structure. He lived quite privately at this Time; there was little or no Reſort to him, and his Days he paſſed in fiſhing, or walking in the Park; and certain it is, he was much better pleaſed with Retirement, than the Hurry of the gay and buſy World.

date 17 I returned to Windſor a few Days after⯑wards, and had all Aſſurances, from the Duke, of conſtant Services with the King, in what I ſollicited, which was to go abroad [101] in quality of Envoy Extraordinary; and at the ſame time taking my Leave of his Maje⯑ſty, he laid his Hand upon my Shoulder, and ſaid, ‘"He was very ſenſible of my Ser⯑vices, and that they ſhould be rewarded."’ I took this Opportunity to put him in mind of his Promiſe to ſend me abroad, and men⯑tioned a Nobleman who was preſent when he made it; and he ſaid, ‘"He remembered it particularly well, and that, upon the very firſt Occaſion, he would be as good as his Word."’

date Oct. 14, 16. It was now again rumoured about, That the Duke of York was to depart before the Meeting of the Parliament; ſome ſaid in O⯑bedience to the King's Orders; others, to avoid the Violence of both Houſes: For plain and moſt evident it was, that the Pa⯑piſts lifted up their Creſt with great Arro⯑gance, preſuming on Support from the Duke, who now reigned abſolute in all the King's Affairs. In ſhort, the Duke and Ducheſs ſat date 21 out once more for Scotland; and the next date 22 Day the Parliament meeting, the King in his Speech declared, ‘"They were free to do whatever they would for the Security of the Proteſtant Religion, provided, they did not offer to divert the direct Line of the Succeſſion."’

[102] But ſtill the Commons went on, this Month and the next, to frame a Bill to exclude the Duke of York from the Succeſſion, and the Gentlemen and others of Yorkſhire, who had counterpetitioned, and declared their Ab⯑horrence of the tumultuous Petition for a Meeting of Parliament, were voted Betray⯑ers of the Liberties of the People, and A⯑bettors of arbitrary Power. A Committee was alſo appointed to inquire into the Mat⯑ter, and after the Perſons concerned therein; and two Members of the Houſe, both of Yorkſhire, who had ſet their Hands to the Abhorrence, were convened before them; but I, who was the Penman of that Inſtru⯑ment, had done it ſo cautiouſly, that no Hold could be faſtened, no Exceptions ta⯑ken, and ſo they got off.

date Novemb. The Parliament purſued the Duke with ſuch Violence, and the King was ſo tho⯑roughly diſtreſſed for Money, that ſome now began to be of Opinion, his Majeſty would abandon his Brother. Attending, about this Time, at the King's Supper, I told him that I was threatned, by ſome of the Houſe of Commons, to be called to an Account for penning the Abhorrence, and ſigned it with the reſt of the Yorkſhire Gentlemen: To which his Majeſty made Anſwer, ‘"Do [103] not trouble your ſelf; I will ſtick by you and my old Friends; for if I do not, I ſhall have no Body to ſtick by me."’ But yet, it was, by a great many, feared he was not quite reſolved as to this Profeſſion; for Money was ſo exceedingly wanting, and the Offers of the Parliament ſo very fair, if he would but give up his Brother, that no Body was ſafe. What added to the Suſpi⯑cion was, that many who were well in the King's Eſteem, appeared for the Bill of Ex⯑cluſion: Nor was it unknown that the Ducheſs of Portſmouth was well inclined to it; whether artfully to inſinuate herſelf into the good Graces of the Party, who had been at greateſt Enmity with her, or in Com⯑plyance with the French, whoſe Tool ſhe was, who was ready to catch at any thing to embroil us at home, is uncertain.

A few Days afterwards, I hapned to be at the Ducheſs of Portſmouth's, where the King was quite unreſerved, and very open as to the Witneſſes who were making out the Popiſh Plot, and proved to a Demonſtrati⯑on, that many Articles they had given in E⯑vidence, were not only improbable, but quite impoſſible.

date Nov. 17. This was one of the greateſt Days ever known in the Houſe of Lords, with Regard [104] to the Importance of the Buſineſs they had in Hand, which concerned no leſs than the Lineal Succeſſion to the Crown, the Bill having paſſed the Commons, who ſent it up to the Lords. Great was the Debate, and great were the Speakers; the chief of thoſe for the Bill was the Earl of Shaftsbury; the chief of thoſe againſt it, Lord Hallifax. It was matter of Surpriſe, that the latter ſhould ap⯑pear at the Head of an Oppoſition to the former, when they were wont always to draw together; but the Buſineſs in Agitation was againſt the Lord Hallifax's Judgment, and therefore he oppos'd it with Vigor; and be⯑ing a Man of the cleareſt Head, fineſt Wit, and faireſt Eloquence, he made ſo powerful a Defence, that he alone, ſo all confeſſed, influenced the Houſe, and perſuaded them to throw out the Bill.

The King was ſo highly pleaſed with the Tranſactions of this Day, that he, ſoon af⯑ter, took this great Lord into Buſineſs; but, on the other Hand, the Commons were ſo angry with him, that though they could re⯑gularly take no Notice of what any Man ſaid in the other Houſe, they voted an Ad⯑dreſs to the King to lay him aſide, and re⯑move him from his Councils and Preſence. To this he anſwered, ‘"That if Lord Halli⯑fax [105] had done any Thing contrary to Law, he was willing he ſhould be proſecuted and puniſhed accordingly; but that not being ſatisfied he had done any Thing a⯑miſs, he could not part with him,"’ or Words to that Effect. One would have thought that ſo ſignal a Piece of Service, Lord Hallifax did to his Highneſs, had been of a Degree and Nature never to be forgot: But when the Duke afterwards came to be King, he, from the Privy Seal, where he found him. removed him to the Preſidency of the Council, purely to make Room for another, and in the End quite laid him a⯑ſide.

date Nov. 22. I was, ſoon after, a long while in Diſ⯑couſe with his Majeſty, and, among other Things, told him, I doubted whether I ſhould be inſerted in the Liſt, the Lords had voted to be given in to them, of the Milita⯑ry Officers, there being neither Company nor Gunner at Burlington, where I was Go⯑vernor, to make it appear a Garriſon; and that if I was, I preſumed I ſhould be of the Number of thoſe they intended to petition his Majeſty to lay aſide: To this the King anſwered, ‘"Let them do what they will, I will never part with any Officer at the Requeſt of either Houſe; my Father loſt [106] his Head by ſuch Complyance; but as for me, I intend to dye another way."’

date Nov. 28. Lord Hallifax, as we have obſerved before, having defeated the Bill of Excluſion, in the Houſe of Lords, was beheld as the riſing Man, and premier Favourite. I waited on him, and the next Day he took me in his Coach to White-hall, and invited me to dine with him in private; in our Converſation to⯑gether, he told me it was to be feared ſome unhappy Differences might diſtract the Nati⯑on from theſe Uneaſineſſes about the Suc⯑ceſſion: And that in caſe Things ſhould un⯑happily ripen to a War, it might be proper to form ſomething of a Party in ones own Thoughts. He ſaid he knew there was but another and my ſelf that had any conſiderable Influence in my Neighbourhood; in conſe⯑quence of which and ſome further Conver⯑ſation this way, I, the next Day, carried him the Names and Characters of all the con⯑ſiderable Men in thoſe Parts. And upon the whole, we agreed that the Loyaliſts were not only the moſt numerous, but alſo the moſt active and wealthy; and that thoſe who, in Parliament, were againſt the Court were Men of little Account or Eſtimation i [...] their own Country.

[107] But to turn our Eyes upon what juſtly claimed the Attention of all Men, now came on the Tryal of Lord Stafford by his Peers. date Nov. 30. Weſtminſter-hall was the Place, and I think it was the deepeſt Solemnity I ever ſaw. Great were the Expectations of the Iſſue of this Event, it being doubtful whether there were more who believed there was any Plot by the Papiſts in reality againſt the King's Life, than not. He was impeached by the Commons, and being deemed to be weaker than the other Lords in the Tower, for the ſame Crime, and leſs able to labour his De⯑fence, was purpoſely marked out to be the firſt brought on; but he deceived them ſo far as to plead his Cauſe to a Miracle. The three chief Evidences againſt him, were Dr. Oates, Dugdale, and Turberville: The firſt ſwore that his Lordſhip had brought him a Commiſſion ſigned by the Pope, to be Paymaſter of the Army to be raiſed againſt the King; the ſe⯑cond, That he had offered him five hundred Pounds to kill the King; and the third, That he had offered him a Reward for the dreadful Deed, but at a different Time. And ſo poſitive ſeemingly were they in this and other dangerous Evidence, that I, who ſat and heard moſt of the Tryal, had not known what to think, had the Witneſſes [108] been but Men of any the leaſt Credit; but indeed ſuch were the Incoherences, and in⯑deed Contradictions which ſeemed to me to ariſe towards the latter End, that conſider⯑ing them, and the very evil Name of the People that ſwore againſt this Lord, I was fully ſatisfied that all was untruth they laid to his Charge: But the poor Gentleman was condemned by a Majority of 22. He heard his Accuſers, and defended himſelf with great Steadineſs and Reſolution, and re⯑ceived his Sentence with great Courage and Compoſure; nor did he ſtoop beneath the Weight of his Doom, till he ſubmitted his Head to the Block, with his laſt Breath pro⯑teſting his Innocence, and the cruel Wrong he ſuffered. My Lord Hallifax was one that gave his Voice for him; and the King who heard all his Tryal, was extremely concern⯑ed at the Rigour and Abruptneſs of his Fate.

date December. Being at my Lord Hallifax's, I diſcover⯑ed, what was then generally unknown, that his Lordſhip ſat up for firſt Miniſter; for I ſaw the French Ambaſſador come privately to him upon Buſineſs. This ſame Day the Commons were asked, What they would do for the King after ſo long a Sitting to no Effect, as to the Matters his Majeſty required [109] of them? They voted this Anſwer, That they would put him into a Condition to de⯑fend Tangiers; pay off all his Debts; put the Fleet into a Condition, and enable him to aſſiſt his Allies; provided he would relin⯑quiſh the Duke his Brother; paſs an Act for the more frequent Meeting of Parliament, and change ſuch Officers about him as the Houſe ſhould point out. There were many who believed the King would be tempted to comply; but, the very next Day, ſeeing my Lord Hallifax, he aſſured me there was not the leaſt probability that he would, for That it was like offering a Man Money to cut off his Noſe.

The ſame Day the unfortunate Lord Staf⯑ford came to the Houſe of Lords, and was admitted, under a Notion That he had ſome Diſcovery, or Confeſſion to make, concern⯑ing the Popiſh Plot; but inſtead of that, he only proteſted his own Innocence, and ac⯑cuſed Lord Shaftsbury of a Correſpondence with the Papiſts, and of ſending him to the Duke of York, to deſire him to uſe his Inte⯑reſt with the King to diſſolve the long Par⯑liament, as the beſt Thing that could be done to favour the Popiſh Intereſt, and ſo he was remanded back again.

[110] I was at the King's Couchée, when there date Dec. 24. were but four preſent: His Majeſty was in a very good Humour, and took up ſome time in diſplaying to us the Fallacy and Emptineſs of thoſe who pretend to a fuller Meaſure of Sanctity than their Neighbours, and pro⯑nounced them to be, for the moſt Part, abo⯑minable Hypocrites, and the moſt arrant Knaves; as Inſtances of which he mentioned ſeveral eminent Men of our own Times, nor ſpared to introduce ſome Mitred Heads a⯑mong the reſt, whom he pretended to be none of the beſt, tho' their devout exterior gave them the Character of Saints with the Croud. However, there were of the Men, ſo pointed out, ſome whom the King had no Reaſon to love upon a political Account, which may be pleaded in Abatement of the Acrimony of his Cenſure. He was that Night two full Hours in putting off his Cloaths, and it was half an Hour paſt One before he went to bed. He ſeemed to be quite free from Care and Trouble, tho' one would have thought, at this Time, he ſhould have been overwhelmed therewith; for eve⯑ry Body now imagined he muſt either diſ⯑miſs the Parliament in a few Days, or deli⯑ver himſelf up to their preſſing Deſires; but [111] the Straits he was in ſeemed no ways to em⯑barraſs him, as I juſt now obſerved.

date Dec. 26. I dined with that excellent Man Dr. Gun⯑ning, Biſhop of Ely: The famous Dr. Oates was of the Company at Table, and fluſhed with the Thoughts of running down the Duke of York, expreſſed himſelf of his High⯑neſs and his Family, in Terms that beſpoke him a Fool and ſomething worſe; nor con⯑tented with this, but he muſt rail at the Queen, his Mother, and her preſent Maje⯑ſty. In this Strain did he hurry on, while no Soul dared to oppoſe him, for fear of be⯑ing made a Party of the Plot; till, no longer able to bear with the Inſolence of the Man, I took him to task to ſuch Purpoſe, that he flung out of the Room with ſome Heat. The Biſhop told me that ſuch was the gene⯑ral Drift of his Diſcourſe, that he had ſome⯑times checked him for the indecency of his Talk, but that finding he had done it to no manner of Purpoſe, he had deſiſted from any further Effort to ſet bounds to his Viru⯑lence.

In the mean Time, Lord Stafford was led date 29 to the Scaffold on Tower-Hill, where he per⯑ſiſted in the firmeſt Denial of what was laid to his Charge, and that in ſo cogent, con⯑vincing, and perſuaſive a Manner, that all [112] the Beholders believed his Words, and grieved his Deſtiny. The ſame Day I dined with my Lord Hallifax, who ſaid to me, Well, if it comes to a War, you and I muſt go together. I told his Lordſhip, I ſhould be ready to follow him, happen what would; but that if the King expected his Friends to be hearty in his Cauſe, and ſteady to his Perſon, he ſhould conſider with himſelf, and encourage them a little; and thereupon acquainted him with ſome of my Diſappoint⯑ments at Court, notwithſtanding the moſt ſolemn reiterated Promiſes; and added, that I ſhould be glad his Majeſty would ſend me his Envoy to ſome Part of the World or o⯑ther. But to return to Things of more pub⯑lic and general Concern;

date Jan. 4. The King ſent down an Anſwer to the Houſe of Commons, ſignifying, That he ſtill perſiſted in his Reſolution, not to diſturb the immediate Succeſſion to the Crown; which had ſo unhappy an Effect, as to cauſe the paſſing of ſome very violent Votes againſt ſuch as were underſtood to be the King's chief Adviſers in this Matter, namely, the Earls of Hallifax, Clarendon, Feverſham, the Marquiſs of Worceſter, and Mr. Hyde, ſince Lord Rocheſter. Upon this the Parliament was prorogued from the 10th to the 20th of [113] January; ſome thought in order for a Diſſo⯑lution, while others perſiſted, That the King would ſuffer them to ſit at that Time, and paſs the Bill. Waiting this Day on Lord Hallifax, he complained much of the Severity of the Commons in their Vote, That he was a Promoter of Popery, and a Be⯑trayer of the People, which, ſaid he, were a Man ever ſo innocent, yet coming from the repreſentative Body of the People, is too heavy for the Shoulders of any one ſingle Perſon; that he had therefore ſome Thoughts of retiring from Court; but that, however, he would go his own Pace, and not be kicked out at their Pleaſure. That if for the future the King ſhould have Occaſion for him, in any thing that was juſt, he ſhould be ready to ſerve him: That if I would repoſe a Confidence in him, he would let me know when it was Time to appear for the King's Service, and that I ſhould ſhare Fortunes with him, and ſo on. But, at the ſame time, he complained of the Fickleneſs and Incer⯑titude of the King's Temper; and obſerved, that while he ſeemed perfectly to approve of the Council you gave him, he hearkned to others from a back Door, which made him wavering of Mind, and ſlow to reſolve. The next Day I waited on Lord Danby in [114] the Tower, and he ſpoke, of the King's un⯑ſteadineſs, in the very ſelf ſame ſtrain; and particularly obſerved, that tho' the Duke of York had but little Influence with him, as to what purely regarded himſelf, the Miniſter would find him an Overmatch with his Ma⯑jeſty, as to any other Perſon or Concern. The ſame Day the Duke of Newcaſtle told me he was to wait on the King the next, and that he fancied he would offer him ſome Employment, but that as his Majeſty had not done it in better Times, he would ex⯑cuſe himſelf now that they were ſo dange⯑rous; which recalled to my Mind what Lord Hallifax had obſerved a few Days before, That the King's Uncertainty and Silence, as to what he propoſed to himſelf, made Men afraid to ſerve him.

date Jan. 13. In the midſt of this, the City of London petitions the King, by their Common Coun⯑cil, for the ſitting of the Parliament, at the Time appointed: To which the King made Anſwer, It was none of their Buſineſs: And it was the Diſcourſe that the Parliament would be diſſolved, and a new one called to ſit at Oxford. My Lord Hallifax ſeemed averſe to this Diſſolution, but he only ſeemed ſo; he could, certainly, have no very cordial Wiſhes towards thoſe who dealt ſo ſeverely▪ [115] as he thought, with him. My Lord was now jealous, That the Earl of Danby would be taken out of the Tower, and received again into Councils; which if it hapned, his Reſolution was to retire, and his Advice to me was, not to preſs for Employment, till Things were eſtabliſhed upon a more ſolid Foundation.

date Jan 16. In a few Days afterwards, his Lordſhip told me his Thoughts were abſolutely to re⯑tire, not that he was at all diſſatisfied with the King, but that he was afraid the Duke's ſuperior Prevalency with him, might perad⯑venture carry Things too far. In ſhort, every thing now, and for ſome time to come, was in the moſt unſettled, dark, and moſt perplexing Suſpence, ſo that a Man ſcarce knew what to think, or how to behave.

At length a new Parliament was called to date 18 ſit at Oxford, whither, being elected a Mem⯑ber, I repaired, and waited on the King, who received me very kindly. I told him, I had it in Charge from ſeveral Gentlemen of our County, to acquaint him, They had no Part in the Petition offered to the Knights of their Shire, to proſecute the Bill of Excluſion againſt his Highneſs; and that the thing had been managed but by ſix or ſeven factious Perſons, tho' it had been in⯑duſtriouſly [116] reported to be a more general Concern. His Majeſty ſaid, he had alrea⯑dy received ſome ſhort Account to the ſame Purpoſe, and ordered me to return his Thanks to thoſe who did not buſy them⯑ſelves therein.

date March 21. The Parliament now met. The Court was at Chriſtchurch; and the Commons ſat in the Schools, but were very much ſtrait⯑ned for Room, there being a very great Concourſe of Members. His Majeſty's Speech to both Houſes was very gracious, and calculated to reconcile all Differences, and to diſperſe all Jealouſies as to Religion, &c. but was ſtill averſe to, what former Parlia⯑ments had ſo puſhed at, the Excluſion of his Brother from the Name and Power of King. And yet the firſt Point debated was, Whe⯑ther or no, notwithſtanding the King's Speech, a Bill of Excluſion ſhould not be framed and brought in? But for the preſent it was only voted, That the Security of his Majeſty's Perſon, and of the Proteſtant Re⯑ligion ſhould be taken into Conſideration the 26th inſtant.

Not to inſiſt on the Impeachment of Fitz-harris, which was done not to deſtroy, but to ſerve him in oppoſition to the Court; the grand Argument for the Bill of Excluſion [117] was, That nothing could preſerve us from Popery but that alone. Now the whole Houſe was of Opinion, that Popery was to be kept out, the Diſpute was only as to the Means of effecting it. The King had, in his Speech, offered to agree to any thing that might ſerve to quiet the Minds of the People as to that particular, the utter Exclu⯑ſion of his Brother only excepted. It was therefore moved by Sir Thomas Littleton, That a Bill, to ſecure the Proteſtant Religi⯑on, ſhould be brought in, and conſiſt of the following Heads; That the Duke of York ſhould enjoy the Title, and the Princeſs of Orange exerciſe the Power. That if a Par⯑liament ſhould be in Being, when it ſhould pleaſe God to take away the preſent King, they ſhould have Power to ſit: That the Judges, and all other Officers of the Crown, ſhould be continued, till Liberty and Pro⯑perty were ſecured: That if there was no Parliament ſubſiſting, one ſhould aſſemble of Courſe: And that to prevent the Duke's interfering to prevent this, he ſhould, by the ſame Act, be baniſhed to the Diſtance of 500 Miles from England, not to return as long as the King lived. To this it was objected, That the Name and Power of King were inſeparable by the Laws [118] date 1681 of England; that the Father would ſoon find a way to diveſt the Daughter of her Power; that a Regency was never known but in Caſes of Lunacy and Minority; and that the Duke was not of a turn of Diſpoſition to be eaſily governed. But to this it was replyed, That Regencies had been frequently allowed in other Caſes beſides Incapacity and Lunacy, as formerly in France, and now in Portugal; that Princes were ſeldom ſo complaiſant as to reſign Kingdoms or Powers tho' to a Fa⯑ther; and that as for the Authority of Par⯑liament in this Caſe, No Queſtion but the ſame Power that could alter the Govern⯑ment, could alſo modify it. But Excluſion was the Word: Some ſeven or eight diſguſt⯑ed Lawyers, and able Speakers, joined by ſome others, who had been ſo active in this Matter, that they thought, ſhould the Duke ever come to the Crown, he could never forgive them, wrought ſo prevalently upon the Members in general, that it was voted a Bill ſhould be brought in, To incapacitate James Duke of York, from ſucceeding to the Imperial Crown of this Realm; nor during this Debate did ſome forbear to reflect on his Highneſs's Courage and Honour.

date March 26. Mean while the Lord's refuſed to receive Fitz-harris's Impeachment; obſerving that [119] he being already indicted at Common Law, and in a way of Trial by his Peers, as Mag⯑na Charta directed, they could not perceive how their Houſe could take Notice of his Offence. The Commons hereupon grew angry with the Lords, and voted That ſuch their Lordſhip's Proceeding was a Delay of Juſtice, a Breach of the Privilege of Parlia⯑ment, and a Bar to the further Diſcovery of the Popiſh Plot: And that for any inferior Court to proceed therein, while an Impeach⯑ment was depending, was an high Breach of the Privilege of Parliament. The Heats grew, in ſhort, to an Exceſs in both Houſes, both as to this, and the Bill of Excluſion. The Commons, however, were of Opinion, That the King would give Way to them, he having already made ſuch Advances to⯑wards their Meaſures, and being in ſuch tho⯑rough Diſtreſs for Money, beſides that ma⯑ny who were near the King, urged them to perſiſt ſtill in their Endeavors. But on the very Day the King had appointed the The⯑atre date March 28. to be made ready for the Commons to ſit in, they having complained of the ſtrait⯑neſs of the Schools; the Black Rod came, and commanded them to attend at the Bar of the Houſe of Lords, where being come, the King, in his Robes, told them, That [120] obſerving a great Difference to have taken Place between the two Houſes, which, if they ſat any longer, might increaſe to a per⯑nicious Degree, it was his Pleaſure to diſ⯑ſolve that Parliament: A Blow ſo little fore⯑ſeen, that there were thoſe who thought there would have been ſome Stirs or Riſings about it, in London.

It was now obſerved, that many of the diſcontented Members, of both Houſes, came Armed, and more than uſually attend⯑ed; and it was affirmed There was a Deſign to have ſeized the King, and to have re⯑ſtrained him till they had granted their Pe⯑titions. But if any ſuch Deſign there was, it hapned that the Parties either wanted the Courage, or the Opportunity to put it in Ex⯑ecution; the King immediately departed with all Speed for London.

His Majeſty was ſo kind as to afford me ſeveral Opportunities of ſpeaking to him, while I was at Oxford; and Lord Hallifax taking leave of him, and, in a particular manner, recommending me to his Thoughts, his Majeſty laid both his Hands upon me, and thanked me for my Conſtancy to his In⯑tereſt, and bad me be aſſured of his Affe⯑ction.

[121] By this abrupt Diſſolution, and what I had heard from Lord Hallifax and others, I concluded the King was determined ne⯑ver to relinquiſh his Brother; as alſo to call no other Parliament for a long time yet to come. The Truth is, the Queſtion now was not ſo much, Whether the Duke ſhould ſuc⯑ceed or not, as whether the Government ſhould be Monarchial, or Republican? Some of the adverſe ſide, had, in the Houſe, bab⯑bled out, That the Bill of Excluſion was not the only material Bill they intended to get paſſed this Seſſion, in order to ſecure the People of England from falling a Prey to Po⯑pery, and arbitrary Power: That it was ne⯑ceſſary the Military and Civil Power too ſhould be lodged in other Hands, and that the preſent Officers of both ſhould be called to an Account and changed: Whence the King being told, That if he quitted his Bro⯑ther, it would be but an immediate Step taken to ruin all his Friends and Servants, and to become himſelf expoſed to the Will and Wiſhes of thoſe, whom he had no Rea⯑ſon to think were over and above affected to him, the King dreaded the Conſequences, and reſolved accordingly.

I was at the King's Couchée, as I was [122] three Times in one Week; his Diſcourſe ran date April 20. generally upon the impoſſibility of any thing like the Popiſh Plot, and the Contradicti⯑ons of which it was made up: That he in⯑tended Fitz-harris ſhould come upon his Trial immediately: That in all Affairs, re⯑lating to himſelf, the Laws ſhould have their regular Courſe; and that, whatever his own private Opinion might me, he would govern by them, and by them only: A Happineſs indeed it was for his People, to live under ſo good and ſo gracious a Prince! And now we begin to have a Proſpect of Halcyon Days again; for his Majeſty having, ſince the laſt Parliament was diſſolved, iſſued out a Declaration fraught with the faireſt Pro⯑miſes to his People, and aſſuring them of his firm Intentions to govern inviolably accord⯑ing to Law, and the like; it had ſo happy an Effect, that he received the Thanks of the City of London, by the Lord Mayor, and of ſeveral Counties and Corporations in Eng⯑land.

date May 4. In the Interim, Fitz-harris is arraigned at the King's Bench Bar, where by his Coun⯑cil he refuſed to plead; becauſe he ſtood in Parliament impeached for the Crimes he there was to be indicted for; tho' the Im⯑peachment [123] ſpecified no particular Treaſons, which the Indictment did. The Council for the King ſaid, his Plea was evaſive, it not appearing whether the ſame Crimes were intended by the one, as by the other.

date May 9. This Point was argued at the Bar, but the Caſe being quite extraordinary, both in its own Nature, as well as becauſe of the ſevere Vote of the Commons at Oxford, the Judges took Time to conſider of it, but two date 11: Days afterwards pronounced Judgment for the King; and in the End, Fitz-harris re⯑ceived Sentence of Death, for his Treaſon, and was executed accordingly.

date July 7. My Lord Shaftsbury, and Lord Howard, were now ſent Priſoners to the Tower; and my Lord Hallifax told me, There would be enough produced againſt them to hang them both. A ſhort time afterwards, I was, by my Lord Hallifax, preſented to the King, in his Cloſet, to take my Leave of him, being ſpeedily to ſet out for Yorkſhire: His Lord⯑ſhip, who was now become abſolute Favou⯑rite, preſented me to his Majeſty, and ſpoke to him very kindly of me, and particularly deſired him to confirm to me the Promiſe he had ſometime ago made to his Lordſhip, That I ſhould ſucceed in the Government of York; his Majeſty did it very willingly, with⯑out [124] the leaſt Heſitation, and gave me his Hand to kiſs upon the ſame; ſaying, he was convinced how well I deſerved of him.

date Oct. 12. I returned again to London, and the next Day my Lord Hallifax told me, That Lord Shaftsbury had written to the King, that if he would be pleaſed to free him from his Confinement, he would engage to go to Ca⯑rolina, never more to return into England; but that the King had rejected his Requeſt, and determined to leave him to the Law. He alſo told me, That were it not for the Intereſt the King of France had here, he did not doubt but he ſhould be able to put Eng⯑land into a very happy State and Condition in a very ſhort Time. That there was no Hopes of doing any Thing by way of Par⯑liament, except his Majeſty ſhould make ſome new Attempt upon Flanders, and that ſuch an Incident might be made uſe of as a Handle whereby to reconcile all Diffe⯑rences.

Such an Opportunity offered it ſelf ſoon after, that News came the French King had taken Strasburgh; whereby becoming Ma⯑ſter of the Rhine, he might intercept all Communication and Commerce between the Low Countries and Germany; ſo that the Ne⯑therlands would be abſolutely obliged to [125] bend the Knee to France, if we did not en⯑ter into a League with them againſt the com⯑mon Adverſary, which they did moſt ear⯑neſtly ſollicit. But our King could lend them no helping Hand, without a Parlia⯑ment to ſupply him with Money; and what Diſtreſs his Majeſty laboured under as to that was ſufficiently underſtood, particularly by France, who determined not to ſlip the Ad⯑vantage; ſo that what my Lord Hallifax ex⯑pected, from ſuch an Occurrence, proved to be all a Deluſion.

date Octob. 20. This Evening his Majeſty talked to me a great while, in St. James's Park, and at the Ducheſs of Portſmouth's; his Diſcouſe ran chiefly upon the late unequal Verdicts and Proceedings of the Juries of London and Mid⯑dleſex; concerning which he broke out into this Expreſſion, ‘It is a hard Caſe that I am the laſt Man to have Law and Juſtice in the whole Nation.’

His Majeſty went to ſee a new Ship launched at Deptford: He went in his Barge, and I waited on him to the Waterſide, he ſaw me, and called me in. The Gentleman who was appointed to the Command of her, gave a great Dinner to the King, where his Majeſty commanded all the Gentlemen to ſit down at the ſame Table. He was more [126] than uſually ſerious that Day, and ſeeming⯑ly under a greater Weight of Thought, than had been obſerved of him on account of the moſt important Buſineſs.

date Nov. 4. I went to pay a Viſit to Lord Danby, ſtill a Priſoner in the Tower; who, by the Drift of his Diſcourſe, was not in Charity with the then Miniſters, ſeemingly reflecting on them as too favourable inclined towards date 6 Lord Shaftsbury, and ſo on. Two Days af⯑terwards I acquainted my Lord Hallifax with this; to which his Anſwer was, That Peo⯑ple were mighty ready with their Judgments and Deciſions; but that if the Fact were e⯑ven as ſuggeſted, what could the King do better than ſet him at Liberty? That he had as good be enlarged upon Terms, as by a Jury which would moſt aſſuredly acquit him were he brought to a Tryal, tho' ever ſo deep in Guilt; and that were he out, he could not do the King ſo much harm, as ſuch an Act of Mercy and Popularity would do him good. The ſame Day, one of the under Secretaries told me, the King was re⯑ſolved to proſecute him to the utmoſt, and that there was no want of very ſufficient Matter againſt him.

But before we come to the Iſſue of ſuch his Majeſty's Reſolution, it may not be amiſs [127] to obſerve by the way, that my Lord Halli⯑fax, being by no means a Friend to France, was upon no good footing with the Ducheſs of Portſmouth; which gave the King ſome Trouble, as it proved a Hindrance to the Currency of his Affairs; wherefore he ſought date Nov. 20. to reconcile them, which he did outwardly this Day; as for a thorough and hearty Re⯑conciliation, it was impoſſible, their Views being in ſuch direct Oppoſition to each other as they were.

And now purſuant to the King's Reſolu⯑tion date 23 that Lord Shaftsbury ſhould take his Trial, a Commiſſion of Oyer and Terminer was iſſued out for that Purpoſe, and the moſt capital Articles of his Accuſation having been committed in London, the Jury was there re⯑turned for the finding of the Bill, and tho' a Paper was produced, containing no leſs than matter of High Treaſon, which was ſworn to have been found among the Papers, in his Cloſet, by a Secretary of State, yet ſuch were the Times, That the Grand Jury brought in their Verdict Ignoramus.

In Conſequence of this he was enlarged; date 28 but becauſe the Rabble in the City had lighted Bonfires on the Day the Jury ac⯑quitted him, the Juſtices of London and Middleſex had now ſtrict Orders to prevent [128] the like tumultuous doings. Now there were thoſe who, conſidering how nearly Lord Hallifax was related to Shaftsbury, ima⯑gined his Lordſhip was not grieved that the latter was no longer a Priſoner; and indeed what made me, among others, bend a little this Way, was That waiting on his Lord⯑ſhip a little early, I found one of my Lord Shaftsbury's Gentlemen with him. But his Lordſhip denied it all very ſeriouſly to me, and ſaid he would ere long convince the World of their Miſtake.

date Nov. 29. It being cuſtomary with the King, when he returned from his Walk before Dinner, to diſcourſe the foreign Miniſters, who uſual⯑ly attend to meet him in the Antichamber, he did it this Day on the Subject of the hard Meaſure dealt to him by Lord Shaftsbury's Jury; and it fell to my Lot to explain ſeve⯑ral Things in French relating to the matter in hand. A few Days afterwards his Maje⯑ſty date Dec. 4. declared his Diſpleaſure againſt the Duke of Monmouth, upon ſeveral Accounts, but eſpecially for having offered to be Bail for Shaftsbury. The next Day he made the Duke of Richmond his Maſter of the Horſe, and gave one of the Regiments of Foot Guards to the Duke of Grafton. And now date 7 the King to comply with the Nature of the [129] Times, for it was ſhrewdly ſuſpected he was not in earneſt, ſent for the Juſtices of Middleſex to appear before him in Council, where he gave them a ſevere Reprimand, for that they were ſo remiſs in their Inquiry af⯑ter the Number of Papiſts, and ſo backward to proſecute them. He ſpoke not himſelf, but did it by the Lord Chancellor, and or⯑dered them to be more vigilant, mindful, and active for the time to come.

The ſame Day, having been to viſit the Ducheſs of Portſmouth, my Lord Hallifax took me home with him from Whitehall. On the Way, I acquainted him that the general Report was, That his Lordſhip oppoſed the Duke of York's Intereſt with the King, and his Return from Scotland, which his High⯑neſs moſt urgently preſſed. His Reply was, That it was well if the Duke's overhaſtineſs did not turn to his Diſadvantage; that his Highneſs had a ſort of hungry Servants a⯑bout him, who were eternally preſſing for his Return, nor would ever let him be at reſt, till, with a View to their own Intereſt, they put their Maſter upon what might prove much to his Prejudice. And true it is that whilſt his Highneſs was near the King's Perſon, every Body believed his Majeſty to be principally ſwayed and actuated by his [130] Advice; and conſequently That Popiſh Councils were then uppermoſt; whereas he did a great deal of good in Scotland, by keeping a watchful Eye over that mutinous Kingdom. But the Papiſts, and others, his Highneſſes Creatures, pretended he was kept in Scotland That his Enemies might the more eaſily work him out of his Brother's good Opinion; and that the Miniſters might have the King all to themſelves, and guide him according to their own Will and Plea⯑ſure. Upon this Lord Hallifax obſerved There was great Partiality in the Judgment of Men; for that in common Juſtice they ought to take as much Notice of Things that were managed for the Duke's Advan⯑tage, as of what ſeemed to be otherwiſe: That, for Inſtance, no Body had commend⯑ed the Miniſters for getting the Duke of Richmond to be Maſter of the Horſe in pre⯑judice to the Duke of Monmouth; tho' it muſt prove a great Obſtacle to his Return to the King's Perſon, and tho' moſt evident it was That no greater Service could be done to his Highneſs, than to keep the Duke of Mon⯑mouth from Court.

About this Time I had a View of going date Jan. 4. Envoy to Denmark, but to wave that, I this Day carried a Gentleman, one Mr. Grant, a [131] Leader of the Fanatic Party, to wait on my Lord Hallifax. He acquainted his Lordſhip with the double Dealings of ſome great Men at Court againſt him, who had been particular⯑ly inſtrumental in exaſperating the Commons againſt him in the late Parliaments; which my Lord took as a piece of Service done, as it would put him upon his Guard againſt the ſame Men for the future. At the ſame time I conducted a Gentleman to my Lord, to ask his Pardon for ſome Things he had been reported to have ſaid againſt his Lord⯑ſhip. In good Policy, we ought to ſuffer no Man to be our Enemy, if we can poſſibly avoid it; but ſuch was his Lordſhip's natural Diſpoſition, that, in the whole Courſe of my Life, I never knew a Man more ready, at all Times, to forgive, and ſhall never forget his Expreſſion upon this Occaſion, Sir, if you did not ſay the Words I am very glad of it, and even if you did, I am glad you find Cauſe to be of another Mind. In a private Conver⯑ſation I, at the ſame time, had with his Lordſhip, he told me, That the People about the Duke of York made him mad; that there was ſcarce one of them that had a Grain of Senſe; and intimated that a Parliament could not be far off.

[132] The next Day I went to ſee Lord Danby in the Tower; he told me Lord Sunderland was ever railing at Lord Hallifax, tho' his Brother-in-Law; and obſerving him to ex⯑preſs ſome Satisfaction thereat, I preſumed to remonſtrate to him, That being a Friend to both, I could wiſh, now that he was a Priſoner, he would forget all Occaſion of a⯑nimoſity againſt a Gentleman in ſuch high Power, as my Lord Hallifax; for that when a Parliament ſhould be called, his Lordſhip might ſtand in need of his Aſſiſtance, and the good Offices of his Friends.

date Jan. 11. A few Days afterwards, the King gave Audience to an Ambaſſador from Morocco, who was admitted with more than ordinary Form, the King being of Opinion that a Commerce eſtabliſhed between that Empire and his Kingdom, might prove of conſide⯑rable Profit to us, eſpecially as we had ſo op⯑portune a Place on that Continent as Tan⯑giers. The Ambaſſador's Preſent to the King conſiſted of two Lyons, and thirty Oſtriches, at which his Majeſty laughed, and ſaid, He knew nothing more proper to ſend by way of Return than a Flock of Geeſe.

date 22 I hapned, this Day, to dine with Lord Lumley, at Lord Feverſham's, when the for⯑mer declared he had ſpeedy Intentions of [133] reſigning his Poſt of Maſter of the Horſe to the Queen, which he had hitherto enjoyed in⯑dependantly of the Maſter of the Horſe to the King. But it ſeems the Ducheſs of Portſmouth had prevailed with the King to alter his Patent, and to make him an Officer under the Duke of Richmond, contrary to his Promiſe. The Ducheſs was certainly ſometimes to blame, in Things of this Na⯑ture; for to diſplay her Power with the King, which indeed was great, and to ex⯑preſs her Friendſhip to ſome, ſhe would of⯑ten perſuade the King to break his Engage⯑ments with others, which was not for his Honour. And yet his Majeſty was not, at this Time, thought to be charmed with her Bed, it being generally believed he had not lain with her, ſince he was at Newmarket, at leaſt four Months before. I alſo heard, this Day, that one of the three Miniſters was endeavouring at a Reconciliation with a great Man who was no Friend to my Lord Hallifax; and immediately warning his Lord⯑ſhip thereof, he thanked me, and told me the Information would be of good uſe to him. date Jan. 28.

We had now Advice that infinite Damage had been done to Oſtend, Antwerp, and the Circumadjacencies, by the moſt dreadful In⯑undation that had ever been known. That [134] Holland had ſuffered moſt prodigiouſly by the Flood, that the greateſt Part of Zealand was under Water, and that ſeveral Towns and Villages had been ſwept away with all their Inhabitants, and that, according to Computa⯑tion, it would require an Expence of ten Millions Sterling to make good the Loſs. The Levels alſo in Yorkſhire and Lincolnſhire were laid under Water by the ſame Fate; the inceſſant Rains of this Seaſon having been the Cauſe thereof.

date February. And now the great Point in Expectation was, Whether there would be a Parliament called or not, the Miniſters of State being divided as to the Thing. My Lord Halli⯑fax argued, That all Chriſtendom was deſi⯑rous of it, France only excepted, and that nothing could be offered to diſcountenance it at home, but the Fear they might touch upon high Points, which if they did, his Majeſty might diſmiſs or diſſolve them, juſt as he pleaſed, and convince the World that it was their Fault and not his, and evince that he endeavoured to give his People Sa⯑tisfaction by the Means of frequent Parlia⯑ments. That if the King and the Parliament agreed, his Majeſty would thereby gain the grand Points of being united at home, and formidable abroad. But ſome, as Seymour [135] and Hyde, were againſt the Motion, more for their own Sakes, than any Body's elſe.

date Feb. 12. At this Time was perpetrated the moſt barbarous and audacious Murder that had almoſt ever been heard of in England. Mr. Thynn, a Gentleman of 9000 l. per Annum, and lately married to Lady Ogle, who re⯑penting herſelf of the Match, fled from him into Holland before they were bedded, was ſet upon by three Ruſſians, who ſhot him as he was going along the Street in his Coach. This unhappy Gentleman being much en⯑gaged in the Duke of Monmouth's Cauſe, it was feared That Party might put ſome vio⯑lent Conſtruction on this Accident, the Act⯑ors therein making their Eſcape juſt for the time, and being unknown. I hapned to be at Court that Evening, when the King hear⯑ing the News, ſeemed greatly concerned at it, not only for the Horror of the Action it ſelf, which was ſhocking to his natural Diſ⯑poſition, but alſo for fear the Turn the An⯑ticourt Party might give thereto. I left the Court, and was juſt ſtepping into Bed, when Mr. Thynn's Gentleman came to me to grant him an Hue and Cry, and immediate⯑ly at his Heels comes the Duke of Mon⯑mouth's Page, to deſire me to come to him at Mr. Thynn's Lodging, ſending his Coach [136] for me, which I made Uſe of accordingly. I there found his Grace ſurrounded with ſe⯑veral Lords and Gentlemen, Mr. Thynn's Friends and Mr. Thynn himſelf mortally wounded with five Shot from a Blunderbuſs. I on the Spot granted ſeveral Warrants a⯑gainſt Perſons ſuſpected to have had a Hand therein, and that Night got ſome Intelli⯑gence concerning the Actors themſelves. At length, by the Information of a Chair⯑man, who had carried one of the Ruſſians from his Lodging at Weſtminſter to the Black Bull, there to take Horſe, and by Means of a looſe Woman, who uſed to viſit the ſame Perſon, the Conſtables found out the Place of his abode, and there took his Man, by Nation a Swede, who being brought before me, confeſſed himſelf a Servant to a German Captain, who had told him he had a Quar⯑rel with Mr. Thynn, and had often ordered him to watch his Coach; and that particu⯑larly that Day the Captain no ſooner under⯑ſtood the Coach to be gone by, than he booted himſelf, and with two others, a Swe⯑diſh Lieutenant and a Pole, went on Horſe⯑back, as he ſuppoſed in queſt of Mr. Thynn. date Feb. 13. By the ſame Servant I alſo underſtood where poſſibly the Captain and his two Compani⯑ons were to be found; and having with the [137] Duke of Monmouth, Lord Mordaunt and o⯑thers, ſearched ſeveral Houſes, as he direct⯑ed us, till ſix in the Morning, and having been in cloſe Purſuit all Night, I perſonally took the Captain in the Houſe of a Swediſh Doctor in Leiceſter-fields. I went firſt into his Room, followed by Lord Mordaunt, where I found him in Bed, with his Sword at ſome Diſtance from him on the Table; his Wea⯑pon I in the firſt place ſecured, and then his Perſon, committing him to two Conſtables. I wondered he ſhould make ſo tame a Sub⯑miſſion, for he was certainly a Man of great Courage, and appeared quite unconcerned from the very Beginning, tho' he was very certain he ſhould be found the chief Actor in the Tragedy. This Gentleman had, not long before, commanded the forlorn Hope, at the Siege at Mons, when but two, beſides himſelf, of fifty under his Command, eſcaped with Life; and, in conſideration of this Ser⯑vice, the Prince of Orange made him a Lieu⯑tenant of his Guards, and, in Reward for the ſame, the King of Sweden gave him a Troop of Horſe: But to inſiſt no farther on this, his two Accomplices alſo were taken, and brought to my Houſe, where before I could finiſh the ſeveral Examinations I had to go through, the King ſent for me to at⯑tend [138] him in Council, for that Purpoſe, with the Priſoners and Papers. His Majeſty or⯑dered me to give him an Account of the Proceedings hitherto, as well with regard to the apprehending of the Priſoners, as their Examination, and then examined them him⯑ſelf; and when the Council roſe, ordered me to put every thing into Writing, and in Form, againſt the Trial; which took me up a great part of the Day, tho' I had got one of the Clerks of the Council, and another Juſtice of the Peace to aſſiſt me, both for the Sake of Diſpatch and my own Security, the nicety of the Affair requiring it, as will, in the Sequel, appear.

date Feb. 15. The Council met again, among other o⯑ther Things, to examine the Governour of young Count Coningſmark, a young Gentle⯑man then in Mr. Foubert's Academy in Lon⯑don, and ſuppoſed to be privy to the Mur⯑ther. Upon this Occaſion, the King ſent for me, to attend in Council, where the ſaid Go⯑vernor confeſſing, That the eldeſt Count Coningſmark, who had been in England ſome Months before, and made his Addreſſes to the Lady who ſo unfortunately married Mr. Thynn, arrived incognito ten Days before the ſaid Murther, and lay diſguiſed till it wa [...] committed, gave great Cauſe to ſuſpect [139] That the Count was at the Bottom of this bloody Affair; and his Majeſty ordered me thereupon to go and ſearch his Lodgings, which I did with two Conſtables, but the Bird was flown; he went away betimes in the Morning of the Day after the Deed was perpetrated; of which I immediately gave the King an Account.

I ſeveral Times afterwards attended on the King, both in private and in Council, from time to time to give him Information, as freſh matter occurred, or appeared; and upon the whole it was diſcovered, partly by the Confeſſion of the Parties concerned, and partly by the Information of others, That the German Captain had been for eight Years an Intimate with Count Coningſmark, one of the greateſt Men in the Kingdom of Sweden, his Uncle being at that time Governor of Pomerania, and near upon marrying the King's Aunt; and moreover that during the Time he was in England before, he had made his Addreſſes to Lady Ogle, the only Daugh⯑ter and Heireſs of the Earl of Northumber⯑land, who had been marryed to the deceas'd Mr. Thynn, and that the ſaid Count had reſent⯑ed ſomething as an Affront from Mr. Thynn: That the Captain, moved thereto out of pure Friendſhip to the Count, tho' not at all with [140] his Privity, as pretended, had determined within himſelf to revenge his Cauſe, and that in Conſequence of ſuch his Reſolution the Murther hapned: It appeared alſo that ſuch his cruel Deſign was furthered by the Aſ⯑ſiſtance of the Swediſh Lieutenant, and the Pole who had been by him obliged to diſ⯑charge the Blunderbuſs into the Coach. I was extremely glad that in this whole Buſi⯑neſs there was no Engliſh Perſon directly or indirectly concerned; for the Fanatics had buzzed it about That the Deſign was chiefly againſt the Duke of Monmouth; ſo that I had the King's Thanks more than once, the Thanks of my Lord Hallifax and ſeveral o⯑thers, for my Diligence in tracing out the true Springs and Motives of this horrid Ac⯑tion, as well as the Actors themſelves. The Duke of Monmouth had been out of the Coach above an Hour, and, by the Confeſſion of the Criminals, I found they were not to have made the Attempt if his Grace had been with Mr. Thynn.

Mean while it was ſuſpected that Count Coningſmark was ſtill in the Kingdom; and ſearch being made after him, he was met with alone in Diſguiſe at Graveſend, by a Servant of the Duke of Monmouth's, juſt as he was ſtepping out of a Sculler, intending [141] the very next Day to embark on Board of a Swediſh Ship. Being brought up to Town, the King immediately called an extraordi⯑nary Council to examine him. I was pre⯑ſent upon this Occaſion, and obſerved that he appeared before the King with all the Aſſurance imaginable. He was a fine Per⯑ſon of a Man, and I think his Hair was the longeſt I ever ſaw. He was very quick of Parts, but his Examination was very ſuperfi⯑cial, for which Reaſon he was by the King and Council ordered to be, the ſame Day, examined by the Lord Chief Juſtice, the At⯑torney General, and my ſelf, but he con⯑feſſed nothing of the Murder, pretending the Reaſon why he lay at this time conceal⯑ed, to be that he was then under Cure for a ſmall Venereal Diſaſter, and did not care to appear in public, till the Courſe of his Pre⯑ſcription was over; and that his going away in Diſguiſe after the Fact was committed, was by the Advice of Friends, who told him it would reflect on him ſhould it be known he was in England, when an Intimate of his laboured under ſo violent a Suſpicion of having committed ſo black a Deed; and that he endeavoured to make his Eſcape, not knowing how far the Laws of this Land might for that very Reaſon involve him in [142] the Guilt. but being at the King's Couchée date Feb. 21. the Night after, I perceived by his Majeſty's Diſcourſe, That he was willing the Count ſhould get off.

date 26 A few Days afterwards, Monſ. Foubert who kept the Academy in London, came and deſired me to put him in a way how to ſave Count Coningſmark's Life, inſinuating to me, That as he was a Man of vaſt Fortune, he could not make a better Uſe of it than to ſupport his own Innocence, and ſhield him⯑ſelf from the Edge of the Law, in a ſtrange Country. I told him, That if the Count was really innocent, the Law would natural⯑ly acquit him, as much tho' a Foreigner as if he was a Native; but that he ought to be cau⯑tious how he made any Offers to pervert▪Ju⯑ſtice; for that it were to make all Men of Ho⯑nour his Enemies, inſtead of gaining them to be his Friends. This was one of the firſt Bribes of Value ever offered to me, which I might have accepted without any Danger of Diſco⯑very, and without doing much for it: But my Opinion has always been that what is ſo acquired is no Addition to our Store, but rather the Cauſe of its Waſte, according to the Saying, Male parta male delabuntur; I therefore rejected this now as I had done o⯑thers before, and as I hope I ſhall always do for the time to come.

[143] Bills being found at Hick's Hall againſt the three Murderers of Mr. Thynn, as principal, and againſt the Count as Acceſſary; they the next Day made their Appearance at the Old Baily, where, after a Trial which laſt⯑ed from nine in the Morning to five in the Afternoon, and a very vigorous Proſecuti⯑on on the Part of Mr. Thynn's Relations, the three were brought in guilty as Principals, and the Count by the ſame Jury acquitted as not Acceſſary; it being per medietatem Linguae, according to the Privilege of Strangers. I was the firſt that carried the News of this to the King, who ſeemed to be not at all diſpleaſed at it; but the Duke of Monmouth's Party, who all appeared to add Weight to the Proſecution, were extremely diſſatisfied that the Count had ſo eſcaped.

date March 10. The Captain, and the other two his Ac⯑complices in the Murder of Mr. Thynn, were, purſuant to their Sentence, hanged in the Street where they had perpetrated the Crime. The Captain Died without any the leaſt Symptom of Fear, or offering at the leaſt glance of Reflection on Count Coning⯑ſmark; and ſeeing me in my Coach as he paſſed by in the Cart, he made a Bow to me with the moſt ſteady Countenance, as he did to ſeveral of the Spectators he knew, before [144] date 1682 he was turned off; in ſhort, his whole Car⯑riage, from the firſt Moment he was appre⯑hended, to the laſt that he reſigned his Breath, ſavoured much of Gallantry, but not at all of Religion.

Having thus concluded the Hiſtory of this remarkable Tranſaction, I ſhall only, by the way, obſerve that I was ſoon after appoint⯑ed Governor of York, in Oppoſition to a ſtrong date May 9. and potent Intereſt againſt me. About this Time I had a very long Converſation with my good Friend the Earl of Hallifax, who conti⯑nued ſteady for a Parliament; and expreſſed himſelf of Opinion, That the Duke had gain⯑ed no great Aſcendant over the King, by his late Journey into England, from whence he was now upon his return to Scotland; a Jour⯑ney quite diſagreeable even to the King's own Friends; and indeed he was chiefly perſuaded to it by his Servants, who gained by his being here.

The next Day came News, That his Highneſs had been in great Danger of being caſt away in his Voyage back to the North, the Ship he was in having ſtruck upon Yar⯑mouth Sands, and that a great Number of the Paſſengers had been loſt, a Piece of News that was at firſt contradicted, but in date 12 a Day or two confirmed by a particular Ac⯑count, [145] That the Gloceſter, a third Rate, in which the Duke of York had embarked for Scotland, had actually ſuffered Shipwreck upon one of Yarmouth Sands, called the Lemon and Oar; and that the Duke, with about an 160 Perſons were ſaved: among thoſe that periſh⯑ed were the Lords O Brian, and Roxborough, and Mr. Hyde, Lord Clarendon's Brother.

date May 22. Waiting this Day on my Lord Hallifax, he told me that the Day before, being Sun⯑day, the Duke of Monmouth came to him af⯑ter Prayers, and asked him if it was true That his Lordſhip, as was reported, had ad⯑viſed the King in Council, to iſſue out a Proclamation to forbid every Body from keeping him company: And that he had anſwered, That he was not obliged to ſatiſ⯑fy him, whether he had ſo adviſed his Ma⯑jeſty or not; and that the Duke replyed there would be no need of a Proclamation to prevent him from keeping his Lordſhip Company, and that in another Place he would have ſaid more to him, and ſo went away.

It muſt be by all confeſſed that his Grace in this acted a very imprudent Part, for he muſt needs have known that his thus que⯑ſtioning a Privy Councellor concerning Ad⯑vice given by him at the Board, would ſound [146] very harſh to the King: And on the other Hand, if his Intentions were really for a Quarrel, he might have choſen a more pro⯑per Place, and have ſaid more, or nothing at all. I offered to ſerve his Lordſhip with my Life upon this Occaſion; but he was ſo very good as to ſay, That if it came to a Neceſſity of that ſort, he would make uſe of ſomebody he did not eſteem ſo much as he did me; but that, however, he did not think himſelf obliged to fight upon that Ac⯑count; tho' he ſhould ever be ready to de⯑fend himſelf while he wore a Sword by his Side.

The next Day a Council was held at Hampton-Court, where, as ſoon as it was up, his Lordſhip told me an Order had been paſſed to this Effect, ‘"that Whereas the Duke of Monmouth had been guilty of ſome threatning Speeches to a Member of that Board, in relation to ſomething of⯑fered to his Majeſty in Council; his Ma⯑jeſty conſidered the ſame as an unmanner⯑ly Inſolence towards himſelf; and did therefore charge all his Servants, and all ſuch as had Dependance on him, not to keep Company with, or frequent the ſaid Duke of Monmouth for the time to come."’

[147] I had ſoon after a Conference with Lord Hallifax, wherein I obſerved to him, That date June 3. he was too frank and open with ſome in Bu⯑ſineſs with him, and with others, who were well in the King's Favor, and that they ge⯑nerally betrayed him: and deſired him to keep himſelf more to himſelf if poſſible. He told me he was very ſenſible of the Truth and Importance of what I ſaid, but continu⯑ed, That he could not avoid the Freedom I condemned in the Courſe of Buſineſs, and hoped his Integrity would ſupport him. At this Time he gave me Directions how to behave in the North, but they were ſuch as in common political Prudence muſt be here ſuppreſſed.

And now I retired to my Government of York, where, tho' many Tranſactions were pretty remarkable they are of too private and particular a Nature to be here enume⯑rated; I ſhall therefore only obſerve, That the City of York had been more noted than moſt Places in England, for the height and vi⯑rulence of Faction, but that after I had been there ſome time, finding ſome of the Leaders willing to abate of their Warmth, I en⯑gaged myſelf in ſome private Diſcourſe with Mr. Alderman Ramſden, one of the moſt ex⯑traordinary of the whole Fraternity▪ and [148] ſo well explained to him the Danger they were in, if they did not ſhew ſome ſpeedy Signs of Remorſe and Repentance for their former Behaviour, That he confeſſed himſelf ſenſi⯑ble of Errors committed upon ſeveral Occa⯑ſions, (viz.) in that they had ſo often per⯑ſiſted in their Choice of ſuch Members as they knew to be quite ungrateful to the King; in that they had ſo handſomely re⯑ceived the Duke of York when he paſſed through their City, in his way to Scotland; and in that they had petitioned for a Par⯑liament, but never addreſſed or abhorred: But that after all he was afraid their Offen⯑ces were too enormous to be pardoned, up⯑on a Conſideration leſs than the ſurrender of their Charter, which they did not know how to think of. I then asked him what he thought the City might be perſuaded to do by way of ſome Atonement: To which he anſwered, they might be brought to do three Things if they might be accepted. Firſt, To lay aſide Alderman Thompſon, a peeviſh Antimonarchial Fellow, to whom it fell of Courſe to be Lord Mayor the next Year, provided his Majeſty would, by Let⯑ter, command them ſo to do. Secondly, To chuſe a new High Steward, and to offer the Honour to his Royal Highneſs, in lieu of [149] the Duke of Buckingham, whom they would put out, or in caſe his Highneſs ſhould re⯑fuſe it, to his Lordſhip of Hallifax; and Thirdly, to elect better Members for that Ci⯑ty, when Occaſion ſhould offer. Theſe three Things, he ſaid, were feaſible, might they be thought ſufficient.

date Aug. 22. I immediately gave Notice of this our Converſation to my Lord, now Marquiſs of Hallifax, who in a few Days ſent me for Anſwer, That tho' he approved of the ſetting aſide of Thompſon from being Lord Mayor, he could by no means think it ſafe to ven⯑ture the King's Letter upon it, to the Cor⯑poration; except the Succeſs of the Attempt were actually certain; and eſpecially as Things were in ſo very fair a way above, particularly with regard to the Quo War⯑ranto againſt the City Charter, which if it ſucceeded, every other Corporation would be obliged to truckle; and that ſhould the King's Letter meet with the propoſed Ef⯑fect, it would rebound back again upon the Court, and be an Encouragement to the o⯑ther Party. That as for their chuſing his Highneſs to be their High Steward, he judged it improper and unfit upon many Ac⯑counts; and as for-himſelf, he was willing to put himſelf upon the Iſſue of what they [150] propoſed, provided it did not ſeem to be his own Requeſt, and that it ſhould appear he had a conſiderable Number of Friends and Wellwiſhers therein, tho' the Event itſelf ſhould not anſwer: Such was the Subſtance of what he returned.

date Jan. 10. His Lordſhip ſoon after adviſed me to come to London, where he had ſome things date 18 to tell me, which it would be more proper to communicate near at hand, than at ſuch a Diſtance. In conſequence of which I re⯑paired to our Capital the Month following, date February. where being arrived, his Lordſhip was pleaſ⯑ed to acquaint me with the whole of a late Diſpute he had had with my Lord Hyde, now Earl of Rocheſter, and firſt Lord Com⯑miſſioner of the Treaſury. His Lordſhip had informed the King of 40000 l. of his Hearth-Money, which had been miſapplied to ſome private Uſe or Uſes Lord Rocheſter could not but know of, and was much ſuſpected to ſhare in; together with ſome Miſcarriages and Miſmanagement of the Revenue, which it ſeems, no Body but his Lordſhip had the Courage to expoſe to the King. He told me alſo he had lately brought in Lord Sun⯑derland to be Secretary of State, by engag⯑ing the Duke of York in his Behalf; and that now his Highneſs ſeemed to be kinder to [151] that Lord, who had laboured all he could againſt him in the late Parliaments, than to himſelf, who had done all he could to ſerve him, and who had particularly made the moſt conſiderable Head againſt the Bill of Excluſion; and touched upon ſome hard Re⯑turns and Diſappointments of the ſame kind, from the ſame Quarter. But ſtill his Lord⯑ſhip was well with the King, it was in no Degree in their Power to remove him, tho' they combined their whole Strength to ef⯑fect it: And indeed I had Reaſon to know how large an Influence he had over his Ma⯑jeſty; for to him it was wholly owing that I ſat ſtill in my Government of York.

A few Days afterwards, his Lordſhip told me of ſome hard Uſage he had met with from Lord Rocheſter, contrary to their mu⯑tual Engagements, in favor of each other, upon his firſt entring into Buſineſs; and that having obtained a Promiſe to be Lord Pre⯑ſident, or Lord Privy Seal, as a Vacancy of either ſhould firſt fall out, which hapned to be of the Seal, Lord Rocheſter had behind the Curtain done all in his Power for Mr. Seymour; that upon this Occaſion he had been raiſed to the Dignity of Marquiſs, which he had never deſired, with a View to make him amends for the Seal; but that not declining [152] the one or the other he had obtained both; and that thereupon Seymour had left the Court. That however, the King command⯑ing it, he was willing to be upon good Terms with his Lordſhip, but that he muſt give him ſome ſufficient Aſſurance that he was more a Friend to him than to Sunderland, ere he could repoſe any Degree of Con⯑fidence in him. That in the mean Time he would keep in his Corner, and be attentive to whatever might be for the King's Service, and not be afraid to ac⯑quaint his Majeſty with what might be for his Majeſty's Diſadvantage, whoever were the Actors or Tranſactors; and in fine, that when he had Power, he ſhould be careful to diſtinguiſh thoſe who were his Friends, from thoſe who were not ſo.

Now the Affair of the forty thouſand Pounds, ſaid to have been loſt to the King, upon his Hearth-Money, and charged upon Lord Rocheſter, and the other Lords Com⯑miſſioners of the Treaſury, came to be ar⯑gued by Counſel on both Sides, before the King; and it plainly appeared that the King was actually ſo much a Loſer; but ſuch was the Intereſt that Lord Rocheſter, ſupported as he was by the Duke of York, Ducheſs of Portſmouth, and Lord Sunderland, had with [153] his Majeſty, that little or no Notice of the Fraud was taken at that Time: Except of ſome of that Lord's Friends having taken the Liberty to cenſure Lord Hallifax, as too buſy in making the Diſcovery, the King ju⯑ſtified him ſo far as to ſay openly that Day, in Court, upon the Trial, That his Lordſhip had done nothing in the whole Affair, but by his Order and Approbation. My Lord Hallifax told me this was not the only Mat⯑ter that would appear, as to the ill Manage⯑ment of the Royal Revenue, and obſerved That the anticourt Party courted him at ſuch a Rate, that he feared it might create a Jea⯑louſy elſewhere.

A few Days afterwards his Lordſhip told me the Duke made it his Buſineſs to clear himſelf from having had any concern on ei⯑ther Side, for the Fraud on the one Hand, and the Diſcovery on the other, were the general Talk of the Town, but that his Highneſs ſhould apply to him, before he would apply to his Highneſs. He told me alſo that he had, the Day before, been with the King, and that he was two Hours in private with him; and that he had obſerved to his Majeſty, That a Report was ſpread as if Lord Rocheſter was to have the Lord High Treaſurer's Staff delivered to him; but [154] that he was in Hopes there was no ſuch In⯑tention, for that it would be a great Re⯑flection upon himſelf, and look as if his Ma⯑jeſty thought he had done wrong to the Man whom he immediately ſo favour'd; and that his Majeſty ſhould ſay, The Man ſhould not be Lord Treaſurer the ſooner for what he had lately done as Lord Rocheſter; and that his Majeſty was angry with him for giving Ear to ſo groundleſs a Rumour.

date Feb. 28. Two Days afterwards, Lord Hallifax told me The Duke had aſſured him, he was not in the leaſt concerned in the Difference be⯑tween him and Lord Rocheſter; and that he had replyed, he was ſure his Highneſs could wiſh him no ill, and that if he did, he ſhould never do any thing to oppoſe him, but that in ſuch a Caſe he ſhould not be able to ſerve him with that Zeal he could with, and that his Highneſs might poſſibly repent he had loſt his Service to the Degree he deſired to uſe it for him: That he had done no more than he had been by the King commanded to do, and that there was no Man in the Kingdom ſo great that he could be decently diſpleaſed with what was done at the King's Command: That he perceived they, mean⯑ing Rocheſter, had a mind to rid their Hands of him, and that it was likely they might [155] endeavour to make him uneaſy in his Stati⯑on, but that he would take care they ſhould not remove him, Firſt, becauſe he would ſtay with the King to be ready to ſerve him, and, Secondly, Becauſe he had a Mind to diſ⯑appoint thoſe who ſo earneſtly longed for his Abſence: That his whole View had been to ſave the King Money, and that he knew no greater Service that could be done to his Highneſs, if he would but be pleaſed to look a little before him into Futurity: That the King indeed had made him a greater Man than he deſerved to be, but that he had this to ſay for himſelf, He was a Gentleman, and that his Highneſs ought in Juſtice to have ſome Conſideration for thoſe that bore Eſcutcheons, as well as for thoſe that had none; ſome of the Duke's Creatures were ſcarce Gentlemen; and that for his Part he ſhould never ſay any thing to his Highneſs but Truth, which tho', at firſt Sight, it might look a little plain and homely, nothing at the Bottom carryed with it a greater Fund of Reſpect and much more to the ſame Effect. That to this his High⯑neſs made Anſwer, That what his Lordſhip had ſaid ſeemed to be very rational, that he was ſenſible of great Obligations he had to him, and that he never would forget them, [156] but ſerve him in all he was able, and that ſo his Lordſhip ſhould find.

His Lordſhip alſo told me, the ſame Day, That he had been with my Lady Ducheſs of Portſmouth, and that, among other Diſcourſe, he told her, He found that in caſe he ſhould ſtand in need of his Majeſty's Favor, he was not to expect many Friends on that Side of Whitehall; and that ſhe made Anſwer, That ſome who had been very much his Friends, meaning Rocheſter, came thither ſometimes, and that ſhe hoped they would be as much his Friends again: That to this he replyed, He was in much Doubt as to her Interceſſi⯑on, and good offices, in ſuch a ſtrait, but hoped he ſhould avoid the Danger of mak⯑ing Uſe thereof; and took Notice that ſhe thereupon bluſhed, and ſeemed to be in ſome Confuſion. His Lordſhip further ſaid, That were he quite as young as he had been, he might be as well with her as others; but upon this I obſerved, That his Lordſhip ought to have been furniſhed with a good Purſe as well as ſomething elſe that began with the ſame Letter; for ſo, Report ſaid, Lord Danby kept Intelligence ſo long and ſo great with her.

The Court and the whole Town were in⯑finitely divided as to the Diſpute between [157] the two Lords. Thoſe who had any De⯑pendance on Payments out of the Exchequer, durſt not but be on the Side of Lord Ro⯑cheſter: But all ſober and ſerious Perſons, who were independent, and wiſhed well to the Government, applauded the Integrity, the Zeal, and the Courage, of the Lord Privy Seal, who would not ſee ſo great a Sum of the King's Money miſapplyed, and was ſo honeſt⯑ly bold as to complain, tho' he was ſure he ſhould thereby raiſe a Number of violent E⯑nemies againſt him; and particularly the Whigs, as they now called the anticourt Par⯑ty, were laviſh of their Commendations, not only on account of the Diſcovery, but in hopes this great Man might, by this Quarrel, be brought to a cooler Degree of Moderation.

date March 20. In the midſt of this, all Chriſtendom ſeem⯑ed to be in Danger of being involved in a bloody War, the Rebels of Hungary having called in the Turk to aſſiſt them againſt the Emperor, and, one or two excepted, all the Princes of the Empire, and the King's of Spain and Sweden, preparing to defend the Empire againſt the Turk on the one Hand, and the French King, likely to fall upon Flanders or ſome of the Princes of Germany, on the other: While we ſat at eaſe amidſt the Bleſſings and Plenty of a Peace, which [158] it was thought would be laſting. becauſe of the Death of the buſy and factious Shaftsbu⯑ry, not long before retired into Holland.

Going with my Lord Privy Seal, to take the Air, in Hyde Park, he told me he hoped I was▪ ſorry he preſſed me to come up to London, ſeeing I could not ſo well have been made acquainted with the State of Affairs at ſuch a Diſtance as York: That it was un⯑certain how long he ſhould be able to keep his Station, driven at ſo fiercely as he was by ſome, but that he imagined he had the King to his Friend, and could not conceive he would part with him for no other Fault than the having obeyed his Commands; but ſays he if we fall again under the Influence of French Councils, I ſhall fairly quit, there being greater Endeavours againſt me on the other Side of the Water, than on this; and de⯑ſired me when I got into the Country again, to turn the Report of his Diſgrace into Rail⯑lery, till he ſhould give me Notice of his Retreat, which he would early do, if he found it unavoidable.

Two Days afterwards, I went to ſee Lord Danby in the Tower, and found him to expreſs himſelf much more obligingly towards Lord Privy Seal, than he had been uſed to do here⯑tofore; among other Things, he ſaid his Lord⯑ſhip [159] had taken a prudent and becoming Courſe in declaring himſelf for a Parliament, and that he was very glad of it upon a pri⯑vate Account; for that he deſpaired of be⯑ing enlarged till there was a Sitting. He ſaid, Lord Rocheſter and his Party might ſupport themſelves for a while, but that the Intereſt they built upon was no better than a ſandy Foundation.

The next Day I communicated this to Lord Hallifax, who on his Part ſeemed al⯑ſo to be more favourably inclined towards Lord Danby, than he had for ſome time been: He ſaid he had already Enemies enough, and that what he had to ſay a⯑gainſt that Lord was now out of his Mind; but that however he would not now make himſelf Enemies by being his Friend, as he had formerly done by being otherwiſe; ſo that I found Lord Privy Seal was making up his Intereſt on the one hand, as Lord Rocheſter was on the other, for the latter had ſent for Seymour to Court, and pro⯑miſed to be his Friend. Lord Privy Seal told me that Seymour had made ſome Ad⯑vances to cloſe with him, and that a general Reconciliation was endeavouring on the part of Rocheſter's Friends. I told his Lordſhip, That, in my poor Opinion, he had much [160] better ſtand by himſelf, now that he had poſſeſſed himſelf of the Intereſt of the Na⯑tion, by the Means of what he had done in Oppoſition to Lord Rocheſter; that if he cloſed in with that Side again, he might run the Hazard of loſing the good Opinion of his Country, which he now ſo deſervedly enjoyed, whereas if he kept himſelf ſepa⯑rate, he might be Maſter of both the one and the other; and that ſet the Caſe he ſhould fall, the King would ſoon be ſenſi⯑ble of ſuch a want of him, that he could not long be ſpared from Court. To this his Lordſhip replyed, It would be matter of great Difficulty for him to ſtay there with Men, whoſe Intereſt it was to remove him. That they would be apt to play him Tricks, knowing that while he was in any Play, their Carriage and Conduct would be no Secrets to his Majeſty; but that if they did engroſs the King all to themſelves they would not long keep their Hold; for that the King had one Quality which would al⯑ways preſerve him from being long in ill Hands, meaning his facility to hear all Per⯑ſons, and to admit of all Informations from a Back-door, while the Favourites did not in the leaſt dream of ſuch his Atttention. His Lordſhip then lamented the prodigious [161] Influence the Ducheſs of Portſmouth had o⯑ver the King, complaining that ſhe betray⯑ed him not in his Councils only, but his Bed alſo, and that ſhe certainly lay with the Grand Prior of France, who often came over, under the Mask of Love, the better and more effectually to tranſmit Intelligence and Information to his Maſter the French King. He urged it That the King was too paſſive with regard to theſe Things, and obſerved it as his greateſt Fault, That no Argument could prevail on him to reſent what he clear⯑ly ſaw he ought to reſent, and that he de⯑ſcended too low ſrom the ſublime Elevation of his Dignity. His Lordſhip then took Notice, that I alſo, in my Station was the Subject of much Envy, and adviſed me, when I returned again into the Country, to demean my ſelf ſo as to gain as great a Mea⯑ſure of Favor and Benevolence as I decent⯑ly could.

Upon the whole, I perceived that the Lord Privy Seal had the better and more approved Cauſe, and that the Lord Rocheſter had the more potent and overuling Intereſt; that the Lord Privy Seal deſervedly weigh⯑ed with the Body of the Nation, and that the Lord Rocheſter weighed, tho' undeſerv⯑edly enough, only with the Duke of York, [162] the Ducheſs of Portſmouth, my Lord of Or⯑mond, and others at Court, who depended upon his Majeſty's Purſe, which laboured the Diſtribution of Lord Rocheſter. In ſhort the Fear was, That the Diligence of thoſe ſo near the King might prevail on him to a⯑bandon the Lord Privy Seal, who depended upon himſelf only, upon no Intereſt but his own, and upon the Merit, which was cer⯑tainly great, of the important Services he had already done, and was beſt able for the future to do for the Crown; and here we put a Period to this Year.

date 1683 I now returned to York, and heard that date April. City had choſen the Duke of Richmond to be their High Steward, which I was not ſorry to underſtand as their Affairs then ſtood, my Lord Privy Seal having declined that Honour for the Sake of the Duke of Buckingham, who was to be put out before another could be admitted. The Ducheſs took this very kindly, and upon receiving the Patent for that Office, which the City preſented to the young Duke in a Gold Box, her Grace ſent my Lord Mayor a Letter of Thanks, wherein ſhe ſaid the King was ve⯑ry well pleaſed that the ſecond City in Eng⯑land had had that Regard for her Son, and aſſured him and the Corporation of her ut⯑moſt [163] Services. But the Duke of Bucking⯑ham took it extremely ill of them on the o⯑ther hand, and wrote them ſuch a Letter, as might eaſily convince them of it. The Duke of Buckingham being well with the Lord Privy Seal, I was at ſome Loſs to know how to ſteer between the divided In⯑tereſts, but I hope I did it in ſuch a Manner as to give Offence to neither.

date June 26. In June following, we were alarmed with a Report of a dangerous Conſpiracy againſt the King, of ſuch as had been diſappointed of Preferments at Court, and of Proteſtant Diſ⯑ſenters. The ſame Conſpiracy was alſo againſt the Duke of York, and the Deſign was to have ſhot both his Majeſty and his Highneſs as they came from Newmarket, the Day of their Return being fixed. This was to have been ex⯑ecuted by forty Men, who, the Blow given, were to have ſcoured to London, and to have reported it to have been done by the Papiſts. In London it was ſaid there were a Body of Men ready to riſe, and to take immediate poſſeſſion of the City and Tower, and conſe⯑quently of the whole Nation, and that the Duke of Monmouth was ready to head the In⯑ſurrection.

This was miraculouſly defeated by a fire which burned down a great Part of the [164] Town of Newmarket, and cauſed the King's Departure from thence ten Days ſooner than was at firſt intended. The Deſign thus fru⯑ſtrated, it was afterward renewed to kill the two Royal Brothers as they came from Hampton-Court, but the King being alone they poſtponed it, their View being to de⯑ſtroy both or neither. Theſe and the like Diſappointments put it into the Head of one of the melancholy Conſpirators, That God to uſe his own Phraſe, was againſt them, which wrought on him to diſcloſe the whole Affair, and he accordingly did. Upon this, many of the Conſpirators, and Abettors withdrew; the Duke of Monmouth fled, Lord Grey made his Eſcape after he had been taken, but Sir Thomas Armſtrong was apprehended and committed to the Tower, together with the Earl of Eſſex, the Lord Howard of Eskrick, Lord Ruſſel, and many others; and Orders were ſent down, to us in the North, to keep a watchful Eye, and a ready Hand over all ſuſpicious Perſons, and particularly to look out for one Mr. Goodenough, and one Mr. Nelthorp, who were ſuppoſed to have made their way towards us. By ſome Scotchmen we intercepted and examined, we underſtood this Conſpiracy to have been general with the Fanatics and [165] Diſcontented in both Kingdoms, and that the Correſpondence was carried on, between them, by the Scotch Pedlars, and other E⯑miſſaries in diſguiſe, which cauſed great Scru⯑tiny and Search to be made and obſerved with Regard to all ſuch People from the North: But to dwell on the Particulars of this Plot, and the Proofs made, out againſt thoſe who ſuffered for it, were needleſs, af⯑ter what has been ſaid and recorded by ma⯑ny both privately and publickly concern⯑ing it; ſo I ſhall only ſay, that in the Con⯑cluſion it proved fatal to Lord Ruſſel, the eldeſt Son and Heir to the Earl of Bedford, and others of more inferior Note.

date Aug. 12. While we were labouring under the Ter⯑rors of the late Conſpiracy, uncertain to what Degree it might extend, and what might be the future Purpoſe and Reſolution of the deſperate People concerned, the reſt of Chriſtendom was in ſome ſeeming Danger of being overſpread by the Turk, and now, more than ever, under the Apprehenſions of ſuch a Cataſtrophe, the common Enemy having for ſome time laid cloſe Siege to Vi⯑enna, and reduced that Capital to great Ex⯑tremities. But at length it was relieved by the fortunate Valour of the King of Poland, aſſiſted principally by the Duke of Lorrain, [166] the Emperor's General, and partly by the Electors of Saxony and Bavaria: But the bare mention of this being as much as can be re⯑quired at my Hands, I ſhall return to the Poſture and Current of our own Affairs.

In October, I had a Letter from my Lord Hallifax, to acquaint me that I had the King's Leave to come to Town, which I had de⯑ſired, as thinking it to be neceſſary I ſhould be near the King's Perſon, at a Time when I thought he would be taking of new Mea⯑ſures and making of new Regulations, with Regard to Affairs in general, and Officersin particular, for his own and the Nation's greater Security after the late horrid Ma⯑chinations: accordingly I ſat out the latter End of this Month for London, where I ar⯑rived in November.

I went to viſit my Lord Privy Seal, and found him ſtill rooted in the King's good Eſteem; but that the Duke was not altoge⯑ther ſo grateful to him as he ought to have been. I found alſo that the Differences be⯑tween his Lordſhip and Lord Rocheſter not only ſubſiſted ſtill, but with more Acrimony and Warmth than before; and underſtood that the Lord Mayor of York was ſent for up, by an Order of Council, on account of ſome Words he had ſpoken. The King re⯑ceived [167] me very graciouſly, and the Duke ſeemed kind to me, nor did my Lord Ro⯑cheſter, whom I viſited, ſcruple to favour me with a decent Reception.

But I found the Hopes of a Parliament to be ſtill at a very great Diſtance, tho' Flanders was in Danger of falling next Spring under the Yoke of France, and tho' the Na⯑tion was much diſſatisfied at the tedious De⯑lay, that Part of the Nation, I mean, that was in Oppoſition to the French Intereſt. And juſt now it hapned that the Grand Pri⯑or of France being in England, and obſerved to be very fond of the Ducheſs of Portſmouth, and ſhe of him, the King conceived ſo great a Jealouſy thereat he ſent him away; and it was ſhrewdly ſuſpected the Ducheſs would not be long behind him, which few People ſeemed to be very ſorry for.

I had heard, from a great Man, that ſomething would ſhortly happen very much to the Mortification of the Duke of York and his Party, a Myſtery which ſeemed in a few Days afterwards to be explained. The Duke of Monmouth being ſuſpected to have taken Refuge ſomewhere abroad, on account of the Conſpiracy, ſurrenders himſelf to Mr. Secre⯑tary Jenkins, at Whitehall, where the Thing being before concerted, the King and Duke [168] went to him, and, after an Hour's Diſcourſe, ſuffered him to go to his Lodgings at the Cockpit, attended by his own Servants, and under no other Reſtraint than that of a Ser⯑jeant at Arms; but what was ſaid or done at this Interview, may be conjectured ſooner than known.

This was matter of Surpriſe to all People, and waiting on Lord Privy Seal, he told me, He doubted not but the Duke of Mon⯑mouth's Affair, his Grace having that Day kiſſed the King's Hand, the Duke's and the Queen's, would be the Subject of great Spe⯑culation, and that various Gueſſes would be made as to the Interceſſion that brought it to paſs. I told him the World ſaid the Ducheſs of Portſmouth, and Lord Sunderland had done it, and that it was publickly known That the King had the Day before in Coun⯑cil ſaid, It was at the Requeſt of the Duke of York, to whom his Grace had made Sub⯑miſſion, and diſclaimed all Competition with for the Crown. His Lordſhip anſwered, that the Thing was far from ſo, for that the Duke of York and thoſe in his Intereſt, had oppoſed it to the very laſt; and thereupon owned himſelf to have been chiefly inſtru⯑mental therein; and gave me ſeveral Rea⯑ſons both public and private, tho' not pro⯑per [169] to be here enumerated, why he labour⯑ed to that End. By this it plainly appear⯑ed to me, That notwithſtanding the extra⯑ordinary Strength of the Intereſt combined againſt him, this noble Lord had great Power with his Majeſty. His Lordſhip moreover gave me to underſtand that his Grace had made Confeſſion of the late Plot, but would not give any public Evidence a⯑gainſt the Conſpirators. But to diſmiſs this, certain it is that whoever wrought ſo indu⯑ſtriouſly, with the King, in favour of the Duke of Monmouth, his Majeſty himſelf may be ſaid to have had a large Share therein. He had a paternal Affection for him, nor could refrain from the moſt open and pub⯑lic Expreſſions of it wherever he ſaw him; and the Duke on his Part paid all the Re⯑ſpect and Duty imaginable in attending up⯑on, and following the King. Mean while, date Aug. 28. the whole Court began to diſcover, that tho' his Highneſs of York ſeemed outwardly to a⯑gree to the Duke of Monmouth's Readmiſſi⯑on, it was by no Means an Act of Choice, but of Neceſſity, the King having declared He would have it ſo; and that he was not made privy to it above two Days before it was effected.

[170] The King had now conceived a Diſplea⯑ſure date Aug. 29. againſt the City of York, and coming from the Ducheſs of Portſmouth's, he asked me, leaning upon my Arm, If I knew ſuffi⯑cient Matter for bringing a Quo Warranto a⯑gainſt their Charter. I told his Majeſty, I did not, but would endeavour to inform my ſelf, but feared I could not ſo well do it at ſuch a Diſtance as if I was upon the Spot: To which his Majeſty replyed, I only recom⯑mend it to you. The Lord Mayor it ſeems had refuſed to let a Mountebank erect his Stage in that City, tho' he was furniſhed with the King's Recommendation, which the Man complaining of, his Majeſty thought himſelf thereby ſlighted, or injured.

date Decem. 4. The Lord Mayor of York being arrived, came to deſire leave to make uſe of my Name before the Council, ſo far as to ſay, The Governor knew how ready he was with his Aſſiſtance upon Occaſion of the late Plot, to which I gave my Conſent. I well knew that the Duke of York, who thought him acceſſary to his once ill Reception in that City, wiſhed in his Heart the Man might be puniſhed; but I imagined▪ I could not but in Juſtice ſtand by him in what was right, and that I could not do amiſs in carrying him to my Lord Privy Seal, who gave him [171] his Promiſe to aſſiſt him at the Board. I knew there was Pique and Malice in the Complaint againſt him, and was in Hopes it might be a means of making him a thorough Convert, if he was but mercifully handled in this troubleſome Matter.

Being, the next Day, at Lady Portſmouth's, the King told me there was freſh Complaint againſt the Lord Mayor of York, and that he was afraid he was but a bad Man. I ſaid I was obliged to acquaint his Majeſty with this Truth, That he was very ready to give me his Aſſiſtance in York, upon the late dreadful Occaſion; but that I could ſay no⯑thing in Defence of what he might have committed ſince I left the Place; to have done with this;

date Dec. 6. The Duke of Monmouth having obtained his Pardon, refuſed to ſign a publick De⯑claration of his Knowledge of the late Conſpiracy againſt the King, for which he was ordered to keep from Whitehall. My Lord Privy Seal told me, The Manner of doing this, as required, was ſome⯑thing hard, but that his Grace ought in⯑tirely to have ſubmitted himſelf to the King's Pleaſure. His Lordſhip I found was much concerned that the Duke had been ſo obſtinate, and he had Reaſon to be ſo, be⯑ing [172] now deemed, as he was, the chief In⯑ſtrument that brought him into Favor. The date Dec. 7. next Day Mr. Algernon Sydney was executed upon Tower Hill, as one of the Conſpirators, but ſaid nothing before he ſuffered. He only left a Paper with the Sheriff, which I heard the King ſay was very treaſonable and eva⯑ſive, tho' not wholly negative of the Fact laid to his Charge; but, however, it was not thought proper to be printed. And now I found that the Duke of York was not at all pleaſed with the Lord Privy Seal, tho' he made open ſhew of the contrary, for that he was not conſulted on the Reſtoration of the Duke of Monmouth; and it was his Lord⯑ſhip's own Expreſſion, That the Duke would never forgive it him. But the King having been the chief Promoter of it, it did not ap⯑pear that his Lordſhip had loſt any Ground with him. The Duke of Monmouth would not perform what was expected of him, and how could his Lordſhip help it?

The Confederates, Spain, Holland, Swe⯑den, and the reſt, who were now preparing to reſiſt the French, and to preſerve Flanders, were very angry with us, for that we ſtill ſupinely perſiſted in our Neutrality, and particularly the Spaniard, who ſaid it was a Breach of our League with him; but all Re⯑monſtrances [173] of this Sort were to none ef⯑fect; our King pretended his own Affairs were in ſo ill a Poſture at Home, that he could not ſo much as think of involving him⯑ſelf in a War; which confirmed the Jealou⯑ſy of our adhering to the French Intereſt, and of a private Commerce kept up with them, by the intervention of the Ducheſs of Portſmouth and others.

date Dec. 11. The Talk of the Town now was, That the Lord Privy Seal was not well with the King, and that at Court he met with Diſ⯑couragements of ſuch a Nature, as to make him retire from Buſineſs. I communicated this to his Lordſhip, who told me, He had, indeed, met with Diſcouragements from ſome, but none at all from the King, for that he was as well there as ever; and that there would be a farther Production of Af⯑fairs in a little time than was expected, and ſo pointed at the Thing that I eaſily gueſſed what he meant. A few Days afterwards I was with the Duke of Albemarle, who told me he was ſorry to find That Lord Privy Seal, purely to out do his Antagoniſt Rocheſter, ſhould have had ſo great a Hand in bringing in Monmouth, and thereby have incurred the Duke of York's Diſpleaſure, as well as the Diſlike of a great Number of the Loyaliſts, [174] who were before his Friends. That, not many Hours before, the Duke had told him, That if the Lord Privy Seal had had no Friendſhip for him in any other Capacity, yet as being the King's Brother, he might have let him into the Secret, and not have brought in Monmouth quite without his Pri⯑vity: That indeed he never could forget what the Lord Privy Seal had formerly done to ſerve him; but that he took a Way, if poſſible, to make him forget it; and that to his Knowledge, his Lordſhip was ſtill ex⯑erting his Labours to reunite the King and Monmouth. The Duke of Albemarle then ob⯑ſerved, That his Highneſs knew his Relati⯑on to the Lord Privy Seal, but that the Loy⯑alty and Reſpect he bore to his Highneſs was more conſidered by him than all that, and that he hoped his Lordſhip deſigned him no Diſſervice in this Affair, with much more to the ſame Purpoſe; in ſhort, his Grace ſeemed much to lament what his Lordſhip had done in Favor of Monmouth. His Grace added, That if the Privy Seal would but truſt him, he would tell him how to be too hard for Rocheſter, without recurring to ſuch unpopular Methods.

date Jan. 2. I communicated the Particulars of this Converſation to his Lordſhip, who anſwer⯑ed, [175] That he thereby perceived the Duke had a Mind to be upon better Meaſures with him; but that, abſolutely, he had not ſeen the Duke of Monmouth ſince he laſt left the Court; that as to what he had done for his Grace, it was purely in Obedience to the King's Commands; and that as the King would not allow him, it was impoſſible for him to have diſcloſed the Matter to his Highneſs; and concluded, that he was to dine with the Duke of Albemarle, the Wed⯑neſday following, and ſhould the better know what to ſay to his Grace, if he touched up⯑on this Affair, ſince I had taken Care to apprize him of his Thoughts.

I learnt from a great Man, that we were in no Way of having a Parliament, there be⯑ing ſome near the King, who adviſed him to another Way of ruling the Kingdom. The ſame Gentleman, at the ſame time, la⯑mented, That now the Fanatics had nothing elſe to ſay againſt the Government, they muſt have ſufficient Cauſe of Complaint up⯑on this Account, as well as on Account of ſeveral other Points now in Agitation. Some Days afterwards, my Lord Privy Seal told me, He had been very earneſt with the King to call a Parliament, and had repreſented to him, That tho' he had ſlipped the Opportu⯑nity [176] of calling one immediately after the late Plot, when he could not poſſibly have failed of one according to his Mind, and might fear he ſhould meet with no good one now, he would do well to conſider, that the long⯑er he deferred the Thing, the worſe it would be, and indeed ſo very bad, That it might be uſed as an Argument never to call one more. That nothing ought to have that Weight with him, as his Word given to the People; that the Law required a Parliament to be called every three Year; and that, up⯑on the laſt Diſſolution, his Majeſty had pro⯑miſed a religious Obſervance of the Laws, by a Proclamation ſetting forth his Reaſons for diſmiſſing that Parliament: That the ge⯑neral Conſtruction put upon this was, that he intended to call another within the three Years, and that he feared an ill Uſe might be made of his not doing what it was ſo ge⯑nerally ſuppoſed he certainly would: That tho' the Antimonarchiſts were now at a ve⯑ry low Ebb, and under great Diſcourage⯑ments, ſuch his Majeſty's procedure might raiſe a Spirit of Diſcontent where it was leaſt expected, meaning among thoſe, who tho' they were Friends to the Crown, were, at the ſame time, deſirous he ſhould govern according to Law, and not only deſired, but [177] expected it, ſince he had given his Royal Word, that he would do ſo: That if, how⯑ever, his Majeſty thought not well of this, he would be nevertheleſs ſo far from relin⯑quiſhing his Service, that he would make it his Study to find out Excuſes to make him eaſy with the People. So then there was no poſſibility of ſeeing a Parliament aſſembled, but by ſome Compulſion from a foreign Cauſe, and no Body could tell, but that if the War went on, the Confederates might be pro⯑voked to declare againſt us.

In ſhort, Affairs were now chiefly under the Management of the Duke of York, who carried every Thing with a very lofty hand; but, what is very ſtrange, the Earl of Danby was on the Point of ſtepping out of the Tower, tho' againſt his Highneſs's Conſent. My Lord Privy Seal aſſured me his Enlargement was at hand; that he himſelf had been his Lordſhip's chief Friend, and that the King had made both the Duke and Lord Rocheſter ſeeming⯑ly ſet their Hands to it. The Duke, in⯑deed, appeared to be hearty in it, and that the King was ſo, there could be no doubt; but Rocheſter and Sunderland did underhand oppoſe it with might and main, and ſo con⯑trived that the Judges delayed to bail out his Lordſhip 'till the very laſt Day of the Term; thoſe two Lords dreading, That [178] Danby might join with Hallifax to weaken date Feb. 10. their Intereſt.

And now it was reſolved to bring a Quo Warranto, if with any Colour of Juſtice it could be done, againſt the Charter of York; and two Days afterwards, Lord Danby was bailed out of his long Confinement of five Years, as were all the Popiſh Lords that had been under Durance ever ſince the Time of the firſt Plot. Lord Danby came the ſame Day to kiſs his Majeſty's Hand in the Bed⯑chamber, where I hapned to be preſent. The King received him very kindly, and when the Earl complained of his long Im⯑priſonment, his Majeſty told him, he knew it was againſt his Conſent, which his Lord⯑ſhip thankfully acknowledged; but they had no Manner of private Diſcourſe together. My Lord Privy Seal came into the Preſence preſently after, and the two Lords ſaluted each other; but it was very ſlightly done on both Sides, The next Day, however, I went from the Lord Privy Seal, to wait upon the Earl, when his Lordſhip deſired me to preſent his Service to him, and to tell him, That he ſhould have taken a more particular Sort of Notice of him, but that he thought it would not prove ſo much for his Service: And the Earl ſaid, It was for the very ſelf ſame Reaſon he had behaved [179] ſo indifferently towards his Lordſhip; for there was at that Time great Jealouſy of a Friendſhip between them. Lord Danby told me, he would retire to his Houſe out of Town, nor concern himſelf with Buſineſs, tho' he doubted not but he might if he would, but not upon the national Foundati⯑on he deſired, and therefore would have no⯑thing to do with it, declaring his Averſion to a French or a Popiſh Intereſt. He told me alſo, the Subſtance of what had paſſed between the Duke and him, at the Viſit he made to his Highneſs, after he had been with the King, and I thereby underſtood his Lordſhip was upon no very affectionate Terms with that Prince. He ſaid his High⯑neſs told him, he had heard he had ſpoken ſlightingly of him, and that he anſwered, It was true he had often been ſo unfortunate as to differ with him in Opinion, and could not help ſaying, That he had never yet found any Cauſe to repent him of it; but that for expreſſing himſelf any how againſt his Perſon, if he heard ſo, they were Whiſ⯑pers and Lies; and deſired to know who were his Informers; but the Duke evaded that. In ſhort, I found by my Lord Privy Seal, That he and the Earl of Danby had a good Underſtanding together.

[180] The King went to Newmarket, and I fol⯑lowed date March 1. him a few Days afterwards; when the Weather being very unſeaſonable and dirty, and walking about the Town with his Majeſty, he obſerved, that my Shoes were but thin, and adviſed me to get a ſtronger Pair to prevent my catching cold, which, tho a trivial Remark in it ſelf, may ſerve as an Example of that Prince's great Good⯑neſs and Care for thoſe Perſons that were near him, tho' ever ſo inconſiderable. The Manner of the King's dividing his Time at this Place was thus: He walked in the Morning 'till ten of the Clock; then he went to the Cockpit 'till Dinner-time; about three he went to the Horſe-races; at ſix he returned to the Cockpit, for an Hour only; then he went to the Play, tho' the Actors were but of a terrible Sort; from thence to Supper; then to the Ducheſs of Portſmouth's 'till Bed-time; and ſo to his own Apartment to take his Reſt.

date 1684 But to have done with theſe Domeſtic Di⯑verſions, date March 25. it may be proper juſt to take No⯑tice, That the War abroad ſeemed to be in the Way of a very violent Continuance, tho' the French King had offered either a Truce or a Peace for a certain Term of Years: But then it was upon very hard Conditions, [181] he refuſing to give up any Thing he had taken, either from Spain or the Empire, ſo that there was no Likelihood that the Con⯑federates would agree thereto. Our King however, ſeconded the French King's Offers, recommended them to the Allies as reaſona⯑ble, and proffered to be Guarrantee between them in caſe they came to a Point.

date April 2. Mean while, Lord Rocheſter continued powerful enough to advance his Friends, and Mr. Godolphin, one of the Commiſſioners of the Treaſury, was made Secretary of State inſtead of Sir Lyonel Jenkins, who had leave, by Reaſon of his great Age, to retire; a Promotion that was not made without the Par⯑ticipation of the Lady Portſmouth. The Lord Privy Seal, the ſame Day, told me, That tho' all theſe combined Intereſts were ſtill as averſe to him as ever, the King was never⯑theleſs as kind to him as he had uſually been; but it was very obvious, That his Lord⯑ſhip was leſs in Buſineſs than before; His Lordſhip, however, had certainly a very large Portion of the King's Eſteem, and what he ſaid had generally great Weight with his Majeſty. And now the Duke of date May 11. York is declared Lord High Admiral of England, that is, he was inveſted with the Power of that Office, without either the Ti⯑tle [182] or the Patent, becauſe his Highneſs could not diſpenſe with the Oaths or the Sacrament a Circumſtance which gave great Offence to Numbers of People. Nor muſt we forget another thing, tho' of a private Nature, which hapned this Day; for the Ducheſs of Portſmouth, contrary to Cuſtom, waiting on the Queen, at Dinner, as Lady of the Bed⯑chamber, her Majeſty was thereby thrown into ſuch Diſorder, that the Tears ſtood in her Eyes, while the other laughed at it, and turned it into a Jeſt.

date May 25. News now came, that the French had poſ⯑ſeſſed themſelves of Luxemburgh, which our Court ſeemed to be not at all diſpleaſed with; but there were thoſe, and ſome of them the King's beſt Friends, who were extremely ſorry to hear it, that Place being reckoned to be the Key of Germany, Holland, and Flanders, and probably too opportune to ad⯑vance the Grandeur of the common Enemy. A few Days afterwards, I went to Windſor, to congratulate the King upon his Birth-Day; the Crowd, upon this Occaſion, was great, but as for Gaiety and Gallantry, there was but little of either, eſpecially as to Ap⯑parel. And now the Duke of York is de⯑clared of the great Council, commonly called the Privy Council, whence he had been ex⯑cluded [183] ever ſince the Statute which required the taking of Oaths, which his Highneſs re⯑fuſing upon this Readmiſſion, it became the Subject of much Talk, and was deemed to be a Breach of one of the moſt ſolemn and moſt explicit Acts of Parliament.

date June 15. Intending for the North, I went to take leave of the King, who told me, That thoſe who had ſerved him ſo carefully and ſo well as I had done, ſhould always be in his Thoughts, and that I ſhould find it ſo by Experience. I waited alſo on the Duke, and deſired his Commands for York: He told me, he doubted not but I ſhould do what became me for his Majeſty's Service, and that for his own Part, he depended up⯑on me. I aſſured his Highneſs, I ſhould never fail in any Part of my Truſt; but beg⯑ged of him to hearken to no Stories that might be told him to my Prejudice. I told him that every County had its Competitors, and that it was impoſſible for me to hope to live without Enemies, and eſpecially as I had the Honour of ſerving the King prefe⯑rably to many of equal and ſome of ſuperior Rank, who could not but look upon me, for that Reaſon, with an Eye of Envy. A few Days afterwards, I viſited the Lord [184] Danby, who informed me, that Lord Roche⯑ſter was cloſing in with the moderate Men, not I ſuppoſe out of any Affection for them, but to make himſelf the ſtronger Rival a⯑gainſt Lord Privy Seal, who was ſuſpected to ſtand upon a firmer Bottom than he, and conſequently to be better able to ſtand the Shock of a Parliament, in caſe the King ſhould be prevailed on to call one: But, alas! Parliaments ſeemed to be no longer thought of, and to be quite out of Doors; for, it was Lord Danby's Opinion, There was a very ſtrict Conjunction between us and France, tho' they had ſo lately taken Lux⯑emburgh, and were likely to ſucceed accord⯑ing to their own Wiſhes.

I returned to the North, and the Auguſt following, we had the grateful News that Buda had been taken for the Emperor, by the Duke of Lorrain; as alſo, that a Truce was made between the Emperor and the King of France, which looked as if a gene⯑ral Peace was at Hand, that the Chriſtian Powers might the better exert themſelves a⯑gainſt the preſumptuous Arms of the Infidel. And what ſtill added to the good Aſpect of the Thing, we had Advice, There had been great Alterations made with Regard to the Grandees at Court, and that particularly [185] Lord Rocheſter had been removed from the Head of the Treaſury Board, to that of the Council; in which, tho' he was advanced in Honour, he was put backward in Profit and Power: It was therefore moſt evident⯑ly what he never ſought for, and as plain, that Lord Hallifax had brought it to paſs: Thus it was that Lord Danby, now in the Country, conjectured; and it was ſoon con⯑firmed to me, by a Letter from my Lord Marquiſs himſelf, wherein he made Uſe of theſe Words; You may believe I am not at all diſpleaſed to ſee ſuch an Adverſary removed from the only Place that could give him Power and Advantage; and he bears it with ſo little Phi⯑loſophy, that, if I had ill Nature enough, he gives me ſufficient Occaſion to triumph. You ſee I cannot hinder myſelf from imparting my Satis⯑faction, to ſo good a Friend. But the wonder was, How the Finger of my Lord Privy Seal was able to effect this againſt the Shoul⯑der of the Duke of York, who ſtill continu⯑ed a Friend to Rocheſter as much as ever.

I went to viſit the Duke of Newcaſtle at his Caſtle of Nottingham, where the Duke date Sept. 4. of Buckingham had been not long before, and giving a long Account of Affairs above, which ſeemed to intimate as if, notwithſtand⯑ing what had lately hapned, the French In⯑tereſt [186] was ſtill uppermoſt at Court. His Grace told me alſo, that Buckingham was ve⯑ry angry with the Marquiſs of Hallifax, for refuſing to admit of a private Communicati⯑on with the French Ambaſſador, when he offered to bring him to his Lordſhip; and that his Grace ſhould ſay, his Power would never be conſiderable while he continued averſe to that Intereſt. But in contradicti⯑on to this, I, towards the latter End of this ſame Month, received a very kind Letter from my Lord Marquiſs, and others from very great Perſons, which gave me to un⯑derſtand, There would probably be ſome farther Change at Court, that his Lordſhip ſtood very firm with the King, and that it was believed the Power of the French Inte⯑reſt was ſomewhat abated.

date Jan. 20. And now a Quo Warranto, which had ſo long threatned them, was ſerved upon the City of York, and the Reſolution thereupon, was to ſend up the Charter, and to offer at no Defence againſt the King: I endeavoured, as much as I conveniently could, to appear quite indifferent on either Side; but almoſt upon the Back of this, I had the ſad News, from the Earl of Burlington, that his Maje⯑ſty date Feb. 2. had been taken, upon the 2d of February with a Fit of an Apoplexy, tho' they called [187] it an Epilepſy; and that he had continued as it were dead almoſt three Hours, till he was brought to himſelf again, by bleeding, cup⯑ping, vomiting, and ſeveral other Means that had been uſed. His Lordſhip farther⯑more, in his Letter, ordered me, ſo to diſ⯑poſe of Things as might beſt prevent Di⯑ſturbances and Troubles, in Caſe his Maje⯑ſty ſhould unfortunately ſuffer a Relapſe; and all the neceſſary Precautions were taken accordingly; tho' upon the News that the King was recovered, and in ſome Way of continuance, there was nothing but Bonfires and Rejoycings in our Parts; a ſhort lived Mirth; for three Days afterwards, we had News that his Majeſty was fallen into a Re⯑lapſe, and that his Phyſicians were in great Fear he could not recover. At this we doubled our Diligence to ſecure Peace and Quietneſs, and to prevent any Obſtacle that might ſtart up in Prejudice to the Duke of York. Two Days afterwards came News date Feb. 7. that my great and good Maſter was depart⯑ed this Life. The Mail came not in till four in the Morning, when I was ſetting up to receive it, reſolving to ſuffer no Letter to go out till I had been with the Lord Mayor, and the High Sheriff, to whom I immediately delivered their own Letters; by [188] which they had Orders, together with my⯑ſelf, from the Privy Council and the Secre⯑tary of State, to proceed immediately and proclaim James the Second. As ſoon as we had got every thing ready for this Ceremo⯑ny, which we had before Day, I gave leave for the Delivery of the reſt of the Letters; and by ſeven in the Morning, the High She⯑riff, met by the Archbiſhop and moſt of the Gentlemen in the Town, moved towards the Caſtle-yard to proclaim the King there, while I cauſed all the Garriſon, the neceſſary Guards excepted, to be drawn together in the Thurſday Market.

date Feb. 8. By nine in the Morning, the King was proclaimed by my Lord Mayor, the High Sheriff and my ſelf; the Firſt did it in the uſual Places in the City; the Second did it in the Caſtle-yard, for the County; and I did it in the Thurſday Market, to the Garriſon there drawn out together; I then ordered a dou⯑ble Diſcharge of the Artillery, and ſeveral Vollies, according to the Orders I had for that End received from my Lord Sunderland. All this was tranſacted with all imaginable Tokens of Peace and Joy; not only in York but afterwards throughout the whole Coun⯑ty, and indeed, the whole Kingdom.

[189] A ſtrange Effect of Power it was from Hea⯑ven it ſelf, That ſo ſtrong a Party as had reared its Head in Parliament, and ſo pertinaciouſly called out for the excluſion of the Duke of York, ſhould now upon his Acceſſion acquieſce to him, with ſuch Deference and quiet Sub⯑miſſion. But it may be preſumed, they were aware of the Difference there was between the Spirit of the late and the preſent King: The former they thought might, for Peace ſake, be ſooner brought to abandon his Bro⯑ther, than the latter tamely to renounce his Right and Title to three Kingdoms, for fear of a War. But what ſerved in very great Meaſure to quiet the Minds and allay the Paſſions of Men, was King James's Decla⯑ration to the Privy Council immediately af⯑ter the Breath was out of his Brother's Body, Whereby he promiſed to defend the Government of England, both in Church and State, and carefully to tread in the Foot⯑ſteps of his late Majeſty, with regard to his Kindneſs and Lenity towards his People; and that as on the one Hand, he would de⯑fend the juſt Rights and Prerogatives of the Crown, ſo on the other, he would invade no Man's Property.

I ſtayed at York a few Days to keep the Peace, and, in the mean time, had Notice [190] from the proper Hands, that I was continu⯑ed in my Command, and that I had leave to ſet out for London, as I, indeed had de⯑ſired. date Feb. 16. But now there began to be great Changes at Court; Lord Rocheſter was made Lord High Treaſurer of England; Lord Privy Seal was made Lord Preſident of the Council; which tho' it was a Step higher as to Place, it was much doubted that it was not at his Lordſhip's Deſire; the Truſt and Profit of the Privy Seal being judged to be an overbalance for the Honour of the other. And now we had the agreeable Proſpect of of a Parliament, which it was ſaid his Ma⯑jeſty intended ſhould meet in May next.

It was now beyond all Doubt that the date April 13. King was a Papiſt; for he went publickly to Maſs, tho' he ordered the Chappel of Whitehall to be kept in Statu quo; whither the Princeſs of Denmark repaired daily, while the King did the ſame to the Queen's pri⯑vate Chappel. In the Interim, I was cho⯑ſen a Member to ſit in the enſuing Parlia⯑ment for the City of York; and with this new Charge, I this Day ſat forward for London; where being arrived, my Lord Marquiſs of Hallifax told me he and Lord Rocheſter, the Treaſurer, were now very well together; that he had uſed his conſtant [191] Endeavours to ſerve the King, and that he would continue to do the ſame; but that he hoped his Majeſty would not think of im⯑poſing his Religion on him; which he ſeem⯑ed ſorrowfully to apprehend, the moſt con⯑ſiderable Poſts in the Army in Ireland, being now put into the Hands of Papiſts. His Lordſhip then recalled to me ſeveral Inſtan⯑ces of the late King's Kindneſs to him, and certainly no Man was deeper in his Favour, when his Majeſty was unfortunately ſnatch⯑ed away, than my Lord Marquiſs. A few date April 22. Days afterwards, I waited on his Majeſty, kiſſed his Hand, and at the ſame time pre⯑ſented him with an Addreſs from the young Men of the City of York, who had petition⯑ed me for leave to exerciſe themſelves at Arms on certain Days of the Year, which the King received very kindly.

The next Day my Lord Hallifax told me he had had two private Audiences of the King, and that he had in ſuch plain Terms told him his Mind, upon the grand Point of Government, that he much wondered the King, conſidering his natural Temper, took it with that Calmneſs and Compoſure he did. His Lordſhip then obſerved, It poſſibly might be inſiſted on, that ſome Acts ſhould, in the enſuing Parliament, be repealed, which [192] would require a weighty and mature Deli⯑beration; and touched on ſome Things not altogether ſo fit to be inſerted in this Place.

date April 23. The King was crowned and the Queen in Weſtminſter-Abbey, with all imaginable Pomp and magnificence, except that there was no Cavalcade thorough the City, as the Cuſtom had formerly been.

Their Majeſties went privately to the Pa⯑lace at Weſtminſter, where they, the Nobili⯑ty, and all the Officers of the Crown put on their Robes, Formalities, and Enſigns, and thence proceeded thorough Palace-yard, rail⯑ed in and prepared for that Purpoſe, in Pro⯑ceſſion to Weſtminſter-Abbey, whence the Ce⯑remony being compleated, they all returned to the Hall, to a moſt ſumptuous Dinner. And now the Gentlemen of the Houſe of Commons began to conſider what the Court might demand of them, as well as what might be granted at the approaching Seſſi⯑on, the Parliament conſiſting of a great Number of Loyal Gentlemen, who were nevertheleſs, good Patriots, and true Pro⯑teſtants. The Report went, that there would be more required in Behalf of Pope⯑ry, than the Laws now in Force would al⯑low of; and that the King expected the Settlement of a conſtant Revenue upon him, [193] ſuitable to that of the late King, beſides a Sum of ready Money to ſubvene his preſeut Occaſions. That in favour of Popery it would be propoſed to repeal the Habeas Cor⯑pus Act, which I found was much oppoſed by ſome great ones, in their private Diſ⯑courſe, as well as by ſome of us; and to en⯑act a general Toleration or Liberty of Con⯑ſcience, which ſome ſeemed willing enough to ſubſcribe to; tho' at the ſame time, the Reſolution was to admit of no Alteration to capacitate Papiſts to enjoy any Place or Im⯑ployment in or under the Government. As for the Affair of Money, Men in general ſeemed willing to ſettle an handſome Reve⯑nue upon the King, and to give him Mo⯑ney, but whether their Grant ſhould be per⯑manent or only temporary, and to be renew⯑ed from time to time by Parliament, that the Nation might be the oftner conſulted, was the Queſtion: In all this, I reſolved punctually to do my Duty to the Crown, but not to be unmindful of a due Regard for my Country, and my Religion.

date May 4. I had ſome Diſcourſe with Mr. Hilliard, Sir Roger Martin, and other, Gentlemen of great Conſideration with the Popiſh Party: They told me, The King would expect a Repeal of the Sanguinary Laws; that the [194] Papiſts ſhould be allowed the private exer⯑ciſe of their Religion, and that they, at leaſt ſuch as had ſerved the Royal Family in the Wars or otherwiſe ſhould be capable of Em⯑ployment under him: That the King would, in Parliament, give full Satisfaction to the Nation, with regard to their Religion and Properties; but that if Reaſon would not ſerve his Purpoſe, he knew what he had to do. That the King would never divide the regal Power by admitting of that of the Pope; that his Majeſty was too fond of Power to be guilty of that Overſight; and that his adhering to the Defence of the Church of England, would on the other Hand, deter the Pope from preſſing him to admit of his Supremacy; in ſhort, That it was but reaſonable the King ſhould inſiſt on the Repeal of the ſeverer penal Laws a⯑gainſt the Papiſts; for that if he ſhould die, he would leave them in as ill a plight as he found them: But what Wiſdom or Senſe there was in thoſe who, at this time, could offer at ſuch Arguments, need not be ſaid.

I waited on the King in his Barge from Whitehall to Somerſet-houſe, where he went to viſit the Queen Dowager: It was upon this Day, that the noted Doctor Oates was convi⯑cted of Perjury, it being proved, that he was at [195] St. Omers the 24th of April, 1678, when he ſwore he was at the White-horſe Tavern in the Strand, where Pickering, Groves, Ireland, and other Jeſuits ſigned the Death of King Charles the Second: This was a grate⯑ful hearing to the King, who thereupon ob⯑ſerved, That, indeed, there had been a Meeting of the Jeſuits that Day, and that all the Scholars of St. Omers knew of it, but that it was well Doctor Oates knew no bet⯑ter where it was to be; for, ſays his Maje⯑ſty, they met in St. James's where I then lived, which if Oates had but known, he would have cut out a fine Spot of Work for me. The King then ſubjoined, That Oates being thus convicted, the Popiſh Plot was now dead; to which I anſwering, That it had been long ſince dead, and that now it would be buried; his Majeſty ſo well ap⯑proved of the Turn, that going with him afterwards to the Princeſs of Denmark's, I heard him repeat it to her.

Three or four Days afterwards, we had Advice, That a Store of Arms had been bought up in Holland, and conveyed into Scotland; and that Lord Argyle, Lord Grey, and ſome ſaid the Duke of Monmouth, were actually gone with them, or after them.

[196] Mean while, the Parliament aſſembled in the date May 19. uſual Apartments at Weſtminſter, but did no⯑thing this Day but take the Oaths, and chuſe their Speaker, Sir John Trevor, who was con⯑firmed by the King: The two next Days were alſo taken up in ſwearing the Members, and taking the Teſt. On the twenty ſecond, the King made a Speech to both Houſes, and therein aſſured them, he would ſupport and defend the Church of England, whoſe Mem⯑bers had ever been moſt Loyal in the worſt of Times, in the Cauſe of his Father, and the Support of his Brother; as alſo to ad⯑here to the Government both in Church and State, as by Law eſtabliſhed; and that as he never would depart from the juſt Rights and Prerogatives of the Crown, ſo neither would he attempt to invade any Man's Pro⯑perty. He deſired of us ſuitable Returns in ſettling the Revenue on him for Life, as in the Days of the late King; and conclud⯑ed with an Account he had received from Scotland, that the Earl of Argyle was landed with Men and Arms, on the Weſtern Iſlands of that Kingdom; and that the ſaid Lord had publiſhed two Declarations, in both of which he charged him with Tyranny and Uſurpation.

[197] The Commons returning to their Houſe, immediately voted, That the King's Speech ſhould be taken into ſpeedy Conſideration, and were ſo well pleaſed with the ſolemn Security the King had given them as to their Religion and Property, That they voted him the very ſame Revenue for his Life, as had been enjoyed by the late King for hi [...]. They then voted, That the King ſhould, by the whole Houſe in a Body, be thanked for his Speech, in which the Lords concur⯑red, and it was accordingly done the next Day; when they farthermore voted an Ad⯑dreſs to his Majeſty, aſſuring him, They would ſtand by him with their Lives and Fortunes, againſt Argyle, his Abettors, and all other Traitors whatſoever; which being preſented accordingly to the King, he was pleaſed to anſwer, That he expected no leſs from a Parliament ſo happily made up of Monarchical and Church-of-Englandmen, and that he ſhould fear no Enemy he either had or might have, while he had them on his Side. And now all Things ſeemed to ſmile with a very auſpicious Countenance, the King forbearing the leaſt Advances to⯑wards a Change of Religion, and ſeeming to be bent quite the contrary Way.

[198] In the Midſt of this, a Motion was made date May 25. in the Houſe, That ſomething now ſhould be done to pleaſe the People, after ſo much had been done to gratify the King; point⯑ing at a proper Security for the Proteſtant Religion; upon which a Debate ariſing, it was referred to the Committee of Religion. This Committee, the next Day, paſſed a Vote, That the Houſe ſhould be moved by them, To reſolve to ſtand by the King, with their Lives and Fortunes, for the De⯑fence of the Religion of the Church of Eng⯑land, as by Law eſtabliſhed: As alſo to pre⯑ſent an Addreſs to the King, to iſſue out his Royal Proclamation, for putting the Laws in Execution againſt all Diſſenters of what Denomination ſoever; and theſe Votes, tho' in a very full Committee, paſſed Nemine Contradicente.

date 27 But the next Day, when the ſame came to be reported to the Houſe, a Debate took Birth, whether the Houſe ſhould concurr with the Committee or not? Againſt the Queſtion it was argued, That it was remind⯑ing the King of a Neglect of his Duty; that the Juſtices of Peace were in Fault that the Laws were not more duly executed; that Votes of this Sort would alarm the King⯑dom, and might create a Jealouſy of the [199] King, who had ſo ſolemnly declared his Intentions to defend our Religion; that the King had told us, The Way to keep a good Underſtanding between him and his Parlia⯑ment, would be to uſe him well, and that he could not but take this amiſs; and finally, That it might be an Encouragement to the Rebels already in Arms in the Kingdom of Scotland, and ſo on. To this it was anſwer⯑ed, That it would have but an indifferent Look with the Nation, if we being Mem⯑bers of the Church of England, ſhould let ſuch commendable Votes in favour of our Religion drop unheeded: At length the previous Queſtion being put, Whether to a⯑gree or not to agree with the Committee, it was carried in the Negative. The whole Matter then was ſummed up in this Vote, That an Addreſs ſhould be made to the King, purporting that the Houſe did entire⯑ly rely on his Royal Declaration, that he would defend and ſecure the reformed Reli⯑gion of the Church of England, as by Law e⯑ſtabliſhed, by far dearer and nearer to them than their Lives.

date May 30. We had now Information, That Argyle had penetrated into his own Territories in the North of Scotland, with a Body of 3000 Men, and that he was fortifying himſelf [200] date 1685 there. The next Day, the King came to the Houſe of Lords, and paſſed the Bill for the Continuance of the Revenue of Exciſe and Cuſtoms for his own Life. Having done this, he ſpoke to both Houſes, and thanked them for the Chearfulneſs and Alacrity wherewith they had paſſed the ſame; he ſaid, their Diſpatch was as pleaſing to him as the Bill itſelf; but at the ſame time de⯑ſired ſome extraordinary Supply for the Na⯑vy and Ordnance Stores, for paying off the late King's Debts to his Servants and Fami⯑ly, and for defraying the Charge he was like to be at in quelling the Rebellion in Scotland; he then recommended the Navy to us, as the Strength and Glory of the Nation; aſ⯑ſuring us he had a true Engliſh Heart, jea⯑lous of the Honour of the Nation; and that he pleaſed himſelf with the Thoughts, by God's Bleſſing, and their Aſſiſtance, to raiſe the Reputation of it in the World, higher than it had ever yet been in the Days of any of his Anceſtors.

date June 11. This Speech being taken into Conſidera⯑tion, it was, by a Committee of the whole Houſe, voted that a Supply ſhould be grant⯑ed to his Majeſty for the Uſes therein ſpecifi⯑ed. While Things were going on in this eaſy and harmonious Manner, we had News from [201] Lyme in Dorſetſhire, That the Duke of Mon⯑mouth was landed in that Neighbourhood, with Arms for 20,000 Men, together with Officers and Soldiers, to the Number of a⯑bout 200; that many of the People flocked in to him, from that factious Country, and that he had declared himſelf the Protector of the Proteſtant Religion, againſt Popery. With all Speed then the King ſent down the Duke of Albemarle, the Lord Lieutenant of that Part, to raiſe the Militia; and after him, ſome Companies of the ſtanding Foot, and ſix Troops of Horſe and Dragoons. Lyme is naturally a ſafe and advantagious Poſt, and was in Monmouth's Power; ſo that in two or three Days more, we heard he was 300 ſtrong; but, at the ſame time, that the Duke of Albemarle had raiſed the Mili⯑tia, and was marching towards him with ſome 8000 Men.

The King no ſooner heard that Monmouth was landed, as we have ſaid, than he com⯑municated the ſame to the Commons; upon which they immediately voted him their Thanks, and reſolved, in a Body of the whole Houſe, to wait on his Majeſty with their own Addreſs, wherein they promiſed to ſtand by him with their Lives and For⯑tunes, againſt that ungrateful Rebel James [202] Duke of Monmouth, and all others whoſo⯑ever they might be; ſuch were the promiſing Beginnings of this ſhort and memorable Reign. Soon after comes Monmouth's De⯑claration, which the King, the next Day, ſent to both Houſes, who attended him that very Day, and voted a Reward of 5000 l. to any Body that ſhould take him, and bring him to the King, dead or alive. This De⯑claration charged James Duke of York, for ſo it ſtiled the King, with the Burning of the City, the Death of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, the Murder of Sidney, and Lord Ruſſell, with the Poiſoning of the late King, and tearing his Crown from his Head: It charged him alſo with being a Slave to Popiſh Councils, and with packing the preſent Parliament; and that therefore he was come to revenge all theſe Things on the pretended King; that he would never hearken to any Terms, or Accommoda⯑tion 'till his Work was compleated, and that as he was reſolved to give no Quarter to thoſe that oppoſed him, he exhorted all good Peo⯑ple to come in and aſſiſt him. To this he ſubjoined, that he had a juſt Title to the Crown, but that he would lay no Claim to it 'till he had called a free Parliament, to whom he was ready to give full Satisfaction as to that Matter; that Parliaments ſhould [203] ſit every Year, nor he diſmiſſed 'till all Grievances were redreſſed, and that he would grant Liberty of Conſcience to all Manner of People, not excluding even the Papiſts, and much more in the ſame Strain.

Mean while, came News that Monmouth having marched out of the Town of Lyme with 200 Foot, and 100 Horſe, had met with ſome of the Dorſetſhire Militia, fallen on them, killed ſeveral Perſons of Note, and taken ſome Priſoners. And now an additional Supply is voted, for defraying the Expence of the War, againſt the Duke of Monmouth. The Houſe upon this Occaſion reſolved it ſelf into a Committee of the whole, to con⯑ſider of the Ways and Means for raiſing this new Supply, voted That it ſhonld be levied upon ſuch new Foundations, as had been built upon within the Compaſs of the Bills of Mortality, ſince the Year 1660, except⯑ing the late general Fires in the City of London and Borough of Southwark. Secondly, That it ſhould be levyed only upon the Rents of the ſame Houſes for the Term of one Year, Thirdly, Upon ſuch Foundations as were now laid. Fourthly, That there ſhould be a Clauſe to prevent any more Buildings within the ſaid Limits. Fifthly, That the Houſe ſhould be moved that a Bill [204] might be brought in for that Intent; in all which the Houſe concurred with the Com⯑mittee.

date June 18. The next Day the King ſent to us, to de⯑ſire we would give him Credit upon ſome Fund, for ſuch a Sum as we ſhould think fit to grant him, towards the Suppreſſion of the Rebellion in the Weſt; and that we would prepare our Buſineſs ſo as to be in a Condition to adjourn for ſome time, within a few Days. Upon this we reſolved again into a Committee of the whole Houſe, and voted him the Sum of 400,000 l. the Sum agreed on the Day before; and at the ſame Time appointed a Committee to enquire in⯑to, and bring in an Eſtimate of the yearly Value of the Rents of the new Buildings upon new Foundations.

date 19 But notwithſtanding all this, the Court ſeemed to be much concerned at the In⯑creaſe of the Duke of Monmouth's Forces, which were now reported to conſiſt of 4000 Foot, and four Troops of Horſe, with which having marched towards Taunton, a populous and factious Town, he made him⯑ſelf Maſter thereof, two Regiments of the Militia running away, when they heard he was near the Place; but the Duke of Albe⯑marle had ſtill Orders not to fight 'till the [205] ſtanding Troops had joined him, which it was ſuppoſed they would do upon the 20th Inſtant; on which Day alſo ſome 2500 of the Guards, Horſe and Foot, marched to reinforce the Troops that had before been ſent to the Duke of Albemarle, commanded by Lord Feverſham. The ſame Day, the Commons underſtanding it would be a te⯑dious Task to levy the neceſſary Sums upon the new Foundations, proceeded to ſhift the Tax upon French Linnen, Brandies, Calli⯑coes, &c.

But I cannot help obſerving, that my Lord Hallifax took it ill of me, That I had been ſo earneſt for the taxing of the new Buildings, he having a deep Concern there⯑in; but I told him it was my Judgment, and that if my Father's Intereſt had been ever ſo much therein, I ſhould have done the ſame Thing; that however, I was very ſorry He, above all Men in the World, ſhould diſapprove of any Thing I did; but we prefently underſtood each other, and he ſaid he was very ſorry he had ſaid any Thing to diſturb me: This, tho' a Tranſaction of quite a private Nature, I could not forbear the mention of, as it was the only Time we ever ſo much as ſeemed to differ; but to re⯑turn to Matters of more general Importance.

[206] This Day his Majeſty had Advice from date June 22. Scotland, that the Earl of Dunbarton, com⯑mander in chief of his Forces in that King⯑dom, having Notice, that the Rebels had paſſed the River above Dunbarton, had marched from Glaſgow to Sterling, and over⯑took them near the Cloſe of the Day, but that in the Night the Rebels ſtole away from him into Renfrew; that the ſaid Earl then purſued them with his Horſe and Dragoons, and underſtood that they were making away from him in very great Confuſion; that the ſame Day three Servants belonging to a Gentleman of Renfrew, fell upon the Earl of Argyle, as he was getting away in the Diſ⯑guiſe of a Countryman, with a blue Bonnet on his Head; and that they had wounded him in ſeveral Places of the Head; till at laſt, fearing they would kill him, he con⯑feſſed himſelf to be the Earl of Argyle; and that thereupon they had taken him Priſoner, and conducted him to Glaſgow, where he was committed. The King ſent an Account of all this to the Commons, who returned their Thanks for the ſame, by ſuch of their Members as were of the Privy Council, who came back with this Anſwer, That his Ma⯑jeſty was every Day more and more ſatisfied with them for their Zeal and Loyalty to [207] his Perſon and Government, and that he gave them his Thanks.

date June 23. The next Day the King had Notice, that Monmouth had ſent a Letter to the Duke of Albemarle, under the Stile and Title of his moſt truſty and well-beloved Couſin and Councellor, Chriſtopher Duke of Albemarle, charging him upon his Allegiance to come into his Aid and Aſſiſtance; in a Word, That he now took upon him to be King; that he was marched from Taunton towards Briſtol with about 5000 Men and Boys, and that Albemarle was at his Heels.

The next Day I hapned to dine with Sir date 24 James Smith, the Lord Mayor of London, whom I had formerly known intimately well, and who was of a very Loyal Club in the City, where I uſed to go, while the Fanatic Plot was in agitation. This Gen⯑tleman complained to me, That he enjoyed no more than the bare Title of Lord Mayor, the Lord chief Juſtice Jefferies uſurping the Power; that the City had no Sort of Inter⯑courſe with the King, but by the Intervention of that Lord; that whatever was well done in the City, was attributed to his Influence and Management; and that himſelf and the Aldermen were by the Court looked upon no better than his Tools: That upon all Oc⯑caſions [208] his Lordſhip was ſo forgetful of the high Dignity of the City as to uſe him and his Brethren with Contempt; in fine, that the Lord Chief Juſtice was to be pitied; that his Haughtineſs would be the ruin of him; and that he actually intended to let the King into the Myſtery of theſe Things; but that he thought the preſent Time was not altogether ſo proper, ſeeing a Remon⯑ſtrance of this Tendency might be conſtrued into Mutiny and Diſaffection. I anſwered, That the King was too well acquainted with the Lord Mayor's Services and Integrity to ſuſpect him of that, and that, in my Opini⯑on, now was the fitteſt Time for expoſing a Man in that Credit at Court; for that now the greateſt Notice would be taken of all ſuch Grievances. Indeed I was ſorry at my Heart to ſee ſuch good Men diſſatisfied in any Degree; but I was as glad to find this proud Man ſeen through; for he had to my Knowledge uſed the City of York as ſcurvi⯑ly as it was poſſible for him to uſe the City of London. For at York he put out five Aldermen tho' he had ſolemnly engaged to keep them in, and that, without ſo much as allowing them to be heard as to the Crimes they ſtood accuſed of. The Lord Mayor ſaid the very fame had been frequently pra⯑ctiſed [209] in London, and that many had been turned out of their Employments without ſo much as being ſuffered to make their De⯑fence. In ſhort, I was at the very ſame Time told by one of the Lieutenancy of the City, That ſhould the Duke of Monmouth give a Blow to the King's Forces, it was much to be feared there would be an Inſur⯑rection in London.

date July. 2. This Day, both Houſes attended the King in the Houſe of Lords, and his Majeſty having paſſed five Bills, ordered the Houſe to be adjourned to the 4th of Auguſt, which was done accordingly. And now the Fears of thoſe who were Friends to the Govern⯑ment, added to the Hopes of thoſe who were averſe to it. The Duke of Monmouth's Army was ſwelled to a Body of 12000 Foot, and 1500 Horſe, which moved from Place to Place, in the hilly and incloſed Country of the Weſt, where tho' the King's Army kept pretty cloſe in with them; they could not offer to give Battle. The King's Army, that was neareſt to Monmouth, was command⯑ed by Lord Feverſham, and did not conſiſt of above 3000 Foot, and five hundred Horſe, but then they were moſtly of the Guards. In a Day or two the King had Advice, that Monmouth had got into Bridgewater, that he [210] intended to fortify himſelf there whilſt he refreſhed his Army, and that Lord Fever⯑ſham was cloſe after him.

date July 6. The Duke of Monmouth being then inform⯑ed, That Lord Feverſham lay incamped at not above three Miles from Bridgewater, that his Army was as yet but ſmall, that he was in Expectation of being reinforced by three Engliſh, and three Scotch Regiments from Holland, and that a Body of Horſe was on its March from London to the ſame Purpoſe; he ſteals out about one in the Morn⯑ing, with his whole Army, and moves to⯑wards the Royal Camp, and that with ſuch Silence and good Order, That the King's People knew nothing of the Approach 'till alarmed by the Fire of one of their out Sen⯑tries. The Duke of Monmouth marched at the Head of the Foot, and Lord Grey led up the Horſe, and they brought their Cannon to play within Piſtol-ſhot. On the other Hand, our People got into Order as faſt, and received them as well as could be ex⯑pected, but were ſo overpowered by Num⯑bers, that 'till Lord Grey went off with the Horſe, which were frightned at the Cannon, we were in very imminent Danger of loſing the Day: But for the Duke of Monmouth, he ſtood 'till a great Part of his Foot was cut [211] to Pieces, and then made off; but ſo nar⯑rowly that his Coat, his Papers, and his Se⯑cretary were taken. Ferguſon, that Arch⯑presbyterian Prieſt and Rebel, and Lord Grey was taken in Diſguiſe, three Days af⯑terwards.

The Duke of Monmouth had, from the ve⯑ry Beginning of this deſperate Attempt, be⯑haved with the Conduct of a great Captain, as was allowed even by the King, who, in my Hearing, ſaid he had not made one falſe Step. And thus was this great Storm, which gathered from a ſmall Cloud, the Number that landed with the Duke not exceeding 150, thus I ſay, was this great Storm for⯑tunately not to ſay ſurpriſingly allayed. Had Monmouth obtained a Victory, it was much to be feared, that the Diſaffected would have riſen in ſuch Numbers, in the ſeveral Parts of England, as to have made the Crown date July 9. precarious. But to complete the King's good Fortune, came News, that the Duke himſelf had been taken in Diſguiſe in a Wood, by a Parcel of Country Fellows who were in queſt of him, together with one Count Horn, who being firſt diſcovered in a Buſh, told them the Duke himſelf was not far off; and the ſame Day the Ducheſs of Monmouth and her two Sons were ſent to [212] the Tower. The Duke, when he was ta⯑ken, was almoſt ſpent, not having been in a Bed for three Weeks; he was quite un⯑provided with Arms, nor made any Defence, being deſtitute of every thing but a Watch he had in his Pocket, and about three hun⯑dred Pounds in Gold, which was all the Money he had left. His Majeſty, and no wonder, was extremely well pleaſed at this News; but he was of a Temper ſo very e⯑qual, that he never appeared tranſported upon any Occaſion; and ſurely he never could have a greater Reaſon for it than now, that he ſaw the Rebellion plucked up by the very Roots, and himſelf firmer ſeated on the Throne, by the Endeavours that had been uſed to ſhake him out of it.

When his Grace came to Town, the King, at his own Requeſt, ſaw him at Whitehall, where he expreſſed ſome Deteſtation of his Attempt; threw the Blame on the Earl of Argyle, and Ferguſon, who had ſtirred him up to it; diſclaiming all Title to the Crown, and ſaid he was put upon aſſuming the Stile of King, with a View that the Quality would the ſooner come in to him; all this I heard the King ſay, but what he farther confeſſed, was not then known. He concluded with a Deſire of Pardon, and, on his Knees, [213] begged his Life of the King; and for the ſame, he, by Letters, ſollicited the two Queens, 'till his Head was at five Blows ſe⯑vered from his Body, on Tower-hill. When he came to ſuffer, he ſubmitted with great Unconcern, renounced all Pretence to the Crown, and unkindly, to ſay no worſe, diſ⯑owned his Ducheſs, who to him, who had nothing of his own, had brought a Fortune of ten thouſand Pounds a Year; ſaying ſhe was given to him as his Wife in the Days of his Minority, but that the Wife of his own Choice, was the Lady Henrietta Wentworth, the only Daughter and Heireſs of the Earl of Cleveland, whom he had debauched; with whom he confeſſed he had lived according to the Rules of his own Convenience, tho' not according to the Laws of the Land, for two Years paſt. He then ſaid he was ſorry for the Effuſion of Blood he had cauſed, but, throughout his whole Diſcourſe, made no mention of a Rebellion; and out of his Pocket were taken Books, in his own hand Writing, containing Charms or Spells to o⯑pen the Doors of a Priſon, to obviate the Danger of being wounded in Battle, toge⯑ther with Songs and Prayers; ſuch was the latter End of the Duke of Monmouth.

Towards the Cloſe of this Month, I [214] returned to my Government, where no⯑thing occurring of a Nature general enough to be worthy of public Notice, I ſhall hur⯑ry on to the End of October, when we had the bad News, That my Lord Marquiſs of Hallifax, Lord Preſident of the Privy Coun⯑cil, was fallen into Diſgrace with the King, and quite diſmiſſed from the Board; he had ever been a true and kind Patron to me; but what was more, he was a Man of great Integrity and moſt happy Talents, which made it feared the Public might feel the want of him as ſenſible as his Friends; but it being the King's Pleaſure, it became all good Subjects to ſubmit to it: But two or three Days afterwards, being with the Arch⯑biſhop of York and Sir Henry Gooderick, they told me, It was true the King had laid aſide the Lord Preſident, but that he had aſſigned no Cauſe for it, and expreſſed ſome Jealou⯑ſy, That the King would offer at ſomething this Seſſion, in favour of Popery.

date Nov. 9. And now the Term of the laſt Adjourn⯑ment being elapſed, I repaired to London; where I found the Houſe of Commons had deferred the Conſideration of the King's Speech, on the Day of their Meeting, which was the 9th, to the 13th Inſtant. The Houſe of Lords had voted their Thanks; [215] but the Commons being moved to the ſame, made Head againſt it, as we have hinted. The King in this Speech told the Houſes He was glad to meet them in better Times than when he parted with them; that the Rebellion was now perfectly quaſhed; but that, however, the Government might be in like Manner attempted for the future, it being experienced, that the Militia of the Kingdom was of no Uſe; that therefore as the ſtanding Force was but ſmall, he had raiſed it to a conſiderable Number, which would be an additional Charge upon him, for the Time to come; that, in conſideration thereof, he deſired a proportionable Aid: That it was true There were ſome popiſh Officers in this Army, but that he hoped it would make no Difference between him and his Parliament; for that tho' they were not qualified by Law, they were ſuch as had ſhewn their Principles by their Loyalty; and that having had Experience of this, he would not expoſe them to Shame by parting with them, or to that Effect; and that, in fine, he would venture his Life for the true Inte⯑reſt of the Nation.

date Nov. 13. The 13th inſtant being come, the Com⯑mons voted a Supply to his Majeſty, for his preſent Occaſions; but would neither ſpeci⯑fy [216] the Quantum, nor the particular Uſe it was deſigned for. Upon this a long Debate aroſe, and the Queſtion being put, they di⯑vided, the No's being 250, and the Ay's 125. They afterwards, the ſame Day, came to a Diviſion upon the Queſtion, Whether that Houſe ſhould firſt proceed upon the Sup⯑ply to the King, or upon the ſecond Para⯑graph of his Majeſty's Speech, concerning the popiſh Officers in the Army; and it was carryed for poſtponing the Supply, by one Voice only; in which Diviſion, the King was told That ſeveral of his Servants, and Officers of the Army, that were of the Houſe, were againſt him. The next Day I waited on the King to kiſs his Hand, and imme⯑diately date Nov. 14. he asked me when I came to Town? I told him, the night before: He ſaid, He was ſorry I had not been here ſooner, for that if I had, he ſhould not have loſt the Day before, for one ſingle Vote, which he ſaid was hard, and the more ſo becauſe it was owing to his own Officers; which I took to be an oblique Piece of Admonition to me. This ſame Day, The ſecond Part of the King's Speech was taken into Conſiderati⯑on, and the Reſult was, That an Addreſs ſhould be drawn up and preſented to his Majeſty, to repreſent to him, that the Re⯑ception [217] of Popiſh Recuſants into the Army was quite contrary to Law, and to deſire that they might be removed from their Poſts. A Committee was appointed for this Purpoſe, and likewiſe to frame a Bill for the indemnifying the ſaid Officers, in Conſidera⯑tion that they had entered into the Service at a Time of ſuch imminent Danger. Wait⯑ing this Day on Lord Hallifax, he told me the Particulars of his Diſmiſſion: He ſaid he might have continued with greater Ad⯑vanges than ever, if he could but in Conſci⯑ence have concurred in ſome Things which he ſaw in Embryo; that the King parted with him with ſeeming Kindneſs, but would aſſign no Cauſe for it, and that he would name no Body into his Place. This Lord being generally eſteemed a wiſe Man, and an excellent Subject, the Removal of him, eſpecially in almoſt the Infancy of a Parlia⯑ment, was Matter of Aſtoniſhment to great Numbers, and injected a Fear, That a Change of Councils was in conſequence to enſue a Change of Councellors.

date Nov. 19. Now the Debate, concerning the Aid to be granted to his Majeſty came on. The Motion was at firſt for two hundred thou⯑ſand Pounds, and then four hundred thou⯑ſand Pounds on the Part of the Country; [218] while thoſe of the Court inſiſted on twelve hundred thouſand Pounds, for the Payment of the new raiſed Forces, for a Term of five Years to come. But the Houſe would give no Ear to ſuch an Application of the Money they might give, leſt it ſhould prove a Foun⯑dation for the Support of a ſtanding Army; they rather choſe to give it to the King to do with it as he would; and at length ſe⯑ven hundred thouſand Pounds was propoſed, and granted. In the Courſe of this Debate, the Uſefulneſs of a ſtanding Army, eſpeci⯑ally 'till the Ferment of the Rebellion was quite ſettled, was much inſiſted on by the one Side, while the other expoſed the Dan⯑ger of it, the Infolency of [...] Soldiery, the ill Example they were of to the Country, and the heavy Burthen of free Quarters: But there was a Compromiſſion of all this, by the Houſes declaring its Intention to make the Militia of more Uſe for the Time to come, and 'till then it was agreed on, as a Thing neceſſary, that the Army ſhould be kept on Foot.

The Addreſs againſt popiſh Officers being prepared, was this Day read, and agreed to; but a Debate aroſe, Whether the Concur⯑rence of the Lords ſhould be deſired or not: The Courtiers were againſt it, that the King [219] might have the better Excuſe not to comply with it, and the Country Gentlemen were, for that Reaſon, for enforcing it the more; and upon this Occaſion I divided with the Country, but we loſt it by ſome forty Voices. The next Day we conſidered of the Ways and Means for raiſing the ſeven hundred thouſand Pounds we had granted, and the ſame Day we went in a Body, with our Addreſs to the King, who had appointed that to be the Time for his receiving it: But his Anſwer was, That he did not expect ſuch an Addreſs from ſuch a Houſe of Commons eſpecially as he had ſo lately offered to our Conſideration the great Advantages of an Union between him and us, the good Effects of which had been already experienced: ‘"I had, ſaid he, Reaſon to hope the Repu⯑tation God has bleſſed me with in the World, might have created and confirm⯑ed in you, a greater Confidence of me, and of all I ſay to you: But however you, on your Part, proceed, I, on mine, ſhall be ſteady to all the Promiſes I have made, and be very juſt to my Word given in e⯑very one of my Speeches;"’ this he utter⯑ed with great Warmth.

date Nov. 18. The Houſe, the next Day, conſulted on the Means to make the Militia of more ef⯑fectual [220] Service for the future, but the De⯑bate was adjourned to the 21ſt inſtant. At the ſame time it was moved by Mr. Wharton, eldeſt Son to the Lord Wharton, That a Day might be appointed for the Conſideration of the King's Anſwer to our Addreſs; which was ſeconded by Mr. Cook, of Derbyſhire, a Gentleman of three thouſand Pounds per Annum, who was ſo warm as, upon this Oc⯑caſion, to ſay, We were all Engliſhmen, and that he hoped we ſhould not be frightned from our Duty, by a few high Words: But the Houſe reſented this as an Expreſſion of great In⯑decency, and, in great Anger, ſending their Member to the Tower, deferred the Buſi⯑neſs ſine Die.

The next Day, the Lords began to conſi⯑der that Part of his Majeſty's Speech, relat⯑ing to popiſh Officers, and grew very warm in their Debate, which was adjourned to the 23d inſtant. The King hapned to be pre⯑ſent, as he was generally conſtant in the Houſe of Lords, and was much concerned at the Freedom which they ſaid was uſed upon this Subject. And, in truth, it gave great Diſſatisfaction, that the Law in this Point particularly, would be thus invaded and ſet at nought; and the very beſt of the King's Friends, as well as his Officers whe⯑ther [221] Civil or Military, except ſuch as were popiſhly inclined, were ſtrangely alarmed thereat, and expreſſed themſelves with great Freedom whenever it hapned to be the To⯑pic of their Diſcourſe.

date Nov. 20. In the midſt of this, the King, in the uſual State, comes and, by the Lord Chan⯑cellor, acquaints both Houſes, That for cer⯑tain weighty Reaſons, his Majeſty thought fit to prorogue this Parliament untill the 10th of February next, and that it was pro⯑rogued accordingly. This gave Birth to many Conjectures: Some ſaid the King had ſo good a Revenue, and was ſo good a Ma⯑nager, that he had it in his Power to ſubſiſt both his Fleet and his Army without more Money; and that therefore he would ſcarce have Occaſion for any more Parliaments; that this ſeemed the more likely as he had, by this Prorogation, refuſed the Sum of ſe⯑ven hundred thouſand Pounds, which the Commons were preparing to give him: While others believed the King would cer⯑tainly meet us again, at the Term prefixed, and that, in the mean Time, he would find out ſome Expedient to ſatisfy the Houſes as to the only Article they complained of, meaning the Affair of the popiſh Officers; which though it was ſaid, might be ſhrewd⯑ly [222] doubted, ſeeing that ſome of the Gentle⯑men, who had ſignalized themſelves for the Addreſs, were forbidden the King's Pre⯑ſence, which was the Caſe of Mr. Fox, Pay⯑maſter to the Army, Lieutenant Colonel Darcy, Major Webb, and others we need not mention.

To paſs over Lord Brandon's Trial and Condemnation, for the Concern he had had with the Duke of Monmouth, we muſt now obſerve, That the popiſh Party behaved with great Inſolence; which was the more re⯑marked, as the King of France was now in the Height of perſecuting his Proteſtant Subjects, who many of them fled as they could, poor and naked; being ſtripped of all they had. This ſo great and cruel an In⯑ſtance of the Spirit that, for the moſt part, poſſeſſes thoſe of this deluſive Perſuaſion, was now the Talk of all thinking People, who began to be of Opinion, that every thing juſt and lawful, ought to be done to obviate the Growth, and abate the preſent Pride of the Papiſts in our Dominions. But the King, as if he had a Mind to ſhew us date Dec. 2. his Diſpoſition for Clemency, this Day de⯑clared he had reprieved the Lord Brandon, who was to have been executed three Days afterwards; which, it muſt be owned, was [223] a great Act of Mercy in his Majeſty, this Lord having been pardoned in the late Reign, for breaking a Boy's Neck, when he was in his Cups, of which being convict⯑ed, he was condemned as guilty of Mur⯑ther.

At this Time the favourites at Court, be⯑gan to be at Strife with each other; the Lord Sunderland was made Preſident of the Council, and continued Secretary of State; his Lordſhip having artfully inſinuated to the Queen (he had then a Miſunderſtanding with the Treaſurer) That the Friends and Relations of the King's firſt Wife, as Ro⯑cheſter, Clarendon, Dartmouth, and others, were in greateſt Favour, and in Poſſeſſion of the beſt Places, while her Friends, tho' ſhe was Queen Conſort, were but ſlenderly pro⯑vided for; and her Friends being reckoned to be, Lord Sunderland, the Lord Chancel⯑lor, and the Lord Churchill, they began to play their private Batteries againſt each o⯑ther.

I, for my Part, had ſeen ſo many Changes backwards and forwards, ſo many of both great and ſmall removed and ſhifted about, that I muſt confeſs the Thoughts thereof began to damp the Flight of my Ambition; and made me conclude, There was a Time [224] when every ſober Man would chuſe to re⯑tire, and be content with what he had, rather than venture his Subſtance and Con⯑ſcience upon the uncertain Hazard of aug⯑menting his Wealth; not that I found the King any way altered with regard to my⯑ſelf, or that I deſpaired of keeping my Ground, tho' my great and good Friend was out; on the contrary, could I but have ſtrained to the Pitch ſome did, I am per⯑ſuaded I had a fairer Opportunity of raiſing my ſelf than ever I had; but I preferred a certain Safety to an uncertain Grandeur.

But Things now, with regard to thoſe who enjoyed any Poſts under the Govern⯑ment, ſeemed to be carried to a very extra⯑ordinary Length; for Fox, the Paymaſter of the Army, whoſe Employ was valued at ten thouſand Pounds per Annum, and Colonel John Darcy, Grandchild and Heir to the Earl of Holderneſs, having offended the King by their Votes in the lower Houſe, and hav⯑ing been thereupon forbidden the King's Preſence, were now wholly laid aſide; and it was now ſaid that in Council it had been agreed, That all Perſons, who for the future, offended in the ſame Way, would be ſerved in the ſame Manner, which ſtartled a Num⯑ber of People. And now it was obſerved, [225] that the Lord Treaſurer was more lowly and obliging than uſual, whence it was conje⯑ctured that the Odds were againſt him, and as much was confeſſed by ſome even of his his Friends; his Lordſhip now ſetting up for the Proteſtant Intereſt, and the Queen and her Friends for the Popiſh.

Beſides the Gentlemen I have already nam⯑ed, there were ſeveral other Members diſ⯑miſſed from their Imployments, for not vot⯑ing as the King expected they ſhould, and particularly ſuch as were Officers in the Ar⯑my, who being not only ſo, but alſo great and very eminent for their Families and Ser⯑vices to the Crown, it was Matter of great wonder to every Body. But what ſurpriſed me as much as any Thing was to hear, from the Archbiſhop of York, That Lord Marquiſs of Hallifax was coming again into play; an agreeable Surpriſe this, eſpecially as the Times ſeemed to turn; but the very next Day, I had the Mortification to underſtand, from the Marquiſs's own Mouth, that there was no manner of Foundation for the Re⯑port. The Duke of Albemarle now told me ſeveral Things concerning the State of Af⯑fairs, which aſtoniſhed me very much, Gen⯑tlemen were now in a moſt unprecedented Manner aſſaulted in the very Streets; one [226] had a Powder thrown into his Eyes, which deprived him of Sight; another had his Throat cut by two Men, tho' neither of theſe Gentlemen had given the leaſt viſible Provocation or Offence to the Aggreſſors; and the Duke of Albemarle was met by a Gentleman who threatned him as his Grace was going along in his Chair. And now it was whiſpered, That the King would ſtill farther prorogue the Parliament 'till May; which certainly was the wiſeſt Courſe he had, at this Time, to take, if he could not reſolve to give ſome proper Satisfaction to the Houſes, with regard to the popiſh Offi⯑cers; but that this was far from his Thoughts, and quite contrary to his Intention, appear⯑ed by a late Admiſſion of ſeveral others of that Superſtition into Military Poſts. In ſhort the King unhappily perſiſting in his own Way, diſcharged his Anger againſt the Biſhop of London, a moſt worthy Prelate, Brother to the late Earl of Northampton, putting him away from the Council Board, on account of a Speech he had, the laſt Seſ⯑ſions, made in the Houſe of Lords, concern⯑the popiſt Officers; tho' as I was told, by the Archbiſhop of York, it was ſpoken with all the Deference and Reſpect imaginable. This decent Speech was by ſome ſaid to be [227] the Cauſe of his Lordſhip's Diſmiſſion; but others attributed it to his Induſtry in keep⯑ing the Princeſs of Denmark within the Pale of the Proteſtant Church, in oppoſition to ſome extraordinary Endeavours to get her over to that of the Church of Rome.

date Jan. 14. My Lord Delamere was, this Day, tryed by a particular Commiſſion, directed to the Lord High Steward, and thirty other Peers. The Crime laid to his Charge was conſpir⯑ing to raiſe a Rebellion, and to ſubvert the Government, in Conjunction with the Duke of Monmouth, and other falſe Traitors, and ſo on. I hapned to ſit near the King dur⯑ing the whole Tryal; but the only poſitive Evidence againſt his Lordſhip was one Sax⯑ton, an obſcure Fellow, who ſwore that a⯑bout the Time of the Duke of Monmouth's Landing, he was recommended by the Lord Brandon, to the Lord Delamere, and diſcourſ⯑ed with him at his Houſe in Cheſhire, upon the 4th of June, Sir Robert Cotton, and ano⯑ther Gentleman being preſent; that their Converſation was about Aſſiſtance to be gi⯑ven to the ſaid Duke, and that his Lord⯑ſhip ſhould ſay, He was engaged to raiſe 10000 Men in his Cauſe, but that he could not effect it ſo ſoon as he had promiſed, becauſe of a preſent Want he was under of Money. [228] What the other Witneſſes had to alledge, was all Circumſtance and Hearſay: Some ſaid the Duke of Monmouth had told them, He depended upon Help from Lord Macclesfield, Lord Brandon, and Lord Delamere, and that they would be ready to riſe in Cheſhire, as ſoon as he landed: Others ſwore that the Duke had written and ſent Meſſages to his Friends in London, to give Notice to the Lords to be ready, and that he was preparing for England. In the Courſe of this Tryal, a Point of Law never before heard of, was ſtarted, by the Lord High Steward, and the Solicitor General, namely, That tho' there were but one poſitive Evidence, in a Caſe of High Treaſon, if the reſt, tho' but circumſtantial, concurred therewith, it was ſufficient to find a Priſoner guilty; for Ex⯑ample, ſuppoſing one Man ſhould hear ano⯑ther ſay, he intended to kill the King, upon ſuch a Day, and that another ſwears he ſaw the Party lie in wait to proſecute his Inten⯑tion, the Evidence is ſufficient. But what⯑ever there might be in this Law, it was by no Means applicable to the Priſoner; for he moſt convincingly diſproved the main Evi⯑dence, Saxton, and, by the cleareſt Teſti⯑mony, made it appear, That neither the two Gentlemen nor himſelf were upon the [229] Spot upon the 4th of June; that two of them were then actually in London, and the other ſixteen Miles off: He urged alſo, That if the Man had ſworn nothing but Truth a⯑gainſt him, he could be no legal Witneſs, being himſelf a Priſoner, and taken in Re⯑bellion, when Monmouth was routed, and conſequently under a Temptation to ſwear againſt him, to ſave his own Life; upon the whole he was acquitted, every one of the Peers declaring him not guilty. There were thoſe who condemned the Lawyers who had adviſed the King to bring a Peer to Tryal upon ſo ſlender a Foundation; while others obſerved, That as the King had committed him to Priſon, it was but fit he ſhould be brought to a public Tryal, leſt it ſhould be ſaid he had been detained when nothing appeared againſt him. But when all was over, I plainly ſaw the King was in great Rage with Saxton, and the next Day he declared, He ſhould be firſt convicted for Perjury, and then hanged for High Trea⯑ſon.

date Jan. 18. A few Days afterward, I dined with the Lord Chancellor, where the Lord Mayor of London was a Gueſt, and ſome other Gentle⯑men. His Lordſhip having, according to Cuſtom, drank deep at Dinner, called for [230] one Mountfort, a Gentleman of his, who had been a Comedian, an excellent Mimic; and to divert the Company, as he was pleaſed to term it, he made him plead before him in a feigned Cauſe, during which he aped all the great Lawyers of the Age, in their Tone of Voice, and in their Action and Geſture of Body, to the very great Ridicule not only of the Lawyers, but of the Law it⯑ſelf, which, to me, did not ſeem altogether ſo prudent in a Man of his loſty Station in the Law; diverting it certainly was, but pru⯑dent in the Lord High Chancellor, I ſhall never think it; but let us ſtep to the King.

It was now know, That Mrs. Sidley, who had been the King's Miſtreſs, and had ſeve⯑ral Children by him, when Duke of York, but whom he had deſerted for a while when he came to the Crown, was as much in his Favour as ever; for he created her Counteſs of Dorcheſter, and viſited her frequently, which gave the Queen a great deal of Un⯑eaſineſs; but there was no Help for it; 'till at length her Majeſty's Party and Prieſts did ſo importune the King, and ſo preſſingly remonſtrate to him the Sin of this Amour, and what was worſe, the Diſparagement it would throw on their Religion, that it was reported he would abandon his Miſtreſs, [231] and that he had ſent her Word, either to retire into France, or to expect to have her Penſion of four thouſand Pounds a Year withdrawn.

To reſume the Lord Chancellor once again, he had now like to have died of a Fit of the Stone, which he virtuouſly brought upon himſelf by a furious Debauch of Wine, at Mr. Alderman Duncomb's; where he, the Lord Treaſurer, and others drank themſelves into that Height of Fren⯑zy, that, among Friends, it was whiſpered They had ſtripped into their Shirts, and that, had not an Accident prevented them, they had got up on a Sign-poſt, to drink the King's Health; which was the Subject of much Deriſion, to ſay no worſe.

The Term, the Parliament was prorogued to, being expired, the Members of the Houſe of Commons, and the Lords, met in their reſpective Places. The Commons that appeared were to the Number of about 150; and being ſummoned, by the Black Rod, to appear in the Houſe of Lords, a Commiſ⯑ſion directed to the Lord Chancellor, Lord Treaſurer, and others, impowering them, or any of them, to prorogue the Parliament 'till the 10th of May next, was read, and the Parliament was prorogued accordingly.

[232] Though it could not be as yet ſaid, That the King had made any notable Invaſion on the Rights of the Church of England, he re⯑curred to all the Methods he could contrive and practice for the Increaſe of his own; by putting more Papiſts into Office in this King⯑dom, but eſpecially in Ireland; by cauſing or at leaſt allowing of Popiſh Books to be printed, and ſold, and cried about publick⯑ly; by publiſhing ſome Popiſh Papers found in the late King's Cloſet; by a Declaration that his late Majeſty died a Papiſt, and in what Manner; by an Account of the Con⯑verſation of the late Ducheſs of York, toge⯑ther with her Reaſons for the ſame, as written by her ſelf; by a Lettter or Order to the Archbiſhop of Canterbury, to direct the Clergy of his Province to preach a good Life, but never to meddle with Controver⯑ſies in their Sermons; by ſending the Lord Caſtleman upon a ſolemn Embaſſy to the Pope, and by much more of the ſame Na⯑ture and Tendency; which made it expected that more would infallibly follow.

date 1686 date April 29. Accordingly this Day, being the firſt of the Term, a great Change was made among the Judges in Weſtminſter-hall: There was a new Chief Juſtice of the Common-Pleas, and another new Judge of the ſame Bench; [233] there was a new Chief Baron; in fine, four new Judges of the ſeveral Courts. This made a conſiderable Noiſe, as the Gentle⯑men now diſplaced were of great Learning and Loyalty, and whoſe only Crime had been, They would not give their Opinions, as ſeveral of their Brethren had done, That the King by his Prerogative might diſpenſe with the Teſt required of Roman Catholics. The next Day I was informed by Mr. Jones, Son to the Chief Juſtice of that Name, late⯑ly turned out, that his Father, upon his Diſmiſſion, obſerved to the King, That he was by no Means ſorry he was laid aſide, old and worn out as he was in his Service, but concerned, That his Majeſty ſhould expect ſuch a Conſtruction of the Law from him, as he could not honeſtly give; and that none but indigent, ignorant, or ambitious Men would give their Judgment as he ex⯑pected; and that to this his Majeſty made Anſwer, It was neceſſary his Judges ſhould be all of one Mind. He told me farther, that Sir Robert Sawyer, the Attorney Gene⯑ral had been directed by the King, to draw up a Warrant, by virtue of his Prerogative, to inveſt a Prieſt of the Church of Rome with a Benefice, and to confirm one Walker, head of a Houſe in Oxford, and ſome Fellows of [234] the ſame, who had erred over to the papal Communion, by a Non obſtante: That the Attorney ſaid This would not be againſt one Statute only, but againſt all the Laws ſince the Days of Elizabeth; that he there⯑fore durſt not do it, and deſired the King to weigh the Matter a little with himſelf; for that it ſtruck at the very Root o [...] the Pro⯑teſtant Church, quite contrary to his Maje⯑ſty's late gracious Promiſes; in ſhort, that the Attorney farther ſaid, He doubted not but as ſoon as another could be found to do the Work, he ſhould loſe his Place; ſuch a Slave was the King to the Prieſthood of Rome.

date May 5. But whatever the Attorney at preſent ex⯑pected, the Sollicitor Finch, was now turn⯑ed out, one Powis appointed in his ſtead, who was ready and willing to do what the other refuſed, which was, to draw up a Warrant for confirming of Walker, in his Office of Head of Univerſity Colledge in Ox⯑ford, and three Fellows of the ſame; and another in Behalf of the Parſon of Putney, which afterwards paſſed the Great Seal, tho' the Parties were Papiſts as ſtrong as could be. And to complete, as it were, all, moſt of the Proteſtant Officers in the Army in Ire⯑land, were removed and Papiſts ſubſtituted in their ſtead.

[235] The Term of Prorogation being elapſed, it was by Commiſſion continued to the 22d date May 10. of November following. The King ſaid this Morning, in his Bedchamber, That many of the Politicians of the Houſe of Commons were come up, in Fear he ſhould ſurpriſe them with doing of Buſineſs, but that he would not do by them, as they had been wont to do with the Crown; a very extra⯑ordinary Speech. But three Days after⯑wards, taking my Leave of the Lord Dover, late Henry Jermin, Eſq a Papiſt and great Favourite, he told me the Parliament would certainly meet at the Time laſt limited, and that if they would not comply with the King, they were to look to the Iſſue. In ſhort, the King having lately got him a Je⯑ſuit for his Confeſſor, drove on at a great Rate, and ſeemed by far more intent than before upon promoting and ſpreading his own Religion. In a Word, he was now date June 21. reſolved to protect thoſe of his own implicit Faith at all Adventures, a notable Inſtance of which was now exhibited in the Caſe of Sir Edward Hales, a profeſt Papiſt, to whom the King having given a Regiment of Foot, he was, this Term, ſued upon the Statute, for five hundred Pounds, he keeping his Employment without the Qualification re⯑quired. [236] Upon which Occaſion it was agreed [...] all the Judges, Baron Street excepted, That the King had a Power to diſpenſe with all penal Statutes, and that his Majeſty en⯑joying alone the Power, was the only Judge in the Caſe; and ſo Sir Edward pleading the King's Pardon, obtained the better of the Proſecution; an Event which gave great Surpriſe, and occaſioned much Diſcourſe the whole Kingdom over.

date Oct. 15. Notwithſtanding what had been ſo confi⯑dently aſſured me concerning the Sitting of Parliament, a Proclamation was at this Time iſſued out for the ſtill farther Prorogation of it from the 22d of November to the 14th of the February following. After this, the King continued his Courſe of diſplacing Proteſtants in favour of their Enemies the Papiſts, and I expected when it was to be my Turn; for I had frequent Alarms of that Sort; every Poſt brought us Account of Of⯑ficers both Civil and Military deprived of Employment; of ſome who reſigned their Commiſſions and Places; but the moſt gene⯑ral Accounts were of Perſons actually diſ⯑carded, and that Papiſts were, for the moſt Part, put in to ſucceed them. Lord Cla⯑rendon, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, was re⯑called, and Mr. Talbot, a rigid Iriſh Papiſt, a [237] little before created Earl of Tyrconnel, ſent over in his Room; which made ſo dreadful an Impreſſion upon many Proteſtants of that Kingdom, that they either left or ſold their Eſtates, as they could, and came over into England. Mr. Saville, Vice-chamberlain to the King, and who had been of his Bed⯑chamber when Duke of York, and ſince then Embaſſador in France, was put out of all Employment.

date March 7. Leaving the public Affairs, for a while, at this untoward Paſs, I would venture to take Notice of a private Occurrence which made ſome Noiſe at York. The Aſſizes be⯑ing there held, an old Woman was con⯑demned for a Witch. Thoſe who were more credulous in Points of this Nature than my ſelf, conceived the Evidence to be very ſtrong againſt her. The Boy ſhe was ſaid to have bewitched, fell down on a ſudden, before all the Court, when he ſaw her, and would then as ſuddenly return to himſelf again, and very diſtinctly relate the ſeveral Injuries ſhe had done him; But in all this it was obſerved, the Boy was free from any Diſtortion; that he did not foam at the Mouth, and that his Fits did not leave him gradually but all at once; ſo that, upon the whole, the Judge thought it proper to re⯑prieve [238] her; in which he ſeemed to act the Part of a wiſe Man. But tho' ſuch is my own private Opinion, I cannot help conti⯑nuing my Story: One of my Soldiers being upon Guard about eleven in the Night, at the Gate of Clifford Tower, the very Night after the Witch was arraigned, he heard a great Noiſe at the Caſtle, and going to the Porch, he there ſaw a Scroll of Paper creep from under the Door, which as he imagin⯑ed, by Moonſhine, turned firſt into the Shape of a Monkey, and thence aſſumed the Form of a Turky Cock, which paſſed to and fro by him. Surpriſed at this, he went to the Priſon, and called the Under-keeper, who came and ſaw the Scroll dance up and down and creep under the Door, where there was ſcarce an Opening of the Thick⯑neſs of half a Crown. This extraordinary Story I had from the Mouth of both the one and the other: And now leave it to be be⯑lieved or disbelieved as the Reader may be inclined this Way or that.

It is fit we obſerve, That the Way of deal⯑ing with Men, who propoſed any Buſineſs to themſelves in the Government, and eſpecially the Members of both Houſes of Parliament, that were in Poſſeſſion of Places, and near the King, was thus: His Majeſty took them [239] aſide, and told them The Teſt Act was made in the Height of Faction, not ſo much in Prejudice to the Roman Catholics in gene⯑ral, as to himſelf in particular, and to ob⯑viate his rightful Acceſſion; that while that, and the penal Laws remained in Force, no Soul of that Perſuaſion could be ſafe; that it was againſt all municipal Law, for Free⯑born Subjects to be excluded the Service of their Prince, or for a Prince to be reſtrained from employing ſuch Subjects as he thought for his Service; and that therefore he hop⯑ed they would be ſo loyal as not to refuſe him their Voices for annulling ſuch unrea⯑ſonable Laws. Every Man that perſiſted in a Refuſal to comply with this Suggeſtion was ſure to be outed.

The Time for the Meeting of the Parlia⯑ment now drawing near, and ſeveral of the Members neglecting to repair to London; the King ordered the Judges, in their ſeve⯑ral Circuits, to feel the Pulſes of the Men; in conſequence of which I was, to my great ſurpriſe, accoſted at York by the Judge, who told me, he had Orders to talk with me up⯑on the Subject. I asked him if his Majeſty had made particular Mention of my Name; to which replying, That he had only re⯑ceived a general Order from the King, to [240] ſound the Inclinations of the ſeveral Gentle⯑men who ſat in Parliament, and that he had had a particular Inſtruction from the Chan⯑cellor only, as to my ſelf by Name; I de⯑ſired Time to conſider of it, and the next Morning returned for Anſwer, That I per⯑ceived a Denial would be conſtrued into Diſloyalty; That I had ſo lately waited on the King, and given ſuch Aſſurance of my Integrity, that I could not apprehend his Majeſty could harbour any Doubt as to me, and the rather as he had not been pleaſ⯑ed to make Uſe of my Name; That I could not conceive my ſelf obliged to declare my ſelf to any Body elſe: But that if his Maje⯑ſty ſhould think fit to ſay any thing to me farther than he had already, when I had the Honour of waiting on him next, which I intended ſhould be ſpeedily, I would ſo conſult my Loyalty and my Conſcience, as to give him all the Satisfaction in my Power: The Judge told me he would make Report of what I had ſaid; and did not ſeem to be very forward in preſſing a Complyance; he had his Orders, and he obeyed them. I deemed this to be the moſt prudent Reply I could at this Time make; for had I anſwer⯑ed in the Affirmative, I might have incurred the Diſpleaſure and Cenſure of the greateſt [241] Part of the Nation; if in the Negative, I ſhould have utterly diſobliged the King; a Caution the more neceſſary to be taken, as there was no likelihood there would be any Meeting of Parliament, to control him in his Conduct. However I believe that in all Caſes of this Nature it is ſafeſt to unboſom ones ſelf to the Prince in Perſon, and as much as poſſible avoid the Danger that may ariſe from the Treachery, the Prejudice, or the Ignorance of a Reporter.

In Conſequence of this Examination of the Members, a Number of Vacancies en⯑ſued, and among others that were deprived, was Herbert, the Vice-Admiral of England, and Maſter of the Robes; he, in thoſe Days, enjoying Places to the Value of three thou⯑ſand Pounds a Year. The King having threatned, and put his Threats in Executi⯑on, and alſo made Uſe of the moſt plauſible Perſuaſions, to draw the Majority of Par⯑liament into his own Way of Thinking, as to the Teſt and penal Laws, and all to no Sort of Purpoſe, cared not to ſee them aſ⯑ſembled at the Time ſeemingly appointed; and therefore, this Day, declared in Coun⯑cil, date Mar. 18. That for divers weighty Conſiderations the Parliament ſtood prorogued to the 22d of the November following. His Majeſty, [242] upon the ſame Occaſion declared, That it having been found impracticable to effect an Uniformity in Religion, tho' it had been the great Endeavour of four of his Prede⯑ceſſors ſucceſſively, aſſiſted as much as poſ⯑ſible by their Parliament; and that ſuch At⯑tempts having been experienced to be high⯑ly prejudicial to the Kingdom, witneſs the Fatality of the Rebellion in his Father's Time; he was now determined to iſſue out a Declaration in Favour of all Sorts of Diſ⯑ſenters, that they might enjoy the free Pra⯑ctice of their own Religion: Hoping it might contribute to the general Peace and Quiet of the Kingdom, the Increaſe of the People, and the Advancement of Trade. But whatever the Reaſons alledged were, It appeared to moſt men, that a deep Deſign was laid to ſap the Foundations of the Church of England, nor could her Sons but dread ſome extraordinary Shocks; tho' ſome there were who apprehending no very extraordi⯑nary Conſequence of theſe Machinations, believed ſuch a Toleration might be of pub⯑lic Emolument, if conſidered in a political View; which was, by much the moſt ſpeci⯑ous Side of the Building, which ſhall cloſe up this Year.

[243] At length the Declaration for Liberty of date 1687 Conſcience made its Appearance with us in date April 7. the North; gilded over with the taking Pretence of Tenderneſs, on the Part of his Majeſty, towards all his Subjects whatſo⯑ever; containing an Invitation to all Stran⯑gers of every Sect to come among us; pre⯑tending a farther Improvement of our Trade, and promiſing Protection to the Biſhops and Miniſters of the Church of England, in their Rights, Privileges, and Immunities, as alſo the free and undiſturbed Exerciſe of their Religion in all their Churches. But all this was too well underſtood to divide the Pro⯑teſtant Churches, Divide & Impera, that ſo the Papiſts might with the more Eaſe poſ⯑ſeſs themſelves of the higheſt Place; which the Presbyterians or Calviniſts, who had, moſt of them began to conform, ſeemed to be well aware of; and therefore continued to reſort to our Churches, tho' the Anabap⯑tiſts, Quakers, and Independants thought it worth their while to return their Addreſſes of Thanks and Acknowledgment. Elated, ſeemingly, with this, the King goes on in his old Courſe of diſplacing Gentlemen that had Poſts, but particularly ſuch as were of the Parliament, and obſtinate enough to withſtand his Wiſhes; and now the Parlia⯑ment [244] being prorogued it was not thought worth the Trouble to inquire which way any Body ſtood inclined, ſo that the late Queſtion concerning the Teſt and penal Laws was dropped, or at leaſt ſuſpended. All this Inequality of Uſage wrought but upon few Proteſtants either of Eſtate or Quality to change their Faith, little or not at all allured by the Baits thrown in their Way, or terrified by the King's Frowns and im⯑placable Diſpleaſure: Honour therefore now was the grand Bulwark of our Religion, Gentlemen diſdaining to have thought they could ſacrifice the Sweets of Conſcience to the mercenary Views of a Reward: In the Midſt of this, dies the Duke of Buckingham, a Man once of vaſt Eſtate, and oftentimes in high Favour with the late King, tho' never with the preſent; a Man of the moſt exqui⯑ſite Wit of his Time, the handſomeſt, and beſt bred; but unfortunately given up to Pleaſures, unſteady in his Ways, and, in all Reſpects, an Enemy to himſelf.

While Addreſſes of Thanks were every Day preſented to the King, on the Part of the various Denominarions of Diſſenters, and from ſome even of the Church of Eng⯑land; I had frequent Alarms that the Papiſts were in a Way of perſuading the King to [245] grant them the Mannor of York, as a Semi⯑nary for the Inſtruction of Youth in the Principles of their Faith; and I this Day heard it was granted accordingly to one date June 24. Lawſon, a Prieſt, for a Term of thirty Years. Surpriſed at this, I wrote to the Lord Bel⯑laſſis, the principal Commiſſioner of the Treaſury, remonſtrating, That I had had it by my Commiſſion of Governor, grant⯑ed to myſelf by the late King, and confirm⯑ed by this; that it was worth ſixty Pounds a Year to me, and that it had coſt me above two hundred Pounds in Repairs, ſince I had enjoyed it; and that as I had been allowed nothing for this Expence, I deſired it might be either continued to me, or that his Ma⯑jeſty would be graciouſly pleaſed to grant me ſuch a Compenſation in lieu thereof, and conſider me in my Disburſment, in ſuch Manner and Proportion, as in his great Ju⯑ſtice and Wiſdom he ſhould think fit. A few Days afterwards, a Proclamation came to hand, bearing Date the 2d of July, where⯑by the King diſſolved the Parliament, and at once ſtunned the main Body of the Nati⯑on. The next Day, the Pope's Nuncio be⯑ing to make his public Entry at Windſor, the Duke of Somerſet, one of the Lords of the Bedchamber in waiting, refuſed Attendance [246] at that Solemnity; for which he was forbid the Court, and deprived of all his Places; the ſame Fate befel five of the ſix Gentle⯑men of the Privy Chamber, for the very ſelf ſame Cauſe; ſo that every Hour Things looked worſe and worſe. A while after I had a Letter from Lord Feverſham to acquaint me that, according to my Deſire, he had ſpoke to the King concerning the Mannor of York; but that he had found he had pro⯑miſed it to Father Lawſon, for the Uſes above ſpecified; that his Majeſty told him, He did not know I lived in it, and that if I had been at any Charge in Repairs I ſhould be conſidered for the ſame; but added, for my preſent Comfort, That was I not ſo good a Man as he took me to be, he would not have kept a Governor at York ſo long as he had done: But I ſhortly after had another Letter from the ſame Lord, to tell me that the Lords Commiſſioners of the Treaſury had ſo repreſented the Buſineſs to the King, at Windſor, that no poſſitive Reſolution was as yet taken.

In the midſt of the impending Dangers which ſeemed to threaten us, there was a Nobleman, the Marquiſs of Wincheſter, who had by his Conduct perſuaded ſome People to think him mad, tho' he certainly acted [247] upon Principles of great human Prudence. This Gentleman paſſing thro' Yorkſhire, in his Way to London, I went to pay him a Viſit. He had four Coaches and an hun⯑dred Horſes in his Retinue, and ſtaid ten Days at a Houſe he borrowed in our Parts. His Cuſtom was to dine at ſix or ſeven in the Evening, and his Meal always laſted 'till ſix or ſeven the next Morning; during which he ſometimes drank; ſometimes he liſtned to Muſic; ſometimes he fell into Diſ⯑courſe; ſometimes he took Tobacco, and ſometimes he ate his Victuals; while the Company had free Choice to ſit or riſe, to go or come, to ſleep or not. The Diſhes and Bottles were all the Time before them on the Table; and when it was Morning he would hunt or Hawk, if the Weather was fair; if not, he would dance, go to Bed at eleven, and repoſe himſelf 'till the Evening. Notwithſtanding this Irregularity, he was a Man of great Senſe, and though, as I juſt now ſaid, ſome took him to be mad, it is cer⯑tain his Meaning was to keep himſelf out of the Way of more ſerious Cenſure in theſe tickliſh Days, and preſerve his Eſtate, which he took great Care of.

[248] The Preſident of Magdalen College, in Ox⯑ford date Sept. 12. being dead, the King ſent them his Mandamus, requiring them to chuſe the Bi⯑ſhop of that City in his ſtead; but they an⯑ſwered Locus plenus eſt. The King taking Oxford in his Progreſs, and the Maſter and Fellows of that College waiting on him, He told them the People of the Church of Eng⯑land, had uſed him ill, that they had behav⯑ed neither as Gentlemen or good Subjects, and ordered them to go preſently back to their Election and chuſe the Biſhop, or he would let them feel how heavy a Hand a King had. They went, but returned this Anſwer, That they were ſorry they ſhould be ſo unfortunate as to fall under his Maje⯑ſty's Diſpleaſure; but that they could not proceed to a new Choice without actual Commiſſion of wilful Perjury, and thereup⯑on hoped he would excuſe them. Now, in this Progreſs, it was an Obſervation gene⯑rally made, that the King courted the Diſ⯑ſenters, and diſcountenanced the Church of England: For the Papiſts being by no Means a Body of themſelves numerous enough to cope with the national Church, he thought to ſtrengthen them by a Junction with the Diſſenters, whom he blinded with his Li⯑berty of Conſcience, and with telling them [249] that he deſired a Repeal of the Teſt and penal Laws, for their Eaſe and Security, as much as in Behalf of the Papiſts.

A ſtrange Look it had, That the very People, who had lately been ſo indefatiga⯑bly buſy to diveſt him of his Right, and even to deprive him of Life, it having been, in one Parliament, attempted to impeach him of High Treaſon, upon the Statute a⯑gainſt a Reconciliation with the Church of Rome, I ſay it looked ſtrange, that theſe very Men ſhould be preferred to thoſe who had preſerved him out of their Hands, not in Parliament only, but in the Field alſo; but it ſeems all Conſiderations are of no Worth or Validity with a hearty Zeal for the Prieſthood of Rome, and that Oblivion is ſo far from being Ingratitude, that it is highly to be commended, a moſt ſalutary Expedient, when for the Advantage of Mo⯑ther Church.

date Sep. 28. In purſuance of this very ill Doctrine, the King puts out ſeveral Aldermen, who had ever ſignalized themſelves by their Fidelity and Loyalty, who had adhered to him with the greateſt Conſtancy in the very worſt of Times, and what is worſe, they were Al⯑dermen of the City of London; they were Members of the Church of England, and [250] Nonconformiſts filled their Places. Doctor Hough, Preſident of Magdalen College, is now put out, by certain Viſitors appointed by the King for that Purpoſe, for that he was elected by the Statutes, in contradiction to the King's Mandamus; but the Doctor ſtout⯑ly refuſed to quit, 'till compelled by Force, and then appealed from the Viſitors to the King in Weſtminſter-hall.

date Nov. 5. At this Time it was my Turn to feel a Part of the Storm which had hitherto blown over me, or at ſome Diſtance on each Side from me. I received a Letter from Father Lawſon, the Prieſt I formerly mentioned, to give me Notice, That the King having made him a Grant of his Houſe, the Man⯑nor of St. Mary's in York, for the Honour of God and the good of his People, he ex⯑pected from my uſual Civility, that I would give him free and eaſy Poſſeſſion. To which I anſwered, that I held it by Virtue of a Commiſſion that conſtituted me Governor of York; that he could not think I would diveſt my ſelf of it by my own Act and Deed; that I had too great a Veneration for the King's Bounty, and was too proud of his Service to do that; but that if his Majeſty poſitively commanded it, I ſhould have no⯑thing to do but to obey; with this Reſerve [251] however, That if his Majeſty gave it away, I hoped, and in Juſtice it was a Duty in⯑cumbent on him to endeavour it, I was to have ſome Equivalent for the Loſs. Seve⯑ral Letters paſſed between us, 'till at length the Earl of Feverſham ſent me Word, that it was actually granted; while Lawſon flatter⯑ed me with Expectations that the King would conſider me one way or other, and informed me of ſeveral kind Things his Ma⯑jeſty ſhould ſay of me.

date Dec. 7. At length Father Lawſon comes in Per⯑ſon, and claims Poſſeſſion, it being in vain to conteſt with him, I ordered my Houſe⯑keeper to give him Admittance; but he left it again for the preſent, 'till I could move my Goods. The clear Profits of this Place to me, beſides the Uſe of the Houſe for my ſelf and Friends, and Graſs and Hay for my Horſes while I ſtaid in Town, amounted to about forty Pounds a Year. After this, I expected the reſt would ſoon follow; for the King had cauſed or ordered the Lord Lieutenants of moſt, if not all, of the Coun⯑ties in England, to call together their Depu⯑ties and the Juſtices of the Peace, and ask them theſe three Queſtions, (1.) If in Caſe the King ſhould call a Parliament, and they ſhould be choſen Members of it, Whether [252] or no they would Vote to take away the Teſt and penal Laws? (2.) Whether or no they would give their Vote for ſuch Members as they believed would be for the Repeal for the ſame? (3.) Whether or no they would live peaceably, and as Chriſti⯑ans ought to live, with ſuch as differed from them in Religion. Some Lord Lieutenants who refuſed to comply with this Order, were turned out to give Place to Papiſts, and the Deputy Lieutenants and Juſtices of the Peace who did not return a ſatisfactory Anſwer, were for the moſt Part diveſted of Office.

This certainly was puſhing the Point by much too far, nor could Men forbear won⯑dering to what Purpoſe it could be meant; for what Anſwer could any Gentleman pre⯑tend to give 'till he had heard the Reaſon⯑ings and Debates of the Houſe? And who could pretend to anſwer for the Man he voted to be a Member; or pretend to be ſure of what Sort of a Mind he would be when he got to his Seat in the Houſe? If the ge⯑neral Inclination had been to deceive the King, how eaſy was it for Men to expreſs themſelves one way and reſolve another? Beſides it was ſtriking at the very Founda⯑tion of Parliaments, thus to pre-engage the [253] Members, who according as Things, upon their Meeting, appeared to them, are by the Laws of the Land allowed Freedom of Speech, and Freedom of Judgment. But the moſt general Anſwer that was returned by the Proteſtants of the Church of England was, That they, if of the Houſe, would ſo Vote as the Reaſons of the Debate ſhould prevail with them; that they would vote for ſuch as they thought would do the ſame; and that they would live quietly with all Men as good Chriſtians and loyal Subjects. A⯑bout this Time there were great Removes of Officers, Civil and Military, and moſt Cor⯑porations were purged of their Church of England Aldermen, and Papiſts or Diſſen⯑ters appointed to ſucceed them. The King, however, ſoon after ſeemingly abated of the rigor of this Scrutiny, tho' the Lord Lieute⯑nants continued the Inquiry in moſt Coun⯑ties, but with very little Succeſs.

While this was tranſacting in England, the French King was engaged in a high Diſpute with his Holineſs of Rome, concerning the Immunities and Franchiſes of Ambaſſadors in that City, which tho' all the Princes of the Catholic Religion ſubmitted to the Re⯑gulation of, the King of France would not▪ His Ambaſſador, who would have demand⯑ed [254] the antient Rights, was denied Audience, and perſiſting in the Thing, was declared ex⯑communicated; the Cardinals were forbid⯑den to viſit him as an Ambaſſador; and the Church of St. Lewis, reputed the parochial Church of the French Nation, whither the Ambaſſador and his Retinue repaired to the midnight Maſs of Chriſtmaſs, was interdict⯑ed, for admitting him to partake of the Devotions of the Seaſon. Upon Notice of this, the Parliament of Paris was aſſembled, and the Attorney General drew up an Ap⯑peal from Rome to the next general Council, ſetting forth that the Pope had no juſt Claim to Infallibility; that he had no Power to excommunicate Princes; that his prieſtly Authority was of no Weight in Temporals; and that the Power of the Keys was abuſed when ſubſervient to evil Ends. That his Holineſs had not only in this acted contra⯑dictorily to his Character as Vicar, but alſo in refuſing Bulls to ſuch as his Majeſty had nominated and recommended to the vacant Biſhoprics in his own Kingdom, for no Rea⯑ſon but becauſe they would not acknowlege him to be infallible, or as the Italian Doctors call him Univerſal Monarch; that by this Means there were no fewer than thirty Va⯑cancies unſupplied at this Day; and that the [255] Pope's Obſtinacy ought to be controled, as as the Cuſtom had formerly been with the Church, by OEcumenic, or National Coun⯑cils, After this, and much more, the At⯑torney withdrew, and was by the Parlia⯑ment admitted as an Appellant in the Caſe; the Pope's Bull was at the ſame Time de⯑clared void; it was forbidden to diſperſe it within any Part of the Kingdom, and or⯑dered that the King ſhould be humbly en⯑treated to exert his Authority as to the Im⯑munities and Franchiſes of his Ambaſſador at Rome; and to call ſuch Councils, or Aſ⯑ſemblies of great Men, as might apply a Re⯑medy to the Diſorders that had ariſen from the long Vacancies of Archbiſhoprics and Biſhoprics, and laſtly, that he would prohi⯑bit all Commerce with the Court of Rome, nor ſuffer any Money to be ſent thither.

This was a ſtrange Sort of a Scene to us in England. It was thought we were moſt in⯑ſeparably linked together with our neigh⯑bour Kingdom; but while the one is abject⯑ly endeavouring to crouch to the Laſh, the other is ſeemingly reſolved to ſlip her Neck out of the Collar. But now a Proclamation date Jan. 29. is heard requiring public Thankſgiving to be made, for that our Queen found herſelf quick with Child. The Joy on Account of [256] this News, if it created any to ſpeak of, was continually interrupted by ſome violent or unequal Act or other, on the Part of the King; among the reſt the Earl of Oxford, the firſt of his Dignity in the Realm, tho' low in Fortune, being commanded to uſe Intereſt in his Lieutenancy for the Repeal of the penal Laws and Teſt; and making Anſwer, in plain Terms, that he could not perſuade others to that, which in his own Conſcience he was averſe to, the King took his Regiment of Horſe from him, and gave it to the Duke of Berwick. Some Time af⯑terwards, the Earl of Burlington reſigned his Commiſſion for the Lord Lieutenancy of the Weſt-Riding of York, into the Hands of the King, who immediately gave it to Lord Thomas Howard, only Brother to the Duke of Norfolk, a warm and Zealous Papiſt, pur⯑ſuant to the Method his Majeſty had hither⯑to tenaciouſly obſerved with regard to moſt of the Lieutenancies that became vacant in England.

The Weſt-Riding of Yorkſhire had not been examined as to the Repeal of the Teſt date April 24. and Penal-Laws; and now at the General Quarter Seſſions at Pomfret, the Popiſh Ju⯑ſtices, in Number ſix, and Sir John Bointon, the King's Serjeant, who, as I preſume, [257] aſpired to be a Judge, moved that an Ad⯑dreſs of Thanks might be ſigned and pre⯑ſented to his Majeſty for his late Indulgence as to Matters of Conſcience, and that not only by all the Juſtices, but by the two Grand Juries: But none of the Juſtices ex⯑cept the ſix above and one Mr. Bull, nor ei⯑ther of the Grand Juries would ſet their Hands to this Addreſs; ſo that the Roman Catholics ſent it up, ſigned by themſelves, as the Act of the whole Seſſions. By ſuch Tricks and Artifices as theſe the King was deceived in the Opinion his Subjects had of his late Indulgence; three or four Men, in ſeveral Places as well as this, pretending to ſpeak and anſwer for the whole Corporation, or County.

date May 7. A few Days afterwards, a Roman Catho⯑lic Juſtice told me the King was now con⯑vinced, that he had been ill adviſed in puſh⯑ing the Queſtion concerning the Repeal of the Teſt; that he intended to put out ſome Juſtices and admit others, tho' not by that Method, but by informing himſelf, from ſuch as he knew to be true to his Service, how they ſtood affected as to Liberty of Conſcience; and that he had particular Or⯑ders from the Lord Thomas Howard, who had the ſame from the King, to adviſe firſt [258] with me upon that Subject. I told him that the Method lately taken had moſt aſſuredly been of no Advantage to his Majeſty, moſt of the principal and powerful Gentlemen, in every County, having been thereby thruſt out of Employment: But that this new Me⯑thod would be attended with as great Dif⯑ficulties, and be ſubject to the fame Falla⯑cy, it being impoſſible for one Man to pry into the Receſſes of another Man's Heart; nay, that it was even a hard Matter for a Man to promiſe for himſelf. For according to the Suppoſition, he was to be either in Parliament, or out of it; if he himſelf ſhould be elected, he could not honeſtly promiſe which Way he ſhould vote 'till he came to his Seat, and heard the Debates; and that if he was not elected, it would be quite im⯑poſſible in any Degree to anſwer for the Man he ſhould chuſe for his Repreſentative; that I believed moſt Men thought a Liberty of Conſcience might be of Uſe and Advan⯑tage to the Nation, if ſettled upon a proper Foundation, and with true Regard to the Rights and Privileges of the Church of Eng⯑land. To this he replied, that the King had openly declared the Church of England ſhould have any reaſonable Equivalent ſhe could deſire for her Security, provided an [259] Act might paſs for the Liberty of Conſci⯑ence; and told me we ſhould meet and talk farther upon this Head, which for the pre⯑ſent I evaded as much as poſſible; I cared not to explain myſelf quite, having no In⯑clination to expoſe myſelf any farther than was barely needful, or to give Characters of other Men. date May.

Having at two ſeveral Times obtained Leave to repair to London, I there found Af⯑fairs to ſtand much in the Poſture I expected. The popiſh Party was very urgent with the King to preſs the Repeal of the Laws againſt them, and the other as obſtinate and head⯑ſtrong againſt it; and what brought the Di⯑ſpute to a ſtill greater Degree of Warmth, was owing to what follows: His Majeſty had lately renewed his Proclamation for Liberty of Conſcience, and given Order to the Biſhops, to cauſe it be read in the Churches of their reſpective Dioceſes. The Archbiſhop of Canterbury, and the reſt of the Order, remonſtrated againſt this; ſetting forth, in a Petition they preſented to the King, That they could not pay his Majeſty Obedience in what he was pleaſed to require of them; that no Biſhop, or Miniſter of the Church of England could aſſent to the Pro⯑clamation, which muſt of courſe be implyed [260] by their reading it or cauſing it to be read; that a Declaration of the ſame Nature, on the Part of the King, had been in Parlia⯑ment condemned twice in the late Reign; that therefore they might be liable to be called to an Account hereafter, for doing what had been adjudged contrary to Law; that tho' the King of himſelf could do no wrong, his Miniſters or Agents were reſpon⯑ſible for whatever was done infractory of the Law; and tho' his Majeſty had been pleaſed to declare a Liberty of Conſcience, it was, nevertheleſs, the Duty of the Clergy, as much as in them lay, to perſuade Men into an adherence to their Communion; that for them to publiſh the King's Pleaſure, in the Manner required, would be the ſame as if they told the People They needed not to come to Church except they pleaſed; and that by the ſame Rule he might command them to read Maſs in their Churches, and be found to obey: Theſe and many other Arguments were, upon this Occaſion, offer⯑ed by the Biſhops; at which the King con⯑ceived ſo violent a Diſpleaſure, that they were commanded to appear in Council be⯑fore him, on the 8th of June.

date June 1. In the mean time I kiſsed the King's Hand, and met with a gracious Reception: [261] I was honoured with a Viſit from the Mar⯑quiſs of Hallifax, who expreſſed himſelf pretty well inclined for Liberty of Conſci⯑ence, but averſe to the Teſt and penal Laws all at once, tho' he was ſeemingly not un⯑willing it ſhould be done gradually, and up⯑on wiſe and weighty Conſiderations.

date June 8. And now ſeven of the Biſhops made their Appearance before the King in Council, where they were commanded to enter into Recognizances of five hundred Pounds a Man, to anſwer to an Information to be brought againſt them the next Term, for Diſobedience to the King's Orders. This they refuſed to do, ſaying they were not to engage themſelves under any Security of the Kind, 'till the Information or Indictment was found, and that by ſo doing they ſhould not only run counter to the Law, but betray the Liberty of the Peerage; upon which the Archbiſhop of Canterbury and his ſix Bre⯑thren, were committed Priſoners to the Tower, a Severity moſt deeply reſented by the whole Church. Being then at Whitehall, I ſaw the Biſhops going to take Water for the Tower: They all looked very chear⯑fully, and the Biſhop of Chicheſter, in parti⯑cular, called to me, and asked me how I did. The next Day the Lord Huntingdon, one of [262] the Privy Council, told me, That had the King known how far the Thing would have gone, he had never laid the Injunction he did, to have the Declaration read in Churches.

date June 10. In the midſt of this Ferment, this Day, being Trinity Sunday, about four Minutes before ten in the Morning, the Queen was delivered of a Prince, to the great Joy of the Court. But as important as this Event might ſeem to be, little Notice may be ſaid to have been taken of it. The Impriſon⯑ment of the Biſhops was now uppermoſt in the Minds of moſt of the People, who flocked to them in ſuch Numbers, for their Bleſſing, and to condole their hard Uſage, that great and very extraordinary Remarks were made both of Perſons and Behaviour. Among the reſt, ten Nonconformiſt Miniſters went to pay them a Viſit, which the King took ſo heinouſly, that he ſent for four of them to reprimand them; but their Anſwer was, That they could not but adhere to the Pri⯑ſoners, as Men conſtant and firm to the Pro⯑teſtant Faith, or to that Purpoſe. Nay, what is more extraordinary, the very Sol⯑diers that kept Guard in the Tower, would frequently drink good Health to the Biſhops; which being underſtood by Sir Edward Hales, Conſtable of the Tower, he ſent Orders to [263] the Captain of the Guard, to ſee it was done no more; but the Anſwer he received was, That they were doing it at the very Inſtant, and would drink that, and no other Health, while the Biſhops were there.

date June 15. At length the firſt Day of the Term came about, when the Archbiſhop and the reſt moving for the Habeas Corpus, twenty-one of the very Prime of the Nobility appeared at the King's Bench to bail them, and they were bailed accordingly. Upon this Occa⯑ſion the Hall and Palace-yards were crouded with thouſands of People, who begging their Bleſſing as they paſſed, the Archbi⯑ſhop freely gave it, and as freely, at the ſame time, exhorted them to be conſtant to their Religion. A fortnight afterwards, an date 29 Information was exhibited againſt their Lordſhips, in the King's Bench, for that they had framed and publiſhed a ſeditious Libel; of which the Jury would not find them guilty, The Council for the Biſhops, the ableſt of their Profeſſion in all England, produced ſuch Arguments in their Behalf, that the Judges were divided, two of them declaring that the Proofs did not extend to the making their Petition or Ad⯑dreſs a Libel, and two of them that they did, which coſt Sir Richard Holloway and Sir John Powell their Seats on the Bench, [264] as ſoon as the Term was over. In the Courſe of this Tryal, the Power of the King to diſpenſe with the Laws, that grand Point, was moſt exquiſitely diſcuſſed by the Bi⯑ſhop's Council, who were ſo much an over⯑match for the King's, that at Court it was moſt heartily wiſhed this Buſineſs had never been puſhed to ſuch a Criſis. Weſtminſter⯑hall, the Palace-yards, and all the Streets about, were thronged with an infinite Peo⯑ple, whoſe loud Shouts and joyful Accla⯑mations upon hearing the Biſhops were ac⯑quitted, were a very Rebellion in Noiſe, tho' very far from ſo either in Fact or Inten⯑tion. Bonfires were made, not only in the City of London, but in moſt Towns in Eng⯑land, as ſoon as the News reached them; tho' there were ſtrict and general Orders given out to prevent all ſuch doings; and the Clergy preached more loudly, and more freely than ever againſt the Errors of the Latin Church. The next Day I waited on the King to the Camp on Hounſlow-heath, where every Body obſerved him to labour under a very great Diſturbance of Mind; but he ſpoke very kindly to me as I rode by him, upon ſeveral Occaſions.

date July 12. I was preſent, as a Juſtice, at the General Seſſions held for the Liberty of Weſtminſter, [265] and ſome Days afterwards, at the ſame held for the County of Middleſex, at Hicks's Hall, where I found ſuch a ſtrange Revolution among the Juſtices of the Peace, ſo many Papiſts and Fanatics put into the Commiſſi⯑on, that I neither ſought Buſineſs, nor choſe to mix with them. At this laſt Place there were ſeveral indicted as Rioters, for that they had been concerned in making of Bon⯑fires, or contributed thereto; but the Grand Jury would find no Bill, tho' they were ſent out no leſs than three Times; ſo generally did the Love of the Biſhops and the Prote⯑ſtant Cauſe prevail. And now my Lord Hallifax adviſed me to conſider with myſelf, Whether as Affairs ſtood, it were prudent to continue in my Imployments: I anſwer⯑ed, I had great Obligations to the King, and would ſerve him as well as I could, whilſt he would allow me that Honour, without concerning himſelf with my Reli⯑gion.

date July 13. Lord Sunderland, who had been long ſuſ⯑pected for a Papiſt, now openly declared himſelf of that Communion, with the uſual Ceremonies, in the King's Chappel; and ten or eleven Days afterwards, the King went down to the Thames's Mouth, as pre⯑tended, only to take a View of the Fleet; [266] but the real Cauſe was to appeaſe the Sea⯑men, who were ready to mutiny, on Ac⯑count of ſome of their Captains, who had publickly celebrated Maſs in their Ships. The King flattered them all he could; went from Ship to Ship; called them his Chil⯑dren; ſaid he had nothing to do with their Religion, and that he granted Liberty of Conſcience to all; but that he expected they would behave like Men of Honour and Courage when there ſhould be Occaſion for their Service; tho' they were ſo far grati⯑fied that all the Prieſts were ordered on Shore. Admiral Herbert, an able Seaman, who n the King had diſcarded from ſeveral great Poſts, becauſe he would not promiſe to vote for the Repeal, went privately away to Holland, where he was made Rear-Ad⯑miral; which raiſed Anger in the King, and the rather, as a great many Seamen went after him.

date Auguſt. Sometime afterwards, the Duke of Nor⯑folk came to viſit me in London; with whom diſcourſing upon the preſent Situation of the Kingdom, I found him a very firm and ſteady Proteſtant, to which he had been converted in the late Reign, and by no Means Satisfied with the Court. Some Days afterwards, carrying my Wife and [267] Daughter to Windſor, to wait on the Queen; I perceived the Court to be under ſome Con⯑ſternation, and the King in an ill Humour, tho' he was of an Equanimity which made it difficult to diſcover, at the News that the Dutch had fitted out a large Fleet as deſign⯑ed againſt us; and that the French and Dutch were on the Brink of a Rupture, and would each of them preſs us ſoon to know which Side we would take. This, conſidering the Jealouſies we were under on Account of Religion, the violent Diſcontents about the Army, and the ill Time of the Day it was to call a Parliament for freſh Supplies of Mo⯑ney, did very juſtly and reaſonably diſquiet the Court. And now the firſt Thing the date Aug. 24. King did, was to declare he would call a Parliament, to meet the 27th of November following, proteſting in Council, that he was moved thereto more for the Good and Satisfaction of the Nation, than for any Ap⯑prehenſion he was under of the Dutch Arma⯑ment. However, he commanded all Offi⯑cers in general to their Poſts, and drew the Forces out of other Garriſons and Places to man the Sea Ports.

Deſigning for York, I took Leave of his date 28 Majeſty, but with terrible Apprehenſions that he would put the ſame Queſtion to me [268] he had to others, concerning the Repeal; but he ſaid nothing at all of it, only enjoyn⯑ed me to ſtand a Candidate, for the next Parliament at York, which I would gladly have been excuſed, but it could not be; and ſo he wiſhed me a good Journey. Juſt at this Time I had News, that the Queſtion had been put, the Week before, to all our Juſtices of the Weſt-Riding, and that they had all anſwered in the Negative; ſo that I could not but think I had a lucky eſcape.

I ſent Notice to the Mayor and others of York, that I intended to ſtand for one of their Repreſentatives, at the enſuing Electi⯑on, and found the Magiſtracy would be for the moſt Part againſt me, tho' I had good Encouragement from the other Citizens. The Truth is, I was at ſome Loſs to know how to act in this Matter; I was not deſi⯑rous to be of this Parliament, not only be⯑cauſe I was grown infirm and almoſt unfit to attend the Duty of the Houſe, but alſo becauſe I was afraid the King would expect more from me than my Conſcience would extend to; for as I was determined not to violate this on the one Side, ſo I could hard⯑ly reſolve to offend ſo good a Maſter on the other. In theſe Straits, I went to the King at Windſor, and ſhewed him the Letters I [269] had ſent to York, and the Anſwers I had received thereto; deſiring his Majeſty to indulge me with Replies to three Queries I had to make, (1.) Whether, ſeeing the Conteſt was like to be both chargeable and difficult, and the Succeſs extremely doubt⯑ful, it was his Pleaſure I ſhould ſtand? He replied poſitively, I ſhould. (2.) Whether, as the Oppoſition was very ſtrong againſt me, he would impute it to my Remiſsneſs if I miſcarried? He promiſed he would not. (3.) Whether he would aſſiſt me all he could to prevent my being baffled, and particular⯑ly by ſuch Means as I ſhould propoſe to him? His Anſwer was, Yes; and he gave immediate Orders to the Lords for purging of Corporations, to make whatever Change or Alteration I deſired in the City of York, and to put in or out, which the King it ſeems had reſerved to himſelf by the laſt Charter, juſt as I pleaſed. But I was care⯑ful of what I did in this Regard: I conſi⯑dered that if I put out none, it would look as if I had no Power, and debaſe me into Contempt; and that if I diſplaced too ma⯑ny, it might exaſperate the City againſt me, make them believe I was too deep in the Court Intereſt, and prevent my Succeſs on the other Hand; I therefore only deſired [270] that the Lord Mayor might be diſmiſſed his Office, and Sir—Thompſon appointed in his ſtead, which would prevent his being a Member of Parliament; and that too, Mr. Edward Tomſon and Mr. Ramſden, who were my principal Friends in the former Election of me for York, and were afterwards turned out partly on my Account, might be re⯑ſtored as Aldermen. Then taking leave of the King, and preſented him with ſome Roman Medals, which he took very kindly, he again charged me to do what I could to be choſen.

I afterwards deſired Mr. Brent, the Agent for Corporation Matters, that if he had the Power, I might with ſome others I ſhould name, be added to the Bench of Juſtices in that City, by a Writ of Aſſiſtance, which he promiſed me ſhould be done. To leave this Affair for the preſent, there had at this Time been fifty Iriſhmen and Papiſts ſent for from Ireland, by the Duke of Berwick, in order to be incorporated into his Regiment. Every Captain was to have ſome; but Lieu⯑tenant Colonel Beaumont, and five Captains more, who were all that were then on the Spot, in Quarters at Portſmouth, refuſed to take a Man of them, ſaying their Companies were complete, and that they were not to [271] part with good Soldiers and Engliſhmen, to make Room for ſuch as were inferior to them and Foreigners; deſiring they might chuſe their own Men, or throw up their Commiſſions. The Duke of Berwick took great Offence at this, and ſending an Ac⯑count of it to the King, he diſpatched twen⯑ty Horſe to bring them up in Cuſtody to Windſor Caſtle, where they were to be tryed by a Council of War; and they were brought up accordingly. I ſpoke to them juſt as they arrived, and found they were all reſolved to ſtand it out; but they told me the Duke had not offered a Man of the Iriſh to any Company, then in his Grace's Regiment, which was very kind of him on his Part, and a miraculous Eſcape on mine.

Mean while, the Prince of Orange and the Dutch Ambaſſador had lately given the King Aſſurances that their Preparations were not againſt us; but his Majeſty, as if he made a Doubt of it, ordered great Things towards a Fleet for the Spring; and I was poſitively told, by one, that he had actually twenty five hundred thouſand Pounds in his Cof⯑fers.

date Sept. 10. This Day a Council of War ſat upon Co⯑lonel Beaumont, and the five Captains, and they were all caſhiered, tho' with Relu⯑ctance [272] on the Part of the King, who ſeemed to dread the Conſequences of it: They were offered Forgiveneſs if they would but accept of the Men, but they all refuſed it; which cauſed a great and general Diſcontent throughout the Army, and particularly in that Regiment, moſt of which ſoon after quitted. The ſame Day Sir Walter Vavaſor, and Mr. Middleton, came up to make Report to the King of the Anſwers they had re⯑ceived from the Weſtriding and the Corpo⯑rations, to the Queries they had put to them; in which I found the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of York were ſo faulty, that they would out of Courſe, and that I need⯑ed not give my ſelf the Trouble of getting them removed, and more remarkably my greateſt Oppoſers; ſo I left them to their Stars, and only inſiſted on the Commiſſion of Aſſiſtance for my ſelf and Friends I ſhould name; but every Poſt brought me new Fears I ſhould not be choſen at York, tho' ſeveral Alterations and Reſtrictions from popular Elections to a Mayor and twelve Aldermen, whom the King appointed as he pleaſed, were now made by new Charters, for the more certain Election of ſuch Members as might be to the King's good Liking. And now Lord Hallifax, when I took Leave of [273] him, which was this Day, adviſed me not date 1688 to be too much in earneſt with my Electi⯑on; date Aug. 16. at leaſt not to make too free a Uſe of the Court Aſſiſtance, for many Reaſons he then offered to my Conſideration.

A few Days afterwards, I ſat out for Yorkſhire, and being at my Seat in the Coun⯑try, I received Advice that my Intereſt at York was much leſſened by my Abſence; and what was ſtill worſe, that Lord Montgo⯑mery's Company, being ordered to march from that City, his Lordſhip would, if I did not come ſpeedily, be obliged to deli⯑ver up the Keys into the Hands of the Lord Mayor; I therefore immediately poſted a⯑way and received the Keys, and the Com⯑pany marched. I repreſented it to the King as a great Inconvenience that there ſhould not be ſo much as one Company in Garriſon at York, and deſired to know what I was to do with the Keys; to the firſt of which his Majeſty anſwered, That upon more mature Deliberation he had recalled the Company, and that as to the Second I might diſpoſe of the Keys as I ſaw pro⯑per.

date Oct. 1. I deſired the Lord Mayor to call a Hall, for that I had ſomething to ſay to them. A Hall was called; but his Lordſhip, the [274] greateſt Enemy to my Election, not having Patience to ſtay till I came, diſmiſs'd it al⯑moſt as ſoon as aſſembled, fearing I ſhould make ſome Proſelytes to my Intereſt. Juſt on the Back of this comes down a Procla⯑mation, ſetting forth a certain Intention the Prince of Orange had to invade this King⯑dom, by the Aſſiſtance and with the Con⯑currence of the States General, both with a ſtrong Fleet and a numerous Army; com⯑manding all Lord Lieutenants, Deputy Lieu⯑tenants, and all other his Majeſty's Officers, to hold themſelves in Readineſs to defend the King and Kingdom. At this Time Lord Thomas Howard was Lieutenant of the Weſt Riding, a rigid Papiſt, and now gone Ambaſſador to Rome. He had left but three Deputies behind him, two of which alſo were Papiſts, and but two of the three were now in the Country; while moſt of the Gen⯑try of Yorkſhire were come to the City, ex⯑pecting to meet with Writs for the Choice of Members. I therefore preſſed the High Sheriff to give Notice to ſome Gentlemen, while I convened others, for the next Day; when Sir Henry Gooderick began a Diſcourſe, which I ſeconded, to ſhew how little we were able to ſerve the King with the Mili⯑tia, without another Lord Lieutenant, un⯑der [275] whom we might lawfully ſerve, meaning a Proteſtant; and at the ſame Time we ſub⯑ſcribed a Repreſentation of our Caſe to his Majeſty. I was well aware how very un⯑grateful this would be to him; but to obvi⯑ate his Diſpleaſure, I gave him private In⯑telligence of the Intention to prepare it, and begged of him to excuſe the Concern I had therein, aſſuring him it was now abſolutely for his Service.

date Octob. 4. In the Midſt of this comes down a ſpecial Meſſenger to purge the Corporation, to put out the former Lord Mayor and Aldermen, and to appoint others, almoſt all Papiſts; but the Commiſſion was ſo defective, and there were ſuch Miſtakes in the Execution of it, as fruſtrated the Deſign. The next Day I prevailed with the Lord Mayor to call a Hall; upon which Occaſion I ſpoke to them a full half Hour, and ſo convinced them of the evil Arts which had been put in Practice againſt me, and the great Injuſtice done me, that they all ſeemed to be Converts in my Favour; and to add to what I had ſaid, I gave them up the Keys, but made them own it as a Courteſy, and promiſe to reſtore them to me again, whenever I deſired it, for his Majeſty's Service. And now Lord Fairfax, a Roman Catholic and Lord Lieutenant of [276] the North Riding, being at York, obſerved to me it could be for no good End that the Lords Devonſhire and Danby were come down to the Country; tho the former pretended he was only come to view his Eſtate, and the latter to drink the Waters at Knaisbourgh. They were both of them frequently enga⯑ged in Converſation at Sir Henry Gooderick's, and the firſt of them came to York, where I paid all imaginable Civilities to him, and received the ſame from him; the other I waited on at Sir Henry's, not once ſuſpect⯑ing that Men of their high Quality and great Eſtate could intend any thing prejudicial to the Government or dangerous to themſelves; and indeed their outward Behaviour was very decent and innocent.

Two Days afterwards I had an Expreſs from Lord Preſton, the new Secretary of State, Sunderland, who was turned Papiſt, and had been the Author of great Miſchief ſince he had been near the King, being laid aſide, to acquaint me that his Majeſty had given a very kind Reception to our Repre⯑ſentation on the Part of the County, and that in Compliance therewith he had named the Duke of Newcaſtle to be Lord Lieute⯑nant of all Yorkſhire; and his Grace coming to town ſoon after, appointed his Deputies and [277] Militia Officers, both Horſe and Foot. The King began now, tho' fatally too late, to be ſenſible of his Error in carrying Matters to ſo enormous a Length at the Inſtigation of Popiſh Councils; and now reſtored ſeveral Juſtices of the Peace in moſt Counties, as al⯑ſo the old Charters all England over; he now quits his Hold of the Biſhop of London, does Juſtice to Magdalen College, and begins a⯑gain to court the Church of England.

date Octob. 10. Amidſt this hopeful Reform comes News that the Prince of Orange increaſed daily, and that his Fleet was ready to ſpread Can⯑vaſs for the Sea. Three Days afterwards I had Orders from the King to receive ſeven hundred Scotch Horſe and Dragoons, on date 13 their March from the northern Kingdom; and in two Days they arrived. I was in great Hopes they would have taken up their Quarters in York, for the Security of both the City and Country; but the Danger hour⯑ly approaching, the Apprehenſions of the Prince of Orange's Deſcent growing ſtronger and ſtronger, and the King being willing to have his Army in as numerous a Plight as might be, they were ordered to continue their March ſouthward, after they had been with us but three Days. The Duke of New⯑caſtle, who kept nothing a Secret from [278] me, told me he had heard Lord Danby had a great Sum of Money in the Bank of Hol⯑land, and that he had been invited up to London by my Lord Bellaſſis and the King's Order; that he had made ſome Offers of his Service, but that he had no manner of In⯑tention to go up; which laſt I very well knew from other Hands.

date Oct. 15. Upon ſome Diſcourſe with the Earl of Danby, at the Dean's Houſe, his Lordſhip broke out into theſe Expreſſions; We are now every Way in an ill Condition in this Kingdom.—If the King beats the Prince of Orange, Popery will return upon us with more Violence than ever.—If the Prince beats the King, the Crown and the Nation may be in no ſmall Danger. The fate Lord Mayor being now ſuperſeded, tho' it was impoſſible to ſwear the new one in, becauſe of ſome Miſtakes with Regard to the new Charter, it may be ſaid that York was now a very remarkable Place; for it was an Archbiſhopric without a Biſhop, a City without a Mayor, and a Garriſon with⯑out a Soldier. But theſe Defects were ſoon ſupplyed; the old Charter was reſtored and the old Lord Mayor therewith; the Biſhop of Exeter, who fled from that City upon the Prince of Orange's Landing, was made Arch⯑biſhop [279] of York; and I had one Company of Foot ſent to continue with me.

Strange it was, and a certain Preſage of the Miſchiefs which attended this Invaſion, that neither the Gentry nor the Commona⯑lity were under any Concern about it: Said they, the Prince comes only to maintain the Proteſtant Religion.—He will do no Harm to England: While on the other Hand it was from Court ſuggeſted that his Aim was at the Crown, and that the Dutch, who aſſiſted him, graſped at the Trade of Eng⯑land. In truth, his Highneſſes Declaration, when it made its Appearance, which was a little while before he landed, ſeemed to be dark and ambiguous enough, ſetting forth all the Grievances of the Nation with great Aggravation, and aſſerting that the King's Intention was to ſubvert the Government both in Church and State; that he deſigned to make himſelf abſolute, and to extirpate the Proteſtant Religion; that to this Pur⯑poſe he had inſiſted on a diſpenſing Power; that he had moulded and faſhioned all the Charters to his Mind, to the End he might have ſuch Members of Parliament as he de⯑ſired; that he had examined and pre-enga⯑ged ſuch as he intended ſhould be of the Houſe of Commons; and that what was [280] worſe, he had impoſed a ſuppoſitious Prince of Wales upon the Nation, merely to pro⯑mote Popery, and to defeat the Prince and Princeſs of Orange of their Right of Succeſ⯑ſion.

The King underſtanding there was a great Noiſe raiſed about this Prince of Wales, had, a little before the Invaſion, called an extraordinary Council, whither all the No⯑bility, Biſhops, and foreign Miniſters were ſummoned, before whom the Queen Dow⯑ager, ſeveral Lords and Ladies, and the King's and Queen's Servants, to the Num⯑ber of forty, as well Proteſtants as Papiſts, gave pregnant Evidence concerning the Birth of this Prince, all which was re-examined in Chancery upon Oath, and there record⯑ed.

date Oct. 29. A Report now arrives that the Dutch Fleet had been miſerably ſhattered by Tem⯑peſt; that Lord Sunderland was certainly out, and Lord Preſton Secretary of State in his Stead. The King mean while made great Preparations for War, and had ſwelled up his Army, as was computed, to ſix thou⯑ſand Horſe and Dragoons, and thirty eight thouſand Foot: The Fleet alſo was out, un⯑der the Command of Lord Dartmouth, but much inferior to the Dutch, and did nothing [281] to the Purpoſe. Three Days afterwards the Prince of Orange's Declaration, conveyed by an unknown Hand to a Citizen of ours, was brought to me, and I immediately tranſmit⯑ted it to the Secretary of State. Orders were at the ſame Time ſent down to us to ſecure the Lord Lumley, then in the North Riding; but the Gentleman, Colonel John Darcy, who was charged with this Commiſ⯑ſion, pretended he could not find him, tho' it afterwards appeared his Lordſhip was not far off, and might have been ſeized at Plea⯑ſure. The next Day I had an Expreſs from the Secretary at War, ſignifying that the Dutch Fleet had been ſeen off Dover, ſteer⯑ing their Courſe to the Weſtward, which gave us ſome Hopes there was no Danger of their landing in the North. In three Days more I received by another Expreſs that the Prince was actually landed at Tor⯑bay, in the Weſt, (on the 5th of this Month, November) and that he had marched ſtrait to Exeter, attended by Marſhall Schomberg, an old and experienced Officer, together with a Number of our own Nobility and Gentry of conſiderable Name, and a great Land Army.

I immediately ſent the Duke of Newcaſtle Word of this Invaſion, tho' he had Notice [282] of it from above; but he wrote back that the Prince being landed at ſuch a Diſtance: his Preſence would be no way neceſſary at York. I thought this a very weak Anſwer, and ſent him Word that the Danger was not only from the Invaders, but alſo from their Confederates at home, and that it was impoſſible the Prince ſhould dare to attack England with an Army of under 20000 Men, if he was not very ſure of Aſſiſtance from our ſelves. The Deputy Lieutenants, being ten in Number, were now all at York, and be⯑ing very ſollicitous to preſerve Peace, Quiet, and good Order, propoſed a Meeting of the Gentry and Freeholders of the County, to be held on Thurſday the 19th inſtant, in Or⯑der to draw up ſome Declaration of unſhaken Loyalty to the King in this Time of Dan⯑ger; as alſo to conſult on ſuch Matters as might be for the Honour of God, and our own Welfare and Safety. This being a Motion made by Sir Henry Gooderick, I ſe⯑conded it, and obſerved that an Addreſs of ſuch a Tenor might give ſome Satisfaction to the Government, and be a Diſcourage⯑ment to its Enemies. Accordingly a Sum⯑mons was drawn up, to be diſperſed all the Country over; and in the mean Time I wrote up to Lord Preſton, the Secretary of State, [283] to acquaint him with this ſeemingly intend⯑ed loyal Addreſs from the Gentlemen in our Parts, and ſent a Letter to the Duke of Newcaſtle, deſiring him to make one of the Company.

date Nov. 15. Being this Day at Dinner with Lord Fair⯑fax, Sir Henry Gooderick, and others, at a Gentleman's who had invited us, the Clerk of the Peace of the Weſt Riding comes in, to give us Notice of a new Commiſſion, in which ſome thirty of the principal Gentle⯑men of the Neighbourhood were left out; and among the reſt Sir Henry himſelf. This threw him into ſuch a Rage, that he vowed he was ſorry he had promoted the Meeting he had for the Service of the King; but I heard that at this intended Aſſembly there were to have been ſome Points diſcuſſed which would not have been of ſo grateful a Nature to the Court: For it was at the ſame Time the Deſign to have petitioned for a ſpeedy and a free Parliament, and for other Conceſſions which were to have been de⯑manded and inſiſted upon. But all this was all along denyed to me, and particularly by Sir Henry Gooderick, who being an open Man, I confeſs I added Faith to his Words; but Friendſhip is too often a Blind to the Eyes.

[284] Four Days after this, the Duke of New⯑caſtle date Nov. 19. himſelf came to York, and ſaid he heard there was a Deſign to petition for a free Parliament, and that he thought it not fit there ſhould be ſo much of the Militia together. I ſat that Night with his Grace till it was twelve of the Clock; and we came to a Reſolution, That if the Petition or intended Addreſs was not con⯑ceived in Terms of the ſtricteſt Loyalty, we would not ſet our Hands to it. The next Day his Grace called together his De⯑puty Lieutenants, and asked them, If there was any Thing meant by their Aſſembly on Thurſday, more than to make a Declaration of Loyalty to his Majeſty? Whereupon Sir Henry Gooderick, who was one of them, de⯑clared plainly, That he intended to petition for a free Parliament, and hoped that the reſt, who ſhould meet, would concur there⯑in, after the Example of a late Petition from ſome Biſhops, and ſome Temporal Lords. The Duke took this ſo much amiſs, that he declared he would not ſtay to be af⯑fronted or overuled by his Deputies, and that he would be gone the next Day. I made Oppoſition to this; obſerving that no abſolute Reſolution could be taken, till the Gentlemen appeared; and that if ought elſe [285] beſides a mere Declaration of Loyalty were thought neceſſary, it might be ſo penned, and with that Modeſty as both to ſatisfy here, and not diſpleaſe above; in ſhort, that his Grace ought, at all Events, to be on the Spot in a Time of ſuch great Trouble and Difficulty. But he went away according to his Word, ſaying no Body had been of his Side but my ſelf.

date Nov. 22. And now came the Day of Meeting; a fatal one I think. I would not go to them at the Common Hall, which was the Place appointed; nor indeed was I very well able, by reaſon of ſome Bruiſes I had received by my Horſe's falling upon me: But I heard that in the Midſt of about a hundred Gen⯑tlemen who met, Sir Henry Gooderick deli⯑vered himſelf to this Effect; That there having been great Endeavours made by the Government of late Years to bring Popery into the Kingdom, and by many Devices to ſet at nought the Laws of the Land, there could be no proper Redreſs of the many Grievances we laboured under, but by a free Parliament; that now was the only Time to prefer a Petition of the Sort; and that they could not imitate a better Pattern than had been ſet before them by ſeveral Lords Spiritual and Temporal. There were thoſe [286] who differed with him in Opinion, and would have had ſome Expreſſions in the Pa⯑per moderated and amended; and obſerved that at the ſame time they petitioned as they deſigned, it would be but their Duty to aſſure his Majeſty, They would ſtand firm by him in the midſt of the Dangers which threatned both him and his King⯑doms, at the Hazard of their Lives and Fortunes; but this was overuled. When therefore the Draught was completed ac⯑cording to the Mind of Sir Henry Gooderick and his Friends, tho' ſeveral diſliked it and went away, they proceeded to ſign; but be⯑fore a third Man could ſubſcribe it, in comes one Mr. Tankard with a rueful Story That the Papiſts were riſen; and that they had actually fired upon the Militia Troops. A⯑larmed at this, the Gentlemen ran out; and thoſe that were privy to the Deſign betook them to their Horſes, which were conveni⯑ently at hand for their Purpoſe. Lord Danby, mean while in his Lodging, waited for the falſe Alarm, and mounted, with his Son, Lord Lumley, Lord Horton, Lord Wil⯑loughby and others, who, together with their Servants, formed a Body of Horſe, con⯑ſiſting of a Hundred in Number, well mount⯑ed, and well accoutred. Theſe rode up to [287] the four Militia Troops, drawn out on ano⯑ther Account, and cryed out A free Parlia⯑ment, the Proteſtant Religion, and no Popery. The Captains of theſe Troops were Lord Fairfax, Sir Thomas Gower, Mr. Robinſon, and Captain Tankard, who being admitted of the Secret the Night before, tho' prompt and ready enough in their Nature for any Action of the Kind, immediately cryed out the ſame, and led their Troops over to them. In the firſt Place they went to the main Guard of the ſtanding Company, which, the Number not exceeding twenty, they ſurpriſed, before I had the leaſt Notice or even Jealouſy of what was in Agitation; not thinking it poſſible that Men of ſuch Qua⯑lity, ſuch Eſtates, could give Way to their Diſcontent, however great and juſt it might be, to the Degree of engaging themſelves in an Attempt ſo deſperate, and ſo contrary to the Laws they boaſted, and the Religi⯑on they profeſſed. But I had no ſooner No⯑tice of what had been tranſacted, than I ſent for the Officers and the Guard, and un⯑derſtood they were Priſoners. I then ſent to each Captain of the four Troops, injoin⯑ing him to bring his Troop to me as the King's Governor, as alſo to the Main Guard of the Militia Foot; but they would not [286] ſtir a Step; they would hearken to no Or⯑ders. I then ſent for my own Horſes, and was juſt ready to go to the Troops, in hopes, by my Preſence, to regain them to the King's Service, when Sir Henry Bellaſſis, who had commanded a Regiment in Holland, under the Prince, and had lurked about a long while in Yorkſhire for his Highneſs's Service, drew up a Party of thirty Horſe before my Door, and prevented my ſtirring abroad till Lord Danby, and his principal Companions, came up to me.

His Lordſhip told me that to reſiſt were to no manner of End or Purpoſe; that him⯑ſelf, and the Gentlemen with him, were in Arms for a free Parliament, and the Preſer⯑vation of the Proteſtant Religion and Go⯑vernment, as by Law eſtabliſhed, which the King had almoſt brought to nothing, and which the Prince of Orange was come to re⯑ſtore; and that he hoped I would join them in ſo laudable an Effort. I made Anſwer that I was for a free Parliament and the Pro⯑teſtant Religion as well as they, but that I was alſo for the King: His Lordſhip re⯑plyed, that he was ſo too, and that he hop⯑ed as we agreed in Principles, we ſhould concur in Action: I told him tho' we exact⯑ly agreed in the Matter, we differed widely [287] as to the Manner; and I could not conceive it lawful to extort any Thing from the Crown by any manner of Force; and that as I had the Honour of being his Majeſty's Gover⯑nor for York, it was impoſſible, whatever the Conſequences might be, for me to join in Concert with thoſe who openly and avow⯑edly acted in repugnance to and contempt of his Authority and Commiſſion. His Lord⯑ſhip then ſaid, he muſt impriſon me; to which I made Anſwer, that I was naked and deſtitute of Friends and Aſſiſtance, and that I acknowledged my ſelf in his Lord⯑ſhips Power to do with me as he would: But after ſome ſhort Conſultation, his Lord⯑ſhip told me, he knew me to be a Man of Honour, and that he ſhould think my En⯑gagement not to ſtir, to be as ſure and as cloſe a Reſtraint upon me, as a Guard or a Priſon; ſo that upon the Pledge of my Ho⯑nour I was to confine my ſelf to my Room; his Lordſhip, however, recommended what he had offered to my farther Conſideration. They then ſeized on all the Gates, poſted ſtrong Guards every where, and ſuffered none to go in or out; they ſecured ſuch Perſons as betrayed a Diſlike to their Pro⯑ceedings, and eſpecially the Officers of the [288] Company; but the Company it ſelf revolt⯑ed to them the next Day.

Gathered to this Head, the next Day they viſited the Magazine and Stores, which, God knows, were next to nothing, not⯑withſtanding all my moſt preſſing Remon⯑ſtrances to the King, both formerly and of late. The Militia Troops then, and ſome of the Gentlemen who came in to ſerve as Voluntiers, and who were not above ſixty, ranſacked the Houſes of ſeveral Papiſts, for Prieſts, Arms, and Horſes, which they took wherever they found them. They ſeized alſo on a Company of Foot new raiſed, but not yet armed, in their Quarters at Tadcaſter, and a Company of Grenadiers as they were on their March for London, by the Way of York; but as yet they touched the Property of no Man but the Kings, the Papiſts and my ſelf excepted, for they made very free with my Coals, and other Proviſion I had ſaid in for the Uſe of the Garriſon.

date Nov. 24. The Earl now cauſed the Lord Mayor to call a Hall, where his Lordſhip made a Speech, ſetting forth the Reaſon for their Riſing, and of their Declaration, deſiring the City would join with them in the latter, and they ſigned it accordingly, as did alſo a Number of Gentlemen. This Declaration [289] being the next Day printed, there appeared of Hands of Lords to it, ſix; of Lords Sons, three; of Baronets, five; of Knights, ſix; of Eſquires and Gentlemen, ſixty ſix; and of Citizens of York, fifty ſix. We had now News from Nottingham, that the Earl of Devonſhire, Lord Delamere, and many more Noblemen and Gentlemen were riſen alſo in thoſe Parts, and that great Numbers flocked in to them.

Mean while the King was on his March to Salisbury, which he had appointed to be the general Rendezvous of his whole Army, having ſent the young Prince, his Son, to Portſmouth, as the Report was by ſome, but to France according to others. In a Day or two, I made it my Requeſt to the Earl of Danby, that he would give me leave to be a Priſoner at my own Houſe in the Country, where I promiſed to act nothing to his Pre⯑judice, but to aquieſce, and abide by my Word as a true Priſoner. Hereupon he ſent for me to come and dine with him; and at my coming into the Room told me, That to give me the better Stomach to my Meal, I might, upon the Terms I had pro⯑poſed, depart whenever I pleaſed. At Din⯑ner his Lordſhip told me the Duke of New⯑caſtle's Abſence had been what principally [290] favoured their Deſign; and that he doubted not but I had ſome Fear or Suſpicion of what was going forward: I anſwered, that I did indeed believe they would go very high in their Petition, but never imagined ſo many Gentlemen of their Rank and Qua⯑lity would have ventured upon ſo perilous an Expedient; and that if I had been aware of it, I ſhould certainly have made a Reſi⯑ſtance, tho' to ever ſo little Purpoſe, or at leaſt have made my Eſcape out of the Town. I had Diſcourſe with ſeveral of theſe Gen⯑tlemen, and perceived that they began to reflect on what they had done, as of more Danger than they at firſt thought of, and found they were troubled, that Men come in ſo ſlowly to them. Lord Willoughby ſaid it was the firſt Time that any Bertie had been concerned againſt the Crown; that it was a Grief to him, but that the Neceſſity of the Times was fatally ſuch, that there had been no avoiding it. To this I obſerved, that the flagrant Invaſion on our Rights might have been reſtrained without a Re⯑peſſing Force, and that a thorough and plain repreſentation of our Injuries, properly urg⯑ed on the Part of the whole Kingdom, could not have failed to reduce the King to a bet⯑ter and juſter Senſe of what he was about; [291] that the great want of Money, the violent Diſtraction of the Nation, and a plain Diſ⯑covery that Popery could never again be impoſed upon us, would have obliged his Majeſty, for his own Sake, for his own Safety and Intereſt, to have altered the Te⯑nor of his Conduct. Sir Henry Gooderick would then have perſuaded me to ſign their Declaration, but I told them I could not poſſibly do it; for that tho' I ſhould be of a Mind with them, as to the Matter it con⯑tained, yet being now in Arms I could not, in my Judgment, conceive but a Concur⯑rence with them, as to the Contents of their Paper, might be juſtly conſtrued into a join⯑ing with them in the Force. Mr. Tankard alſo moſt earneſtly preſſed me to be with them, but I held out. In the midſt of this comes the Clerk of the Peace to give me No⯑tice of a new Commiſſion that was brought down, which reſtored all the Gentlemen of the Weſt Riding I have formerly obſerved to have been turned out; but that myſelf and two more were omitted. Lord Danby immediately took up this, and told me it was plain There was a Reſentment againſt me, and that it was very evident I ſhould meet with worſe Quarter on the other Side, than from them; but all this had no manner [292] of Effect upon me. The next Day the Duke of Newcaſtle ſent Orders to his Captains of Horſe to diſmiſs the Militia Troops; but they inſtead of obeying his Orders, laughed at him for his ill-timed Meſſage.

This Day I obtained a Paſs of their Ge⯑neralſhips to go to my own Home, upon my Parole that I would confine my ſelf there, nor exceed the Bounds of five Miles about, and live peaceably and quietly, and abſtain from all Manner of hoſtile Action. We had now News as if the Army had voted for a free Parliament, tho' at the ſame Time they declared they would defend his Majeſty's Perſon from all Men without Exception; the very Matter I deſired to be the Con⯑tents of our Yorkſhire Petition. But on the Heels of this laudable Reſolution, it hap⯑ned, as we were told, that a Number of great Men, Officers of the Army, and par⯑ticular Confidents of the King, had revolted and gone over to the Prince of Orange; par⯑ticularly, that on the 19th of November, the King having then reached Salisbury, where his Army was rendezvouſed, the Lord Churchill, one of his Major Generals, under Pretence of ſhewing him his Outguards, miſled his Majeſty into a Train which muſt have betrayd him to the Hands of a Party [293] of the Prince of Orange's Army, had not an immoderate Bleeding at the Noſe prevented the King from proceeding; and that the ſaid Lord perceiving his Deſign to be thus fruſtrated, immediately went over to the Prince, accompanied by the Duke of Graf⯑ton, Colonel Berkley, and others; tho', it muſt be obſerved, that this Lord Churchill was raifed from a Page to the King, to the Degree of a Viſcount of England, and in Poſſeſſion of a great Eſtate therewith, which was entirely owing to his Majeſty's Bounty. The King aſtoniſhed, and not knowing who to truſt, returned to Andover, on the 24th, where he ſat at Supper with Prince George of Denmark, his Son-in-law, and the Duke of Ormond, bnt to the Surprize of all Men, they both deſerted him that very Night, and withdrew to the Prince, together with others of good Note and Account. The very next Day, the Princeſs of Denmark de⯑parted privately from Whitehall, in Compa⯑ny with Lady Churchill, and took Refuge at Nottingham. Now the Number of all that thus forſook the King did not as yet amount to one thouſand, but ſuch a mutual Jealouſy now took Birth, that there was no relying on any one, no knowing who would be true and honeſt to the Cauſe; wherefore [294] the Army and Artillery were ordered to re⯑tire back towards London, where his Maje⯑ſty arrived on the 26th, his Out-quarters be⯑ing at Windſor, Reading, and Places round about.

The next Day he called together all the Lords Spiritual and Temporal then in Town, being about fifty in Number, and purſuant to their Advice, Writs were immediately iſſued out for calling a free Parliament, and for removing all Roman Catholics from Coun⯑cils and Imployments; for iſſuing out a ge⯑neral Pardon to all who were with the Prince, and for ſending Commiſſioners to treat with him. The Proclamation accordingly came out, the Parliament was to meet upon the 15th of January next enſuing, and the Lords date Nov. 28. Hallifax, Nottingham, and Godolphin, were appointed Commiſſioners to the Prince. But to return back a little to our northern Parts, Kingſton upon Hull, or Hull, that conſidera⯑ble Garriſon was at this Time ſurpriſed by Mr. Copley, the Lieutenant Governor, who gathering a Party to him, ſeiſed the Gover⯑nor himſelf, Lord Langdale, in the Night, as alſo a Number of Roman Catholics who fled for Refuge to that Place; and the Soldiers joining in the Treachery, they declared for the King, and the Proteſtant Religion, and [295] ſent immediate Notice to York of what they had done. About the ſame Time a Party was diſpatched from York to ſeiſe the Duke of Newcaſtle's Horſes and Arms, which they did, but no Manner of Attempt or Injury was offered to his Grace's Perſon. In ſhort, there were but few Gentlemen in our Parts of the County that adhered to the King; nor indeed in any Part of the North of Eng⯑land.

date Dec. 11. And now Plymouth, Briſtol, and other Places, ſubmitted themſelves to the Prince, and the Defection began to be general. In the Midſt, as it were of this, the Prince of Wales is brought from Portſmouth to London, when every Soul concluded he was in France: But he made no Continuance; the Queen the very next Night, being Sunday, carrying him, about twelve of the Clock, down to a Veſſel privately prepared, which by a fa⯑vourable Gale was wafted over to Dunkirk. The next Day a Regiment of Scotch Horſe deſerted to the Prince, nor was there an Hour ſcarce but his Majeſty received, like Job, ill News of one Sort or other; ſo that, prompted thereto, by moſt fatal Advice, he the next Day, being the 11th, withdrew himſelf privately, attended only by two or three Perſons, to follow the Queen, as was [296] then moſt commonly believed. This was very extraordinary and quite wonderful; for his Commiſſioners having juſt before ſent him Word, That Affairs might be managed with the Prince to his Majeſty's Satisfaction, he had ſummoned his Cabinet Council to meet the next Day, at nine in the Morning; tho' he ſeems he intended nothing leſs than to be with them; for he went away that very Night, without ſo much as leaving any Order or Direction behind him. The Lord Chancellor withdrew at the ſame Time, and took the Broad Seal along with him; ſo that all was now in the utmoſt Confuſion, nor is the Conſternation to be expreſſed▪ Upon this the Lords, as well Spiritual as Temporal, wrote to his Highneſs of Orange, to let him know the King was gone from them and to acquaint him, They would en⯑deavour to keep Things in Order, till they could receive his Directions, and to invite him to Town.

The Rabble had been before ſufficiently incenſed againſt the Papiſts, but now appre⯑hending, and reaſonably enough, That the King had withdrawn himſelf by their Ad⯑vice, or rather at their Inſtigation, they grew to that Height of Outrage, that riſing in prodigious Multitudes, and dividing them⯑ſelves [297] into great Parties, they pulled down the Chappels of that Worſhip, as well as the Houſes of many of its Profeſſors, taking and ſpoiling their Goods, and impriſoning ſuch as they ſuſpected to be Prieſts: Nor did they ſpare even the Chappels and Houſes of Ambaſſadors, and other foreign Miniſters; and particularly the Spaniſh Ambaſſador, who, as was generally computed, of his own and others, who ſought his Protection, had Goods and Plate to the Value of one hun⯑dred thouſand Pounds taken from him; what was of leſs Worth, and belonging to that Superſtition, was burnt publickly in the Street. The ſame Day, the Lord Chan⯑cellor, who had waited too long for the Tide, tho' in the Diſguiſe of a Seaman and deſtitute of his Eye-brows, which he had purpoſely cut off, was ſtopt at Wapping, ta⯑ken, and committed to the Tower by Or⯑der of the Lords. He was firſt brought to the Lord Mayor upon Suſpicion only; but being ſoon known, they were obliged to give him a ſtrong Guard, or he had cer⯑tainly been torn to Pieces. Pen, the great Quaker, a Man of reputed Wit, and much conſulted by the King, with regard to the diſpenſing Power he would unfortunately have uſurped, and the Scheme of Liberty of [298] Conſcience, was taken alſo; as was Father Peters, that Incendiary, that Scandal to the Privy Council, where he was the firſt of his pernicious Order that had ſat for many a Year before.

The King, however, upon his Departure wrote to the general Officers of his Army, ſignifying, That Things being brought to Extremities, and being obliged to ſend a⯑way the Queen and the Prince, he was forced to follow himſelf; but hoped it might, at ſome Time or other, pleaſe God to touch the Hearts of this Nation with true Loyalty and Honour. That could he but have truſted to his Troops, he would at leaſt have had one Blow for it; but that tho' there were ſome loyal and brave Men among them, both Of⯑ficers and Soldiers, it was their Advice to him not to venture himſelf at their Head, or to fight the Prince of Orange with them. He thanked thoſe for their Fidelity who had been true to him; and added, That tho' he did not expect they ſhould expoſe themſelves, by reſiſting a foreign Army, and a poiſoned Nation, he hoped they would preſerve themſelves diſengaged from Aſſo⯑ciations and all ſuch evil Doings. In the Poſtcript he told them, That as he had ever found them Loyal, ſo they ever had and e⯑ver [299] ſhould find in him a kind Maſter. Lord Feverſham, then commanding as General, diſpatched this Letter to the Prince of O⯑range; and ſent him Word, That having thereby Directions to make no Oppoſition, he had, to prevent the Effuſion of Chriſtian Blood, given Notice of the ſame to his Ar⯑my, which had thereupon in great Meaſure disbanded.

His Majeſty, in the mean Time, endea⯑vouring to forſake the Kingdom, in a Hoy with few of his Attendance, among whom was Sir Edward Hales, and ſtretching over from an Iſland in Kent, was boarded by a Boat, with thirty ſix armed Men, who were bound, as they called it, a Prieſt-codding, or catching. They uſed the King, but eſpe⯑cially thoſe that were with him, with great Rudeneſs and Incivility, and took from his Majeſty three hundred Guinea's, all he was at that Time worth, and his Sword: But when they came to underſtand who he was, they offered to reſtore him both, but he would take back nothing but his Sword. Being brought to Shore, he went to Lord Winchelſea's, where he was taken with ano⯑ther Fit of Bleeding at the Noſe, which made him very weak and very ſick. Infor⯑mation of this being ſent up to the Lords at [300] Whitehall, they ordered four Noblemen, Aylsbury, Middleton, Yarmouth and another, with ſome of his Servants to attend him, and carry him Neceſſaries; ſome of the Guards alſo, and Lord Feverſham, waited upon him; but their Orders were to leave it to his Ma⯑jeſty's own Choice, either to go or to re⯑turn, it being deemed unfit to put any Re⯑ſtraint upon him. Much about the ſame Time, the Lords Peterborough and Salisbury, who had been lately converted by Father Walker, Maſter of Univerſity College in Ox⯑ford, were alſo taken: But the Prince of O⯑range being invited to London, had reached Windſor before he knew the King had been intercepted.

Before his Highneſs came to Town, he ſent his own People to poſſeſs themſelves of the Tower: He quartered them in and near the Town, and poſted them at Whitehall; and at two in the Morning ſent his Majeſty Notice That he muſt remove from thence that Day to ſome Place ten or twelve Miles diſtant, and be attended by his Highneſs's Guards. His Majeſty therefore went to Rocheſter, attended by Lord Dunbarton, Lord Aylsbury, and Lord Arran; and then the Prince came to St. James's, where he was complimented by many of the Nobility; [301] the Bells rang, Bonfires were lighted up, nor was any public Profeſſion of Joy want⯑ing among the Rabble; while ſerious Men in the City ſeemed to think it hard The King ſhould be ſo forced to withdraw him⯑ſelf a ſecond Time.

The Prince, upon his Arrival, ſeemed more inclined to the Presbyterians than to the Members of the Church, which ſtartled the Clergy; he ordered as many of the King's Forces to be gathered together as poſſible, and confined Lord Feverſham to Windſor Caſtle for having disbanded them, and for other Matters laid to his Charge; nor muſt we forget, That his Highneſs aſ⯑ſumed ſo much to himſelf, as to make the Duke of Beaufort wait full four Hours before he would give him Admittance. The King, alarmed at this Proceeding, began to think himſelf in Danger, and ſent to the Lords, ſignifying, It was his Deſire to go out of the Kingdom. Their Lordſhips took ſome Time to conſider on the Anſwer they were to make; but while they were in the midſt of their Deliberation, he gratifyed himſelf in his own Deſire, and went private⯑ly away. And now the Engliſh Guards and other Troops were, by the Prince, ſent to the Diſtance of twenty Miles from London, [302] to make Room for the foreign Soldiery he had brought with him.

The Lords having for ſome Time ſat in their Houſe, and finding that his Majeſty would not appoint another Chancellor or Keeper, or produce the great Seal, the Lords I ſay, being about ſixty in Number, as well Spiritual as Temporal, Lord Hallifax being in the Chair, made an Order to baniſh all Papiſts that had not kept Houſe for four Years laſt paſt, to the Diſtance of ten Miles from the City. Their Lordſhips ceaſed not to ſit, tho' it was Chriſtmaſs-Day; and among other Things, framed an Addreſs to the Prince, That he would take the Govern⯑ment on himſelf, till Affairs could be ſet⯑tled; and the next Day a certain Number of Lords were appointed to wait on him therewith; but his Highneſs ſaid, He could give no Anſwer to it, till he had the Opini⯑on of the Commons; for it was but two Days before that he had ordered the Lord Mayor and fifty of the Aldermen and Common Council, together with all ſuch Gentlemen as had been Members of Parliament in the late Reign, and were in Town, to meet to⯑gether in the Houſe of Commons, to ſit there as a Committee, in Imitation of the Lords. They met accordingly, to the Num⯑ber [303] of about 300, and voted a Concurrence with the Lords in moſt Things, and particu⯑larly in their Addreſs to the Prince to take the Government upon him till the 22d of January, when a Convention was to be ſum⯑moned; the Writs, it ſhould ſeem, that had been iſſued out for the calling of a Parlia⯑ment, and the Elections that had thereupon been made, becoming void and of none Ef⯑fect. All this was tranſacted in the midſt of almoſt a dead Calm, no Miſchief was at⯑tempted, no Diſorders raiſed or fomented, but all was Peace, Acquieſcence, and Sub⯑miſſion.

date Dec. 28. The Prince having received this Addreſs, replyed, That he would, according to their Advice, endeavour to ſecure the Peace of the Nation, till the Meeting of the Conven⯑tion; and that in order to the ſaid Meeting, he would iſſue out his Letters to the ſeve⯑ral Counties and Towns; that he would take Care the Revenue ſhould be applied to the moſt proper Uſes the Exigencies of Affairs required; that he would do his beſt to put Ireland into ſuch a Condition as might beſt maintain the Proteſtant Religion and Eng⯑liſh Intereſt in that Kingdom; and that he would at all Times hazard himſelf for the Laws and Liberties of theſe Kingdoms, and [304] the Preſervation of the Proteſtant Faith, It being the very End for which he came.

News now came that the King was ſafe arrived in France, and that he was gone to the Queen, who was at Paris. The French King at firſt prepared the Caſtle of Vincennes for their Reception and Entertainment; but their Ma⯑jeſties afterwards removed to St. Germains. The King thus abſent in a ſtrange Land, the Lord Tyrconnel, Lieutenant of Ireland, ne⯑vertheleſs remained firm and ſtedfaſt to his Majeſty, with a numerous Army of Papiſts; while Lord Inchequin headed another of Proteſtants, and had taken Londonderry, and ſome other ſtrong Towns in that Kingdom. date Jan. 22. And now being at Liberty to go where I pleaſed, I repaired to London, where being arrived, I was preſently ſenſible of a great Alteration; the Guards, and other Parts of the Army, which both for their Perſons and Gallantry were an Ornament to the Place, were ſent to quarter at a Diſtance, while the Streets ſwarmed with ill-favoured and ill-accoutred Dutchmen, and other Strangers of the Prince's Army; and yet the City ſeem⯑ed to be mightily pleaſed with their Deli⯑verers, nor perceived their Deformity, or the Oppreſſion they laboured under, by far more unſupportable than ever they had ſuf⯑fered from the Engliſh.

[305] Tho' the Convention met on the 22d, there was nothing conſiderable done till the 28th, when the Settlement of the Nation being taken into Conſideration, by the Com⯑mons, they voted That King James II. hav⯑ing endeavoured to ſubvert the Government of this Kingdom, by breaking the original Contract between the King and the People; and by the Advice of Jeſuits, and other wicked Perſons, having ſubverted the fun⯑damental Laws, and having laſtly with⯑drawn himſelf from the Kingdom, had ab⯑dicated the Government, and the Throne was thereby vacant. The next Day the date Jan. 29. Lords entered upon the Conſideration of the ſame; and ſeveral Motions were made, as there had been the Day before in the Houſe of Commons. Some would have had the King recalled upon Terms, but theſe were few; others would have had the Govern⯑ment continued in the King's Name, while the Prince was inveſted with the executive Power by the Stile or Title of Regent, or Protector; ſome again were for having it that the King ſhould forfeit the Crown, and the Prince be elected thereto; and others again were for having the Prince and Princeſs crowned, as in the Caſe of Philip and Mary, and that the Prince ſhould be King by De⯑ſcent [306] in Right of his Wife, while no No⯑tice was to be taken of the Prince of Wales, who ſhould be rendered incapable to ſucceed, as a Roman Catholic, he having been baptiz⯑ed in that Church: At length, their Lord⯑ſhips date Dec. 30. voted a Concurrence with the Com⯑mons as to the main Point, the Vacancy of the Throne, but could not agree with them as to certain Words, and ſo adjourned the Debate till the next Day, tho' it was car⯑ryed by no more than ſo ſmall a Majority as three. The ſame Day the Commons reſolv⯑ed, Firſt, That it had been found inconſi⯑ſtent for a Proteſtant Kingdom to be go⯑verned by a Popiſh Prince; Secondly, That a Committee ſhould be appointed to bring in general Heads of what was abſolutely neceſſary for the better Security of our Re⯑ligion, Laws, and Liberty. This laſt Vote or Reſolution was of moſt high Importance, and wiſely intended to give Birth to the Conditions on which the Perſon that next filled the Throne ſhould be intitled thereto, and to bind him down to a more ſtrict Ob⯑ſervance of what ought to be, than had heretofore been the Caſe. Mean while, the Prince ſeemed not at all to concern himſelf with what was going forward; and only de⯑ſired that, the Circumſtances of Holland and [307] Ireland requiring it, they would make all poſſible Diſpatch, and come to as early a Concluſion as they could.

date Dec. 31. The next Day was appointed a Feſtival of Thankſgiving for his Highneſs's Arrival, as it was worded, To deliver us from Pope⯑ry and Slavery; but it was obſerved that the public Expreſſions of Joy flowed not to the Height expected; which, whence it came to paſs, might be in Part accounted for here, but may be better deferred to a little Diſtance of Time. The ſame Day the Lords ſat, and reſumed their Debate; but differed with the Commons as to their Term, Abdicated, and would have had, Deſerted, ſubſtituted in lieu thereof; nor could they quite agree with them, That the Throne was abſolutely vacant; ſo that there was ſtill Room for the Conſtitution of a Regent or Pro⯑tector, or even for a Revocation of the King himſelf upon Terms.

date Feb. 1. In the midſt of this I ſaw Lord Hallifax, in Company with Mr. Seymour, the quondam Speaker of the Commons, a Man of great Parts, and much for continuing the Power in the King's Name, and even in his Perſon, could we but be ſecured from the Danger of Popery. Dr. Burnet alſo was preſent, who with great Violence argued That the Prince [308] was to be crowned; and urged, That Eng⯑land could never be happily ſettled till his Highneſs was at the Helm, and this King⯑dom in ſtrict Conjunction with Holland. Seymour ſaid his Propoſals were impractica⯑ble; for that if the Prince was King, he muſt maintain himſelf as ſuch, by the Means of an Army, which was not to be relyed on againſt their natural Sovereign. He obſerv⯑ed, That as the late Engliſh Army would not fight for Popery, they would be as back⯑ward in fighting againſt their King; and that it was impoſſible for England and Hol⯑land to join heartily in one and the ſame In⯑tereſt, being Suitors, as they were, to one and the ſame Miſtreſs, namely, Trade. That ſame Night my Lord Halliſax told me, He was not at firſt in the Secret of the Prince's Expedition; but that as his Highneſs was now with us, and upon ſo good an Occaſion, he thought we were obliged to ſtand by and defend him. I told him, I had heard Lord Danby expected to be beforehand with him in the Prince's good Graces; but he gave me ſome Reaſons to make me believe otherwiſe, took Notice that his Lordſhip began to lag in his Zeal; and concluded that the ſaid Lord could have no Hopes of being Trea⯑ſurer, his Highneſs having declared he would [309] have Commiſſioners for the Execution of that Office. His Lordſhip then proceeded to tell me he himſelf ſhould be employed, and offered to me ſome Arguments to prove the Legality of ſerving under the future Go⯑vernment; particularly that tho' the King had relinquiſhed his Function, the Conſtitu⯑tion was not for that Reaſon to be ſuffered to fall; that fall it muſt, if Men would not act under thoſe to whom it was delegated; in fine, that in our preſent Circumſtances the Salus Populi was to be the Lex Suprema. His Lordſhip then continued, That there were ſo many who declined to ſerve, and ſo few who were fit for it, that if I had a Mind to engage myſelf, there would be, doubtleſs, Room ſufficient for me; and that after Things were upon a ſtable Founda⯑tion, I might entertain ſome Thoughts of being ſent Ambaſſador to ſome Prince or State, whereby I might be out of the way, till the Clouds which hung over us, were diſperſed and blown away. His Lordſhip then offered to carry me the next Morning to the Prince, whom I had not yet ſeen, ad⯑viſed me to be cautious of the Company I kept, and to be very circumſpect in all my Actions and Behaviour.

[310] The next Day I went to meet the Mar⯑quiſs, who was with the Prince in his Bed⯑chamber; but coming out to me, he told me his Highneſs could not be publickly ſeen of two Hours yet to come; and adviſed me to defer the waiting on him till the next Day. At the ſame Time the Lords, who were for conferring the Crown immediately on the Prince, began to apprehend the adverſe Par⯑ties might prevail againſt them; wherefore they found Means to ſtir up the People, who in a tumultuous Manner offered a Petition to the two Houſes of Parliament, That they would crown both the Prince and Princeſs of Orange, and take ſpeedy Care of Liberty and Property, as well as for the Defence of Ireland: But the Lords rejected it, becauſe it was not ſigned; and the Commons did the ſame, ſaying, They would not be awed in their Votes, nor be directed; for that they ought to be free. The very ſame Day the King ſent two Letters, the one to the Lords, the other to the Commons; but the Meſſenger not being preſent to teſtify they were brought from the King, they were laid by, and the Perſon who brought them was ordered to attend on the Lords the Monday Morning next. At this very Juncture I was told, by a Court Lady, That it was much [311] wondered my Friend, the Marquiſs of Hal⯑lifax, had been ſo eager for the King's hav⯑ing abdicated the Government, when he ab⯑ſolutely knew his Majeſty had never gone, if he had not been frightned into it. She aſſured me his Lordſhip had treated with the King to come again into Buſineſs, a few Weeks before the Prince's Intention was certainly known: That ſhe was the very Perſon his Lordſhip ſent to the King; that the King actually gave him a Meeting at her Houſe: That they had agreed upon Terms; nay, what is more, that his Lordſhip had treated with ſome Prieſts for his Return to Court. That upon this Account his Majeſty particularly depended upon him, when he named him one of the Commiſſioners to go to the Prince; that after having conferred with his Highneſs, he ſent the King a private Letter, intimating an ill Deſign a⯑gainſt his Perſon, and that this was the real Cauſe of his Majeſty's Flight, and the De⯑parture of the Queen. That after the King was brought back, Lord Hallifax was one of the Peers that came and admoniſhed him, on Behalf of the Prince, to leave Whitehall, for Rocheſter or Ham, within the ſhort Space of two Hours; and that his Lordſhip's Rea⯑ſon for conveying this ungrateful Meſſage to [312] his Majeſty, was, That he was aſſured the Prince's Party had in Council reſolved to ſeize on his Perſon, and impriſon him: That upon the whole it muſt be notoriouſly known to his Lordſhip that the King had no man⯑ner of Inclination to withdraw either the firſt or the ſecond Time; and that he was compelled thereto out of a Principle of mere Self-preſervation. She farther imparted to me That the the King was ſo terribly poſ⯑ſeſſed of his Danger, and ſo deeply afflicted when the Princeſs Anne went away, that it diſordered him in his Underſtanding, but that he recovered pretty well upon his Re⯑turn. She continued, That the ſecond Time he went away he ſo little deſigned any ſuch Thing, that he knew not which way to ſet forward; one while he reſolved to go north⯑ward, and throw himſelf into the Hands of the Lord Danby; another, he had Thoughts of going to the Archbiſhop of Canterbury, or the Biſhop of Wincheſter; that ſhe herſelf was ſent to theſe laſt, to know if they would re⯑ceive and ſecure him, and that they neither accepted the Motion, nor rejected it. She told me moreover, That the Lords intend⯑ed to make Uſe of the Marquiſs for the Prince's Service, but were far from intend⯑ing him any Advantage thereby: That his [313] Lordſhip having been the firſt that adviſed the taking away of the Charters, he would be in ſome Danger of being called to an Ac⯑count for it, as ſoon as the Government was well ſettled; as well as for other Articles, he having great Enemies among the Party to which he adhered; at laſt ſhe deſired me if poſſible ſo to contrive that ſhe might ſpeak to his Lordſhip, and endeavour to moderate him ſo far as to make him think well of a Regency, and not hurry on ſo faſt for a Forfeiture or Abdication. I told her I would do what I could in it; but was ſenſible his Lordſhip was too far engaged to recede. The ſame Lady again told me a great Lord of Scotland had, but a few Days before, aſſured her, That in Caſe the two Houſes agreed to make the Government vacant, that Kingdom would chuſe for herſelf, be no more a Province to England, nor give no longer Attendance at the Door of an Engliſh Court.

The Lords this Day did nothing more than order the 8th of February, which uſed to be kept as the Anniverſary of his Ma⯑jeſty's Acceſſion, to be no longer obſerv⯑ed as a Feſtival; and ſent down their Re⯑ſolution to the Commons concerning the Abdication and other Matters thereto re⯑lating: Which the Commons, the Day af⯑ter, [314] taking into Conſideration, they reſolv⯑ed to adhere, totidem verbis, to their firſt Vote.

date Feb. 2. I ſaw the Duke of Sommerſet, the Earl of Bur⯑lington, the Earl of Scarſdale, and ſome other Lords, who had all been active in the Prince's date 3 Cauſe, which they now ſeemed in ſome Mea⯑ſure to repent. Some of them ſaid The Thing had run a Length they little expected; others, That they could never have believed the Prince would have contended for the Crown; but all agreed in Opinion It was to be ſet on the Head of the Princeſs, and ſo deſcend in its right Courſe: And the Earl of Scarſdale particularly told me The Princeſs of Den⯑mark was very ſenſible of the Error ſhe had committed in leaving her Father, to make herſelf of a Party with the Prince, who now in Return was endeavouring to put her by her Right, and to obtain priority of Succeſ⯑ſion before her.

date 4 The Lords having ſent down to the Com⯑mons their Reaſons for abiding by their Word Deſerted, and why they thought there was no Vacancy; the Houſe thereupon di⯑vided, the Ay's being 183, and the No's 251. The next Day the Houſes had a free Conference, the Iſſue of which was, That the Day after, being the 6th, the Lords [315] concurred with the Commons. A Vacancy being thus on all Hands pronounced, the Lords proceeded to conſider in what Man⯑ner the Throne was to be filled, and in the End paſſed a Vote That the Prince and Prin⯑ceſs of Orange ſhould be proclaimed by the Style and Title of King William and Queen Mary. But the Commons proceeded a Step farther, and voted that all Sanction of the Laws and the negative Voice ſhould be veſt⯑ed in the King ſingly, declaring it impro⯑per there ſhould be two Negatives: That the Succeſſion of the Crown ſhould be to the new King and Queen, and to the Sur⯑vivor of the two; then to their Iſſue, and in default thereof to the Princeſs Anne and her Iſſue; and in default of ſuch Iſſue, to the Iſſue of the King in caſe he ſhould have any by another Venter, and ſo to the right Line, Papiſts always excluded.

date Feb. 8. The Commons having completed a Scheme of Grievances and Uſurpations on the Rights of the Subject, ſent up the ſame to the Lords for their Concurrence, intending to lay them before the Prince for Redreſs, at the ſame Time they made him a Tender of the Crown of England with all its Dependan⯑cies.

[316] Mean while the Marquiſs of Hallifax de⯑ſired me to get the Lady, I juſt now men⯑tioned, date Feb. 9. to my Houſe, where he gave her a Meeting, and was two Hours in Converſa⯑tion with her. During which, he after⯑wards told me ſhe was ſo free with him as to ſay, She wondered he, of all Men living, ſhould contend that the King had abdicat⯑ed, when he knew himſelf to have been ſo directly inſtrumental in forcing him away, by ſending him Word, That if he ſtaid his Life would be in Danger; that for this No⯑tice and Advice the King owned himſelf in⯑debted to him for his Life now, as before that he was not excluded: That to this his Lordſhip replyed, The King had done ill by him, in ſending him a Meſſenger to the Prince, and going away before he could re⯑turn: That to this ſhe returned, his Lord⯑ſhip was not to ſay that to her, who actually knew he firſt ſent him away, and was then angry becauſe he went: That then my Lord complained to her of the King's never ſend⯑ing for him till the Prince was landed: That this alſo ſhe contradicted by obſerving that his Lordſhip knew her to be privy to fre⯑quent Invitations he had from the King, and that he might have had his own Terms long before, if he had not ſtood ſo aloof: [317] That ſhe then remonſtrated to him that though he was ſo deeply at preſent imbark⯑ed in another Intereſt, he could not be well too cautious; for that the Earl of Danby would moſt certainly get the Start of him, and play him the ſame Game in this Court, Lord Sunderland had in the other; that all they were now doing tottered upon an un⯑certain Foundation; that Scotland would moſt aſſuredly chuſe her own King; that Ireland was probably loſt and gone, the Lord Deputy Tyrconnel being there at the Head of an Army of 40000 Men; and that England herſelf was much divided, and in great Diſtraction, with much more to the ſame Effect; That his Lordſhip himſelf con⯑feſſed there were but ſmall Hopes of a laſt⯑ing Peace from this Settlement, tho' by far the beſt that could be formed at this Time of the Day; and that as he was well aware of the great Intereſt ſhe had with the King, he hoped ſhe would upon Occaſion be his Friend, as he would be hers whenever ſhe might ſtand in Need of him. The Truth is, ſhe dealt more roundly with him than any Body elſe could have ventured to do with ſo great a Man; but his Lordſhip knew her well, and was prepared for all ſhe had to ſay; [318] telling me himſelf, it was but Prudence to lend an Ear to every Body.

There were moſt certainly great and vio⯑lent Diſcontents at this Time, and the Cauſes thereof were theſe; The Prince had declared he had no Deſign upon the Crown, and now ſought it all he could; he came to ſettle the Proteſtant Religion, and yet brought over 4000 Papiſts with him in his Army, a Number not far ſhort of what the King had in his, but then the former were Foreigners, the latter, for the moſt Part, Engliſh; public Declaration had been made that the Birth of the Prince of Wales was falſe or ſuppoſitious; that there was a pri⯑vate Treaty made with France to inſlave England, that the Murder of the late King and of the Earl of Eſſex would be amply made out; and yet nothing of all this ap⯑peared, excepting ſome ſmall Circumſtances relating to the Earl of Eſſex: Then the Prince kept his Dutch Forces in Town, while the Engliſh were marched off to re⯑mote Quarters; his Highneſs declared he intended to keep his own Men here, and to ſend ours to Holland and Ireland; the Prin⯑ceſs Anne of Denmark was poſt-poned in the Succeſſion; ſeveral Noblemen were diſap⯑pointed [319] of Poſts and Preferments they de⯑ſervedly expected for joining with his High⯑neſs, becauſe they would not vote ſo readi⯑ly for him as he imagined; in ſhort, the Letters his Majeſty ſent to the two Houſes, were not ſo much as opened; and Trade, the Dutch being a frugal People, ſeemed to be much abated in London, to what it had been in the King's Time: Theſe were the Cauſes of the Diſcontents that now broke out and appeared. date Feb. 11.

The two Houſes having agreed upon a Liſt of Grievances and Uſurpations, and the Princeſs of Orange being now ſafe ar⯑rived, they both in a Body attended their Highneſs's, who ſat in two Chairs of State, in the banquetting Houſe, Whitehall, where date 12 the Speaker of the Houſe of Lords having read their Grievances and deſired Redreſs, at the ſame Time made them an Offer of the Crowns of England, France, and Ireland, with all the Dependancies and Dominions thereunto belonging. The Prince in a ſhort Speech told them He did accept of the ſame, and would do all he could for the Preſervation of their Liberties; and then went away with the Princeſs; while the Heralds and ſeveral of the Nobility pro⯑ceeded to proclaim them King and Queen, [320] in the uſual Form. The Remainder of the Day was ſpent in Joy and Acclamation; tho' ſome there were who had but a ſorrow⯑ful Countenance in the midſt thereof.

The chief of the Articles the Convention demanded Redreſs of, were, Suſpenſion of the Laws, or their Execution by the King, without the Conſent of Parliament; the pre⯑tended Power to diſpenſe with Laws; the Court of Eccleſiaſtical Commiſſioners; the raiſing of Money by Prerogative; the keep⯑ing up a ſtanding Force in Times of Peace, without the Conſent of Parliament; the Ob⯑ſtructions made to the free Choice of Mem⯑bers to repreſent the People; the Bars to Freedom of Speech in Parliament; and the Impoſition of exceſſive Bail, or Fines. The Houſes then deſired the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy might be ſuppreſſed, and the two following taken in their ſtead; I A B, do ſincerely promiſe and ſwear that I will be faithful and bear true Allegiance to their Ma⯑jeſties King William and Queen Mary, ſo help me God.—I A. B. do ſwear that I do from my Heart abhor, deteſt, and abjure as impious and heretical that damnable Doctrine and Poſition That Princes excommunicated or de⯑prived by the Pope or any Authority of the See of Rome may be depoſed or murdered by their [321] Subjects or any other whatſoever; and I do de⯑clare That no foreign Prince, Perſon, Prelate or State hath or ought to have any Juriſdicti⯑on. Power, Superiority, Prè-eminence, or Au⯑thority Eccleſiaſtical or Civil within this Realm, ſo help me God.

The Days following, the Houſes being adjourned for ſome Time, were taken up in Congratulations to the new King, whoſe Numbers, on this Occaſion, were unſpeaka⯑ble; in naming and ſwearing a new privy Council; by whoſe Advice his Majeſty be⯑gan firſt with appointing the great Officers of the Court and the Kingdom; while the grand Expectation was, who would have the Preference Hallifax or Danby. The latter certainly hoped to be Lord Treaſurer; but the former aſſured me he was diſap⯑pointed, and obliged to take up with the Preſidency of the Council, a Place of great Honour and Credit, but very ſmall Profit; while Hallifax himſelf was made Lord Pri⯑vy Seal, of his own Choice, an Office of great Truſt, and worth full three thouſand Pounds a Year. Before this was publickly known, his Lordſhip told me Danby was down in the Mouth, and would not ſuffer his Neighbours to be a little quiet about him, and that for his own Part, as they yet [322] ſtood ſeemingly fair together, he would give him no juſt Occaſion of Offence.

The King being thus ſeated in the Throne, the great Buſineſs was to procure ſuch a Parliament as would confirm what the Convention had done; and becauſe a new Election might carry ſome Hazard with it, or, as was pretended, might be the Loſs of Time, when the Exigencies of the State required ſuch immediate Diſ⯑patch, it was, after great Diſputes between the Lawyers as to the Legality of the Thing, and warm Debates in both Houſes agreed That the Convention ſhould be con⯑verted date Feb. 23. into a Parliament; which was ac⯑cordingly done by a Bill framed for that Purpoſe, which having firſt paſſed the Houſe of Lords, was tranſmitted down to the Commons, who having paſſed the ſame, it was at length offered to the Royal Aſ⯑ſent, which was granted of Courſe.

And thus was a Parliament obtained, af⯑ter an extraordinary Manner it muſt be confeſſed, but being thus conſtituted they proceeded to prepare ſeveral Bills, and particularly one for a Comprehenſion, and date 28 another for the Toleration of Proteſtant Diſ⯑ſenters, which being moved by Lord Not⯑tingham, in the Houſe of Peers, was ſe⯑conded [323] by ſome Biſhops, tho' more out of Fear than Inclination; and a third for the raiſing of 400,000 Pounds by a Tax upon Land.

And now Lord Arran, who had been a little before aſſaulted in Leiceſter-Fields by eight Ruffians, and had, at a Meeting of the Scotch Nobility in London, propoſed to recall King James, was committed Priſoner to the Tower, and many of the ſame No⯑bility being on the Point of ſetting for⯑ward for the Convention in their King⯑dom, were ſtopped. The ſame Day, I dined with the Earl of Danby, who treated me with more Intimacy and Freedom than I expected; his Lordſhip ſaid He had made a fair Report of me to the King, when he gave him an Account of the Sur⯑priſal of York; but I found him extremely cooled with regard to Affairs, as now ma⯑naged. He ſaid that being embarked with his All, he was ſorry to ſee Things no bet⯑ter conducted; that Ireland was in a man⯑ner become invincible by our Neglect of ſending Forces thither before now; that with regard to this, and other material Points, equally unheeded, he had been preſſing with the King to a Degree even of Incivility; that he had told his Maje⯑ſty, [324] He plainly ſaw he did all he could to encourage the Presbyterians and to diſhear⯑ten the Church, which could not but be ab⯑ſolutely prejudicial both to himſelf and the Government; tho' he at the ſame Time ob⯑ſerved that his Majeſty interfered but little in Councils, being prevented therefrom partly by Inclination, and partly by want of Health. Indeed the King looked but ill, and the Difficulty he laboured under in ſwallowing, ſeemed to foretel him a Man of ſhort Continuance in this World. His Lordſhip farther told me He had been ap⯑pointed Preſident of the Council quite a⯑gainſt his Will, after the King had declar⯑ed he could not give him the Staff of Trea⯑ſurer, determined, as he was, that the Treaſury ſhould be in the Hands of Com⯑miſſioners; that he had been offered to be Secretary of State and Preſident both at the ſame Time, and that he had declined the firſt; that all he had asked of the King for himſelf, was a Patent to which he had a Right by a former Grant, and that he would alſo be pleaſed to gratify ſome Gen⯑tlemen who had, upon this Revolution, joined him in the North; in fine, that the King had told him It would be by no Means for his Intereſt to be out of all Buſineſs; and [325] that he had, in a Manner, forced the Preſi⯑dentſhip upon him, His Lordſhip expreſſed himſelf doubtful of the Continuance of Af⯑fairs, as they now ſtood, and informed me That King James had ſent down to him in the North, offering to throw himſelf into his Hands before he went away. To this, he ſaid, his Anſwer was, by Charles Bertie who brought the Meſſage, That his own Force, which he depended upon in the North, was not ſufficient to truſt to; but that if his Majeſty would bring a conſidera⯑ble Party with him, and come without his Papiſts, he would ſooner loſe his Life than he ſhould ſuffer the leaſt Injury; but that the King having no Mind to part with his Romans, would not come. His Lordſhip then ſaid That if the King would but quit his Papiſts, it might poſſibly not be too late yet for him. He then obſerved That the Duke of Gordon, a Papiſt, and Governor of Edinburgh Caſtle, the only Magazine in Scotland, who was lately ready and willing to ſurrender it to any Body, now held it out obſtinately for King James; and that the Diſcontents in England grew greater daily and greater. He then reflected on Lord Hallifax, the King, and all about him, as moſt ſtrangely infatuated with Notions [326] of their own Security; and particularly ani⯑madverted on the laſt mentioned Lord for inſiſting with ſuch Violence, in a Speech of his, That the Prince ſhould be entitled Le⯑gal and Rightful King of this Realm, (which I ſuppoſe the Lord Hallifax did with a View of continuing the old Oaths of Alle⯑giance and Supremacy, and to obviate all Scruple about taking the new) ſaying it was mere Nonſenſe; for that had the Prince of Wales been made King, he could never have been deemed our lawful Sovereign, while his Father lived. But his Lordſhip nevertheleſs appeared very ſerious and ur⯑gent about the Legality of taking the new Oaths, and condemned the Biſhops for their Squeamiſhneſs in that Reſpect, tho' they themſelves had had ſo large a Hand in bring⯑ing about this great and extraordinary Change; and thereupon quoted Lord Not⯑tingham's Speech, who, in the Houſe of Lords, had obſerved That tho' he had ne⯑ver in the leaſt conſented to this Revoluti⯑on, but had with all his Might oppoſed the Prince's Acceſſion, as contrary to Law; yet ſince his Highneſs was here, and we muſt owe our Protection to him as King de facto, he thought it but juſt and legal to ſwear Al⯑legiance to him. I have been the more ex⯑act [327] in the particulars of this Converſation, to give the better Inſight into the Thoughts of the greateſt Men upon this Occaſion; tho' I wondered his Lordſhip would venture to be ſo very undiſguiſed with me; but he was ſure I would not betray him, tho' even to Lord Hallifax.

The very ſame Day, after ſeveral At⯑tempts of the Sort, the Marquiſs of Hallifax, now again Lord Privy Seal, preſented me to the King, having before requeſted him that a young Son of mine might have my Com⯑pany, and that he might be excuſed from Duty a Year or two, on Account of his E⯑ducation; but his Majeſty thought it an ill Precedent, and would give no Ear to it. Having kiſſed his Hand, I told him I had had the Honour of a Truſt upon me from the late King to the very laſt, having been a Stranger to his Deſigns till I ſaw them in Execution, and that I could not then, in Honour or Juſtice, comply with them; but that I was a firm Proteſtant, and had upon that Account been a Sufferer in my Eſtate, concluding that I ſhould be ſtrictly faithful to my Duty whereſoever I ſerved. My Lord Hallifax then deſired I might keep my Company without paying any Attendance, to which I ſubjoined, Sir, If you have reſolved [328] to take away my two Governments of York and Burlington, I hope you will not expect I ſhould wait on a ſingle Company: His Majeſty ſaid, No, He did not expect Attendance from me; which was all that paſſed.

date March 1. I was told by a Lady whom King James had truſted with ſome Seals and Jewels, that his Majeſty had written her Word to put them into the Hands of a certain Perſon he ſent for them. She ſhewed me the Letter, which was dated the 17th of February New-Stile; whereby I underſtood that he was to ſet out for Ireland as the very next Day, and that he depended upon his old Friends to aſſiſt him in his Cauſe. This Lady told me the French King had ſupplyed him with a great Treaſure of Money, and 6000 Swiſs Proteſtants: That he intended to go through Ireland for Scotland, there to call a Parlia⯑ment, inſtead of the propos'd Convention; and that from thence he would march into England, and put himſelf entirely into the Hands of the Proteſtant Intereſt: She add⯑ed, That as ſhe had a Friendſhip for the Lord Privy Seal, ſhe had a Mind to diſcloſe herſelf to him, if with any Safety ſhe ſo might do. I told her I would ſpeak to his Lordſhip that very Night, and let her know farther.

[329] Having an Opportunity of ſpeaking to him accordingly, I failed not to be as good as my Word; tho' I muſt own, the Topic being of ſo nice and tender a Sort, I did it with great Caution. However, I gave him plainly to underſtand That the chief Motive which induced the Lady to deſire a Meet⯑ing with him, was to impart to him what might be for his own Good, and the Ser⯑vice of the Public. Hereupon he began to be more free and open with me than he had hitherto been, on this Chapter; and I told him, in general, that great Deſigns were on Foot; he ſaid He believed it, and that tho' Men ſeemed to be for the preſent Inte⯑reſt, as moſt prevalent, it was not altoge⯑ther diſcreet to venture too far; that if Matters really were as I had ſaid, it was but ſafe to carry it fair with thoſe in the Oppo⯑ſition, and to let ſome People know He ſpoke always with great Reſpect of King James; that if we came to Blows, it was uncertain who would ſtrike hardeſt; and that he ſhould be glad to meet the Lady at my Houſe, whenever ſhe pleaſed. But his Lordſhip, however, ſaid all imaginable Care would be taken to ward off any Danger that might threaten us; that an Army of 20000 Men would be preſently raiſed; that all ſuſ⯑picious [330] Perſons would be ſecured, the Par⯑liament intending to inveſt the King with a Power to impriſon whom he pleaſed, and to keep them in ſafe Cuſtody till they came to a Tryal; and in fine, that the Parliament would moſt plentifully furniſh the King for the Proſecution of the War. At this Time ſeveral Lords and Gentlemen of both Houſes withdrew to their ſeveral Countries; and I was told That ſome who were out⯑wardly great Friends to the preſent Go⯑vernment, were treating for Terms on the other Side; which I communicated to his Lordſhip, and particularly made mention of ſome he little ſuſpected. Whereupon his Lordſhip ſaid That if King James was a⯑ctually driving on at the Rate reported, the Papiſts would certainly contrive ſome how or other to aſſaſſinate or kill King William, well knowing what a Task it would be to defend the Crown on the Head of a Woman, with much more to the ſame Effect.

I waited on Lord Bellaſſis, firſt Commiſ⯑ſioner of the Treaſury under the late King, who told me that tho' he was himſelf a Pa⯑piſt, he had been quite averſe to the Mea⯑ſures which had been taken to promote the Catholic Religion; but that his Council ne⯑ver had Weight, the Warm-ones having in⯑ſinuated [331] to the King That it came from a Man old and timerous, who having a great Eſtate did not care to run any Hazard of it. He then obſerved That as there was ſuch a Number of great Men combined in this Re⯑volt, it was almoſt impoſſible to think the King, being a Papiſt as he was, ſhould ever again be reſtored; but that if he would but be a Proteſtant it would certainly happen in a very ſhort Time. This Lord was very deſervedly eſteemed one of the wiſeſt Men of his Party.

date Mar. 3. Mean while, the two Houſes were at ſome Stand about the taking of the new Oaths. The Commons made ſcarce any Scruple to ſwear; but ſome of the Lords refuſed ſo to do, and a greater Number of Biſhops, con⯑ceiving they could not lawfully comply, ſeeing they had before engaged themſelves under Oaths to King James; and even thoſe who did comply, did it as a local and tem⯑porary Duty naturally reſulting from the Protection they owed to King William and Queen Mary. This Day Lord Hallifax met the Lady I juſt now mentioned to have re⯑ceived a Letter from King James: She dealt very frankly with him, but durſt not tell him all ſhe knew. However he deſired her [332] to be his Friend if any Alteration of Affairs ſhould by any Means be brought to paſs.

Now the two Houſes had, ſome Days be⯑fore, voted to ſtand by King William and Queen Mary with their Lives and Fortunes, the Commons had completed the Bill for lay⯑ing a Tax upon Land, and deliberated on o⯑ther Ways for levying of Money for the Crown, as well to raiſe Men, as to ſupply the Loſs of that Branch of the Revenue called Hearth-Money, which they were, by an Act for that Purpoſe, taking quite away, as trou⯑bleſome to collect and oppreſſive in its Nature; while the Fears greatly and greatly increaſ⯑ed That King James was actually in Ireland, and that Scotland would not fail to take his Part; wherefore Commiſſions were given out for the raiſing of 10000 Foot, and twenty Shillings Advance allowed to every Man; but notwithſtanding this Encouragement, and tho' the Colonels were moſt of them Men of Quality and great Intereſt, it was much apprehended the intended Troops would not be eaſily collected together. The French King had, for his Iriſh Expedi⯑tion, furniſhed King James with a Squa⯑dron of 14 Men of War, 6 leſſer Frigates, and 3 Fireſhips, all well manned and fitted; [333] as alſo with a Sum of 200,000 l. in ready Money, and 50,000 Piſtoles as a preſent for his Pocket, together with Plate, Tents, and a moſt Royal and ſplendid Equipage: He aſſiſt⯑ed him alſo with eight experienced Field Officers, one hundred of inferior Note, a Guard of one hundred Swiſs, a Band of skilful Pio⯑neers, 15000 of his own natural Subjects, Arms for 40000 Men more, Cannon and Ammunition in a great abundance, and over and above made him an Offer of 15000 of his French Troops; but King James [...]cuſed himſelf upon this Head, ſaying, He would ſucceed by the Help of his own Subjects, or periſh in the Attempt. In the midſt of this threat⯑ning Danger, Lord Hallifax told me the the Commons were ſtill bent upon purſuing him and Lord Danby; and that ſome of them had declared They would give no more Money till the King had diſmiſſed them, and ſome other of his Officers; but ſays his Lordſhip, The King is not to be wrought upon as they may imagine; he is very well able to defend himſelf. They were angry with this Nobleman for adviſing King Charles II. to take away the Charter of the City of London, and for oppoſing the Bill of Excluſion: But I told him it was quite fooliſh for Men who had raiſed a new [334] Fabric, immediately to pull down the main Support of it. His Lordſhip ſaid he was very little ſollicitous whether they ſucceed⯑ed in their Attempt or not, and that it would be no great Mortification to him if he did ſurrender his Place. His Lordſhip then begged of me to endeavour a Recon⯑ciliation between him and a Lady I had formerly brought to him about ſome Buſi⯑neſs wherein ſhe thought herſelf ill uſed, for that ſhe had a good Intereſt with King Jame [...] ▪

date March 13. There ſeemed now to be great Diſcon⯑tents among all Sorts of Men; Affairs look⯑ed ſomewhat embroiled; and I heard Lord Privy Seal ſay, That in the Poſture the Na⯑tion now ſtood, the King [James] if but a Proteſtant, could not be kept out four Months; nay, Lord Danby went farther, and averred That if he would but give us Satisfaction as to our Religion, as he eaſily might, it would be very hard to make Head againſt him; Sayings which I thought very extraordinary to fall from ſuch great Men, date 17 and of the Times too; a few Days after⯑wards, Lord Dunbarton's Regiment, which he had long ſince brought out of France, and was now quartered at Ipſwich, being all Scotch, and conſiſting of 1300 Men, choſe [335] rather to march off in a Body with their Arms and four Pieces of Cannon, towards Scotland, than obey Orders, which were to embark and ſail for Holland. Lord Privy Seal doing me the Honour of a Viſit this Day, told me The King had ſent two Re⯑giments of Dutch Horſe, and one of Dra⯑goons, after them; that if the Scotch Regi⯑ment had done this without Confederacy they were all loſt; but that if any other of our Forces were in the Secret, and under Engagement to join and ſupport them, there might be Danger in the Thing. I now perceived his Lordſhip to be very uneaſy That Danby, under Pretence of Illneſs, ſo much abſented himſelf from Buſineſs; and very much diſpleaſed that ſome, very little qualifyed, had ſo wonderfully, by his Means, got into Poſts of Conſequence, and particu⯑larly That Lord Willoughby, a very young Man, and quite a Stranger to Buſineſs, ſhould be the Chancellor of the Exchequer. I told his Lordſhip, I wondered much more that Lord Mordaunt, who never ſaw a hundred Pounds together of his own, ſhould pretend to be the firſt Commiſſioner of the Treaſury; I then dealt very freely with him as to the apparent Uncertainty of the Times; deſired him to be cautious and Circumſpect, [336] and aſſured him I wiſhed his Safety and his Family's, as much as my own. His Lord⯑ſhip then obſerved, among other Things, That the King uſed no Arts; to which I replied, That, in my Opinion, ſome Arts were neceſſary in our Government; I think ſo too, ſaid he, we act a little too plainly. I acquainted his Lordſhip with ſome Particulars which cauſed a Murmuring in the Town, and of ſome which cauſed the ſame in the Country; whereupon he ſaid, come Sir John, we have Wives and Children, we muſt conſider them, and not venture too far. He then proceeded to in⯑timate That if a Change ſhould happen, there would be a general Pardon; tho', ſaid he, I hear there is one which creeps up and down, wherein I am excepted; but ſaid he, as you know I gave you ſome oblique Hints of what was likely to be brought a⯑bout, (tho' ſo obſcure that I muſt own I did not take them) ſo you muſt let me know what you hear on the other Side: And in⯑deed I loved him ſo well that I was always ready enough to communicate to him what⯑ever I heard, relating either to the Public or his own private Service, provided I did thereby no Prejudice to any particular Per⯑ſon, [337] or incurred the Guilt of betraying what was told me in pure Confidence.

date March 22. This Day the Lord Privy Seal told me The Rebels, meaning the Scotch Regiment, had ſubmitted themſelves to the King's Mercy; that their Officers would have per⯑ſuaded them to fight, tho' the Dutch were four Times their Number; and that they were in Confederacy with others, who, as it hapned, did not dare to lift up their Heads. His Lordſhip continued That there was now great Hopes of Scotland; and in⯑deed the Kirk Party, which declared for King William, was by much the ſtrongeſt there. King James appeared too late in Ireland; but he had this to plead, the Winds would not permit him to ſtir out of Breſt ſooner than he did. The Church of Eng⯑land was now furiouſly driven at by ſome in both Houſes, King William being ſeem⯑ingly a greater Friend to Calviniſm. In the Houſe of Lords it was ſtrongly debated, date 23 and particularly by the Lord Privy Seal, which loſt him ſome Credit, That the Re⯑ception of the Sacrament ſhould be no longer a Part of the Teſt, as required by the Statute of Charles II.; and in the Houſe of Commons it was ſtifly contended That the King in his Coronation Oath ſhould not [338] particularly bind himſelf to the Church of England as by Law eſtabliſhed; but both theſe Points being carried in Favor of the Church, evinced her Intereſt to be ſtronger than any other in Parliament, and would, as it was thought, induce the King to court her a little more than he had done.

The Affairs of all Europe were now ſeem⯑ingly at a Stand, tho' Preparations were e⯑very where making for War; the Empire was muſtering up all her Quota's againſt France on the one Hand, and the Turk on the other; Spain betrayed a Willingneſs to ſide with the Emperor; Sweden, Holland, and England were ready to do the ſame; while Denmark ſeemed to be fixed to a Neutrality. The Pope was ſtill in anger with France tho' ſhe did all ſhe could to mollify him, pre⯑tending to blow up the Flames of a religi⯑ous War; but this was not to ſerve the Pur⯑poſe at preſent, his Holineſs thinking the King of France was grown too big for his Neighbours, and that therefore Regard was to be had chiefly now for his Temporals; the Church was out of the Queſtion, the World was now uppermoſt, and Conſcience was Puſilanimity and Indolence, according to the known and avowed Maxims of the Roman Creed.

[339] It hapned this Day that I met with the date 1689 Biſhop of St. David's, who asked if I thought date March 28. he might ſafely take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, he being one of the Prelates that had hitherto ſtood out, and were now cited to appear before the Houſe of Lords. I told him it were fitteſt for me to be adviſed by him in ſuch a Caſe, and that certainly his own Conſcience could not but dictate to him right: But I found he was already reſolved, and accordingly he went the next Day and complyed. Mean while the Arch⯑biſhop was obſtinate in his Refuſal, and would not ſo much as repair to the Houſe of Lords, diſowning the Authority either of the King or the Parliament. The Lords ſent his Grace a Letter admoniſhing him to come to the Houſe; but he wrote to excuſe himſelf, by an Anſwer directed, not to the Lord Privy Seal, or the Speaker of the Houſe of Lords, but to the Lord Marquiſs of Hallifax. The Houſe voted this Anſwer to be not ſatisfactory, but thought it unad⯑viſable to purſue the Point too far, ſenſible of the ill Blood that had been ſet on Float, by the late Severity of Uſage toward the E⯑piſcopal Order. A Day or two afterwards, the Church of England carryed a ſecond Vote in the Houſe of Commons, and indeed [340] it was high Time for her Sons to exert themſelves, the Diſſenters having not only prevailed that the Oaths meant for her Se⯑curity, ſome Prayers in the Liturgy, and certain Ceremonies ſhould be altered or diſ⯑penſed with, but a Motion had likewiſe been made that there might be ſome Altera⯑tion in the very Creed. In a few Days af⯑terwards a very extraordinary Debate aroſe in both Houſes, between the Diſſenters and the Members of the Church; the former puſhing their Act of Comprehenſion and Toleration farther than the latter were wil⯑ling it ſhould go. They were almoſt equally matched, and ſometimes one carryed a Vote in both Houſes, and ſometimes the other.

date April 1. A Number of Regiments, tho' many of them were unarmed, uncloathed, and in want of Pay to clear off their Quarters, were now ordered to march Northward; it being paſt all Doubt that King James was now in Ireland, and intended for Scotland, tho' the Kirk Party in the Convention of that Kingdom were for oppoſing him. Mo⯑ney was at this Time very ſcarce at Court, and yet great Preparations were daily mak⯑ing for the Coronation of King William and Queen Mary. But tho' Neceſſaries were certainly wanting for the Army, the Court, [341] and the due Support of the Government, it was not that the Parliament was backward in giving, but the Money could not be raiſ⯑ed ſoon enough, the City refuſing to ad⯑vance any Money upon the Acts that were paſſed; for great Diſcontents were viſible to every Eye, which ſeemed rather to in⯑creaſe daily than to diminiſh.

date April 7. A few Days afterwards, I ſaw Lord Pri⯑vy Seal, who told me That if the Church of England was a Sufferer, ſhe might thank her ſelf for it, her Pretences being too large; that the Commons were ſo ſlow in their Proceedings that it looked as if they thought the whole World was confined to Weſtmin⯑ſter; that the King alſo was very dilatory, to the great Hindrance of Buſineſs, tho' Diſpatch could at no Time be ever more required; his Lordſhip continued, That there was a Neceſſity for acting with ſo ma⯑ny Fools, that they alone were wiſe who had nothing to do; and moreover, That he had heard there were ſome Iriſh landed in Scotland; that Scotland, however, would give them but a cool Reception; that King James had nothing to depend on here but the Army, which would be ſo diſpoſed of as to be unable to do any thing for him; and [342] that if he came not very ſoon, he would be diſappointed of this his only Hope: He concurred with me That the Earl of Dan⯑by had procured the Government of Hull as a Place of Retreat where he might make his own Terms in Caſe of a Change of the Times; and aſſured me He was more afraid of the Conſequences of King William's Cough, which increaſed upon him with great Violence, than of any Thing elſe. I muſt confeſs I, upon this Oc⯑caſion, temporiſed a little, it being neither ſafe nor prudent to be too open with a Pri⯑vy Councellor, and ſo great a Miniſter, eſpe⯑cially as I had been guilty of Freedoms with his Lordſhip to little or no Purpoſe; tho' whenever he asked me my Opinion, I never failed to deal uprightly with him.

But now let us take a View of the Corona⯑tion date April 11. of our new King and Queen, a ſplendid Sight, as uſual. The Proceſſion to the Ab⯑by was quite regular, tho' not ſo complete in the Number of Nobility, as at the two laſt Solemnities of the ſame Kind. Parti⯑cular Care was had of the Houſe of Com⯑mons, who had a Part prepared for them to ſit in, both in the Church and in the Hall. They had Tables ſpread for them at the [343] Banquet, to which I, among other Friends, had the Honour of being admitted, as well as to be with them throughout the whole of the Shew; ſo that I had a very fair Op⯑portunity of ſeeing all that paſt. The Bi⯑ſhop of London crowned them both, aſſiſted by the Biſhop of Salisbury, the late Doctor Burnet, who preached the Sermon, and two others. A few Days afterwards, being with Lord Privy Seal, the Biſhop of Salis⯑bury came in, and complained heavily of the ſlow Proceedings of the Houſe of Com⯑mons, ſaying the Dutch would clap up a Peace with France if they did not mend their Pace; obſerved that the Church of England was in the Fault, and expreſſed himſelf as if he thought they meant a Kind⯑neſs to King James by their Method of Pro⯑cedure. Lord Privy Seal agreed with him in his Sentiments, and added that the Church People hated the Dutch, and had rather turn Papiſts than receive the Presbyterians among them; but that on the other Hand theſe were to the full as rank and inveterate againſt thoſe, and would marr all their Buſi⯑neſs, by their Inadvertance with Regard to their Bill of Comprehenſion, and their Ill⯑timing of other Bills; in ſhort that they would diſguſt thoſe from whom they look⯑ed [344] for Indulgence. They were both angry with the Commons Addreſs to the King the Day before, deſiring him to ſupport and defend the Church of England according to his former Declaration, and to call a Con⯑vocation of the Clergy, which the Biſhop ſaid would be the utter Ruin of the Com⯑prehenſion Scheme. In fine, the Marquiſs took Notice, that, at the Rate we proceed⯑ed, the Government could not but be very ſhort lived.

King James was all this while in Ireland, the Convention of Scotland oppoſing him with Might and Main, and declaring the Throne of their Kingdom to be vacant: Preſently after we had Advice that they had voted William and Mary to be King and Queen of Scotland, converted their Conven⯑tion into a Parliament, and invited the Eng⯑liſh Forces on their Borders to come into their Kingdom, to be ready to aſſiſt them againſt King James and his Friends, but at the ſame Time that they had prepared cer⯑tain Conditions, and drawn up a Liſt of certain Grievances, for the King to redreſs and aſſent to; and particularly that Epiſco⯑pacy ſhould no longer have Being in Scot⯑land, and that the King ſhould, with regard to them, embrace the Presbyterian Perſua⯑ſion. [345] The Duke of Gordon, however, ſtill kept the Caſtle of Edinburgh.

At home the Parliament was taken up with raiſing of Money; and the Commons addreſs the King to declare War with France, and promiſe him all the needful Supplies. But great Heats broke out between the two Houſes about the Oath Bill, the Lords be⯑ing willing to excuſe the Biſhops, convinc⯑ed that ſeveral of them would forfeit their Sees rather than comply; while the Com⯑mons urged that no Soul ſhould be excuſed. But as widely as they for the preſent differ⯑ed about this, they concurred in the Bill for the Toleration of all Proteſtant Diſſen⯑ters. The next Day the King gave a favor⯑able date April 20. Anſwer to the Addreſs which remind⯑ed him of his Promiſes to the Church of England, and moved him for a Convocation. A Day or two after he returned Anſwer to the Commons Addreſs That he would de⯑clare War with France, telling them he com⯑plyed with their Requeſt, and the rather as the French King had in a Manner begun, and aſſured them that whatever Money they gave ſhould be faithfully applied to the de⯑ſired End.

About this Time a very ſad Accident hapned, which for a while was the Diſcourſe [346] of the whole Town; Mr. Temple, Son to Sir William Temple, who had marryed a French Lady with 20,000 Piſtoles, a ſedate and accompliſhed young Gentleman, who had lately, by King William, been made Secretary of War, took a Pair of Oars, and drawing near the Bridge, leapt into the Thames and drowned himſelf, leaving a Note behind him in the Boat, to this Effect, My Folly in Undertaking what I could not per⯑form, whereby ſome Misfortunes have be⯑fallen the King's Service, is the Cauſe of my putting my ſelf to this ſudden End; I wiſh him Succeſs in all his Undertakings, and a better Servant. A dangerous Thing it is for ſome Conſtitutions to give Way to Diſ⯑content, and imaginary Notion, but not to digreſs on this melancholy Subject;

The Parliament proceeded to raiſe Mo⯑ney, but upon Terms and Perſons, that gave great Diſſatisfaction. The Poll was quite ſtrict, ſcarce a Soul being exempted therefrom, but ſuch as received Alms, the Houſe conſenting to a Grant of no leſs than four Millions for one Year only. And now Lord Hallifax told me That the Marquiſs of Caermarthen's Retirement into the Country, his Pretences to be ſick, and his ſo ſeldom appearing at Court inſtilled freſh Jealouſies [347] of him; That he had heard he ſhould ſay Things could not long continue thus; That his Relations and Friends were very dange⯑rous in in their Diſcourſe, and that he him⯑ſelf was very open; That he found this new Marquiſs had no Mind to be inward or inti⯑mate with him; That he ſuppoſed his Lord⯑ſhip might imagine he had kept him at a Di⯑ſtance from the Treaſurer's Staff; but that imagine what he would, he did not alto⯑gether deſerve it; that, of all Men, in the World, the King never would have inveſt⯑ed him with that Office, nor, indeed, with any other that was very conſiderable, as he would find, if Affairs but held out till Sep⯑tember. Hereupon I acquainted his Lord⯑ſhip with ſome Grounds that made it ſuſpe⯑cted the Preſident was diſcontented. His Lordſhip then continued That for his own Part he found the King very well affected towards himſelf, that his Majeſty did not only carry it fair to him, perſonally, but that from third Hands he had it That the King uſed very kind Expreſſions of him be⯑hind his Back; for that he gave him but ve⯑ry little Trouble either on account of him⯑ſelf, or of other People, while the Lord Preſident knew no End of his Importunities. This urged me to ſay, That I did not know [348] what his Lordſhip might thereby be a Loſer with the King, but that he gained much with others I was certain; for that it was a common Saying No Lord uſed his good Offices for his Countrymen but the Lord Preſident; and this I obſerved, becauſe the Lord Privy Seal, tho' otherwiſe very kind and free with me, did not eſpouſe my Inte⯑reſt as I expected he would. But his Lord⯑ſhip farther told me That the King being ſo very inacceſſible as he was, and confining himſelf ſo to Hampton, when there was ſuch abſolute Need of the moſt ſtirring Action, was the Deſtruction of all Buſineſs. That he had deſired his Majeſty but to lye ſome⯑times in Town, and that his Anſwer was, It was not to be done except his Lordſhip deſired to ſee him dead, which, ſaid my Lord, was a very ſhort Anſwer. To con⯑clude, he proceeded to ſay That if the King ſurvived this Summer, which he thought he fairly might, notwithſtanding his conſumptive Diforder, or eſcaped the murderous Hands of the Papiſts, he doubted not but the Government would ſtand firm tho' it devolved to the Queen ſingly; but that however the Concern he had for his Fa⯑mily would naturally tempt him to act with all the Moderation that might be; that up⯑on [349] this Conſideration it was he had taken no great or additional Places, no new Honours, no blue Ribbon, as others had done.

The next Day I was to go to Hampton Court, where his Lordſhip was to meet me and preſent me to the King before I went into the Country. His Lordſhip repeated his Promiſes to do for me what he could, but ſaid It would be but Diſcretion to let two or three Months paſs over-head, be⯑fore I preſſed Matters too much, to the End we might the better ſee what was likely to become of Things.

FINIS.
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