An historical account of all the voyages round the world, performed by English navigators; including those lately undertaken by order of His present Majesty. The whole faithfully extracted from the journals of the voyagers. ... In four volumes.: [pt.4]

CAPTAIN COOK's VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. In 1768, 1769, 1770 and 1771.

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THE ſhort intercouſe which the Engliſh gentlemen had with the inhabitants of New Holland, prevented them from obtaining ſo perfect a knowledge of the language of theſe people as could have been wiſhed; but, as it is an object too curious to be paſſed over in ſilence, we ſhall give our readers the moſt particular account that could be procured. They articulated their words very diſtinctly, though they made a great motion with their lips when they were ſpeaking, and their ut⯑terance was rather vociferous, particularly when they intended to ſhew their diſapprobation of any thing. When they were pleaſed, they would manifeſt their ſatisfaction by ſaying hee, with a long flexion of the voice, in a loud and ſhril tone. They frequently repeated the word tut, when in company with the Engliſh, ſeveral times together, which was ſuppoſed to be an expreſſion of aſtoniſhment and admiration; upon the whole, their language was neither harſh nor inharmonious, as will appear from the fol⯑lowing vocabulary.

A VOCABULARY of the language of the inha⯑bitants of NEW HOLLAND.

Wageegee, The head.
Eiyamoac, The crown of the head.
Moree, The hair of the head.
Walloo, The temples.
Peete, The forehead.
Meul, The eyes.
Garbar, The eye-brows.
Melea, The ears.
Bonjoo, The noſe.
Yembe, The lips.
Mulere, The teeth.
Unjar, The tongue.
Tacal, The chin.
Waller, The beard.
Doomboo, The neck.
Morcol, The throat.
Coyor, The breaſt.
Gippa, The belly.
Mocoo, The back.
Aco, The arms.
Mangal, The hands.
Eboorbalga, The thumb.
Nakil, The little finger.
Pongo, The knees.
Peegoorga, The legs
Edamal, The feet.
Kolke, The nails.
Bamma, A man.
[3]Mootjel, A woman.
Dunjo, A father.
Tumurree, A ſon.
Tennapuke, The hole made in the noſtrils for the reception of the bone ornament.
Cotta, A dog.
Poteea, Fiſh.
Putai, A turtle.
Tabugga, A fly.
Walboolbool, A butterfly.
Zoocoo, Wood.
Maianang, Fire.
Poorai, Water.
Poapoa, Earth.
Galan, The ſun.
Wulgar, The clouds.
Kere, The ſky.
Boota, To eat.
Chucula, To drink.
Marra, To go.
Mingoore, To dance.
Mailelel, To ſwim.
Aibudje, To yawn.
Poona, To ſleep.
Wonananio, Aſleep.
Tocaya, Sit down.
Eya & ba, That or this.
Te, A, or the.

[4]We ſhall now proceed to give an account of their paſſage from New South Wales to New Guinea, with a recital of the incidents which happened on their landing on the laſt men⯑tioned country.—Early in the morning of the 24th of Auguſt 1770, the cable broke near the ring, in the attempt to weigh the anchor; on which another anchor was dropped, which prevented the ſhip's driving. As the loſs of an anchor might have been attended with fu⯑ture ill conſequences, the boats were ſent to ſweep for it; but their firſt attempt being un⯑ſucceſsful, they were diſpatched again in the afternoon, when it was found, and the ſhip being brought up to it, they weighed it; yet, unfortunately, juſt as they were going to ſhip it, the hawſer ſlipped, and all their labour was fruſtrated. Determined, however, not to loſe the anchor, they re-applied their endeavours on the following morning, when they were at⯑tended with ſucceſs.

Soon after the anchor was weighed, the ſhip got under ſail, ſteering north-weſt, and in a few hours one of the boats, which was a-head, made the ſignal for ſhoal-water. The ſhip in⯑ſtantly brought to, with all her ſails ſtanding, and a ſurvey being taken of the ſea around her, it was found that ſhe had met with another narrow eſcape, as ſhe was almoſt encompaſſed with ſhoals; and was likewiſe ſo ſituated be⯑tween them, that ſhe muſt have ſtruck before [5] the boat's crew had made the ſignal, if ſhe had been half the length of a cable on either ſide. In the afternoon ſhe made ſail with the ebb tide, and got out of danger before ſun-ſet, when ſhe brought to for the night.

The meeting with theſe ſhoals having deter⯑mined the Captain to alter his intended courſe, he ſailed again the next morning (Sunday the 26th) and ſoon got into deep water. They now ſteered a weſtward courſe, and, as no land was within ſight, held it on till the duſk of the evening, when they ſhortened ſail, and made oppoſite tacks during the night. The next morning they purſued their voyage, again ſhortening ſail at night, and tacking till day-break of the 28th, when they ſteered due north, in ſearch of New Guinea.

They now obſerved many parts of the ſea covered with a kind of brown ſcum, to which the ſailors gave the name of Spawn. It is formed of an incredible number of minute particles, each of which, when ſeen through the microſcope, was found to conſiſt of a con⯑ſiderable number of tubes, and theſe tubes were ſubdivided into little cells. The ſcum being burnt, and yeilding no ſmell like what is pro⯑duced by animal ſubſtances, it was concluded that it was of the vegetable kind. This ſcum, which has been often ſeen on the coaſt of Bra⯑zil, generally makes its appearance near the land.—A bird, which is called the Noddy, [6] was found this evening among the rigging of the ſhip. Land having been ſeen this day from the maſt-head, they ſtood off and on all night, and at day-break they ſailed towards it with a briſk gale.

Between ſix and ſeven o'clock they had ſight of a ſmall iſland, diſtant about three miles from the main land, which has already been diſtin⯑guiſhed by the names of St. Bartholomew, and Whermoyſen. It is a very flat iſland, clothed with trees, among which is the cocoa-nut; and was judged to be inhabited, by the ſmoke of fires which were ſeen on ſeveral parts of it. The boats were now ſent out to ſound, as the water was ſhallow; but as the ſhip, in ſailing two leagues, had found no increaſe in its depth, ſig⯑nals were made for the boats to return on board, and the veſſel ſtood out to ſea till midnight, and then tacked, and ſtood in for land till the morning. When they were about four leagues diſtant from it, they had ſight of it from the deck, and its appearance was ſtill flat and woody. Abundance of the brown ſcum was ſtill ſeen on the ſurface of the ſea, and the Tars, convinced that it was not ſpawn, gave it the whimſical name of Sea-ſaw-duſt.

The ſhip now held a northward courſe, bare⯑ly within ſight of land, till the 3d of Septem⯑ber; and as the water was but juſt deep enough to navigate the veſſel, many unſucceſsful at⯑tempts were made to bring her near enough to [7] get on ſhore: it was therefore determined to land in one of the boats, while the ſhip kept plying off and on.

In conſequence of this reſolution, on the 3d of September, the Captain, accompanied by Meſſrs. Banks and Solander, and attended by the boat's crew and Mr. Banks's ſervants, ſet out in the pinnace; but when they came within two hundred yards of the ſhore the water was ſo ſhallow, that they were obliged to leave the boat, in the care of two of the ſailors, and wade to land. They were no ſooner clear of the wa⯑ter, than they ſaw ſeveral prints of human feet on the ſand, below high-water-mark, from whence it was evident, that the natives had been very lately there. About one hundred yards from the water there was a thick wood, along the borders of which they walked till they ar⯑rived on the banks of a brook of water, on which was ſituated a fine grove of cocoa-nut trees, which abounded with fruit.

At a ſmall diſtance from the trees ſtood an Indian hut, which had been thatched with their leaves, of which ſome yet remained; and round the hut were ſcattered many cocoa-nut-ſhells, the fruit of which ſeemed to have been lately gathered. Not far from this grew the bread-fruit tree, and a number of plantains.

Our adventurers were now near a quarter of a mile from the pinnace, when three of the na⯑tives ran out of the woods, about one hundred [8] yards beyond them, ſhouting in the moſt vio⯑lent manner. They inſtantly ran towards our countrymen, the firſt of the three throwing ſomething out of his hand, which flew on one ſide of him, burning in the ſame manner as gunpowder, but making no noiſe, while the other two threw their lances. The Engliſh now fired; when the natives ſtopped, and caſt another lance, on which the muſkets were load⯑ed with ball, and again fired.—The poor Indians now ran off with expedition, having, moſt pro⯑bably, been wounded in the unequal conflict. Captain Cook and his companions, unwilling far⯑ther to injure thoſe who could not originally have intended them any harm, retreated haſtily to the boat, while the men, that had been left in the care of her, made ſignals that more of the na⯑tives were advancing towards the coaſt; ſeveral of theſe were ſoon ſeen, and ſtood ſtill, as if waiting for the main body of their companions. Captain Cook and the party having reached the boat, rowed a-breaſt of the natives, who by this time were aſſembled to the number of about eighty. Their ſtature was nearly the ſame with that of the inhabitants of New South Wales, but their colour was not quite ſo dark: but, like them, they wore their hair cropped ſhort. During the ſurvey that was taken of them, they continued letting off their fires, a few at a time, in a kind of regular platoons; they were diſ⯑charged by means of a piece of ſtick, almoſt [9] like a hollow cane, which being ſwung ſide⯑ways, produced fire and ſmoke exactly like that occaſioned by the firing of ſmall arms. The crew on board the ſhip ſaw this ſtrange phenomenon, and thought the natives had fire⯑arms. The gentlemen having ſatisfied their curioſity by attentively looking at theſe people, fired ſome muſquets above their heads, the balls from which being heard to rattle among the trees, the natives deliberately retired. The lances which had been thrown ſoon after the gen⯑tlemen landed were made of a reed or bamboo cane, and the points were made of hard wood, barbed in ſeveral places; it is imagined, that theſe lances were diſcharged by means of a throwing ſtick, as they flew with great ſwift⯑neſs above ſixty yards.

When this party returned to the ſhip, ſome of the officers entreated the Captain to ſend men on ſhore to cut down the cocoa-nut trees, in order to procure the nuts; but this, with equal wiſdom and humanity, he refuſed; ſen⯑ſible that the poor Indians, who could ill brook even the landing of a ſmall party, on their coaſt, would riſk their lives, and of courſe ſa⯑crifice them, in defence of their property. The whole coaſt of this country is low-land, but cloathed with a richneſs of trees and her⯑bage, which exceeds all deſcription.

On Monday, the 3d of September, 1770, the ſhip got under ſail, and early in the morning [10] of the 6th paſſed two ſmall iſlands, on the lat⯑ter of which Captain Cook would have landed, but as they had then only ten fathom water, and as the ground was rocky and the wind blew freſh, he might have endangered the ſafety of the ſhip. They now ſailed at a moderate rate, with various ſoundings, till three o'clock the next morning, after which they had no ground with one hundred and twenty fathom. Before noon they had ſight of land, which was con⯑jectured to be either the Arrou Iſlands, or Ti⯑mor Laoet; but they are not accurately laid down in any of the charts hitherto publiſhed.

On the evening of the 9th they ſaw what had the appearance of land, and the next morn⯑ing were convinced that the firſt land they had ſeen was Timor, and the laſt Timor Laoet. The ſhip ſtood off and on during the night, when a number of fires were ſeen on the iſland, and the next morning ſmoke was ſeen in ſeve⯑ral places, from whence it was conjectured that the place was well peopled. The land near the ſhore was covered with high trees, not unlike pines; farther back were cocoa-trees and man⯑groves: there were many ſalt-water creeks, and ſeveral ſpots of ground which appeared to have been cleared by art; and the whole country roſe, by gradual ſlopes, into hills of a very con⯑ſiderable height.

As the land and ſea breezes were now very ſlight, they continued in ſight of the iſland for [11] two days, when it was obſerved that the hills reached, in many places, quite to the ſea coaſt, and where that was not the caſe, there were large and noble groves of the cocoa-nut tree, which ran about a mile up the country, at which diſ⯑tance great numbers of houſes and plantations were ſeen: the plantations were ſurrounded with fences, and extended nearly to the ſum⯑mits of the moſt lofty hills, yet neither the natives nor cattle were ſeen on any of them, which was thought a very extraordinary circum⯑ſtance. Fine groves of the fan-palm ſhaded the houſes from the rays of the ſun.

On the 16th they had ſight of the little iſland called ROTTE; and the ſame day ſaw the iſland SEMAU, at a diſtance to the ſouthward of Ti⯑mor. The iſland of Rotte is chiefly covered with bruſhy wood without leaves; but there are a number of fan-palm trees on it, growing near the ſandy beaches; and the whole conſiſts of alternate hills and vallies. The iſland of Semau is not ſo hilly as Timor, but reſembles it greatly in other reſpects.

At ten o'clock this night a dull reddiſh light was ſeen in the air, many parts of which emit⯑ted rays of a brighter colour, which ſoon va⯑niſhed, and were ſucceeded by others of the ſame kind. This phenomenon, which reached about ten degrees above the horizon, bore a conſiderable reſemblance to the Aurora Borealis, only that the rays of light which it emitted had [12] no tremulous motion. It was ſurveyed for two hours, during which time its brightneſs con⯑tinued undiminiſhed.

As the ſhip was now clear of all the iſlands which had been laid down in ſuch maps as were on board, they made ſail during the night, and were ſurprized the next morning at the ſight of an iſland to the weſt ſouth-weſt, which they flattered themſelves was a new diſcovery. Be⯑fore noon they had ſight of houſes, groves of cocoa-nut trees, and large flocks of ſheep. This was a welcome ſight to people whoſe health was declining for want of refreſhments; and it was inſtantly reſolved to attempt the purchaſe of what they ſtood ſo much in need of. The ſecond Lieutenant was immediately diſpatched in the pinnace, in ſearch of a land⯑ing-place; and he took with him ſuch things as it was thought might be acceptable to the natives.

During Mr. Gore's abſence, the people on board ſaw two men on horſeback upon the hills, who frequently ſtopped to take a view of the veſſel. The Lieutenant ſoon returned, with an account that he had entered a little cove, near which ſtood a few houſes: that ſeveral men advanced, and invited him to land; and that they converſed together as well as they could by ſigns. He reported that theſe people were very like the Malays, both in perſon and [15] dreſs; that they had no other arms but a knife, which each of them wore ſtuck in his girdle.

As the Lieutenant could not find any place in which the ſhip might come to an an⯑chor, he was diſpatched again with money and goods, to buy ſuch neceſſaries as were imme⯑diately wanted for thoſe who were ſick. Dr. Solander attended the Lieutenant, and, during their abſence, the ſhip ſtood on and off the ſhore. Soon after the boat had put off, two other horſemen were ſeen from the ſhip, one of whom had a laced hat on, and was dreſſed in a coat and waiſtcoat, of the faſhion of Europe. Theſe men rode about on ſhore, taking little notice of the boat, but regarding the ſhip with the utmoſt attention. As ſoon as the boat reached the ſhore, ſome other perſons on horſe⯑back, and many on foot, haſtened to the ſpot, and it was obſerved that ſome cocoa-nuts were put into the boat, from whence it was con⯑cluded, that a traffick had commenced with the natives. A ſignal being made from the boat, that the ſhip might anchor in a bay at ſome diſtance, ſhe immediately bore away for it.

When the Lieutenant came on board, he re⯑ported that he could not purchaſe any cocoa-nuts, as the owner of them was abſent, and that what he had brought were given him; in return for which he had preſented the natives with ſome linen. The method by which he [14] learnt that there was a harbour in the neighbour⯑hood, was by the natives drawing a kind of rude map on the ſand, in which the harbour, and a town near it were repreſented; it was likewiſe hinted to him that fruit, fowls, hogs, and ſheep, might be there obtained in great abundance. He ſaw ſeveral of the principal inhabitants of the iſland, who wore chains of gold about their necks, and were dreſſed in fine linen. The word Portugueſe being frequently repeated by the Indians, it was conjectured, that ſome natives of Portugal were on the iſland, and one of the boat's crew being of that king⯑dom, he ſpoke to the iſlanders in his own lan⯑guage, but he ſoon found that they had only learnt a few words, of which they did not know the meaning. While the natives were endeavouring to repreſent the ſituation of the town near the harbour, one of them, in order to be more particular in directions, informed the Engliſh that they would ſee ſomething, which he endeavoured to deſcribe by placing his fingers acroſs each other; and the Portu⯑gueſe ſailor took it for granted, that he could mean nothing but a croſs. When the boat's crew were on the point of returning to the ſhip, the gentleman who had been ſeen on horſeback in the dreſs of Europe came down to the beach; but the Lieutenant did not think it proper to hold a conference with him, becauſe he had left his commiſſion on board the ſhip.

[15]In the evening, when the ſhip had entered the bay to which they had been recommended, an Indian town was ſeen at a ſmall diſtance; upon which a jack was hoiſted on the fore-top-maſt head: preſently afterwards three guns were fired, and Dutch colours were hoiſted in the town: the ſhip, however, held on her way, and came to an anchor at ſeven in the evening.

The colours being ſeen hoiſted on the beach the next morning, the Captain concluded, that the Dutch had a ſettlement on the iſland: he therefore diſpatched the ſecond Lieutenant, to acquaint the Governor, or other principal re⯑ſident, who they were, and that the ſhip had put in for neceſſary refreſhments. The Lieu⯑tenant having landed, he was received by a kind of guard of ſomething more than twenty In⯑dians, armed with muſkets, who having taken down the colours from the beach, proceeded without the leaſt military order; and thus eſ⯑corted him to the town where the colours had been hoiſted the preceding evening.

The Lieutenant was now conducted to the Raja, or King of the iſland, to whom, by means of a Portugueſe interpreter, he made known his buſineſs. The Raja ſaid, he was rea⯑dy to ſupply the ſhip with the neceſſary refreſh⯑ments; but that he could not trade with any other people but the Dutch, with whom he was in alliance, without having firſt obtained their conſent; but that he would make application [16] to the Dutch Agent, who was the only white man among them. To this Agent, whoſe name was Lange, and who proved to be the perſon that was ſeen from the ſhip in the Euro⯑pean dreſs, a letter was diſpatched; and in a few hours he came to the town, behaved po⯑litely to the Lieutenant, and told him, he might buy what he thought proper of the inha⯑bitants of the iſland.

This offer being freely made, and readily ac⯑cepted, the Raja and Mr. Lange intimated their wiſhes to go on board the ſhip, and that two of the boat's crew might be left as hoſtages for their ſafe return. The Lieutenant gratified both theſe requeſts, and took them on board juſt before dinner was ſerved. It was thought that they would have ſat down without ceremo⯑ny; but, after ſome heſitation, the Raja inti⯑mated his doubts, whether, being a black, they would permit him to ſit down with them. The politeneſs of the officers ſoon removed his ſcruples, and the greateſt good humour and feſ⯑tivity prevailed among them. As Dr. Solan⯑der, and another gentleman on board, were to⯑lerable proficients in Dutch, they acted as inter⯑preters between Mr. Lange and the officers, while ſome of the ſailors, who underſtood Por⯑tugueſe, converſed with ſuch of the Raja's at⯑tendants as ſpoke that language. The chief part of the dinner was mutton, which the Raja having taſted, he begged an Engliſh ſheep, and [17] the only one which they had left was given him: he then aſked for a dog, and Mr. Banks gave him his grey-hound; and a ſpying-glaſs was preſented to him, on Mr. Lange's intimating that it would be acceptable.

The viſitors now told Captain Cook, that there was great plenty of fowls, hogs, ſheep and buffaloes on the iſland, numbers of which ſhould be conveyed to the ſea ſhore on the fol⯑lowing day, that he might purchaſe what was neceſſary for the recovery of the ſick, and for ſea ſtores. This welcome news gave great ſpi⯑rits to the company, and the bottle went ſo briſkly round, that Mr. Lange and his compa⯑nions became almoſt intoxicated: they had, however, the reſolution to expreſs a deſire to depart, before they were quite drunk. When they came upon deck, the marines were under arms to receive them; and the Raja intimating, that he ſhould be glad to ſee them exerciſe, the Captain gave orders that he ſhould be indulged, and three rounds were fired: he was equally pleaſed and ſurprized at their manoeuvres, and particularly charmed when they cocked their firelocks, exclaiming violently, ‘"that all the locks made but one click."’ This being ended, Meſſrs. Solander and Banks went aſhore with the viſitors, who were ſaluted at their depar⯑ture with nine guns, which they returned with three cheers.

[18]When they came to the town, the Engliſh gentlemen taſted their palm wine, which was ſweet, and not unpleaſant: it is made of the freſh juice of the tree, without being ferment⯑ed. The houſes of the natives conſiſted of no⯑thing more than a floor of boards, over which was a roof of thatch, ſupported by pillars about four feet in height.

On the following day the Captain, attended by ſeveral gentlemen, went on ſhore to return the Raja's viſit; but their principal intention was, to buy the refreſhments which had been mentioned the preceding day. When they landed, they were chagrined to find, that the cattle had not been driven down to the beach. They went on to the town, where they obſerved, that the houſe of aſſembly, and ſome few other houſes which had been built by the Dutch Eaſt India Company, were diſtinguiſhed from the houſes of the natives by having a piece of wood, almoſt in the ſhape of cows horns, fix⯑ed at each end of the roof; and theſe they con⯑cluded were what the Portugueſe ſailor had ima⯑gined to be croſſes, from the Indian having croſſed his fingers when he was deſcribing the town.

The Raja was at the houſe of aſſembly, ſur⯑rounded by many of his principal ſubjects; and Mr. Lange alſo attended. Captain Cook having informed them, that he had loaded his boat with goods, which he wiſhed to ex⯑change [19] for neceſſary refreſhments, permiſſi⯑on was given him to land his effects. The Captain now endeavoured to make an agree⯑ment for the hogs, ſheep, and buffaloes, which were to be paid for in caſh; but this buſineſs was no ſooner hinted at than Mr. Lange took his leave, having firſt told the Captain, that he muſt make his agreement with the natives; and adding, that he had received a letter from the Governor of Concordia, in Timor, the con⯑tents of which ſhould be diſcloſed at his return.

As they had now no freſh proviſions on board, the gentlemen were unwilling to return to the ſhip before they had dined; they there⯑fore requeſted the Raja's permiſſion to buy a ſmall hog and ſome rice, and hoped he would order his people to dreſs the dinner. To this the Raja very obligingly replied, that if the gentlemen had ſtomachs to eat of Indian cooke⯑ry, he would have the honour of conſidering them as his gueſts. A dinner being thus pro⯑cured, the Captain ſent off the boat to bring li⯑quors from the ſhip.

Late in the afternoon the company ſat down on mats, which had been ſpread for them on the floor, having been firſt conducted to a ſer⯑vant, who had a veſſel made of the leaves of the fan-palm, containing water to waſh their hands, in which the Indian aſſiſted them. Hav⯑ing waited ſome time for the Raja, they enquir⯑ed the reaſon of his abſence, and were inform⯑ed, [20] that the perſon who gave the entertainment never partook of it; but that the Raja was rea⯑dy to come and taſte of what was provided, if the gentlemen entertained any idea that the meat was unwholeſome: having aſſured the natives, that they did not harbour any ſuch ſuſpicion, they began their dinner, which conſiſted of pork and rice, very excellent of their kinds, ſerved up in thirty-ſix diſhes, and three earthen bowls filled with a kind of broth, in which the pork had been boiled: the ſpoons were formed of leaves, but were ſo ſmall, that the hunger of the gueſts would ſcarcely allow them patience to uſe them.

When dinner was ended, the Captain invited the Raja to drink wine with him; but this he declined, ſaying, that the man who entertained company ſhould never get drunk with his gueſts, and that the only certain way to avoid drunk⯑enneſs, was to refrain from taſting the liquor. The gentlemen left the remains of their dinner to their ſervants and the boat's crew, who not being able to eat it all, the Raja's female ſervants, who came to take away the utenſils, inſiſted that they ſhould take with them all that remained.

When the bottle had circulated ſome time, Captain Cook began to enquire after the cattle that were promiſed to be driven down to the beach; when Mr. Lange informed him, that in the letter which he had received from the [21] Governor of Concordia, inſtructions were given, that if the ſhip ſhould touch at the iſland, and be in want of proviſions, ſhe ſhould be ſuppli⯑ed; but that he was not to permit her to remain longer than was abſolutely neceſſary: that no preſents were to be made to the natives of low rank, nor even left with their ſuperiors to be divided among them after the ſhip had ſailed: but, he added, that any trifling civilities receiv⯑ed from the Indians, might be acknowledged by a preſent of beads, or other articles of very ſmall value. It is a very probable conjecture, that the whole of this ſtory was of Mr. Lange's own manufacture, and ſolely calculated to draw all the preſents of any value into his own pocket.

Soon after this the Captain was informed, that ſome ſheep had been driven down to the beach; but had been conveyed away before the men could get money from the ſhip to pay for them; and that not a ſingle hog or buffaloe had been driven down: but that a ſmall number of fowls, and a quantity of the palm-ſyrup had been bought. Heartily vexed to be thus diſ⯑appointed of the chief articles which were wanted, the Captain remonſtrated with Mr. Lange, who told him, that if he and his offi⯑cers had gone to the ſpot, they might have pur⯑chaſed any thing they pleaſed; but that the In⯑dians imagined, the ſeamen would impoſe on them with counterfeit money.

[22]This ſtory was no more credited than the former; but not to loſe more time in a caſe of ſuch urgency, the Captain inſtantly repaired to the beach; but there were no cattle to be bought. During his abſence Lange informed Mr. Banks, that the Indians were offended, that the ſeamen had not offered gold for what they had to ſell, and that no other metal would pur⯑chaſe their commodities: but Mr. Banks, diſ⯑daining to hold farther converſation with a man who had been guilty of ſuch repeated ſubter⯑fuges, left him abruptly. Some hours before this, the Raja had aſſigned a much more pro⯑bable reaſon for the cattle not being brought to the beach, ſaying, that the buffaloes were too far up the country to be driven thither in the time. In the evening the gentlemen returned to the ſhip, not a little diſpleaſed at their diſap⯑pointment.

On the 20th the Captain and doctor Solander went again on ſhore, and while the latter pro⯑ceeded to the town in ſearch of Lange, the Captain ſtaid on the beach, with a view to buy cattle. At this place was an old man, who had been diſtinguiſhed by the name of the prime miniſter, becauſe he appeared to be inveſted with conſiderable authority; and the Captain now preſented him with a ſpying-glaſs, in order to make a friend of him. At preſent there was nothing brought for ſale but a ſmall buffaloe, for which five guineas were demanded. Tho' [23] the Captain knew that this was double its value, yet he bid three guineas, as he was willing to begin dealing at any rate: the perſon who had it to ſell ſaid, he could not take the money till the Raja had been informed what was offered; on which a man was ſent to him, who ſoon came back with a maſſage, that five guineas would be the loweſt price: this the Captain re⯑fuſed to give; on which a ſecond meſſenger was diſpatched, who ſtaying a long time, Captain Cook was anxiouſly expecting his return, when he ſaw Dr. Solander coming towards the beach, eſcorted by more than a hundred perſons, ſome of whom had lances in their hands, and the reſt were armed with muſkets. When the Doctor arrived at the marketing-place, he informed the Captain, that Lange had interpreted to him a meſſage from the Raja, the ſubſtance of which was, that the natives were averſe to all traffick with the Engliſh, becauſe they would not give above half the real worth of the things which were offered for ſale; and that all trading what⯑ever ſhould be prohibited after that day.

A native of Timor, whoſe parents were Por⯑tugueſe, came down with this party, and deli⯑vered to the Captain what was pretended to be the order of the Raja, and which was in ſub⯑ſtance the ſame as what Lange had told Dr. So⯑lander; but it was afterwards diſcovered, that this man was a confederate of Lange's, in the ſcheme of extortion. The Engliſh gentlemen [24] had at the ſame time no boubt, but that the ſuppoſed order of the Raja was a contrivance of theſe men; and while they were debating how they ſhould act in this critical conjuncture, anx⯑ious to bring the affair to a ſpeedy iſſue, the Portugueſe began to drive away ſuch of the na⯑tives as had brought palm-ſyrup and fowls to ſell, and others who were now bringing ſheep and buffaloes to the market.

Juſt at this juncture Captain Cook happen⯑ing to look at the old man who had been diſ⯑tinguiſhed by the name of prime miniſter, im⯑agined that he ſaw in his features a diſapproba⯑tion of the preſent proceedings; and, willing to improve the advantage, he graſped the Indi⯑an's hand, and gave him an old broad ſword. This well-timed preſent produced all the good effects that could be wiſhed: the prime miniſter was enraptured at ſo honourable a mark of diſ⯑tinction, and, brandiſhing his ſword over the head of the impertinent Portugueſe, he made both him, and a man who commanded the par⯑ty, ſit down behind him on the ground. The whole buſineſs was now accompliſhed: the na⯑tives, eager to ſupply whatever was wanted, brought their cattle in for ſale, and the market was ſoon ſtocked. For the firſt two buffaloes Captain Cook gave ten guineas; but he after⯑wards purchaſed them by way of exchange, giving a muſket for each; and at this rate he might have bought any number he thought pro⯑per. [25] There ſeems to be no doubt but that Lange had a profit out of the firſt two that were ſold, and that his reaſon for having ſaid that the natives would take nothing but gold for their cattle, was, that he might the more eaſily ſhare in the produce. Captain Cook pur⯑chaſed of the natives of this iſland ſome hun⯑dred gallons of palm-ſyrup, a ſmall quantity of garlick, a large number of eggs, ſome limes and cocoa-nuts, thirty dozen of fowls, three hogs, ſix ſheep, and nine buffaloes.

Having at length obtained theſe neceſſary re⯑freſhments, Captain Cook prepared for ſailing from this place; but before we attend him on his voyage, it may be proper to give a deſcrip⯑tion of the iſland, with an account of its pro⯑duce, and the cuſtoms and manners of its in⯑habitants.

The iſland of SAVU is ſituated in 10 degrees 35 minutes ſouth latitude, and 237 degrees 30 minutes weſt longitude, and has hitherto been very little known, or very imperfectly deſcrib⯑ed. Its length is between twenty and thirty miles; but its breadth could not be aſcertained by Captain Cook, who ſaw only the north ſide of it. The harbour in which the ſhip lay was called Seba, from a diſtrict of the country ſo denominated; and there are two other bays on different parts of the iſland. At the time the Endeavour lay there it was near the end of the dry ſeaſon, when it had not rained for al⯑moſt [26] ſeven months, nor was there a running ſtream of freſh water to be ſeen, and the na⯑tives were ſupplied only by ſmall ſprings, ſitu⯑ated at a diſtance up the country: yet even in this dry ſeaſon the appearance of the iſland was enchanting beyond deſcription. Near the coaſt the land is level, and well clothed with the palm, called Arecas, and cocoa-nut trees: far⯑ther off the ground riſes in the moſt gradual aſcent, and is covered with fan palm trees even to the tops of the hills, ſo as to preſent a regu⯑lar grove to the eye. The rains in this country ceaſe in March or April, and fall again in Octo⯑ber or November: and theſe rains produce abundance of indico, millet, and maize, which grow beneath the nobleſt trees in the univerſe.

Beſides theſe articles, the iſland produces to⯑bacco, cotton, betle, tamarinds, limes, oran⯑ges, mangoes, Guinea corn, rice, callevances, and water melons. A trifling quantity of cin⯑namon was ſeen, and ſome European herbs, ſuch as garlic, fennel, cellery and marjoram: be⯑ſides which, there are fruits of various kinds, and particularly the blimbi, which has a ſharp taſte, and is ſaid to be a very fine pickle, but it is not eaten raw; its length is from three to four inches, it is nearly as thick as a man's thumb, of an oval form, covered with a very thin ſkin of a light green, and contains a number of ſeeds ranged in the ſhape of a ſtar.

[27]Several buffaloes were ſeen on this iſland, which were almoſt as large as an ox; and from a pair of enormous horns of this animal which Mr. Banks ſaw, it was conjectured, that ſome of them were much larger; yet they did not weigh more than half as much as an ox of the ſame apparent ſize, having loſt the greater part of their fleſh through the late dry weather; the meat however was juicy, and of a delicate flavour. The horns of theſe animals bend backwards, they have no dewlaps, nor ſcarce any hair on their ſkins, and their ears are re⯑markably large. The other tame animals on the iſland are dogs, cats, pigeons, fowls, hogs, goats, ſheep, aſſes and horſes.

Few of the horſes are above twelve hands high, yet they are full of mettle, and pace na⯑turally in an expeditious manner: the natives ride them with a halter only. The hogs of this country, are fed on the huſks of rice, and palm-ſyrup mixed with water, and are remarkably fine and fat. The ſheep are not unlike a goat, and are therefore called cabritos; their ears, which are long, hang down under their horns; their noſes are arched, and their bodies are co⯑vered with hair. The fowls are of the game kind, and though they are rather large, the hen lays a very ſmall egg. The ſea-coaſt furniſhes the inhabitants with turtle, but not in any great abundance.

[28]The natives of the iſland of Savu are ra⯑ther below the middle ſtature; their hair is black and ſtrait, and perſons of all ranks, as well thoſe that are expoſed to the weather, as thoſe that are not, have one general complexion, which is the dark brown. The men are well formed and ſprightly, and their features differ much from each other: the women, on the con⯑trary, have all one ſet of features, and are very ſhort and broad built.

The men have ſilver pincers hanging by ſtrings round their necks, with which they pluck out the hair of their beards; and both men and women root out the hair that grows under the arms: the hair of the womens heads is tied in a club behind, while that of the men is faſten⯑ed by a comb to the top of the head: the men wear a kind of turban on the head, formed of muſlin, cotton, or even ſilk handkerchiefs; but the heads of the women have no covering.

The dreſs of the men conſiſts of two pieces of cotton cloth, one of which is bound round the middle, and the lower edge of it being drawn pretty tight between the legs, the upper edge is left looſe, ſo as to form a kind of pocket, in which they carry their knives and other things: the other piece being paſſed under the former, on the back of the wearer, the ends of it are carried over the ſhoulders, and tucked into the pocket before. The women draw the upper edge of the piece round the waiſt tight, while [29] the lower edge, dropping to the knees, makes a kind of petticoat: the other piece of cloth is faſtened acroſs the breaſt, and under the arms. This cloth, which is manufactured by the na⯑tives, is died blue while in the yarn; and, as it is of various ſhades, its look when it comes to be worn is very beautiful.

The ornaments of the natives of Savu are very numerous, and conſiſt of rings, beads worn round the neck and on the wriſts, and chains of plaited gold wire, likewiſe worn round the neck: theſe things were worn by both ſexes; but the women had likewiſe girdles of beads round their waiſts, which helped to keep up the petticoat. Many of the boys wore braſs wire paſſed ſeveral times round the arms, above the elbow: and ſome of the men, who were ſaid to be the ſons of the Rajas, wore rings of ivory, above an inch thick, and two inches broad, on the ſame part of the arm. One man poſſeſſed a ſilver-headed cane, ſuppoſed to have been a preſent from the Dutch Eaſt India Company, as their mark was engraven on the ſilver. The Raja, and the principal officer of his houſhold, were commonly habited in night gowns of or⯑dinary chintz; but one time, when Captain Cook waited on the Raja, he was dreſſed in a black ſtuff robe.

Moſt of the men had their names marked on their arms, and the women a black ornament juſt under the bend of the elbow, impreſſed ſo [30] that it could not be rubbed out. On enquiry it was found, that this practice had been common among the Indians long before they were vi⯑ſited by any Europeans; and it was ſaid, that the necks and breaſts of the inhabitants of the adjacent iſlands were marked with circles.

It could not be certainly known how theſe black marks were impreſſed; but the following extract from M. Boſſu's account of ſome Indians who dwell on the banks of the Akanza, a river in North America, will afford a very pro⯑bable conjecture how the operation is perform⯑ed.—‘"The Akanzas (ſays this writer) have adopted me, and, as a mark of my privilege, have imprinted the figure of a roe-buck upon my thigh, which was done in this manner: an Indian having burnt ſome ſtraw, diluted the aſhes with water, and, with this mixture, drew the figure upon my ſkin; he then retraced it by pricking the lines with needles, ſo as at every juncture juſt to draw the blood, and the blood mixing with the aſhes of the ſtraw, forms a figure which can never be effaced."’

The houſes on the iſland of Savu are of dif⯑ferent lengths, from twenty feet to four hun⯑dred, according to the rank of the inhabitant, and are fixed on poſts about four or five feet from the ground. The houſes are generally di⯑vided into three rooms of equal ſize, the center room being ſet apart for the uſe of the women; [31] and ſometimes ſmaller rooms are encloſed from the ſides of the building, the whole of which is thatched with the leaves of the palm-tree.

The natives eat of all the tame animals which the iſland produces, but they prefer the hog to all the reſt; next to hogs fleſh they admire that of the horſe, to which ſucceeds the Buffalo, and then the poultry; and they like the fleſh of cats and dogs much better than that of goats and ſheep. Fiſh is not eaten but by the poorer people, nor even by them, but when ſome bu⯑ſineſs demands their attendance near the ſea-coaſt; and then each man has a ſmall caſting net, which he wears tied round his body when he has not occaſion to uſe it.

The fan-palm is the moſt remarkable, and moſt uſeful tree that grows on the iſland, its uſes being equally great and various: ſoon af⯑ter the buds put forth the natives cut them, and tying under them little baſkets formed of the leaves of the tree, a liquor drops into them, which has the taſte of a light wine, and is the common liquor of all the inhabitants. The men climb the trees twice a day to bring down this liquor; but as a great deal more is thus obtained than can be conſumed by drinking, a part of the remainder is made into coarſe ſu⯑gar, very excellent of its kind; and the reſt is boiled in earthen pots, till it is reduced to a ſyrup, reſembling treacle, but of a much finer flavour; and with this ſyrup the natives fatten [32] their hogs and dogs. The leaves of the tree are applied to the various uſes of making to⯑bacco-pipes, umbrellas, cups, baſkets, and the thatching of houſes. The fruit of this tree is nearly of the ſize of a full grown turnip; but the natives are not fond of it, nor do they ſuffer much of it to come to perfection, as they wound the bloſſoms for the ſake of the liquor that diſtils from them; the kernels of the fruit muſt be eaten before it is ripe, otherwiſe they are ſo hard, that the teeth will not penetrate them.

As wood for firing is very ſcarce on the iſland, the natives, by the following method, make a very little of it anſwer the ends of cookery and diſtillation. A hollow is dug under ground, in a direct line, about two yards long, with a hole at each end, one of which is large and the other ſmall; the fire is put in at the largeſt hole, while the ſmaller one ſerves for a draught. Circular holes are made through the earth, which covers this cavity; and on theſe holes are ſet earthen pots, which being large in the middle, and ſmaller to⯑wards the bottom, the fire acts upon a con⯑ſiderable part of their ſurface. Theſe pots contain, moſt commonly, about eight or nine gallons each, and they are kept continually boiling, with a very trifling quantity of fuel, ſuch as a palm-leaf, or a dry ſtalk; in this [33] manner all their victuals are boiled, as well as their ſyrup and ſugar.

Both the men and women chew betle and areca, mixed with a ſort of lime, compoſed of ſhells and coral ſtones; and as they fre⯑quently add tobacco to the other ingredients, and acquire this diſguſtful practice almoſt in their infancy, there is not a ſweet breath, or a ſound ſet of teeth in the whole iſland. They ſometimes ſmoke tobacco, and the women, par⯑ticularly, ſwallow the ſmoke. Their pipes are made of the palm-leaf, about the ſize of a gooſe quill, and half a foot long, in one end of which they put the tobacco deſigned for ſmok⯑ing.

The iſland conſiſts of five diviſions, each of which has a Raja, or chief Governor, of its own. Theſe diviſions are called TIMO, MASSARA, REGEEUA, LAAI, and SEBA. It was on this laſt diviſion that our Engliſh adventurers went on ſhore: the Raja of which was between thirty and forty years of age, and remarkable for his corpulency. He governs his people with the moſt abſolute authority, but takes on him very little of the parade, or pomp of royalty. The prime miniſter, who has been heretofore men⯑tioned, appeared to be inveſted with great pow⯑er, and almoſt wholly to direct the actions of the Raja; yet, ſuch were the abilities and inte⯑grity of this man, that the people univerſally adored him. When any diſpute happens among [34] the natives, it is inſtantly ſettled by the Raja and his counſellors, in the moſt equitable and ſatisfactory manner.

The hiſtory of this iſland depends chiefly on the authority of Mr. Lange, the Dutch factor, who informed Captain Cook, that it was able to raiſe ſeven thouſand three hundred fighting men, on the ſhorteſt notice. Theſe are armed with lances, ſpears, muſkets, targets, and pole-axes, which laſt are not unlike a wood-bill, only that they are much heavier, and have ſtrait edges. The natives are ſo expert in the uſe of their lances, that they will throw them with ſuch force and exactneſs, as to pierce a man through the heart at the diſtance of ſixty or ſeventy yards. Notwithſtanding this ſkill and diſpoſition for war, it is ſaid, that the Rajas have lived in the moſt perfect harmony for ſe⯑veral ages.

While Captain Cook was on the iſland he ſaw a great gun before the town-houſe, and ſome ſwivels and pateraroes; but the great gun, which was almoſt conſumed by ruſt, lay with the touch-hole to the ground, and the ſwivels and pate⯑raroes were not in their carriages. In the town-houſe were a number of ſpears and targets, of as many different ſizes as there were weapons; and with theſe the natives were armed when they came down with Dr. Solander, with a view to influence the market. The inſides of the muſkets were almoſt deſtroyed by ruſt, though [35] their outſides were kept clean and bright: the men had very little, if any, powder or ball in their cartridge-boxes; but a piece of paper was put into each hole, as if they had been pro⯑perly furniſhed. It has been already mention⯑ed, that they marched in the moſt irregular manner; and each man brought with him a lit⯑tle tobacco, a fowl, or ſome other trifle, for ſale.

The inhabitants of Savu are divided into five ranks; the Rajas, the land-owners, manu⯑facturers, labourers, and ſlaves. The land-owners are reſpected in proportion to the extent of their lands, and the number of their ſlaves, which laſt are bought and ſold with the eſtates to which they belong; but when a ſlave is bought ſeparately, a fat hog is the price of the purchaſe. Though a man may ſell his ſlave in this manner, or convey him with his lands, yet his power over him extends no farther, for he muſt not even ſtrike him without the Raja's permiſſion. The eſtates of theſe land-owners are of very different extent; for ſome of them poſſeſs not above five ſlaves, and ſome five hun⯑dred. When a man of rank goes abroad, one of his ſlaves follows him, with a ſilver hilted ſword or hanger, ornamented with horſe hair taſſels; while another is furniſhed with a little bag, containing tobacco, betle, areca, and lime; and even the Rajas themſelves take no farther ſtate upon them.

[36]The natives of Savu entertain a veneration for antiquity, ſuperior, perhaps, to that of any other people in the world. Their principal boaſt is a long line of venerable anceſtors: the houſes that have been well tenanted for ſucceſ⯑ſive generations are held in the higheſt eſteem; and even the ſtones, which are worn ſmooth by having been ſat upon for ages, become valua⯑ble from that very circumſtance: the man whoſe progenitors have bequeathed him any of theſe ſtones, or whoſe opulence has enabled him to purchaſe them, cauſes them to be rang⯑ed round his habitation, for his ſervants and ſlaves to ſit upon.

In the chief town of each diſtrict the Raja cauſes a huge ſtone to be ſet up, as a monument of his reign. Thirteen ſuch ſtones were ſeen in the province of Seba, and the remains of many others, that have ſuffered greatly by the waſting hand of time. Theſe ſtones are all placed on the top of a hill, and ſome of them are ſo enormouſly large, that it is impoſſible to conceive by what contrivance they could have been placed in ſuch a ſituation, nor could any information in this reſpect be obtained from the natives. From theſe monuments it is evident, that the iſland has been regularly governed for a ſeries of ages paſt.

On the death of a Raja, proclamation is made that all his ſubjects ſhall hold a ſolemn feſtival; on which they proceed to the hill where theſe [37] ſtones are erected, and feaſt for ſeveral weeks or months, killing every animal that can be found, to furniſh out the treat, which is daily ſerved upon the monumental ſtones. When the whole ſtock is exhauſted, they are compelled to a ſevere faſt; and when it happens that the feaſt ends in the dry ſeaſon, when they cannot get vegetables to eat, they have no other ſub⯑ſiſtance than the palm ſyrup and water, till the few animals that eſcape the general maſſacre have bred a ſufficient number for a freſh ſupply; except indeed that the adjacent diſtricts may afford ſome relief. The natives of Savu have an inſtrument with which they clear the cotton of its ſeeds, which is only about ſeven inches in height, and fourteen in length; but is conſtruc⯑ted on common mechanical principles. They have likewiſe a machine; with which they ſpin by hand, in the ſame manner as the women of England did, before the uſe of ſpinning-wheels was known. The yarn they make is dyed as before-mentioned, and they were once obſerved to be dying ſome girdles for the women, of a deep red colour.

The natives in general are robuſt and healthy, and had the appearance of being long-lived. The ſmall-pox has found its way to this iſland, and is as much dreaded as the peſtilence: when this diſorder attacks any perſon, he is carried to ſome ſpot at a great diſtance from any houſe, where his food is conveyed to him by means [38] of a long ſtick, for no one will venture very near the invalid, who is thus left to take his chance of life or death.

The iſland of Savu having been viſited by the Portugueſe almoſt at their firſt ſailing into this part of the world, they eſtabliſhed a ſet⯑tlement upon it; but in a little time they were ſucceeded by the Dutch, who, though they did not formally poſſeſs themſelves of the iſland, ſent a number of trading veſſels to eſtabliſh a commerce with the natives. It is thought that the Dutch purchaſes are chiefly confined to proviſions for the ſupply of the Spice Iſlands, the inhabitants of which, cultivating almoſt every ſpot of ground for the ſpice trade, breed but a ſmall number of cattle. A few years ago the Dutch Eaſt India Company made an agreement with the ſeveral Rajas of the iſland, by which it was covenanted, that a quantity of rice, maize, and calevances ſhould be annually furniſhed to the Dutch, who, in return, ſupply the Rajas with arrack, cutlery wares, linen, ſilk, and ſome other things. Small veſſels, each of which is manned by ten Indians, are ſent from Timor, to bring away the maize and calevances, and a ſhip which brings the articles which are furniſhed by the Dutch, receives the rice on board once a year: and there being three bays on the coaſt, this veſſel anchors in each of them in its turn. The Rajas accept the Dutch articles of commerce as a preſent; and [39] they and their chief attendants drink inceſſant⯑ly of the arrack till it is all gone. In the agree⯑ment abovementioned, the Rajas ſtipulated, that a Dutch reſident ſhould be conſtantly on the iſland, to obſerve that their part of the con⯑tract was fulfilled.

The Dutch having thus concluded the treaty, ſent Mr. Lange to act as their reſident, and a kind of aſſiſtant to him, whoſe father was a Por⯑tugueſe, and his mother a native of Timor, with one Frederick Craig, whoſe father was a Dutchman, and his mother an Indian. Once every two months Lange is attended by fifty ſlaves on horſe-back, and in this ſtate viſits each of the Rajas, and, if the crops are ripe, or⯑ders veſſels to convey them immediately to Ti⯑mor, ſo that they are not even houſed on the iſland. It is a part of Lange's buſineſs to per⯑ſuade the land-owners to plant, if he ſees that there has been any neglect on their part. He conſtantly takes with him a quantity of arrack, by the help of which he does not fail of making advantageous bargains with the Rajas.

Lange had been on this iſland ten years, dur⯑ing all which time he had not ſeen a white per⯑ſon, except thoſe who came annually in the Dutch ſhip to carry off the rice. He is marri⯑ed to an Indian woman, a native of the iſland of Timor, and he lives in the ſame manner as the inhabitants of Savu, whoſe language he ſpeaks better than any other; like them too he [40] ſits on the ground and chews betle, and has ſo perfectly adopted their manners, that he is an abſolute Indian, except in dreſs and complexion.

Mr. Craig is employed in teaching the chil⯑dren to write and read, and inſtructing them in the principles of Chriſtianity. The new teſta⯑ment, a catechiſm, and ſome other ſmall books of divinity, have been printed in the language of Savu, and the adjacent iſlands, at the ex⯑pence of the Dutch. Mr. Craig ſaid, there were ſix hundred Chriſtians in the townſhip of Seba only; yet there is neither a church nor a clergyman throughout the iſland.

The religion of ſuch of the natives of Savu as have not embraced Chriſtianity, is a ſingular ſort of Paganiſm, as every man makes choice of his own God, and worſhips him according to his own fancy; ſo that the variety of Dei⯑ties, and the methods of adoring them, are ſcarcely fewer than the number of inhabitants. The morality of theſe people, however, is of the pureſt kind. A robbery is ſcarce ever com⯑mitted, and a murder is never perpetrated. When any diſputes ariſe between the natives, they inſtantly ſubmit the point in debate to the deciſion of the Raja, and reſt perfectly ſatisfied with his determination. No man is permitted to marry more than one wife; yet a violation of the marriage bed, or even the crime of ſimple fornication, is almoſt wholly unknown among them. Happy people! the purity of whoſe [41] morals renders them fit objects of the envy and emulation of the Chriſtian world.

Of the iſlands in the neighbourhood of Sa⯑vu, the principal is Timor, which is annually viſited by the Dutch reſidents on the other iſlands, in order to make up their accounts. Some of the towns on the north ſide of Timor are in the hands of the Portugueſe; but the Dutch poſſeſs the far greater proportion of the iſland, on which they have built a fort, and erected ſeveral ſtore-houſes.

There are three ſmall iſlands, called the So⯑lars, which produce a great abundance of the various neceſſaries of life, that are carried in ſmall veſſels to the Dutch ſettlement on the iſland of Timor: theſe iſlands are low and flat, and one of them has a commodious harbour.

Weſtward from the Solars lies the little iſland of Ende, which is yet in the poſſeſſion of the Portugueſe, who have built a conſiderable town, called Larntuca, on the north-eaſt point of it; and cloſe to the town is an harbour where ſhips may ride in ſafety.

The iſland of Rotte has a Dutch reſident on it, whoſe buſineſs is ſimilar to that of Mr. Lange on the iſland of Savu: Rotte produces, beſides ſuch things as are common to the other iſlands, a conſiderable quantity of ſugar, which is now made to a great degree of perfection.

There is likewiſe a ſmall iſland lying to the weſtward of Savu, the chief produce of which [42] is areca-nuts, of which the Dutch receive, in exchange for European commodities, as large a quantity every year as will load two veſſels.

A French ſhip was wrecked on the coaſt of Timor, about two years before the Endeavour was in theſe ſeas. She had been lodged on the rock ſeveral days, when the wind tore her to pieces in an inſtant, and the Captain, with the greater number of the ſeamen, were drowned; but a Lieutenant and about eighty men having reached the ſhore, travelled acroſs the country of Concordia, where their immediate neceſſities were relieved, after which they returned to the wreck, in company with ſome Dutch and In⯑dians, who aſſiſted them in recovering all their cheſts of bullion, ſome of their guns, and other effects: which being done, they returned to Concordia, where they remained ſeveral weeks; but, in this interval, death made ſuch havock among them, that not above half their number remained to be ſent to their native country, which was done as ſoon as a veſſel could be fit⯑ted out for that purpoſe.

To cloſe the account of the iſland of Savu, it now only remains to give the following ſpe⯑cimen of the language of its inhabitants.

Specimen of the language of the inhabitants of the iſland of SAVU.

Momonne, A man.
Monama, An old man.
[43]Monecopai, A boy.
Anawuneekee, A child.
Madda, The eyes.
Otaile, The temples.
Sivanga, The noſe.
Tangarei, The forehead.
Cavarànga, The cheeks.
Vaio, The tongue.
Lacoco, The neck.
Dùloo, The belly.
Pagàvee, The chin.
Càmaccoò The arms.
Wùlalea, The hand.
Roòtoo, The knees.
Baibo, The legs.
Duneeala, The feet.
Row, Hair.
Gnaca, A dog.
Vavee, A hog.
Doomba, A ſheep.
Maio, A cat.
Doleela, A bird.
Dulloo, An egg.
Nudoo, A fiſh.
Unjoo, A turtle.
Vooe, Fruit.
Nai, Tobacco.
Yirroo, Oranges.
Arre, Rice.
Lodo, The ſun.
Wurroo, The moon.
[44]Booro, Bread.
Cova, A coat.
Capa, A ſhip.
Sooree, Red.
Bulla, Black.
Sao-lodo, The morning.
Munda-lodo, The evening.
O, Yes.
Gnaa, To eat.
Neenawei, To drink.
Ta eaco, To walk.
Ta rai, To run.
Ta mudje, To talk.
Ta bunge, To ſneeze.
Iſſe, or uſſe. One.
Rooe, Two.
Tulloo, Three.
Uppa, Four.
Lumee, Five.
Unna, Six.
Petoo, Seven.
Aroo, Eight.
Saio, Nine.
Singooroo, Ten.
Singooroo iſſe, Eleven.

The Endeavour ſailed from the iſland of Sa⯑vu on the 21ſt of September 1770, and bent her courſe weſtward. In the afternoon of this day a little flat iſland was diſcovered in 10 de⯑grees 47 minutes ſouth latitude, and 238 de⯑grees [45] 28 minutes weſt longitude, which has not been laid down in any of the charts hitherto publiſhed.

When the ſhip got clear of the ſeveral iſlands before-mentioned, there was a continual ſwell of the ſea from the ſouth, which Captain Cook imputed to the poſition of the coaſt of New South Wales, imagining it to have determined the ſea in that direction.

On the 28th they ſteered north-weſt the whole day, in order to get ſight of the land of Java; and on the 30th the Captain received from moſt of the officers and ſeamen their reſpective jour⯑nals of the voyage, regarding which he adviſed them to obſerve the moſt profound ſecrecy: and he likewiſe poſſeſſed himſelf of the log-book. In the night following there was a ſtorm of thunder and lightning, when the land of Java was ſeen to the eaſtward by the brightneſs of the lightning. In the morning they had ſight of the iſland of Cracatoa, which is ſingular for the height of its peak.

Early in the morning of the 2d of October, when the ſhip was in fifteen fathom water, ſhe was cloſe in with the coaſt of Java, along which they now ſteered. As their faithful Indian friend Tupia was at this time extremely ill, the Captain diſpatched a boat to the ſhore, to en⯑deavour to bring him ſome refreſhing fruits, and likewiſe to procure graſs for the buffaloes. As ſoon as the boat landed, the inhabitants aſſiſted [46] the ſeamen in cutting graſs for the cattle, and in gathering a bunch of plantains and a few co⯑coa-nuts, for which they received a ſhilling, and which were brought off to the ſhip. The land of Java had a delightful appearance, being every where well covered with trees.

This day they had ſight of two Dutch veſſels, and an officer being diſpatched to one of them, to learn any intereſting intelligence, he brought word back, that the Swallow had reached the Engliſh channel in ſafety, that diſputes were carried to great lengths at home, in regard to the miniſters, and in America, on account of taxes; and that the Ruſſians, Poles and Turks, were embroiled in a war. The officer ſaid, that the veſſels were Dutch Eaſt Indiamen, bound from Batavia, one of them to the coaſt of Ma⯑labar, and the other to the iſland of Ceylon: he ſaid likewiſe, that there was a kind of packet-boat, which he had been told, was appointed to carry letters from ſuch Dutch ſhips as came thither to Batavia; but Captain Cook conjec⯑tured, that her buſineſs was to examine ſuch ſhips as ſhould paſs the Streight.

The ſhip had now been ſome hours at an⯑chor; but a light breeze ſpringing up in the evening, they got under ſail, and continued to proceed at a ſlow rate during the night. On the 3d, in the morning, the Dutch packet-boat was obſerved ſailing after the Endeavour; but ſhe bore away again on the ſhifting of the wind.

[47]This changing of the wind obliging the En⯑deavour to come to an anchor, the maſter of the packet-boat came along-ſide of her, in one of the boats belonging to the country, bringing with him rice-birds, monkies, parrots, parro⯑quets, ducks, fowls, turtle, and other things, with an intention to ſell them; but as the ſtock which had been laid in at Savu was not yet con⯑ſumed, and he had fixed very high prices on his commodities, very few articles were pur⯑chaſed: the Captain, however, bought twenty or thirty fowls, and a ſmall turtle.

The maſter of the packet-boat had brought with him two books, in one of which he wrote down the Captain's name, and that of the veſ⯑ſel, to be ſent to the Governor and Council of the Indies; and in the other book he requeſted that ſome of the gentlemen on board would likewiſe write down the name of the veſſel, with that of the Captain; where ſhe came from, to what port ſhe was bound, and as many particu⯑lars reſpecting any perſon on board, as them⯑ſelves might think neceſſary, to ſatisfy the curio⯑ſity of any of their friends who might afterwards enquire for them. In this book many Por⯑tugueſe veſſels, and ſome of other countries had made entries of the ſame kind; but a Lieu⯑tenant on board the Endeavour having written the ſhip's name, added only the words, ‘"from Europe;"’ yet of this the maſter of the packet took no other notice, than by ſaying he was [48] content with whatever they were pleaſed to write, which was intended ſolely for the infor⯑mation of their friends.

They now weighed the anchor, and made repeated attempts to ſail; but the wind not blowing ſo as to enable the veſſel to ſtem the current, ſhe lay to till the morning of the 5th, when a Dutch officer came along-ſide the ſhip, and ſent a printed paper to the Captain, in ex⯑ceeding bad Engliſh; the contents of which were to enquire,

1ſt, The ſhip's name, and to what nation ſhe belonged?

2d, Whether ſhe came from Europe, or any other place?

3d. What place ſhe had laſt departed from?

4th, To what place ſhe was bound?

5th, How many ſhips belonging to the Dutch Company had been ſeen at the laſt coaſt the ſhip had left, and their names?

6th, If one or more of theſe ſhips had been in company with the Endeavour, and was or were ſailed for that, or any other place?

7th, If, during the voyage, any thing re⯑markable had happened, or been ſeen?

8th, If any ſhips had been ſeen and hailed at ſea, or in the ſtreight of Sunda, and what they were?

9th, If they had brought any other news wor⯑thy of attention, from the place whence the ſhip took her laſt departure; or if any thing [49] elſe had happened during the voyage, that was worth communicating.

Theſe queſtions were underſigned, ‘"Batavia, in the caſtle. By order of the Governor Ge⯑neral, and the Counſellors of India, J. BRAN⯑DER BUNGL, Sec."’

It was obſerved, that the officer had many Other papers of the ſame kind, in French, Dutch, and other languages. Captain Cook did not think proper to anſwer any of the above queſ⯑tions, except the firſt and the fourth. When the Dutchman obſerved this, he ſaid, that an⯑ſwers to the other queſtions were not material; yet he ſeemed to contradict what he had juſt advanced, by ſaying, that he muſt diſpatch the paper to Batavia, and that it would reach that place by noon on the following day. This in⯑cident is particularly recorded, becauſe the ex⯑amining the ſhips which ſail through the ſtreight, is ſaid to be a piece of Dutch policy of very modern date.

As ſoon as the Dutch officer was departed, the anchor was weighed; but the ſhip was obliged to come to an anchor again in about four hours, for want of wind to enable her properly to ſtem the current. A breeze ſoon ſpringing up, the veſſel held on her way till the following morning, when ſhe was again obliged to be brought to an anchor, owing to the rapidity of the current. This day and the next they weighed the anchor, and brought to ſeveral [50] times. On the 8th they weighed, and ſtood clear of a large ledge of rocks, which they had been near running fowl of the preceding day; but before noon this day they were once more obliged to anchor near a little iſland, which was not laid down in any chart that they had on board. It is one of thoſe that bear the name of the Milles iſles; and Meſſrs. So⯑lander and Banks having landed upon it, col⯑lected a few plants, and ſhot a bat which was a yard long, being meaſured from the extreme points of the wings; they alſo killed a few plovers, in all reſpects like the Engliſh golden plover. On this iſland, the breadth of which does not exceed one hundred yards, and the length five hundred, they found a houſe, and a little ſpot of cultivated ground, and on it grew the Palma Chriſti, from which the Weſt Indians make the caſtor oil.

In a little time after the gentlemen came back to the ſhip, ſome Malays came along⯑ſide, in a boat, bringing with them ſome pumpkins, dried fiſh, and turtle for ſale: one of the turtles, which weighed near one hundred and fifty pounds, they ſold for a dollar, and ſeemed to expect the ſame piece of money for their pumpkins; but it being hinted to them that a dollar was too much, they deſired that one might be cut, and a piece of it given to them: but this not being complied with, they at length ſold ſix and twenty pumpkins for a [51] Portugueſe petacka. When they departed they intimated their wiſhes, that this tranſaction might not be mentioned at Batavia.

The ſhip now made but ſlow way till night, when the land breeze ſpringing up, they ſailed to the eaſt ſouth-eaſt, and on the following day, by the aſſiſtance of the ſea breeze, they came to an anchor in the road of Batavia. At this place they found a number of large Dutch veſſels, the Harcourt Eaſt Indiaman from Eng⯑land, which had loſt her paſſage to China, and two ſhips belonging to the private trade of our India Company.

The Endeavour had no ſooner anchored, than a ſhip was obſerved, with a broad pendant flying, from which a boat was diſpatched to demand the name of the veſſel, with that of the Commander, &c. To theſe enquiries Cap⯑tain Cook gave ſuch anſwers as he thought proper, and the officer who commanded the boat departed. This gentleman and the crew that attended him were ſo worn down by the un⯑healthineſs of the climate, that they appeared but as the ſhadows of men; which the Captain deemed a ſad preſage of the havock which death would ſoon make among his crew; yet at pre⯑ſent there was not one invalid on board, except the Indian Tupia: the Engliſh tars, whoſe want of foreſight and defiance of danger is notorious, ſeemed not to entertain the leaſt idea that even ſickneſs would attack a ſet of men ſo hardened [52] as they were by different climates; but alas▪ they had very little idea of the fatal contagion which impregnates the air of Batavia.

The Captain now diſpatched an officer to the Governor of the town, to apologize for the En⯑deavour's not ſaluting; for he had but three guns proper for the purpoſe, except ſwivels, and he was apprehenſive that they would not be heard.

The ſhip was at this time ſo leaky, that ſhe made about nine inches water an hour, on the average; part of her falſe keel was gone; one of her pumps was totally uſeleſs, and the reſt ſo very much decayed, that they could not laſt long. The officers and ſeamen concurring in opinion, that the ſhip could not ſafely put to ſea again in this condition, the Captain reſolved to ſolicit permiſſion to heave her down; but as he had learnt that this muſt be done in writing, he drew up a petition, and had it tranſlated in⯑to Dutch.

On Wedneſday the 10th of October 1770, the Captain and the reſt of the gentlemen went on ſhore, and applied to the only Engliſh gen⯑tleman then reſident at Batavia: this gentleman, whoſe name was Leith, received his country⯑men in the politeſt manner, and entertained them at dinner with great hoſpitality. Mr. Leith informed them, that a public hotel was kept in the town, by order of the Dutch go⯑vernment, at which place merchants and other [53] ſtrangers were obliged to lodge, and that the landlord of the hotel was bound to find them warehouſes for their goods, on the condition of his receiving ten ſhillings on every hundred pounds of their value; but that as the Endea⯑vour was a King's ſhip, her officers, and the other gentlemen, might reſide where they thought proper, only aſking leave of the Go⯑vernor, whoſe permiſſion would be inſtantly obtained. Mr. Leith added, that they might live cheaper in this way than at the hotel, if they had any perſon who ſpoke the Malay tongue, on whom they could rely in the pur⯑chaſe of their proviſions: but as there was no ſuch perſon among the whole ſhip's crew, the gentlemen immediately beſpoke beds at the hotel.

In the afternoon Captain Cook attended the Governor General, who received him politely, and told him to wait on the Council the next morning, when his petition ſhould be laid be⯑fore them, and every thing he ſolicited would be readily granted.

Late in the evening of this day there happen⯑ed a moſt terrible ſtorm of thunder and light⯑ning, accompanied with very heavy rain. In this ſtorm the main-maſt of a Dutch Eaſt In⯑diaman was ſplit and carried away by the deck; and the main-top-maſt and top-gallant-maſt were torn to pieces; it is ſuppoſed, that the lightning was attracted by an iron ſpindle at the main-top-gallant-maſt-head. The Endeavour, [54] which was at a ſmall diſtance from the Dutch ſhip, eſcaped without damage, owing, in Cap⯑tain Cook's opinion, to an electrical chain, which conducted the lightning over the ſide of the veſſel: and he recommends chains of the ſame kind to be taken on board all ſhips, to whatever part of the globe they may be bound. A centinel on board the Endeavour, who was charging his muſket at the time of the ſtorm, had it ſhaken out of his hand, and the rammer-rod was broken in pieces: the electrical chain looked like a ſtream of fire, and the ſhip ſuſ⯑tained a very violent ſhock.

On Tueſday the 11th Captain Cook waited on the gentlemen of the Council, who informed him, that all his requeſts ſhould be complied with. In the interim, the other gentlemen made a contract with the maſter of the hotel, to furniſh them and their friends with as much tea, coffee, punch and tobacco, as they might have occaſion for, and to keep them a ſeparate table, for nine ſhillings a day, Engliſh money; but on the condition that every perſon who ſhould viſit them, ſhould pay at the rate of four ſhillings and ſix pence for his dinner, and the ſame ſum for his ſupper and bed, if he choſe to ſleep at the hotel: they were likewiſe to pay for every ſervant that attended them fifteen pence a day.

It was ſoon diſcovered, that they had been vilely impoſed on; for theſe charges were above [55] twice as much as would have been demanded at a private houſe. They appeared to live ele⯑gantly, but at the ſame time were but ill ſup⯑plied. Their dinner conſiſted of fifteen diſhes, all ſerved up at once; and their ſupper of thir⯑teen; but of theſe, nine or ten were of the moſt ordinary, becauſe the cheapeſt, poultry, that could be purchaſed; and even ſome of theſe diſhes were obſerved to be ſerved up four times ſucceſſively: a duck, which was hot at dinner, was brought cold in the evening; the next day it appeared in the form of a fricaſee, and was converted to forced meat at night. Our countrymen, however, only fared as others had done before them: it was the conſtant cuſtom of the conſcientious maſter of the hotel, to treat all his gueſts in the ſame manner, when they firſt took up their reſidence at his houſe: if they took no notice of it, all was well, for the landlord had the better cuſtomers of them; if they remonſtrated againſt ſuch treatment, the table was better and better ſupplied from time to time, till, in the end, they had no reaſon to complain.

The gentlemen having found fault with their fare, were afterwards ſupplied in a better man⯑ner; but Mr. Banks, not approving the con⯑duct of the maſter of the hotel, he hired lodg⯑ings for himſelf and his attendants at the ad⯑joining houſe, for which he agreed to pay five and forty ſhillings a month: but here Mr. [56] Banks was diſappointed in the hope he had formed of living retired; for ſcarce a Dutch man had occaſion to paſs by the houſe, but he ran in without ceremony, to enquire what was to be ſold; for it is a very unuſual thing at Ba⯑tavia, for ſtrangers who are in a private capa⯑city not to be furniſhed with ſome articles of traffick. In this houſe no perſon was permitted to ſleep, as a gueſt of Mr. Banks, without his bed being ſeparately paid for. It is the univer⯑ſal cuſtom here to hire a carriage; and Mr. Banks engaged two, for which he paid eighteen ſhillings a day: theſe carriages are open chaiſes, in which two perſons ſit commodiouſly, and are driven by a man ſitting on a kind of coach-box.

Their Indian friend Tupia had been till this time on board very dangerouſly ill, yet perſiſt⯑ed to refuſe every medicine that was offered him: Mr. Banks now ſent for him to his houſe, in the hope that he might recover his health. While he was in the ſhip, and even after he was put into the boat, he was indiſpoſed, and low ſpirited, in the utmoſt degree; but the mo⯑ment he came into the town, his whole frame appeared as if re-animated. The houſes, the carriages, the people, and many other objects, were totally new to him; and aſtoniſhment took poſſeſſion of his features at ſights ſo wonderful: but if Tupia was aſtoniſhed at the ſcene, his boy, Tayota, was perfectly enraptured, danc⯑ing along the ſtreets in an extacy of joy, and [57] examining the ſeveral objects as they preſented themſelves, with the moſt earneſt inquiſitive⯑neſs and curioſity.

Of all the circumſtances which engaged the attention of Tupia, nothing ſtruck him ſo much as the vaſt variety of dreſſes worn by the inha⯑bitants of Batavia: he enquired the reaſon of what appeared ſo very extraordinary in his eyes, and being informed that the people were of a variety of nations, and that all were dreſſed according to the mode of their own country, he requeſted permiſſion to follow the faſhion: this requeſt being readily complied with, a perſon was diſpatched to the ſhip for ſome South Sea cloth, with which he ſoon clothed himſelf in the dreſs of the inhabitants of Otaheite. The people of Batavia, who had ſeen an Indian, brought thither in M. Bougainville's ſhip, named Otourou, miſtook Tupia for that man, and frequently enquired if he was not the ſame.

As the neceſſary repairs of the ſhip were to be made at Ouruſt, Captain Cook obtained an order to the ſuperintendant of that iſland to receive her; and he wrote to the Secretary of the Admiralty, an account of the ſafe arrival of the Endeavour in the road of Batavia, and diſ⯑patched his letter by a Dutch ſhip that was bound to Europe.

Captain Cook now applied to ſeveral perſons to advance him money ſufficient to defray the [58] expence of repairing the ſhip; but not one could be found in the whole town who had the requiſite ſum in his poſſeſſion, or, if he had, was willing to advance it: he therefore made application to the Governor, who iſſued his or⯑ders, that he ſhould be ſupplied out of the trea⯑ſury of the Dutch Eaſt India Company.

Early in the morning of the 18th of Octo⯑ber 1770, the ſhip got under ſail, and proceed⯑ed to Ouruſt; and, in a day or two, the crew began to take out her ſtores, which were depo⯑ſited in the wharf on Cooper's Iſland; but this buſineſs was rendered unavoidably tedious, by ſeveral Dutch ſhips being at the ſame wharf, taking in their ladings of pepper.

After little more than a week ſpent at Ba⯑tavia, the ill effects of the climate began to be ſeverely felt. Dr. Solander and Mr. Banks were indiſpoſed with fevers; Mr. Banks's two ſervants were exceedingly ill; the Indian boy, Tayota, had an inflammation on his lungs; and Tupia was ſo bad, that his life was deſpaired of. Their indiſpoſition was attributed partly to the heat of the climate, and partly to the ſwampy ſituation of the town, and the ſtench of the dirty canals with which it abounds.

By the 26th of the month, very few of the crew were well enough to do duty; and on this day a tent was erected for their reception. Tu⯑pia now requeſted to be conveyed to the ſhip, in the hope of breathing a purer air than in the [59] town; but his requeſt could not be granted, as ſhe was unrigged, and preparations were mak⯑ing to lay her down, in order that ſhe might undergo a thorough repair: on the 28th, how⯑ever, Mr. Banks attended Tupia to Cooper's Iſland, where a tent was pitched for him, in ſuch a ſituation, where he was alternately refreſhed by the land and ſea breezes; and the poor crea⯑ture was extremely thankful that he was ſo agreeably lodged. By this time the Surgeon was ſo ill, that he could not leave his bed; Mr. Banks's fever was greatly encreaſed, and Dr. So⯑lander grew worſe every day.

The ſhip was at length laid down on the 5th of November, on which day died Mr. Monk⯑houſe, the Surgeon, whoſe loſs was the more ſeverely felt, as he was a man of ſkill in his profeſſion, and fell a ſacrifice to the peſtiferous air of the country, at a time when his abilities were moſt wanted. Dr. Solander, though ex⯑tremely ill, had ſtrength ſufficient to ſee his re⯑mains committed to the ground, but Mr. Banks was unable even to pay this laſt ſad duty to a worthy man.

Death now advanced with haſty ſtrides among our adventrous countrymen, who were equally unable to reſiſt his power, or ſhun his embraces. Several Malay ſervants were engaged, to wait on thoſe who were ill; but theſe people were ſo remiſs in their duty, that it was no uncom⯑mon thing for the ſick man to leave his bed in [60] ſearch of his attendant. The Indian boy, Tayota, paid the debt of Nature on the 9th of this month, and Tupia, whoſe tender affection for the youth can be equalled only by that of a parent for a favourite child, was ſo ſhocked at the loſs, that it was evident he could not long ſurvive him.

By this time the ſhip's bottom having been carefully ſurveyed, our countrymen had ample reaſon to be grateful to that Providence, by which they had been preſerved during a paſſage of ſe⯑veral hundred miles, through the moſt danger⯑ous ſeas on the face of the globe: for the ſheath⯑ing in ſeveral places was torn from the veſſel, the falſe keel was in a great meaſure gone, the main keel was damaged in many parts, ſeveral of the planks had received great injury, and a part of three of them was thinner than the ſole of a ſhoe!

Meſſis. Solander and Banks were now ſo worn down by their diſorders, that the Phyſician, who attended them, recommended the country air, as the only thing that could poſſibly reſtore them to the wiſhes of their friends. In conſe⯑quence of this advice, they hired a country-houſe of the maſter of the hotel, who engaged to ſupply them with ſlaves, and to furniſh their table; but as they had ſufficiently experienced the worthleſſneſs of theſe ſlaves, they bought two Malay women, who ſoon became excellent nurſes, from that tenderneſs of Nature which [61] does ſo much honour to the ſex. While theſe gentlemen were taking meaſures for the reco⯑very of their health, poor Tupia fell a victim to the ravages of his diſorder, and to his grief for the deceaſed Tayota. When Tayota was firſt ſeized with the fatal diſorder, he ſeemed ſenſible of his approaching end, and frequently ſaid to thoſe that were about him, Tyau mate ſee, ‘"My friends, I am dying:"’ he was very tractable, and took any medicines that were of⯑fered to him; they were both buried in the iſland of Edam.

Captain Cook beſtows great encomiums on the officers and workmen of the Marine Yard at Ouruſt, by whoſe ſkill and diligence the bot⯑tom of the ſhip was perfectly repaired by the 14th of the month; and he warmly recom⯑mends the heaving down with two maſts, in⯑ſtead of one, which, he ſays, is undoubtedly the more expeditious, as well as the ſafer me⯑thod.

By this time not above ten men, out of the whole ſhip's crew, were able to do duty, and theſe were employed in getting the water and ſtores aboard, and in putting up the rigging: the water was purchaſed at Batavia, at the rate of one hundred and fifty gallons for ſix ſhil⯑lings and eight pence.

Captain Cook was now taken ill, and Mr. Sporing and a ſailor, who attended Meſſrs. Banks and Solander at their country-houſe, were [62] attacked with intermitting fevers; but thoſe two gentlemen grew ſomething better, though their recovery was very ſlow. Their houſe was ſituated on the borders of a rivulet, which, of courſe, aſſiſted the circulation of the air; and it was likewiſe open to the ſea breeze.

In the night of the 25th there fell ſuch a ſhower of rain, for the ſpace of four hours, as even our voyagers had ſcarce ever remembered. The water poured through every part of Mr. Banks's houſe; and the lower apartments ad⯑mitted a ſtream ſufficient to have turned a mill. As this gentleman was now greatly reſtored in health, he went to Batavia the following day, and was ſurprized to ſee, that the inhabitants had hung out their bedding to dry. The weſ⯑terly monſoon ſet in about the 26th of this month: it blows in the day-time from the north, or north-weſt, and from the ſouth-weſt during the night: previous to this, there had been violent thunder, and hard ſhowers of rain for ſeveral nights.

The muſquitos and gnats, whoſe company had been ſufficiently diſagreeable in the dry wea⯑ther, now began to ſwarm in immenſe numbers, riſing from the puddles of water like bees from a hive: they were extremely troubleſome during the night, but the pain ariſing from their ſting, though very ſevere, ſeldom laſted more than half an hour; and in the day-time they ſeldom made their attacks. The frogs kept a perpe⯑tual [63] croaking in the ditches; a certain ſign that the wet ſeaſon was commenced, and that daily rain might be expected.

The ſhip being repaired, the ſick people be⯑ing received on board her, and the greater part of her water and ſtores taken in, ſhe ſailed from Ouruſt on the 8th of December, and anchored in the road of Batavia. Twelve days were em⯑ployed in receiving the remainder of her pro⯑viſions, water, and other neceſſaries; though this buſineſs would have been done in much leſs time, but that ſome of the crew died, and the majority of the ſurvivors were ſo ill, as to be unable to give their aſſiſtance.

On the 24th Captain Cook took leave of the Governor, and ſome other gentlemen, who had diſtinguiſhed themſelves by the civilities they ſhewed him: but at this juncture an incident occurred, that might have produced conſe⯑quences by no means deſirable. A ſailor be⯑longing to one of the Dutch ſhips in the road of Batavia, deſerted from that veſſel, and en⯑tered himſelf on board the Endeavour. The Captain of the Dutch ſhip having made appli⯑cation to the Governor, claiming the delin⯑quent as a ſubject of the States General, the Governor iſſued his order for the reſtoration of the man: Captain Cook had but juſt taken a formal leave of the Governor when this order was delivered to him; and he ſaid, that the man ſhould be given up, if it appeared that he [64] was a Dutchman. As the Captain was at this time on ſhore, and did not intend going on board till the following day, he gave the Dutch officer a note to the Lieutenant, who command⯑ed on board the Endeavour, to deliver the de⯑ſerter on the condition above-mentioned. On the following day the Dutchman waited on Cap⯑tain Cook, informing him, that the Lieutenant had abſolutely refuſed to give up the ſeaman, ſaying, that he was an Iriſhman, and of courſe a ſubject of his Britannick Majeſty. Captain Cook applauded the conduct of his officer, and added, that it could not be expected, that he ſhould deliver up an Engliſh ſubject. The Dutch officer then ſaid, he was authorized, by the Governor, to demand the fugitive as a Da⯑niſh ſubject, adding, that his name was entered in the ſhip's books, as having been born at El⯑ſineur: to this Captain Cook very properly re⯑plied, that the Governor muſt have been miſ⯑taken, when he gave this order for delivering the deſerter, who had his option whether he would ſerve the Dutch or the Engliſh; but that in compliment to the Governor, the man ſhould be given up, as a favour, if he appear⯑ed to be a Dane; but that, in this caſe, he ſhould by no means be demanded as a right, and that he would certainly keep him, if he appeared to be a ſubject of the crown of Great Britain. The Dutchman now took his leave, and he had not been long gone, before the [65] Captain received a letter from the commanding officer on board, containing full proof, that the man was an Engliſh ſubject. This letter the Captain carried to the Shebander, deſiring him to lay it before the Governor, and to inform him, that the man ſhould not be delivered up on any terms whatever. This ſpirited conduct on the part of Captain Cook had the proper ef⯑fect; and thus the matter ended.

This day the Captain, attended by Mr. Banks and the other gentlemen who had hitherto lived in the town, repaired on board the ſhip, which got under ſail the next morning. The Endea⯑vour was ſaluted by the fort, and by the Elgin Eaſt Indiaman, which then lay in the road; but ſoon after theſe compliments were returned, the ſea breeze ſetting in, they were obliged to come to an anchor. Since the arrival of the ſhip in Batavia road, every perſon belonging to her had been ill, except the ſail-maker, who was more than ſeventy years old, yet this man got drunk every day while they remained there. The Endeavour buried ſeven of her people at Batavia, viz. Tupia and his boy, three of the ſailors, the ſervant of Mr. Green, the aſtrono⯑mer, and the Surgeon: and at the time of the veſſel's ſailing, forty of the crew were ſick, and the reſt ſo enfeebled by their late illneſs, as to be ſcarcely able to do their duty.

The town of Batavia is ſituated in ſix degrees ten minutes ſouth latitude, and one hundred [66] and ſix degrees fifty minutes eaſt longitude, from the meridian of Greenwich. It is built on the bank of a large bay, ſomething more than twenty miles from the Streight of Sunda, on the north ſide of the iſland of Java, in low boggy ground. Several ſmall rivers, which riſe forty miles up the country, in the moun⯑tains of Blaeuwen Berg, diſcharge themſelves into the ſea at this place, having firſt interſect⯑ed the town in different directions. There are wide canals of nearly ſtagnated water in almoſt every ſtreet, and as the banks of theſe canals are planted with rows of trees, the effect is very agreeable; but theſe trees and canals combine to render the air peſtilential. Some of the ri⯑vers are navigable, more than thirty miles up the country; and, indeed, the Dutch appear to have choſen this ſpot to build the town on, for the ſake of water-carriage, in which conve⯑nience Batavia exceeds every place in the world, except the towns of Holland.

A writer, who publiſhed an account of this place near fifty years ago, makes the number of houſes at that time 4760, viz. 1242 Dutch houſes, and 1200 Chineſe houſes, within the walls; and 1066 Dutch houſes, and 1240 Chineſe houſes, without the walls, with twelve houſes for the vending of arrack. The ſtreets of Batavia being wide, and the houſes large, it ſtands on more ground than any other place that has only an equal number of houſes.

[67]In dry weather a moſt horrid ſtench ariſes from the canals, and taint the air to a great de⯑gree; and when the rains have ſo ſwelled the canals that they overflow their banks, the ground-floors of the houſes, in the lower parts of the town, are filled with ſtinking water, that leaves behind it dirt and ſlime in amazing quantities. The running ſtreams are ſometimes as offenſive as the ſtagnant canals; for the bodies of dead animals are frequently lodged on the ſhallow parts, where they are left to putrify, and cor⯑rupt the air, except a flood happens to carry them away: this was the caſe with a dead buf⯑faloe, while the crew of the Endeavour were there, which lay ſtinking on the ſhoal of a ri⯑ver, in one of the chief ſtreets, for ſeveral days.

They ſometimes clean the canals; but this buſineſs is performed in ſuch a manner, as ſcarcely to make them leſs a nuiſance than be⯑fore; for the bottom being cleared of its black mud, it is left on the ſide of the canal till it is hard enough to be taken away in boats; and as there are no houſes for neceſſary retirement in the whole town, the filth is thrown into the canals regularly once a day, ſo that this mud is a compound of every thing that can be imagin⯑ed diſagreeable and offenſive.

There is a new church in Batavia, which is a fine piece of building, and the dome of it may be ſeen far off at ſea. This church is il⯑luminated [68] by chandeliers of the moſt ſuperb workmanſhip, and has a fine organ: moſt of the other public buildings are ancient, con⯑ſtructed in an ill taſte, and give a very compleat idea of Dutch clumſineſs.

Their method of building their houſes ſeems to have been taught them by the climate. On the ground-floor there is no room but a large hall, a corner of which is parted off for the tranſaction of buſineſs: the hall has two doors, which are commonly left open, and are oppo⯑ſite each other, ſo that the air paſſes freely through the room, in the middle of which there is a court, which at once encreaſes the draft of air, and affords light to the hall: the ſtairs, which are at one corner, lead to large and lofty apartments above. The female ſlaves are not permitted to ſit in any place, but in the alcove formed by the court; and this is the uſual din⯑ing-place of the family.

The town of Batavia is encompaſſed by a ri⯑ver of ſhallow water, the ſtream of which is very rapid: within this river, which is of dif⯑ferent widths in various places, is an old ſtone▪ wall, much decayed in many places, and within the wall is a canal that is likewiſe much wider in ſome places than in others: ſo that there is no entering the gates of the town but by croſſing two draw-bridges: there are but few guns on the ramparts, and no perſons are permitted to walk there. There is a kind of citadel, or [69] caſtle, in the north-eaſt corner of the town, the walls of which are both broader and higher than they are in other parts; it is furniſhed with a number of large guns, which command the landing-place.

Apartments are provided in this caſtle for the Governor General and all the Council; and in caſe of a ſiege they have orders to retire thither.

In the caſtle are likewiſe a number of ſtore⯑houſes, in which the effects belonging to the Company are depoſited. The Company have in their poſſeſſion large quantities of gun-pow⯑der, which is kept in different places, that the lightning may not deſtroy the whole ſtock at once; a great number of cannon are likewiſe laid up within the caſtle.

There are a great many forts built in different parts of the country, ſeveral miles diſ⯑tant from Batavia, moſt probably erected to keep the natives in ſubmiſſion; and beſides theſe there are a number of fortified houſes, each mounting eight guns, and theſe are ſo ſtationed as to command the canals, and the roads on their borders. There are houſes of this kind in many parts of the iſland of Java, and the other iſlands in its neighbourhood, of which the Dutch have obtained the poſſeſſion The Chi⯑neſe having rebelled againſt the Dutch in the year 1740, all their principal houſes were de⯑moliſhed by the cannon of one of theſe forti⯑fied [70] houſes, which is in the town of Batavia, where, likewiſe, there are a few more of them.

The roads of this country are ſimply banks between the ditches and canals; and the forti⯑fied houſes being erected among the moraſſes near theſe roads, nothing is eaſier than to deſtroy them, and conſequently to prevent an enemy from bringing any heavy artillery near the town; if, indeed, an enemy be only hindered a ſhort time in his approach, he is effectually ruined, for the climate will preclude the neceſſity of the uſe of weapons for his deſtruction. Before the Endeavour had been a week at Batavia they began to feel the ill effects of the climate; half the crew were rendered incapable of doing their duty before the expiration of a month. They were informed, that it was a very uncom⯑mon thing for fifty ſoldiers, out of a hundred brought from Europe, to be alive at the expi⯑ration of the firſt year, and that of the fifty who might happen to be alive, not ten of thoſe would be in ſound health, and, probably, not leſs than half of them in the hoſpital. One would imagine that no man of common ſenſe would be tempted to reſide at Batavia, for any conſideration of intereſt whatever; yet ſuch is the inſatiable thirſt of gold, that men will vo⯑luntarily r [...]ſk the loſs of life to obtain it, and even enſure the loſs of that health, without which the moſt ſplendid fortune cannot be en⯑joyed.

[71]All the white inhabitants of Batavia are ſol⯑diers, and, at the expiration of five years ſer⯑vice, they are bound to hold themſelves in readineſs to go to war, if they ſhould be wanted; and the younger inhabitants are frequently muſ⯑tered; but as they are neither trained nor exer⯑ciſed after the expiration of the five years above⯑mentioned, the little they have learnt is ſoon forgotten, and they would probably, if called to action, make as good ſoldiers as the militia of the city of London. The Portugueſe, who live in this country, employ themſelves very much in ſhooting the deer, and the wild hog, whence they become excellent markſmen. The Indians, of whatever nation, who reſide here, and have either been made free, or were born ſo, are called Mardykers; but neither theſe nor the Chineſe are acquainted with the uſe of fire-arms; yet, as theſe people are ſaid to poſ⯑ſeſs great perſonal bravery, much might be ex⯑pected from their expert uſe of their daggers, ſwords and lances.

From what has been above written it is evi⯑dent, that it would be a laborious taſk to attack Batavia by land; and it is not poſſible to make any attack at all by ſea, for the ſhallowneſs of the water would hinder any veſſels from ad⯑vancing within cannon ſhot of the walls; indeed there is barely depth of water for a ſhip's long⯑boat, excepting a narrow channel, called the river, which extends about half a mile into the [72] harbour, and is ſtrongly bounded on each ſide with piers; the other end of it being directly under the fire of the caſtle; while its commu⯑nication with the canals of the town is prevented by a boom of wood, which is every night ſhut preciſely at ſix o'clock, and never opened till the following day.

Any number of ſhips may anchor in the har⯑bour of Batavia, the ground of which is ſo excellent, that the anchor will never quit its hold. This harbour is ſometimes dangerous for boats, when the ſea breeze blows freſh; but, upon the whole, it is deemed the beſt and moſt commodious in all India.

There are a conſiderable number of iſlands which are ſituated round the outſide of the harbour, and all theſe are in the poſſeſſion of the Dutch, who deſtine them to different pur⯑poſes. On one of them, which is called Pur⯑merent, an hoſpital is erected, on account of the air being purer than it is at Batavia. In a ſecond, the name of which is Kuyper, are erected a number of warehouſes, in which are lodged the rice, and ſome other commodities, the property of the Dutch Eaſt India Company: at this iſland thoſe ſhips belonging to different nations, which are to be repaired at Ouruſt, unlade their cargoes; and it was here that the ſtores of the Falmouth Man of War were laid up, when ſhe was condemned, on her return from Manilla; her warrant officers, of whom [73] mention has been made in the account of Cap⯑tain Wallis's voyage, were ſent to Europe in Dutch ſhips, about half a year before the En⯑deavour anchored in the road of Batavia. A third of theſe iſlands, the name of which is Edam, is appropriated to the reception of ſuch offenders, whoſe crimes are not deemed worthy of death, and hither they are tranſported from Holland, and detained from five to forty years, in proportion to the turpitude of the offence they have committed; the making of ropes is the principal part of the employment of theſe criminals.

The environs of Batavia have a very pleaſing appearance, and would, in almoſt any other coun⯑try, be an enviable ſituation. Gardens and houſes occupy the country for ſeveral miles; but the gardens are ſo covered with trees, that the ad⯑vantage of the land having been cleared of the wood that originally covered it, is almoſt wholly loſt; while theſe gardens, and the fields adjacent to them are ſurrounded by ditches which yield not the moſt fragrant ſmell; and the bogs and moraſſes in the adjacent fields are ſtill more offenſive.

For the ſpace of more than thirty miles be⯑yond the town the land is totally flat, except in two places, on one of which the Governor's country-ſeat is built, and on the other they hold a large market; but neither of theſe places are higher than ten yards from the level of the [74] plain. At near forty miles from the town, the land riſes into hills, and the air is purified in a great degree; to this diſtance the invalids are ſent by their phyſicians, when every other proſ⯑pect of their recovery has failed, and the ex⯑periment ſucceeds in almoſt every inſtance, for the ſick are ſoon reſtored to health; but they no ſooner return to the town, than their former diſorders viſit them. On theſe hills the moſt opulent of the inhabitants have country⯑ſeats, to which they pay an annual viſit. Thoſe who reſide conſtantly on the hills enjoy an al⯑moſt perpetual flow of health; and moſt of the vegetables of Europe grow as freely here as in their native ground: the ſtrawberry, in parti⯑cular, flouriſhes greatly, which is a ſufficient proof of the coolneſs of the air.

The rice of this country is very plentiful, and, in order to be brought to perfection, ſhould lie under water more than half the time it is growing: but they have a ſort which grows on the ſides of the hills, which is unknown in the Weſt India Iſlands; this ſort is planted when the wet ſeaſon commences, and the crop is ga⯑thered in ſoon after the rains are over.

The maize which grows near Batavia is ga⯑thered while young, and toaſted in the ear. The land likewiſe produces carrots, pigeon⯑pea, celery, parſley, aſparagus, onions, rha⯑diſhes, cabbages, lettuces, cucumbers, lentiles, kidney-beans, hyſop, ſage, rue, Chineſe white [75] rhadiſhes, which, when boiled, are not unlike a parſnip, common potatoes, ſweet potatoes, wet and dry yams, millet, and the egg plant, the fruit of which, when broiled and eaten with ſalt and pepper, is moſt exquiſite food.

Amazing quantities of ſugar are produced here, and, while the quantity is beyond com⯑pariſon greater, the care of cultivation is in⯑conceivably leſs than in the Weſt India Iſlands. White ſugar is retailed at two-pence and two-pence half-penny the pound, and arrack is made of the molaſſes, with a ſmall addition of rice, and the wine of the cocoa-nut. The in⯑habitants likewiſe raiſe a little indigo for their own uſe, but do not export it.

The fruits of this country are near forty in number, and of ſome of theſe there are ſeveral kinds. Pine apples grow in ſuch abundance that they may be purchaſed, at the firſt hand, for the value of an Engliſh farthing; and they bought ſome very large ones for a half-penny a piece at the fruit ſhops, though they are ex⯑cellent eating, it is imagined they are reared to equal perfection in the hot-houſes of England. They grow ſo luxuriantly, that ſeven or eight ſuckers have been ſeen adhering to one ſtem.

The ſweet oranges of Batavia are good of their kind, but very dear at particular times, The ſhaddocks of the Weſt Indies, called here Pumplemoeſes, have an agreeable flavour. Lemons were very ſcarce when the Endeavour [76] lay in the harbour, but limes were altogether as plentiful, and ſold at little more than two-pence the ſcore. There are many kinds of oranges and lemons, but none of them excel⯑lent. Of mangos there are plenty, but their taſte is far inferior to that of the melting-peach of England, to which they have been compar⯑ed. It is ſaid that the heat, and extreme damp⯑neſs of the climate, does not agree with them; yet there are many different kinds of them. Of bananes there is an amazing variety of ſorts, ſome of which, being boiled, are eaten as bread, while others are fried in batter, and are a nutrimental food: but, of the numerous ſorts of this fruit, three only are fit to be eaten: one, indeed, is remarkable, becauſe it is filled with ſeeds, which are not common to the reſt. Grapes are ſold from one ſhilling to eighteen-pence the pound, though they are far from being good.

The tamarinds are equally cheap and plenti⯑ful; but as the method of preſerving them, which is in ſalt, renders them a mere black lump, they are equally nauſeating to the ſight and the palate. The water melons are excellent of their kind, and are produced in great abun⯑dance. The pumpkins are boiled as turneps, and eaten with ſalt and pepper. This fruit is admirably adapted to the uſe of voyagers, as it will keep many months without care, and makes an excellent pye, when mixed with the juice of lemons and ſugar. The papaws of this country [77] are ſuperior to turneps, if the cores are extract⯑ed, after paring them when they are green. The guava has a ſtrong ſmell, and a taſte not leſs diſagreeable: it is probable, that the guava of the Weſt Indies, which many writers have diſ⯑tinguiſhed by their praiſes, has a very different flavour. The ſweet ſop is a fruit that has but little flavour: it abounds in large kernels, from which the pulp is ſucked. The taſte of the cuſtard-apple very much reſembles the diſh from which its name is taken. The caſhew-apple produces a nut which is not unknown in England; but the fruit has ſuch an aſtringent quality, that the Batavians ſeldom eat of it: the nut grows on the top of the apple. The cocoa-nut is plentiful in this country, and there are ſeveral kinds of this fruit, the beſt of which is very red between the ſhell and the ſkin. The jamboo is a fruit that has but little taſte, but is of a cooling nature: it is conſiderably leſs than a common ſized apple, and thoſe that have grown to their full ſize are always the beſt; its ſhape is oval, and its colour the deep red. Of the jambu-eyer, there are two kinds, the white and the red: they are ſhaped like a bell, and are ſomething bigger than a cherry: they have no kind of taſte but that of a watery acid. The jambu-eyer mauwar ſmells like a roſe, and its taſte is not unlike that of conſerve of roſes. The mangoſtan is of a dark red colour, and not larger than a ſmall apple; to the bottom of [78] this fruit adhere ſeveral little leaves of the bloſſom, while on its top are a number of triangles combined in a circle: it contains ſe⯑veral kernels ranged in a circular form, with⯑in which is the pulp, a fruit of moſt exquiſite taſte: it is equally nutritious and agreeable, and is conſtantly given to perſons who are trou⯑bled with inflammatory or putrid fevers. The ſweet orange of this country is likewiſe given in the ſame diſorders. The pomgranate of theſe parts differs in nothing from that generally well known in England. The durion takes its name from the word dure, which, in the language of the country, means prickle; and this name is well adapted to the fruit, the ſhell of which is covered with ſharp points ſhaped like a ſugar-loaf: its contents are nuts, not much ſmaller than cheſnuts, which are ſurrounded with a kind of juice reſembling cream; and of this the in⯑habitants eat with great avidity: the ſmell of this fruit is more like that of onions, than any other European vegetable, and its taſte is like that of onions, ſugar, and cream intermixed: the inſide of the durion, when ripe, is parted, lengthways, into ſeveral diviſions. The nanca is a fruit which ſmells like garlic and apples mixed together: its ſize, in the gardens of Ba⯑tavia, is not greater than that of a middling ſized pumpkin, and its ſhape is nearly the ſame: it is covered with prickles of an angu⯑lar form. They were informed that, at a [79] place called Madura, it has been known to grow to ſuch an enormous ſize, as to require the ſtrength of two men to carry it. The cham⯑pada is in all reſpects like the nanca, only that it is not ſo large. The rambutan contains a fruit, within which is a ſtone, that is, perhaps, the fineſt acid in the world: this fruit is not un⯑like a cheſnut with its huſk on; and it is cover⯑ed with ſmall prickles of a dark red colour, and ſo ſoft as to yield to the ſlighteſt impreſſi⯑on. The jambolan reſembles a damaſcen, both in colour and ſize; and is of a very aſtringent nature. The boa bidarra taſtes like an apple, but is likewiſe extremely aſtringent; its ſize is that of a gooſeberry, its form round, and its colour yellow. The nam nam makes an excel⯑lent fritter, if fried in batter, but is not eſteem⯑ed when raw: the rind of it is rough, its length is about three inches, and its ſhape not unlike that of a kidney. The catappa and the canare are two ſpecies of nuts, the kernels of which are like thoſe of an almond, but ſo hard, that it is almoſt impoſſible to break them. The madja contains a pulp of a ſharp taſte, which is eaten with ſugar: this fruit is covered with a very hard ſhell. The ſuntal is a fruit ſcarcely fit to be eaten, being at once aſtringent, acid, and of a moſt unpleaſant taſte, yet it is pub⯑lickly ſold in the ſtreets of Batavia: it contains a number of kernels, which are incloſed in a thick ſkin. The ſalack is nearly of the ſize of [80] a ſmall golden pippin, and contains a few ker⯑nels of a yellow colour, the taſte of which is not unlike that of a ſtrawberry; but the co⯑vering of this fruit is very remarkable, as it conſiſts of a number of ſcales reſembling thoſe of a fiſh. The cherrema and the blimbing are two ſour fruits, exceedingly well adapted to make ſour ſauce and pickles. The blimbing beſſe is another fruit of the ſame kind, but conſiderably ſweeter.

Of the fruits not in ſeaſon when Captain Cook was at Batavia, he mentions the boa atap, and the kimkit, which he ſaw preſerved in ſu⯑gar; and there are ſeveral other ſorts which the Batavians are fond of, but they are never eaten by ſtrangers, among thoſe are the mo⯑ringa, the guilindina, the kellor, and the ſoc⯑cum, this laſt has the appearance of the bread-fruit, which is produced in the iſlands of the South Seas, but it is not near ſo good; tho' the tree on which it grows is alſo exactly like the bread fruit tree.

The fruit ſold at the common ſhops is gene⯑rally too ripe; but in a ſtreet, named Paſſar Piſſang, which is inhabited by Chineſe frui⯑terers only, that which is very good may be ob⯑tained, but at a price greatly exceeding its va⯑lue. The gardens of gentlemen near the town furniſh theſe Chineſe fruit-ſellers; but the other dealers are ſupplied from a greater diſtance up the country, where the inhabitants live by the [81] cultivation of large tracts of land, for the ſole purpoſe of raiſing fruit.

It is aſtoniſhing to conceive what quantities of fruit are eaten at Batavia. Two large markets are held weekly, at diſtant places, for the ac⯑commodation of perſons reſiding in different parts of the country; and at theſe markets the fruit-ſellers of the town meet the gardeners, and purchaſe their goods at very low rates: but as the markets are held on Mondays and Sa⯑turdays, thoſe who wiſh to be ſupplied with what is freſh, in the middle of the week, muſt apply to the Chineſe dealers above-mentioned, as the heat of the climate renders it unfit for eating in a few days. At theſe markets it is common to ſee ‘"fifty or ſixty cart-loads of the fineſt pine-apples careleſsly tumbled toge⯑ther."’

The Batavians, and the natives of other parts of the iſland of Java, ſtrew an immenſe num⯑ber of flowers about their houſes, and are al⯑moſt always burning aromatic woods and gums; which, it is imagined, is done by way of pu⯑rifying the air; the ſtench that ariſes from the canals and ditches being exceeding nauſeous and diſagreeable.

The ſweet ſcented flowers of this country are very numerous, many of which being totally unknown in England, we ſhall mention a few of the moſt remarkable.—The combang ton⯑quin, and combang caracnaſſi, are very fra⯑grant [82] flowers, but unlike any thing ſeen in the gardens of Europe: they are very ſmall, ſeem to be of the dog's-bane kind, and both in ſmell and ſhape are very much alike.—The cananga looks more like a bunch of leaves than a flower; its ſmell is ſingular, but extremely pleaſant.—The bonja tanjong is of a pale yellow colour, and delightful ſmell: it is about an inch and a half in circumference, and conſiſts of pointed leaves, which give it the form of a ſtar.—The cham⯑pa [...]a ſmells ſomewhat like a jonquil, and is otherwiſe not unlike it, though rather of a deeper yellow: this flower is produced by a large tree.

The [...]dal malam is only mentioned on ac⯑count of its name, which implies, ‘"the in⯑triguer of the night."’ This flower has no kind of ſmell during the day-time, but on the approach of the night its ſweets begin to diſ⯑cloſe themſelves, and its fragrancy is almoſt unequalled: in other reſpects it is the ſame as the tuberoſe of England.

All the above-mentioned kinds of flowers being made into noſegays of various ſhapes, or ſtrung on a piece of thread, are carried through the ſtreets of an evening for ſale. The gar⯑dens of the gentlemen afford many flowers be⯑ſides thoſe above-mentioned, but they do not grow in numbers ſufficient to be offered to ſale.

This country produces a plant, called pan⯑dang, the leaves of which being ſhred ſmall, [83] and mixed with a variety of flowers, the na⯑tives, both men and women, fill their clothes and hair with this fragrant mixture, which they likewiſe ſprinkle on their beds, and ſleep be⯑neath a profuſion of ſweets; a ſingle ſheet of fine chintz being all the other covering of the bed.

Formerly the iſland of Java produced no kind of ſpices but pepper, and the quantity which the Dutch bring annually from thence is very conſiderable; but the quantity that is made uſe of in the country is very ſmall, as the peo⯑ple there give the preference to Cayan pepper. The inhabitants are extremely fond of nutmegs and cloves, but they bear too high a price to be much in uſe, as the trees which produce them are all become Dutch property.

Cloves are now grown no where but on the iſland of Amboina, and ſome little iſlands near it; the artful Hollanders having poſſeſſed them⯑ſelves of all the trees, in conſequence of ſeve⯑ral ſubſequent treaties of peace, with the ſeve⯑ral kings of the other iſlands; for at the con⯑cluſion of every war, the conquerors left the poor Indians ſtill fewer trees, by way of pu⯑niſhment for their oppoſition, till, in the end, they have deſtroyed them all.

There are ſcarce any nutmegs, except on the iſland of Banda, where they originally grew; this iſland, however, produces a plenty, equal to the demand of all the world. On the [84] coaſt of New Guinea there are a ſmall number of nutmeg-trees.

The iſland of Java produces goats, ſheep, hogs, buffaloes, and horſes. The horſe, which is ſaid to have been met with here when the country was originally diſcovered, is a ſmall, but nimble animal, being ſeldom above thirteen hands high. The horned cat⯑tle of this country are different from thoſe of Europe: the fleſh is extremely lean, but of a very fine grain. Both the Chineſe and the natives of the iſland feed on the buffa⯑loe; but the Dutch will neither taſte the fleſh nor the milk, from a ridiculous idea, that they are productive of fevers. The ſheep are tough and ill-taſted; their ſkins are hairy, and they have long hanging-ears. A few ſheep from the Cape of Good Hope being at Batavia, Captain Cook bought ſome of them at the rate of a ſhilling a pound.

The hogs, eſpecially thoſe of the Chineſe breed, are exquiſitely fine food, but ſo extra⯑vagantly fat, that the lean is always ſold ſepa⯑rately. The butchers, who are Chineſe, have no kind of objection to taking off the fat, which they melt, and ſell to their countrymen, who eat it with their rice: though theſe hogs are ſuch fine food, yet the Dutch prefer the breed of Holland, which are conſequently ſold at extravagant rates.

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Figure 1. The [...] of Java

[85]The Portugueſe make a practice of ſhooting the wild hog, and deer of two kinds, with which the neighbourhood of Batavia abounds: theſe are all good eating, and are purchaſed at very moderate prices. The goats of this coun⯑try are as bad food as the ſheep. Dogs and cats abound on the iſland, and wild horſes and other cattle are found on the mountains at a conſiderable diſtance from Batavia.

Few monkies are ſeen near the town, but there are many of them on the mountains and deſart places, where alſo are a few rhinoceroſes, and great numbers of tygers.

The quantity of fiſh taken here is aſtoniſhing⯑ly great, and all the kinds of them are fine food, except a few which are very ſcarce; yet ſuch is the falſe pride of the inhabitants, that theſe few ſcarce ſorts are ſold at very high rates, while thoſe that are good are ſold for a mere tri⯑fle, nor are they eaten but by the ſlaves. A gentleman with whom Captain Cook dined told him, he could have bought a finer diſh of fiſh for a ſhilling, than what he had given ten for; but that he ſhould have been the ridicule of all the politer people, if he had gone to ſo good a market.

The Dutch will not taſte of the turtle which are taken here: Captain Cook acknowledges that they are fine eating, though not equal to thoſe catched in the Weſt Indies, even when they are dreſſed in London. Mr. Banks ſhot a [86] lizard five feet in length, which was extremely well taſted: our adventurers were informed, that ſome of theſe animals had been ſeen, which were full as thick as the thigh of a man.

This country produces an abundance of poul⯑try, as excellent of their kinds as thoſe of Eng⯑land. The turkies are immoderately dear, and the pigeons not much leſs ſo; but the geeſe, ducks, and fine large fowls are altogether as cheap.

The neighbourhood of Batavia produces ſnipes of two kinds, one of which was the ſame as the Engliſh: of the Portugueſe, who ap⯑pear to be the only dealers in wild fowl, any number of thruſhes might have been purchaſed. Our adventurers once, and once only, ſaw a wild duck in the fields, but never obſerved any of theſe birds expoſed to ſale; and, indeed, wild fowl in general are far from being plenti⯑ful at Batavia. Captain Cook obſerves, as a ſingularity reſpecting the ſnipe, that he is to be met with in all the quarters of the globe, and is ſeen in a greater variety of places than any other of the whole feathered creation.

The liquors of the iſland of Java, are palm-wine and arrack; of the former they have three ſorts, the firſt of which is drunk within a few hours after it is drawn from the tree, and al⯑moſt in its original ſtate, when it has a mode⯑rate ſweetneſs: the ſecond and third ſorts are made by fermenting it, and putting various [87] herbs and roots into it: the firſt of theſe liquors will not occaſion drunkenneſs, but the two lat⯑ter will. The arrack is ſo generally known, as not to demand any deſcription.

The natives of Java profeſs the religion of Mahomet, and of courſe do not indulge in wine, at leaſt publickly; but not to be exceeded in the vice of drunkenneſs by their chriſtian neighbours, they are almoſt conſtantly chewing opium, which is well known to intoxicate in a high degree.

Excluſive of the Chineſe, and the Indians of many different nations, who inhabit the town of Batavia, and the country in its neighbourhood, the inhabitants are, proportionably, a very ſmall number; and even of theſe not a fifth part are Dutch, or deſcended from natives of Holland: the Portugueſe are more in number than all the other Europeans.

The troops in the Dutch ſervice are compoſed of the natives of almoſt all the kingdoms of Europe; but of theſe the Germans out-number all the others. When a perſon of any country goes to reſide at Batavia, it is neceſſary that he firſt enter as a ſoldier in the ſervice of the Dutch Eaſt India Company, binding himſelf to ſerve five years, which being done, he applies to the Council for leave of abſence, which be⯑ing granted of courſe, he then engages in any buſineſs he thinks proper: thus the Dutch have always an army ready to be called forth on any [88] emergency. No foreigner, of whatever na⯑tion, has any ſhare in the management of pub⯑lic affairs, all places of power, truſt and profit, being held by the Dutch.

Though the men of other countries are bound to the obſervation of the above-mention⯑ed conditions, women, from any part of the globe, may reſide and traffick at Batavia un⯑moleſted. Captain Cook was informed that, at the time he was there, the whole place could not furniſh fifty women who were natives of Europe, yet the town abounded with white wo⯑men, who were deſcended from Europeans, who had ſettled there at different times, all the men having paid the debt of nature; for ſo it is, that the climate of Batavia deſtroys the men much faſter than the women. Theſe women follow the delicate cuſtom of chewing betel, after the example of the native Javaneſe, whoſe dreſs they imitate, and whoſe manners they copy, in all other reſpects.

Mercantile buſineſs is conducted at Batavia with the ſlighteſt trouble imaginable: when a merchant receives an order for goods of any kind, he communicates the contents of it to the Chineſe, who are the univerſal manufacturers. The Chineſe Agent delivers the effects on board the ſhip, for which they are beſpoke, and tak⯑ing a receipt for them from the maſter of the veſſel, he delivers it to the merchant, who pays the Chineſe for the goods, and reſerves a conſi⯑derable [89] profit, without the leaſt trouble, riſk, or anxiety. But when a merchant imports goods of any kind, he receives them himſelf, and lodges them in his own warehouſes. It may be wondered, that the Chineſe do not ſhip the goods on their own account; but from this they are reſtricted, and compelled to ſell them to the merchants only.

The inhabitants of Java diſtinguiſh the Por⯑tugueſe by the name of Oranſerane, that is, Na⯑zareen men; but they uſe the general term of Caper, or Caſir, reſpecting all who do not pro⯑feſs the religion of Mahomet; and in this they include the Portugueſe. But the Portugueſe of Batavia are ſo only in name; for they have nei⯑ther any connection with, or knowledge of, the kingdom of Portugal, and they have changed the religion of the church of Rome, for that of Luther. With the manners of the Java⯑neſe, they are wholly familiarized, and they commonly ſpeak their language, though they are able to converſe in a corrupt kind of Por⯑tugueſe. They dreſs in the habit of the coun⯑try, with a difference only in the manner of wearing their hair: their noſes are more peaked, and their ſkin of a deeper caſt than that of the natives. Some of them are mechanics and artificers, others ſubſiſt by waſhing of linen, and the reſt procure a maintenance by hunting.

The Indian inhabitants of Batavia, and the country in its neighbourhood, are not native Ja⯑vaneſe, [90] but are either born on the ſeveral iſlands from whence the Dutch bring their ſlaves, or the offspring of ſuch as have been born on thoſe iſlands: and theſe having been made free, ei⯑ther in their own perſons, or in the perſons of their anceſtors, enjoy all the privileges of free⯑men. They receive the general appellation of Oran [...]m, which implies, ‘"Believers of the true faith."’

The various other Indian inhabitants of this country attach themſelves each to the original [...] of that, in which either themſelves or th [...]ir anceſtors were born; keeping themſelves apart from thoſe of other nations, and practiſing both the virtues and vices peculiar to their own countries. The cultivation of gardens, and the conſequent ſale of flowers and fruit, afford ſub⯑ſiſtence to great numbers of them: theſe are the people who raiſe the betel and areca, which being mixed with lime, and a ſubſtance which is called gambir, the produce of the Indian con⯑tinent, is chewed by perſons of all ranks, wo⯑men as well as men: indeed ſome of the politer ladies make an addition of cardamum, and other aromatics, to take off the diſagreeable ſmell with which the breath would be otherwiſe hunted. Some of the Indians are very rich, keep a great number of ſlaves, and live, in all reſpects, according to the cuſtoms of their re⯑ſpective countries; while others are employed [91] to convey goods by water; and others again ſubſiſt by fiſhing.

The Oranſlams feed principally on boiled rice, mixed with a ſmall quantity of dried ſhrimps and other fiſh, which are imported from China, and a little of the fleſh of buffaloes and chicken: they are fond of fruit, of which they eat large quantities; and with the ſlower of the rice they make ſeveral ſorts of paſtry. They ſometimes make very ſuperb entertainments, after the faſhion of their reſpective countries; bur, in general, they are a very temperate people: of wine they drink very little, if any, as the religion of Mahomet, which they pro⯑feſs, forbids the uſe of it.

When a marriage is to be ſolemnized among the Oranſlams, all the gold and ſilver ornaments that can be procured, are borrowed to deck out the young couple, who on theſe occaſions never fail to make the moſt ſplendid appearance. Sumptuous entertainments are given by thoſe who can afford them, which continue twelve or fourteen days, and frequently more, during all which time the women take care that the bride⯑groom ſhall not viſit his wife privately, though the wedding takes place previous to the feſtival.

All theſe Indians, though they come from different countries, ſpeak the Malay language, if it deſerves that name. On the iſland of Java there are two or three different dialects; and there is a language peculiar to every ſmall [92] iſland; it is conjectured, that the Malay tongue is a corruption of the language of Malacca.

The hair of the people, which is black, without a ſingle exception, grows in great abun⯑dance: yet the women make uſe of oils and other ingredients, to increaſe the quantity of it: they faſten it to the crown of the head with a bodkin, having firſt twiſted it into a circle, round which circle they place an elegant wreath of flowers, ſo that the whole head-dreſs has the moſt beautiful appearence that imagination can form an idea of.

It is the univerſal cuſtom, both with the men and women, to bathe in a river once every day, and ſometimes oftener, which not only pro⯑motes health, but prevents that contraction of filth, which would be otherwiſe unavoidable in ſo hot a climate.

The teeth of the Oranſlams have ſome par⯑ticularities in them well worthy of notice. With a kind of whetſtone they rub the ends of them till they are quite flat and even; they then make a deep groove in the teeth of the up⯑per jaw, in the centre between the bottom of each tooth and the gum, and horizontally with the latter; this groove is equal in depth to a quarter of the thickneſs of the teeth; yet none of theſe people have a rotten tooth, though, according to the dentiſts of England and France, ſuch a thing muſt be unavoidable, as the tooth is pierced much deeper than [93] what we call the enamel. The teeth of theſe people become very black by the chewing of betel, yet a ſlight waſhing will take off this blackneſs, and the teeth are then perfectly white; but they are very ſeldom waſhed, as the depth of the colour is very far from being thought diſagreeable.

Almoſt every perſon has read or heard of the Mohawks; and theſe are the people who are ſo denominated, from a corruption of the word Amock, which will be well explained by the following ſtory and obſervations. To run a muck is to get drunk with opium, and then ſeizing ſome offenſive weapon, to ſally forth from the houſe, kill the perſon or perſons ſup⯑poſed to have injured the Amock, and any other perſon that attempts to impede his paſſage, till he himſelf is taken priſoner, or killed on the ſpot.—While Captain Cook was at Batavia, a perſon whoſe circumſtances in life were inde⯑pendent becoming jealous of his brother, in⯑toxicated himſelf with opium, and then mur⯑dered his brother, and two other men, who en⯑deavoured to ſeize him. This man, contrary to the uſual cuſtom, did not leave his own houſe, but made his reſiſtance from within it; yet he had taken ſuch a quantity of the opium, that he was totally delirious, which appeared from his attempting to fire three muſkets, nei⯑ther of which had been loaded, or even primed.

[94]During the time that Captain Cook was at Batavia, ſeveral inſtances of the like kind oc⯑curred, and he was informed by an officer, whoſe duty it was to take ſuch offenders into cuſtody, that hardly a week paſſed in the year in which he was not obliged to exerciſe his au⯑thority: the Captain was alſo told, that jea⯑louſy of the women is the uſual reaſon of theſe poor creatures running a muck, and that the firſt object of their vengeance is always the perſon whom they ſuppoſe to have injured them. The officer, whole buſineſs it is to apprehend theſe unhappy wretches, is furniſhed with a long pair of tongs, in order to take hold of them at ſuch a diſtance from the point of their weapons, as to inſure his perſonal ſafety. When he takes one of them alive he is amply rewarded; but this is not often the caſe, as they are ſo deſperate as not to be eaſily apprehended: when they are killed in the attempt to take them, the officer has only the cuſtomary grati⯑fication. Thoſe who are taken alive are broken on the wheel, as near as poſſible to the place where the firſt murder was perpetrated; and, as they are ſeldom apprehended without being previouſly wounded, the time of their execu⯑tion is ſooner or later, according to the opi⯑nions of the phyſicians, whether the wounds are, or are not mortal.

The Oranſlams believe that the Devil is the author of ſickneſs, and other misfortunes, on [95] which account they make an oblation of meat, money, and other things, to him, when they are either ſick or in trouble. When they dream ſucceſſively for ſeveral nights, they have no doubt but that the Devil has enjoined the per⯑formance of ſome act, to diſcover which they torture their brains in vain, and then apply to the prieſt, who never fails to interpret the dream in a ſatisfactory manner. In conſequence of this interpretation, by which it appears that the Devil is in want of money and food, a quantity of each is placed in the leaves of the cocoa-nut tree, and being hung on the bough of a tree by the ſide of a river, is left till ſome paſſen⯑ger ſhall find, and take away the money, which is conſidered not ſo much an offering to the Devil, as a fine due for ſome crime committed; with regard to the food, they imagine that the Devil comes and ſucks out the nutritious parts of it, without moving it out of its place. From this part of the ſtory it ſeems reaſonable to con⯑clude, that the prieſt, having previous know⯑ledge where the oblation is to be made, takes the money, and leaves the victuals.

This inſtance of the ſuperſtition of theſe people may be thought very extraordinary; but the following will appear much more ſo. They are poſſeſſed with an idea, that when one of their wives is brought to bed, a crocodile is born, as a brother to the infant; and they imagine that the midwife conveys the young [96] crocodile to an adjacent river, into which ſhe puts it, with the utmoſt care and tenderneſs. Thoſe who ſuppoſe themſelves honoured by the birth of this new relation, fail not to put food in the river for his ſubſiſtence; but this is the peculiar duty of the twin brother, who per⯑forms this ſervice regularly, at fixed periods, during the whole courſe of his life; firmly be⯑lieving at the ſame time, that ſickneſs or death would be the conſequence of an omiſſion on his part.

In the iſlands of Boutou and Celebes the na⯑tives keep crocodiles in their families; and it is conjectured, that the ſtrange idea of the twin crocodile was firſt conceived in one of thoſe iſlands: it extends, however, to Java and Su⯑matra weſtward, and among the iſlands to the eaſtward as far as Ceram and Timor. It is a matter of perfect aſtoniſhment, how even the moſt ignorant and credulous of the human race, ſhould firmly believe an utter impoſſibility to occur daily; yet it is certain, that not one of the Indians whom Captain Cook queſtioned on the ſubject, entertained the leaſt doubt about the matter. The crocodiles ſuppoſed to be thus born are diſtinguiſhed by the name of Sudaras, and our readers cannot fail of being entertained w [...]th the following ſtory reſpecting them, which Mr. Banks heard from a young woman who was born at B [...]nco [...], and having lived among the Eng [...]ſh at that place, had [97] learnt to ſpeak as much of our language as was ſufficient to make her ſtory intelligible.

She ſaid that, when her father was on his death-bed, he laid the ſtrongeſt injunctions on her to feed a crocodile that was his Sudara; that he told her the name by which he might be called up, and the particular part of the ri⯑ver where ſhe would find him. Soon after the death of her father, ſhe haſtened to the river, and calling Radja Pouti (which ſignifies white king) the Sudara crocodile made his appearance, and ſhe fed him with her own hands. She deſcribed him as being more beautiful than crocodiles are in general, for he had a red noſe, and ſpots on his body; his ears were adorned with rings, and his feet with orna⯑ments of gold. This ſtory will appear the more extravagantly ridiculous, when it is recol⯑lected that crocodiles have not any ears.

A man whoſe mother was a native of the iſland of Java, and whoſe father was a Dutch⯑man, was engaged in the ſervice of Mr. Banks during his reſidence at Batavia. This man told his maſter that ſeveral Dutchmen, and many Javaneſe, as well as himſelf, had ſeen ſuch a crocodile as was deſcribed by the girl who told the preceding ſtory, and that, like her's, its feet were adorned with gold. On Mr. Banks's remarking the abſurdity of theſe tales, and ſaying that crocodiles had not ears, he replied, that the Sudaras differed conſidera⯑bly [98] from other crocodiles; that they had ears, though he acknowledged they were ſmall, that their tongues filled their mouths, and that on each foot they had five toes.

There are three tribes of Indians on the iſland of Batavia, who are called Boetons, Macaſ⯑ſars, and Bougis. Theſe people are firm be⯑lievers in the exiſtence of the Sudara croco⯑diles; and they have a cuſtom among them, which, however ridiculous in itſelf, ſeems to do honour to their filial and fraternal affections. At fixed periods they aſſemble together, and having laden a large boat with various ſorts of proviſions, they launch her at a ſpot moſt likely to be frequented by crocodiles; here they row about, ſometimes ſinging and ſometimes weep⯑ing, while a variety of muſical inſtruments are played on, till they get ſight of a crocodile. The moment this happens they throw tobacco, betel and victuals of ſeveral ſorts, over the ſide of the boat, as a friendly offering to the Su⯑dara crocodiles of their own country; ima⯑gining, that by this means they conciliate the affections and good will of their relations, whom they fail not to invoke during the whole of the ceremony.

The Chineſe inhabitants of Batavia are, like thoſe of their own country, ſome of the moſt induſtrious p [...]ople on the face of the earth. They act as embroiderers, dyers of cotton, tay⯑lors, carpenters, joiners, ſmiths, and makers [99] of ſlippers: ſome of them are ſhop-keepers, and deal largely in the manufactures of Europe and China. A few of theſe people live within the walls of the town; but the majority of them take up their reſidence in a diſtrict, named Campang China, which is ſituated without the walls. Thoſe of the Chineſe, who live in the country, either keep buffaloes and other cattle, the milk of which they ſell daily at Batavia, or they procure a ſubſiſtence by the raiſing of rice and ſugar canes, and the cultivation of gardens.

Captain Cook obſerves, that the danger of being hanged for any crime being excepted, there is nothing, however infamous, which a Chineſe will refuſe to do for gain; and in this opinion he concurs with every preceding wri⯑ter; ſo that theſe people muſt have taken no ſmall pains to eſtabliſh their reputation for knavery. They labour with unwearied dili⯑gence, but the moment they have compleated their work they ſit down to dice, cards, or ſome other of the very numerous games which they are expert at; and they follow their ſports with ſuch eagerneſs, that the buſineſs of eating and ſleeping is frequently ſuſpended.

The cloaths of the Chineſe, whether rich or poor, are ſingularly clean and decent. Their behaviour is civil even to humility. They are ſuch temperate eaters, that gluttony is unknown among them; but as their religion does not command them to refrain from any particular [100] food, they eat a variety of things which are denied to thoſe Indians who profeſs the Maho⯑metan faith. Excluſive of vegetables and fiſh of various kinds, their principal food conſiſts of dogs, cats, lizards, frogs, ſerpents of ſe⯑veral ſorts, and hogs.

The Chineſe have purchaſed of the Dutch, at a very large expence, ſeveral hundred acres of land in the vicinity of Batavia, for the inter⯑ment of their dead; for it is a rule, from which they never depart, not to open a grave which has once received the body of one of their countrymen: and hence ariſes an enormous ex⯑pence in the purchaſe of land, which greatly diſtreſſes the living, to pay an imaginary ho⯑nour to the dead. In order to preſerve the body as long as poſſible from decay, the coffin conſiſts of a piece of ſolid timber hollowed out: and this being covered with a kind of mortar ſeveral inches thick, petrifies in the ground till it is as hard as a flint. The funeral is attended by the near relations of the deceaſed, and by a train of women, who are paid for mak⯑ing lamentations.

In theſe expenſive cuſtoms, abſurd as they are, the Chineſe are equalled by the reſt of their Batavian neighbours; for every perſon is buried with a degree of ſplendour proportioned to the rank he has held in life, and there is a poſitive law which enjoins the obſervance of this cuſtom; in conſequence of which it frequently [101] happens, that thoſe who have not money ſuffi⯑cient to pay the juſt demands on them, are buried in a pompous manner, merely becauſe they have lived elegantly. In this caſe perſons are employed to take an account of what the man died worth, and, when the funeral expen⯑ces are defrayed, the ſurplus is divided among the creditors.

The various inhabitants of the iſland of Ja⯑va, whether Dutch, Portugueſe or Indians, are all waited on by ſlaves, whoſe number is pro⯑portioned to the circumſtances of the maſter; but there are laws in force, that no native of the iſland ſhall ſerve as a ſlave. Theſe people, the number of which is very great, are bought at Sumatra, and the other eaſtern iſlands, at various prices, from ten to twenty pounds; but there have been inſtances of very beautiful girls being ſold at above five times the common market price. They are fed on boiled rice, and ſuch fiſh as can be purchaſed at the loweſt rates; a little of which ſatisfies them, nor in⯑deed do they deſerve even the little they eat, for they are idle and ſluggiſh in the higheſt degree.

The negroes of Africa are purchaſed at a lower price than any other ſlaves, and indeed any price whatever exceeds their merit, for they are of the moſt obſtinate diſpoſitions, and thieves, without a ſingle exception. Thoſe ſlaves which are purchaſed from the iſland of [102] Celebes are moſt intolerably lazy, and of ſo ferocious a diſpoſition, that their employers run the hazard of their perſonal ſafety. The iſland of Bali furniſhes the moſt uſeful ſlaves; and the little iſland Nias, near Sumatra, ſup⯑plies female ſlaves of exquiſite beauty; but to theſe ill-fated women death is the almoſt cer⯑tain conſequence of even a ſhort reſidence at Batavia.

The maſters of any of theſe ſlaves may pu⯑niſh them in whatever way they chuſe, ſo as not to deprive them of life; but when it hap⯑pens that a ſlave dies of the puniſhment he has received, the maſter is tried, and commonly ſuffers as a murderer. From this circumſtance it is reaſonable to ſuppoſe, that the maſters are cautious how they beat the ſlaves with undue ſeverity: it is not indeed very common for them to ſtrike them at all, but they pay an officer, who is called the Marineu, for inflicting the puniſhment. The Marineu having heard what is alledged againſt the delinquent, determines how many ſtripes he ſhall receive, and theſe are given by ſlaves, whoſe particular buſineſs it is to obey the commands of the Marineu: theſe ſtrokes are laid on with rods made of rat⯑tans ſplit very ſmall. For a ſevere whipping the Marineu receives a ducatoon, and a rixdol⯑lar for a ſlighter puniſhment. The women ſlaves are whipped in the houſe of the maſter, but the men publickly in the ſtreets. In [103] order that theſe ſlaves may not be under too great temptations to ſteal, their maſters are compelled to allow them ſeven pence half-penny weekly for pocket-money.

There is ſomething ſingular in the ſubordi⯑nation obſerved among the inhabitants of Ba⯑tavia and the adjacent country. The man who has been longeſt in the Dutch Eaſt India Com⯑pany's ſervice is permitted to gild his coach, while others are allowed to ride in coaches dif⯑ferently painted, according to the length of their ſervices, and others again ride in thoſe that are quite plain. In like manner the coach⯑men are dreſſed in liveries, that have a greater or leſs quantity of lace on them, or without any lace at all.

The lawyers of Batavia are partial in their adminiſtration of juſtice, to a very reprehen⯑ſible degree. When an Indian has committed any crime deemed worthy of death, he is im⯑paled, hanged, or broken on the wheel, with⯑out ceremony: on the contrary, if a Chriſtian is capitally convicted, execution very ſeldom follows the ſentence: and, what is more extra⯑ordinary, no pains are taken to apprehend the offender, till time enough has been allowed him to run away, if he thinks proper.

The civil officers of juſtice among the Chi⯑neſe and Malays are called Captains and Lieu⯑tenants, but their deciſions are not final, if the party againſt whom they may decide, thinking [104] himſelf aggrieved, ſhould appeal to the Dutch lawyers, in which caſe the deciſion of the lat⯑ter muſt be abided by.

The Dutch have laid conſiderable taxes on theſe people, among which is one for the per⯑miſſion to wear their hair. When theſe taxes become due, which is once a month, they hoiſt a flag on the top of a houſe, nearly in the cen⯑ter of Batavia, and the man who does not ſpeedily go and pay his money, has reaſon to repent the omiſſion.

The current money of this country is of dif⯑ferent value, from a Dutch doit to a ducat. When Captain Cook was at Batavia, Spaniſh dollars ſold at five ſhillings and five-pence each, and the price is ſeldom much lower. The Chi⯑neſe would give only the value of twenty ſhil⯑lings for an Engliſh guinea that was almoſt new, and for thoſe that were old, and much worn, only ſeventeen ſhillings.

The milled ducatoons of Batavia are valued at eighty ſtivers; thoſe that are unmilled at ſe⯑venty-two; the ducat at one hundred and thirty-two; the imperial rixdollars at ſixty; the rupees at thirty; the ſchellings at ſix; the double cheys at two and a half; and the doits at a quarter of a ſtiver.

We ſhall now proceed to a recital of the in⯑cidents which occurred during their paſſage from Batavia to the Cape of Good Hope; in which we ſhall trace them with the utmoſt fi⯑delity, [105] omitting not a ſingle circumſtance that may either entertain or inſtruct the reader.

Early in the morning of the 27th of Decem⯑ber 1770, the Endeavour left the road of Ba⯑tavia, and, after ſeveral hindrances, occaſioned by the wind being contrary, ſhe ſtood over for the ſhore of Java, on the firſt day of January 1771. As many of the ſhip's crew, who had been very ill while at Batavia, were now be⯑come much worſe, the veſſel was brought to an anchor in the afternoon of the 5th near Princes Iſland, with a view to get ſome neceſſary re⯑freſhments, and likewiſe to take in wood and water.

Meſſieurs Solander and Banks now went a⯑ſhore with the Captain, and they were no ſooner landed, than ſome of the natives conducted them to the King of the iſland, with whom they endeavoured to make a bargain for ſome turtle, but the price could not be agreed on. As our adventurers had no doubt but that they ſhould purchaſe on their own terms the following day, they left the Indians, and proceeded in ſearch of a proper place to fill water, which was ſoon found. As they were about to embark for the ſhip, they purchaſed three turtle from ſome of the natives, but with the ſtricteſt injunction, that their Sovereign ſhould not be informed of the tranſaction.

On Sunday the 6th of January they pur⯑chaſed, at very moderate prices, as many turtle [106] as they had occaſion for, and the whole ſhip's company fed on this delicious fiſh. The King was at this time at a houſe ſituated in a rice field, where Mr. Banks waited on him, and found him cooking his own victuals.

On Monday the inhabitants brought vegeta⯑bles, deer, fiſh, fowls and monkies, for ſale; and on the following day they brought down a farther number of turtle.

A ſervant that Mr. Banks had hired at Batavia having acquainted him, that there was a town on the iſland, his curioſity determined him to have a view of it, and one of the officers of the ſhip accompanied him on his viſit. As he was apprehenſive that the natives would not be pleaſed at his going to the town, he told ſuch of them as he met, that he was ſeeking for plants, which, in fact, was a part of the buſi⯑neſs of the day. Having come to a kind of village, conſiſting of a very few houſes, they aſked an Indian the way to the town, and ſome other particulars reſpecting it; but he endea⯑voured to prevent their proceeding, by repre⯑ſenting it as at a very great diſtance. When he ſaw they were reſolved to go forward, he pro⯑ceeded with them, making frequent attempts to miſlead them. When they were within ſight of the town, the Indian changed his behaviour at once, and led the way to it.

This place, which contains between three and four hundred houſes, is called Samadang, and [107] is parted by a river into the old and the new town. Some of the natives, whom the gentle⯑men remembered to have ſeen among thoſe who had brought proviſions for ſale, agreed to carry them from the old town to the new for a trifling gratification. This was done by means of two little canoes, which were laſhed toge⯑ther; and they had no ſooner reached the op⯑poſite ſhore, than the Indians ſhewed them the houſes of their Chiefs, and behaved otherwiſe in the moſt friendly manner; but as this was the ſeaſon when the natives live in their rice-grounds, to ſave their corn from the depreda⯑tions of the monkies and birds, moſt of the houſes were ſhut. When the gentlemen had ſeen every thing that they thought worthy of notice, they hired a ſailing-boat, which con⯑veyed them to the ſhip time enough for dinner; for the town of Samadang, though at a conſi⯑derable diſtance from the place where the En⯑deavour lay at anchor, is ſituated at only a ſmall diſtance from the ſea-coaſt.

On the 12th, while the Captain was on ſhore giving orders to the people who were cutting wood and filling water, he was told, that one of the natives had ſtolen an ax. The thief was unknown; but the Captain, reſolved not to pave the way for future depredations of this kind, by taking no notice of the firſt offence, immediately applied to the King; and in conſe⯑quence of this application, the ax was brought [108] down to the watering-place the next day. The Indian who brought it back ſaid, it was left at his houſe in the night; but it was ſuſpected, that himſelf was the thief.

Mr. Banks having ſeveral times viſited on the King of the iſland, and given him ſome trifles that were very acceptable, he waited on him for the laſt time on the 13th of January, and gratified him very much by a preſent of a ſmall quantity of paper. The King aſked the reaſon why the Engliſh ſhips did not touch at the iſland, as was formerly their cuſtom; when Mr. Banks attributed the omiſſion to the ſcarci⯑ty of turtle, and adviſed the King to breed buffaloes, ſheep and cattle, for the accommo⯑dation of his future viſitants.

After a ſtay of ten days at Princes Iſland, during which they purchaſed vegetables of va⯑rious kinds, fowls, deer, turtle, &c. the an⯑chor was weighed, and the veſſel once more put to ſea.

We ſhall now proceed to a deſcription of the iſland, which lies in the weſtern mouth of the Streight of Sunda. It is a ſmall woody iſland, and has been cleared only in very few places. Our India ſhips uſed to touch at Princes Iſland to take in water, but they have omitted this practice for ſome years ſince, on account, as it is ſaid, of the water being brackiſh; yet Cap⯑tain Cook ſays it is exceeding good, if filled to⯑wards the head of the brook.

[109]The fowls which were purchaſed at this place coſt about five-pence each; the turtle three-farthings a pound, and other fiſh were propor⯑tionably cheap; one hundred of the beſt cocoa-nuts coſt only a dollar, and pumpkins, pine-ap⯑ples and other fruits, were equally cheap and plenty.

The natives profeſs the religion of Maho⯑met, and are ſo ſtrict in the obſervance of the feaſt called Ramadan, that they not only abſtain from food till the ſun is down, but even from the chewing of betel. The manners of theſe people are not unlike thoſe of the Javaneſe; but they are much more jealous of their wives: during the ten days that the Endeavour lay here, only one woman was ſeen, and ſhe ran away the moment ſhe was diſcovered.

The houſes are conſtructed in the form of an oblong ſquare: they are built on pillars four feet above the ground, and well thatched with palm-leaves, as a defence from the ſun and rain: the flooring is of bamboo canes, placed at a diſtance from each other, to admit the air: theſe houſes conſiſt of four rooms, one of which is deſtined for the reception of viſitants, the children ſleep in a ſecond, and the two others are allotted, the one for the purpoſe of cooke⯑ry, and the other for the bed-chamber of the owner and his wife. The reſidence of the King of the iſland, and that of another perſon of great authority, has boards on the ſides, while [110] the houſes of all the inferior people have walls made of the bamboo cane, ſlit into ſmall ſticks, and wrought acroſs the beams of the building, in the manner of a hurdle. The King of the iſland is ſubject to the Sultan of Bantam.

Captain Cook repreſents the natives as very honeſt in their dealings, with the ſingle ex⯑ception, of demanding more than double the ſum they intended to ſell for: the goods of each ſort which different perſons brought to market were all ſold together, and the purchaſe-money divided among the ſeveral contributors, in proportion to the quantity that each had given in to the general ſtock. When they changed money, they gave two hundred and forty Dutch doits for a Spaniſh dollar.

The natives ſpeak a language which they call Catta Gunung, that is, the language of the mountains, and they ſay, that their anceſtors came from the mountains of Java, where this language is ſpoken; that they firſt ſettled at New Bay, where the tygers were ſo numerous, that they could not live in ſafety, and therefore took up their reſidence on Prince's Iſland: all theſe people, however, are capable of converſing in the Malay language.

At the time the Endeavour left Princes Iſland, her crew began to feel, in all its force, the ill effects of the putrid air of Batavia; and ſoon afterwards the ſhip was a mere hoſpital, filled with unhappy wretches, ſinking under the rage [111] of fevers and dyſenteries. In the ſpace of ſix weeks twenty-three perſons died, excluſive of the ſeven which had been buried at Batavia: theſe were nine ſeamen, the Corporal of the marines, the ſhip's Cook, two of the Carpen⯑ter's crew, the Carpenter and his Mate, a Mid⯑ſhipman, the old ſail-maker, who was in perfect health when all the reſt were ill at Batavia, and his Mate, the Boatſwain, Mr. Monkhouſe, a Midſhipman, Mr. Sporing, who accompanied Mr. Banks, Mr. Parkinſon, draughtſman to that gentleman, and Mr. Green, the Aſtro⯑nomer.

After a paſſage in which nothing remarkable occurred, the ſhip was brought to an anchor off the Cape of Good Hope, on the 15th of March 1771. The Captain repaired inſtantly to the Governor, who ſaid, that ſuch refreſhments as the country ſupplied, ſhould be chearfully granted him; on which a houſe was hired for the ſick, who were to have their board and lodging, on the payment of two ſhillings a day for each man.

At the time the Endeavour lay at anchor here, an Engliſh Eaſt Indiaman ſailed for the port of London, who had buried above thirty of her crew while ſhe was in India; and at that time had many others ſeverely afflicted with the ſcurvy; ſo that the ſufferings of the crew of the Endeavour, conſidering her long abſence from [112] England, is a circumſtance not at all to be won⯑dered at.

We ſhall now proceed to a deſcription of the Cape of Good Hope, in which we ſhall only mention ſuch particulars as are either wholly new, or ſuch as have been miſ-repreſented by other writers. The land over the Cape is mountainous, and totally barren; beyond theſe mountains the country is covered with a light ſand, which will not admit of cultivation: there are indeed a few cultivated ſpots, but they are hardly more than a thouſandth part of the whole country. Proviſions are brought to the Cape from a diſtance nine hundred miles up the country, which is an evident proof of its ex⯑treme ſterility, notwithſtanding what has been heretofore written to the contrary. While Cap⯑tain Cook lay here, a farmer came to the Cape, bringing his young children with him, from a diſtance that took him fifteen days journey; and on his being aſked why he had not left his children with ſome neighbour, he ſaid, there was no inhabitant within five days journey of his farm. There are no trees that are even two yards in height, except in ſome plantations in the vicinity of Cape town.

This town conſiſts of near a thouſand brick houſes, the outſides of which being generally plaiſtered, they have a very pleaſing appear⯑ance. There is a canal in the main ſtreet, with two rows of oak-trees on its borders, which are [113] in a more flouriſhing ſtate than the other trees of this country: the ſtreets, which croſs each other at right angles, are very ſpacious and handſome. The inhabitants are chiefly Dutch, or of Dutch extraction: the women are beau⯑tiful in a high degree, and poſſeſs thoſe bloom⯑ing countenances which denote the moſt perfect health: they are moſt of them mothers of many children, and Captain Cook ſays, they are the beſt wives in the world.

The air of the Cape of Good Hope is ſo pure and ſalubrious, that a ſick perſon, who goes thither from Europe, whatever be his diſorder, almoſt always recovers his health in a little time; but thoſe who bring diſeaſes with them from the Eaſt Indies, have not an equal chance of recovery.

Although this country is naturally ſo barren, as ſcarcely to produce any thing, yet the un⯑ceaſing induſtry of its inhabitants has ſo effec⯑tually combated the ſparing hand of Nature, that there are few places where the neceſſaries of life are more plentiful, and even what are generally deemed luxuries, are by no means ſcarce. The conſtantia wine is known to be excellent, but the genuine ſort is made only at one particular vineyard a few miles from the town. The gardens produce many ſorts of European and Indian fruits, and almoſt all the common kinds of vegetables. The cultivated fields yield wheat and barley of equal quality [114] with that of the growth of England. The ſheep of this country have tails of a very ex⯑traordinary ſize, many of which weigh upwards of a dozen pounds; the meat of this animal as well as of the ox, is very fine food: the wool of the ſheep is rather of the hairy kind, and the horns of the black cattle ſpread much wider than thoſe of England, while the beaſt himſelf is handſomer and lighter made. The cheeſe has a very indifferent flavour, but the butter is extremely good. The pork of this country is nearly the ſame as that of Europe, and there are abundance of goats, but the in⯑habitants do not eat their fleſh. The country abounds in hares, altogether like thoſe of Eng⯑land; there are ſeveral ſpecies of the antelope, a plenty of buſtards, and two kinds of quails.

When a ſtranger arrives at the Cape, it is cuſtomary for him to board in a private houſe, and he pays from two ſhillings to a crown a day, according to the accommodations he ex⯑pects. If he appears and behaves as a gentle⯑man, he is invited to the private entertainments which are given by the more opulent of the in⯑habitants; and this cannot fail of being the more acceptable, as there are no places of pub⯑lic diverſion in the country. Horſes are here let to hire at ſix ſhillings a day, and coaches at one pound four.

The Dutch company have a garden at the extremity of the high ſtreet, which is more [115] than half a mile in length, in the center walk of which are a number of fine oak trees. A ſmall part of this garden is covered with bota⯑nical plants, but all the reſt is allotted to the production of the common vegetables for the kitchen: the whole is divided into ſquares by the form of its walks, and each ſquare is fen⯑ced in by oaks cut into ſmall hedges. There is a menagerie of beaſts and birds, many of them known in Europe, at the upper end of this garden; and among the reſt is the Coe Doe, a beaſt not leſs than a horſe, which has thoſe cu⯑rious ſpiral horns that have frequently found a place in the cabinets of the curious.

The native inhabitants of this country are uſually dreſſed in a ſheep ſkin thrown acroſs the ſhoulders, and a little pouch before them, to which is fixed a kind of belt, ornamented with little bits of copper, and beads: round the waiſts of the women is a broad piece of lea⯑ther, and rings of the ſame round their ancles, to protect them from the thorns, which grow in abundance all over the country; a few of them wear a kind of ſhoe, made of the bark of a tree, but the major part of them go bare⯑footed: both ſexes adorn themſelves with brace⯑lets and necklaces, made of beads. None of theſe people reſide at a leſs diſtance than four days journey from Cape Town, except a num⯑ber of the poorer ſort, who look after the cat⯑tle belonging to the Dutch farmers, and are [116] employed in various other menial offices. Their ſtature is about the ſame as that of the people of England, from five to ſix feet in height; but ſcarce any of them are corpulent: their ſkins are dark, but this is in a great degree ow⯑ing to their extreme indelicacy: their hair curls naturally, and falls in finglets of above ſix inches in length: they are ſingular for their ſtrength and agility.

Moſt of the Hottentots ſpeak the Dutch language, without any thing remarkable in their manner; yet, when they converſe in their native language, they frequently ſtop, and make a clucking with their tongues, which has a moſt ſingular and ridiculous effect to the ears of a ſtranger; and, excluſive of this clucking, their language itſelf is ſcarcely ſounded arti⯑culately.

Theſe people are modeſt to the utmoſt de⯑gree of baſhfulneſs, and, though they are fond of ſinging and dancing, can hardly be pre⯑vailed on to divert themſelves with their fa⯑vourite amuſements before ſtrangers: both their ſinging and dancing are alternately quick and ſlow in the utmoſt extreme.

Some of the Hottentots underſtand the art of melting and preparing copper, with which they make plates, and wear them on their fore⯑heads, as an article of finery. They are alſo capable of making knives, ſuperior to thoſe [117] they can purchaſe of the Dutch, from whom they procure the iron.

They have the art of making butter by ſhaking milk in the ſkin of a beaſt: with this butter they anoint their ſkins; or, when they cannot procure butter, they uſe the fat of the ſheep. The principal people are owners of im⯑menſe herds of cattle; and theſe clothe them⯑ſelves with the ſkins of lions and other beaſts, which are adorned with fringes, elegantly de⯑ſigned.

The Hottentots are ſo dextrous in throwing ſtones, that they will hit a mark not larger than a crown piece, at the diſtance of an hundred yards. They are likewiſe expert in the uſe of arrows, and of the lance called an Aſſagay, the points of which they poiſon, ſometimes with the venom of a ſerpent, and ſometimes with the juice of particular herbs; ſo that a wound received from either of theſe weapons is almoſt always mortal.

Excluſive of what is above recited, they met with nothing reſpecting theſe people, but ſuch particulars as have been previouſly mentioned by various other voyagers, and which will of courſe be found in the preceding volumes: we ſhall therefore accompany the ſhip in her voy⯑age to England.

On the 14th of April, 1771, the anchor of the Endeavour was weighed, and ſhe once more put to ſea, but came to an anchor again [118] before night near Robin iſland. As a few ve⯑getables were wanted, which they had neglected to take in at the Cape, the Captain ſent off a boat to the iſland; but, when ſhe reached the ſhore, ſome Dutch ſoldiers forbad her crew landing, at the hazard of their lives; and the officer who commanded very prudently return⯑ed to the ſhip. For ſome time they were puz⯑zled to account for this behaviour on the part of the Dutch; but it was at length recollected, that the Dutch government at the Cape of Good Hope had aſſigned this iſland for the recep⯑tion of ſuch offenders whoſe crimes were not deemed worthy of death, where their ſlavery conſiſts in digging lime-ſtone, for ſuch a num⯑ber of years as are thought proportionable to the heinouſneſs of their offences: and that a ſhip belonging to Denmark, which had buried moſt of her hands, had called at this iſland, and taken on board a number of theſe crimi⯑nals, in order to navigate the veſſel to Europe: hence the conduct of the Dutch ſoldiers was eaſily accounted for.

The ſhip ſailed again on the following day, when the maſter of her died, having haſtened his death by hard drinking, though, in other reſpects, he left behind him an excellent cha⯑racter.

On Monday, May-day, they came to an an⯑chor off the iſland of St. Helena, and, as they propoſed to remain three days, Mr. Banks em⯑ployed [119] the interval in ſurveying every object that was thought worthy of notice.

The iſland of St. Helena riſes out of the immenſe Atlantic ocean, is about eighteen hun⯑dred miles from the coaſt of America, and twelve hundred from that of Africa. It has the appearance of a huge mountain, the foun⯑dation of which is probably at the center of the globe. It had formerly volcanoes in ſeveral parts of it, as is evident from the appearance of the earth and ſtones in many places; and it looks like a cluſter of rocks, bounded by pre⯑cipices of immenſe height: as a veſſel ſails along the coaſt, the cliffs perpend over her head ſo as to threaten her inſtant deſtruction, and nothing in nature can be conceived more awful than their appearance.

Cloſe to the ſea-ſide ſtands the town, which had formerly a church of very indifferent ar⯑chitecture, but it is now little better than a heap of ruins, nor is the market-houſe in a much better condition: moſt of the houſes are alſo conſtructed in a vile taſte.

As this iſland is the property of the Engliſh Eaſt India Company, the inhabitants are not ſuffered to carry on any trade for their own emolument, but get their livelihood by ſelling the productions of the iſland to the crews of the veſſels which anchor there for a ſupply of re⯑freſhments.

[120]St. Helena is ſo happily ſituated, with regard to climate, that it would, if properly cultivat⯑ed, produce the trees, fruits, plants and flow⯑ers, of all the different parts of the world. On the ſummit of the higheſt ridges the cabbage-tree flouriſhes; in the parts below theſe grow the gum-wood and red-wood, and in the vallies many of the plants of the Indies, and almoſt all thoſe of Europe; yet theſe ſeveral produc⯑tions will not grow but on the ſpots of ground peculiarly adapted to each.

The only white inhabitants of the iſland are ſubjects of the King of Great Britain: theſe employ ſlaves, who tranſport goods of all kinds from place to place on their heads; and we are ſorry to ſay, that the inhumanity of our coun⯑trymen to theſe ſlaves in a diſgrace to thoſe who profeſs the chriſtian faith. There are a ſmall number of horſes at St. Helena, but they are never employed in draught, there being no ſuch thing as a waggon or cart on the iſland, though in many places the land is not ſo ſteep, but that ſuch carriages might eaſily be drawn.

Ebony-trees are a natural production of the iſland of St. Helena, but there have not been many of them within the memory of any per⯑ſon now living there. Snails are found in abun⯑dance on the ſummits of the higheſt moun⯑tains; but the other inſects of the iſland are ve⯑ry few in number.

[121]On Saturday the 4th of May 1771, the En⯑deavour ſailed from the road of St. Helena, to⯑gether with the Portland man of war, and ſe⯑veral ſail of Indiamen. They kept company with the man of war and Indiamen till Friday the 10th. But Captain Cook obſerving, that they were out-ſailed by all the other ſhips, and conſequently imagining that ſome of them would reach England before him, made ſignals to ſpeak with the Portland, when the Captain of that veſſel came on board, and received from Captain Cook a letter to the Lords of the Admiralty, together with a box, in which were depoſited the journals of many of the officers, and the ſhip's log books.

On the 23d they loſt ſight of all the ſhips they ſailed in company with from St. Helena, and in the afternoon of the ſame day, Mr. Hicks, the firſt Lieutenant, died of a conſump⯑tion, with which he had been afflicted during the whole voyage.

No ſingle occurrence worth recording hap⯑pened from this time, till the ſhip came to an anchor in the Downs, which was on the 12th of June following.

Whoever has carefully read, and duly con⯑ſidered the wonderful protection of this ſhip, in caſes of danger the moſt imminent and aſto⯑niſhing, particularly when encircled in the wide ocean with rocks of coral, her ſheathing beaten off, and her falſe-keel floating by her ſide, a hole [122] in her bottom, and the men alternately fainting at the pumps, and will yet deny the exiſtence of a particular Providence, and the moſt gracious and merciful interpoſition of the Deity, in behalf of our adventrous countrymen, will deſerve ſome ſhare of that cenſure, which the thinking part of mankind have ſo liberally and juſtly beſtowed on the Compiler of the account of the Voyage of the ENDEAVOUR. There is a comfort in the reflection that God is good, which can be felt only by thoſe who acknow⯑ledge his mercy, and adore his power.

ACCOUNT OF MONS. DE BOUGAINVILLE's VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, PERFORMED BY ORDER OF THE FRENCH KING, In the years 1766, 1767, 1768, 1769.

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A SETTLEMENT having been commen⯑ced for the French King, on Falkland's Iſlands^*, in the month of February 1764, the Spaniards demanded them as their right, as an appendage to the continent of South America; and France having allowed the propriety of the demand, Monſ. Bougainville was ordered to yield poſſeſſion of the iſlands to the Spa⯑niards.

In conſequence of the orders he had received, he ſailed from the port of Mindin on the 15th of November 1766, having under his com⯑mand the frigate la Boudeuſe—la Eſmeralda, [124] and la Liebre; two frigates belonging to Spain, were to join him in the river de la Plata, to the commanding officer of which he was to de⯑liver the ſettlement; and the l'Etoile, a French ſtore-ſhip, was to carry him ſuch proviſions as were neceſſary for the long voyage on which he was bound, and to meet him at Falkland's Iſlands: but the voyage was neceſſarily ſeveral months longer in compleating than it might have been, on account, as will appear hereafter, of the delay which prevented the l'Etoile from joining Monſ. Bougainville.

The Boudeuſe had been at ſea only two days when ſhe encountered ſuch a violent ſtorm of wind, as carried away the clue of the fore-ſail, broke the top-maſt, and main-top-maſt, and took off the head of the main-maſt. Thus ſi⯑tuated, Monſ. Bougainville found it neceſſary to put into Breſt to refit, and to make ſome ne⯑ceſſary alterations in the ſtowage of his ſhip, which was ill calculated, for withſtanding the fury of thoſe ſeas he was to paſs, and particu⯑larly ſo for the navigation of the ſeas round Cape Horn.

And here a reflection will naturally ariſe, on that fatality, by which thoſe who have the ap⯑pointment of naval equipments, almoſt always deſtine for ſervices of the moſt imminent danger, veſſels totally inadequate for the purpoſe. Hence ariſe orders and counter-orders, till the proper ſeaſon for performing the moſt hazar⯑dous [125] parts of the voyage, is loſt in the neceſſary preparation for making it.

On the 5th of December Monſ. Bougain⯑ville ſailed from the harbour of Breſt, having on board the Prince of Naſſau-Seighen, three gentlemen who went as volunteers, eleven offi⯑cers in commiſſion; and warrant-officers, ſea⯑men, ſoldiers, ſervants and boys, to the num⯑ber of two hundred.

On the 17th they were in ſight of the Sal⯑vages, a ſmall flat iſland, which at each end riſes into a hillock: the next day they ſaw the Iſland of Palma, and that of Ferro on the 19th. Monſ. Bougainville was now convinced of a great error in his reckoning, which he attri⯑butes to the rapidity of the currents oppoſite the Streights of Gibraltar. Having corrected his reckoning, he took a freſh departure, and arrived at Rio de la Plata, without meeting with any thing worthy of notice.

On the evening of the 29th of January they had ſight of Rio de la Plata, but as the night was dark and tempeſtuous, they lay to, with the head of the veſſel towards the offing. The next morning they had a view of the moun⯑tains of Maldonado, which, after a ſhip enters the Rio de la Plata, are the firſt high lands ſeen to the north. At the Maldonados the Spani⯑ards have a ſmall garriſoned town, in the vici⯑nity of which are picked up ſome beautiful tranſparent ſtones; and there is likewiſe a gold [126] mine near it, which has been worked for a few years paſt, but has yielded little profit.

On the morning of the 31ſt the Boudeuſe came to an anchor in the Bay of Montevideo, where the two Spaniſh ſhips, which were to take poſſeſſion of Falkland's Iſlands, had been at an⯑chor for ſome weeks.

Don Philip Ruis Puente, the principal in command of the Spaniſh veſſels, having been appointed Governor of the iſlands which were to be ſurrendered by the French, he accompa⯑nied Monſ. Bougainville to Buenos Ayres, to ſettle, with the Governor general, the mode of making the ceſſion: and the Prince of Naſſau-Sieghen attended them in this expedition.

The gentlemen made the voyage in a ſchooner, but a contrary wind preventing their paſſage by ſea, they went on ſhore above the colony of San Sacramento, and travelled over a prodigi⯑ous extent of country, in which there were no roads, and where the eye was their only guide. During this expedition they ſlept in little hovels conſtructed with leather, while the tygers howled round them on every ſide. Monſ. Bougain⯑ville particularly mentions the manner and the danger of their paſſing the river St. Lucia, which is wide and deep, yet amazingly rapid:—being placed in a long narrow canoe, one ſide of which was beyond all proportion higher than the other, a horſe was faſtened on each ſide the veſſel, the maſter of which pulling off

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Figure 2. Monſieur de Bougainville Croſsing the River St Lucia in a Canoe drawn by Horſes

[127] all his cloaths, got into it, and ſupporting the heads of the horſes above the ſurface of the ſtream, drove them acroſs it, in the beſt man⯑ner he was able, and, with ſome difficulty, they ſtemmed the rapidity of the torrent. It is neceſſary for travellers who paſs this wild and extenſive country to be very careful in finding the fordable parts of the rivers; they uſually drive before them a conſiderable number of horſes, in order to take freſh ones as often as thoſe they ride on are jaded.

Monſieur Bougainville having tranſacted his buſineſs at Buenos Ayres, returned to Monte⯑video on the 16th of February, and was fol⯑lowed in a few days by the Spaniſh Governor, Don Puente. Some neceſſaries of various kinds being taken on board, the veſſels were prepared for ſailing to Falkland's Iſlands.

Our author now gives a long account of the eſtabliſhment of the Spaniards in Rio de la Plata, of which we ſhall take no notice, be⯑cauſe ſimilar accounts are to be found in a great number of volumes, ſome or other of which are in the hands of almoſt every reader.

Our voyagers having cauſed a ſmall veſſel to be laden with cattle for the uſe of the ſhip's companies, they ſailed in company, on the 28th of February 1767, a pilot, acquainted with the coaſt of Falkland's Iſlands, having been previouſly put on board each of the Spaniſh ſhips; but this day they were obliged to bring [128] their veſſels to an anchor, on account of the thickneſs of a fog, which prevented their ſeeing land.

The winds now proving contrary, the ſhips remained at anchor the following day; but as the current of the river ran ſtrongly in their favour, Monſ. Bougainville ſent to acquaint the Spaniſh commander, that his veſſel being too near the Engliſh ſand-bank, off the iſle of Flores, he thought it would be proper to ſail on the following day, even if the wind ſhould not change in their favour. To this the Spaniſh officer replied, that his pilot re⯑fuſed to weigh the anchor till the wind became fair and blew ſteady: on which Don Puente was acquainted, that the anchor of the Boudeuſe would certainly be weighed early the next morning, and that ſhe would either anchor more to the north, or ply to the windward, waiting for the Spaniſh ſhips, unleſs they ſhould be unavoidably ſeparated by the violence of the wind.

The ſmall veſſel laden with cattle had not come to an anchor during the preceding night, nor was ſhe ſeen any more during the voyage; but it was afterwards learnt that ſhe went back to Montevideo, after an abſence of three weeks from that place. The night had been ſo tem⯑peſtuous, that all the ſhips dragged their an⯑chors, and in the morning the Spaniſh veſſels were obſerved with their main-yards lowered, [129] and their top-maſts handed: the Boudeuſe, however, got under ſail, and got out of the river before night, leaving the Spaniards ſtill at anchor. Monſ. Bougainville had variable, but chiefly bad, weather till the 23d of the month, when he came to an anchor in the Bay of Falkland's iſlands, where the Spaniſh veſ⯑ſels alſo anchored, on the day following. Theſe laſt had ſuffered extremely through the inclemency of the weather; the cabbin win⯑dows of Don Puente's ſhip had been broke by the violence of the waves, ſo that the ſea for ſome time poured into her in torrents; and a number of cattle, deſtined for the uſe of the colony at Falkland's Iſland, died on the paſſage.

On the 1ſt of April Monſ. Bongainville, in the name of the French king, ſurrendered the iſland to Don Puente, who received it for his moſt catholic Majeſty, with the ceremony of hoiſting the Spaniſh colours, and the firing of guns from the ſhips and on ſhore: Monſ. Bou⯑gainville then read a letter, in which his ſove⯑reign granted leave to ſuch of the inhabitants as choſe to continue their reſidence, to be under the dominion of Spain: this offer was accep⯑ted by ſome, while others embarked with the garriſon, and were conveyed to Montevideo in the Spaniſh ſhips. The whole expence of the French ſettlement, to the time of its being delivered to the Spaniards, was ſix hundred and three thouſand livres; but as his moſt Catholic [130] Majeſty took the ſhips, proviſions, and all the ſtores of every kind, he reimburſed this ſum to France.

Monſ. Bougainville now proceeds to make ſome hiſtorical remarks reſpecting Falkland's Iſlands, in which we ſhall trace him with all poſſible fidelity. He ſays that, in the year 1502, when Americo Veſpucius was on his third voyage for the diſcovery of America, he ſailed along the northern coaſts of the iſlands, and to him, therefore, he allows the honour of being the firſt diſcoverer; yet he ſays that Veſ⯑pucious knew not whether what he ſaw was an iſland, or a part of the main land. Gouin, a French commander, came to an anchor on theſe iſlands, in the year 1700, as he was re⯑turning from a voyage into the South Seas; but Gouin miſtook them for Sebald's iſles, which he very near them, Falkland's Iſlands being between thoſe, and the iſland of Beau⯑cheſne; ſo that a ſhip at anchor on the eaſt ſide of Sebald's iſles, is within ſight of Falkland's;—Beſides Beaucheſne's deſcription of what he took to be Sebald's, exactly anſwers to theſe: for he ſays there are no woods, that the coun⯑try is ſwampy, that there are many freſh-water lakes and marſhes on it, and that it abounds in ducks, ſnipes, wild geeſe, and teals.

Monſ. Bougainville juſtly obſerves, that Falkland's iſlands have been but little known and ill deſcribed, till within a few years paſt [131] They are commonly repreſented as being co⯑vered with woods; but this miſtake might very well happen in the accounts of thoſe who only ſaw them from on board a ſhip; for what are taken for woods are tall ruſhes, which grow very cloſe together, and the ſtalk being dry to the height of five feet from the ground, a large tuft ſprings from the top of it, ſo that their number, and the manner in which they grow, form no ill reſemblance of a wood. Great part of the hills on the iſland are covered with heath, while the ruſhes grow only on ſome ſmall iſles, and near the ſea coaſt.

In the year 1594 Sir Richard Hawkins had ſight of theſe iſlands, and called them Haw⯑kins's Maiden-Land: he ſays he ſaw fires on them, and that they were then inhabited: about the commencement of the preſent century, a French ſhip, called the St. Louis, came to an anchor on this coaſt, under the ſhelter of the iſles of Anican, which are ſome ſmall iſlands, ſo called after the privateer of that name; but the commander of the St. Louis did not think it worth his while to examine the country: yet, Monſ. Bougainville obſerves, that the naviga⯑tors of all nations have remarked how conve⯑niently they are ſituated for affording ſhelter and refreſhment to veſſels bound to the South-Seas.

France having come to a reſolution of ſend⯑ing a colony to ſettle on Falkland's iſlands, [132] Monſ. Bougainville, towards the beginning of the year 1763, made an offer to eſtabliſh the ſettlement at his own expence, with the aſſiſ⯑tance of two of his near relations, Monſ. de Arboulin, and Monſ. de Nerville. This offer being accepted, the adventrous French⯑man gave orders for the building and equip⯑ment of a veſſel of twenty, and another of twelve guns, the former of which was called the Eagle, and the latter the Sphinx: and as ſoon as theſe veſſels had taken in ſuch ſtores as were neceſſary for the voyage, and for mak⯑ing the ſettlement, Monſ Bougainville, having previouſly engaged ſome acadian families, em⯑barked his officers, ſeamen and ſettlers, and ſailed from the Port of St. Malo, on the 15th of September, 1763.

In the courſe of the voyage he touched on the coaſt of Brazil, and at Montevideo, at which laſt place he took a number of horned cattle and horſes on board, in order to ſtock the iſland to which he was deſtined. On the 31ſt of January, 1764, Monſ Bougainville was within fight of Sebald's iſles, and came to an anchor in a large bay on the eaſtermoſt point of Falkland's iſlands, on the third of February.

It was ſoon reſolved to form the ſettlement on the coaſt of this Bay; and Monſ. Bougain⯑ville immediately began to take a ſurvey of the iſland, to learn what it produced, for the ſupport and convenience of life. He obſerves, [133] that various kinds of water and land-fowl, and fiſh, were all its edible productions: and that the reader already knows that there grows no wood, either for firing, or other purpoſes; but this deficiency, in Monſ. Bougainville's opinion, might be tolerably well ſupplied by an excellent kind of turf, which was almoſt every where to be found in great abundance.

On the firſt arrival of our adventurers, it was a ſight not leſs pleaſing than aſtoniſhing, to behold the birds flock round them, with evident curioſity, but without the leaſt ſigns of timidity: theſe harmleſs animals uſed to perch on thoſe who were ſtanding ſtill, and would at all times ſubmit to be taken with the hand: but they very ſoon learnt to be ſhy of the company of thoſe who ſought only their deſtruction.

The colony conſiſted of nineteen men, five women, and three children; and Monſ. Bou⯑gainville having fixed on the ſpot for their re⯑ſidence, they loſt no time in erecting huts, which they covered with ruſhes, to protect them from the inclemency of the weather. They likewiſe built a magazine, and erected a ſmall fort, in the center of which they raiſed an obe⯑liſk, under which they had placed ſeveral pieces of money, and a medal, on one ſide of which was the head of the French king, with the following motto; Tibi ſerviat ultima thule; and on the other ſide of the medal was an in⯑ſcription, [134] of which the following is a tranſla⯑tion.—‘"Settlement of the Iſles Malouines, ſituated in 51 degrees 30 minutes of ſouth latitude, 60 degrees 50 minutes weſt longi⯑tude, from the meridian of Paris, by the Eagle frigate, Captain P. Duclos Guyot, Captain of a fire-ſhip, and the Sphinx ſloop; Captain F. Chenard de la Giraudais, Lieute⯑nant of a frigate, equipped by Louis An⯑toine de Bougainville, Colonel of infantry, Captain of a ſhip, chief of the expedition, G. de Nerville, Captain of infantry, and P. d' Arboulin, poſtmaſter general of France: conſtruction of a fort, and an obeliſk, deco⯑rated with a medallion of his Majeſty Louis XV. after the plans of A. L'Huillier, en⯑gineer and geographer of the field and ar⯑my, ſerving on this expedition; during the adminiſtration of E'. de Choiſeul, Duke of Stainville, in February 1764."’

Monſ. de Bougainville having promiſed the ſettlers, that he would ſoon bring them more companions, and give them farther aſſiſtance, his relation, Monſ. de Nerville, agreed to ſtay till his return from France, as well to be an hoſtage for the performance of de Bougain⯑ville's promiſe, as to encourage the young co⯑loniſts, by participating in every hardſhip and danger to which they might be expoſed, in a ſtation ſo far removed from all communication with the reſt of mankind. In return for Monſ. [135] de Nerville's kind compliance with the wiſh of the ſettlers, he was to be conſidered as their Governor.

On the 8th of April 1764, Monſ. Bougain⯑ville weighed his anchor, and ſailed for Eu⯑rope, having firſt taken poſſeſſion of the iſlands, in the name, and for the uſe of his moſt Chriſ⯑tian Majeſty.

In the month of January 1765, Monſ. Bou⯑gainville again viſited Falkland's Iſlands, where he found the ſettlers in good health, and pleaſed with their ſituation. After he had debarked the ſtores which he had brought for their uſe, he ſailed to the Streights of Magellan, where he took in timber and palliſadoes, and a number of young trees for planting on Falkland's Iſlands; which place he again left on the 27th of April, when the whole number of coloniſts was only twenty-four.

While Monſieur de Bougainville was on the above-mentioned expedition in the Streights of Magellan, he ſaw the ſhips under Commodore Byron's command; the reader will recol⯑lect this circumſtance, in the account of Mr. Byron's Voyage, related in the twenty-firſt page of the preceding volume.

The coloniſts on Falkland's Iſlands were en⯑creaſed to about one hundred and fifty, by a number of freſh ſettlers, which ſailed from France in the Eagle, in the year 1765. This ſhip was accompanied by the Etode ſtore-ſhip, [136] which carried proviſions to the iſland. By this time the Governor, and an officer who took care of the ſtores, had good houſes built of ſtone, and the reſt of the coloniſts were lodged in commodious huts, having walls compoſed of ſods of earth. With the wood which Monſ. Bougainville had brought from the Streights of Magellan, they had built ſeveral ſmall veſſels, adapted to examine the coaſts of the iſland; and three magazines were by this time erected, in which to depoſit the public and private ſtores; ſeveral kinds of grain which had been brought from France grew very well, and pro⯑miſed a ſufficient encreaſe; and ſome train-oil had been made, and ſeals-ſkins turned, by the ſettlers, with which the Eagle was loaded, and returned to France.

In the year 1766, when an Engliſh colony had ſettled at Port Egmont, Captain Macbride, of the Jaſon frigate, viſited the French ſettle⯑ment, and, to uſe Monſ. Bougainville's own words, ‘"pretended that thoſe parts belonged to his Britannic Majeſty, threatened to land by force, if he ſhould be any longer denied that liberty, viſited the Governor, and ſailed away again the ſame day."’

The above, according to Bougainville's ac⯑count, was the ſtate of Falkland's iſlands, when the French ſurrendered them to Spain; and he pretends, that the prior claim of Sp [...]in was con⯑firmed by ſuch ſurrender of thoſe who had made [137] the firſt ſettlement: and perhaps there might be ſome force in this reckoning, if the prior claim of Spain was founded in juſtice, and warranted by the laws which have hitherto di⯑rected the diſcoverers of unknown countries. An Engliſhman, however, will be glad to ſee this argument ſtated in its proper light, by which it will appear, that the right to the poſ⯑ſeſſion of theſe iſlands, is undoubtedly veſted in the Crown of theſe realms.

The plain ſtate of facts, then, is as follows: as early as the voyage under Sir Thomas Ca⯑vendiſh, in the year 1592, Captain Davis had ſight of theſe iſlands: they were ſeen a ſecond time, in 1594, as before-mentioned by Sir Ri⯑chard Hawkins, who gave them the name of Hawkins's Maiden Land: the third perſon who ſaw them was the Dutch voyager Sebald de Waert, who called them Sebald's Iſles, and under this name they are laid down in the Dutch charts. In the year 1683 they were ſeen by Dampier, and, in 1689, by Strong, who gave them their preſent Engliſh name of Falk⯑land Iſlands, which Dr. Halley, the celebrated aſtronomer, adopting, they are now ſo called in all the maps and charts of this country. Dur⯑ing the reign of William and Mary, the Eng⯑liſh privateers often ſaw theſe iſlands, whereas, according to Monſ. Bougainville's own account, the firſt Frenchman who ever ſaw them was Gouin, no longer ago than the year 1700. [138] From this ſtate of the evidence it does not ap⯑pear, that the Spaniards viſited them at all, and that the French were the laſt viſitors; yet would Monſ. Bougainville have his readers be⯑lieve, that the Spaniards have the prior claim to their poſſeſſion, and that this claim has been ratified by the French!—This reaſoning may ſound admirably well in the ears of the ſlaves of two arbitrary monarchs, but will be equally ridiculed and contemned by every ſenſible ſub⯑ject of our happier, becauſe limited, monarchy.

Monſieur Bougainville now proceeds to give an account of the natural hiſtory of, and other particulars reſpecting, Falkland's Iſlands, which, he ſays, are the reſult of the obſervations of his kinſman, Monſ. de Nerville, who reſided at the ſettlement three years. The picture our ingenious voyager gives of the firſt appearance of the iſlands is very ſtriking, and his argu⯑ments for and againſt ſettling them are very concluſive. On their firſt arrival not an object ſtruck their view, except the commodiouſneſs of the port in which the ſhip lay, which could tempt them to take up their reſidence on ſo in⯑hoſpitable a ſhore. The land was in many places broke in upon by the ſea; the mountains, unclothed with wood, had the moſt barren ap⯑pearance; the fields looked dreary for want of houſes and inhabitants; an univerſal ſilence reigned, except when the howling of ſome ſea-monſter diſturbed the ſolemn ſtillneſs; while [139] a dull and gloomy ſameneſs of appearance added horror to the whole picture.

Diſcouraging as this ſcene appeared, our ad⯑venturers knew that all would yield to time and diligence, and that the labour of the induſtri⯑ous would not go unrequited: indeed ſome con⯑ſolation aroſe in their breaſts, on viewing the place in a more favourable light. The climate had that kind of temperature likely to afford health, ſtrength, and long life, and was there⯑fore preferable to the noxious air of thoſe re⯑gions where the ſickening inhabitant faints un⯑der the ſcorching heat of the vertical ſun: the iſland produced a number of plants, admirable in the cure of the ſcurvy, and other diſorders incident to the ſailor's life. The fiſh and the birds were moſt exquiſitely delicious, and there were amphibious animals in immenſe numbers, while there were none of the fierce or the poi⯑ſonous kind. Caſcades and rivulets fell from the mountains, which at the ſame time ſhelter⯑ed the fiſherman from the violence of the winds, ſo that he could ſport or labour in the ſpacious bay, in perfect ſecurity: meadows of an im⯑menſe extent promiſed conſtant paſturage for any number of flocks and herds, which might feed at pleaſure, undiſturbed by any tyrant lord of the ſoil. Theſe various advantages, in the opinion of our adventurers, were ſufficient to recompence them for the dangers and fatigue [140] of the voyage, and a pledge for the full reward of their future labours.

The ſituation of Falkland's Iſlands is between fifty-one and fifty-two degrees and a half of ſouth latitude, and ſixty-five degrees and a half of weſt longitude from Paris. From the en⯑trance of the Streights of Magellan, and from the coaſt of Patagonia, their diſtance is about 250 miles.

The harbours are large, and well defended by ſmall iſlands moſt happily diſpoſed; and even the ſmalleſt veſſels may ride in ſafety in the creeks: while freſh water is eaſily to be obtained, as the ſmall rivers which deſcend from the mountains diſcharge themſelves into the ſea. The tides do not riſe and fall at any ſtated times, but depend on the force with which the wind agitates the waves of the ſea; it was, however, obſerved, that juſt before high water, the ſea riſes and ſubſides, with a quick motion, three times within the ſpace of fifteen minutes; and that at the full of the moon, and during the equinoxes and ſolſtices, this mo⯑tion is much greater than at any other time.

Thoſe winds that blow from between the ſouth and weſt, and the north and weſt points, prevail more than others; but in general the winds vary as in moſt other countries. In ſum⯑mer time the winds uſually blow from ſome point between the north-weſt and ſouth-weſt. It is remarkable, that theſe winds riſe with the [141] riſing ſun, encreaſe in force as the ſun advances to the meridian, blow moſt violently juſt at noon, decreaſe again with the declining ſun, and totally ceaſe about the time of its ſetting. The tides alſo frequently add to the violence of theſe winds, and not unfrequently change their direction.

The blowing of the winds in winter is a cer⯑tain indication of the weather. If they come from the ſouth-eaſt, they are not ſo violent as the ſummer winds from the ſame quarter; but they are accompanied with ſlight fogs. When they blow between the ſouth and weſt points, hoar froſt, hail and ſnow, are the certain con⯑ſequences; and the weather is wet and foggy, when they come from the points between the north and the weſt. The ſnow which comes with the ſouth and weſt winds is but ſmall in quantity, and commonly diſappears from the ground in a day or two, except what lodges on the ſummits of the high mountains, where it will remain about two months. The running ſtreams are never frozen, and the lakes and ſtagnate-pools have ſeldom been covered with ice ſtrong enough to bear the weight of a man two days together. In the ſpring and autumn there are ſlight hoar froſts, which being chang⯑ed to a kind of dew by the warmth of the ſun, are rather nutrimental than prejudicial to the vegetable productions. There is ſeldom any thunder or lightning, nor is the climate hot or [142] cold in any extraordinary degree. Throughout the year the nights are, in general, ſtar-light, ſerene, and fair; and, upon the whole, the climate is very favourable to the conſtitution.

The freſh water of theſe iſlands is extremely good, and in great plenty: the beds of ſome of the rivers are a kind of tuft, which gives a yel⯑lowiſh caſt to the water, yet does not affect its taſte; but the bottom of moſt of the rivers is either ſand or gravel.

The depth of the ſoil in the vallies is more than ſufficient for the purpoſes of plowing; but, before our adventurers could proceed to cultiva⯑tion, they were obliged to extract the roots of plants, which every where interſected and choak⯑ed up the ground for near a foot deep: theſe roots they dried and burnt, and they then made a rich manure for the ground from which they had been cleared. Under the firſt land is a layer of black earth, ten inches or more in depth; under that again a yellow ſoil, beneath which are ſtones and ſlate; but theſe ſtones are not found on the little adjacent iſlands. The ſea-coaſt is, in moſt places, compoſed of ſtones, which are very fit for the purpoſes of building; and there are beds of a hard fine grained ſtone, in ſeveral ſpots on the iſland; likewiſe another kind of ſtones, in which are particles of tale. Our ſettlers found a kind of ſtone which ſplit in pieces eaſily, and with which they made grind-ſtones, to give an edge to their inſtru⯑ments. [143] In the quarries they met with a ſtone of a yellowiſh hue, which, when firſt taken out, was ſo ſoft as to be cut with a knife; but it ſoon grew hard when expoſed to the open air. The iſland likewiſe yeilded earth fit for making bricks and potters-ware, and plenty of ſand and clay.

In many parts of the country there are marſhy places, which produce a ſort of ruſhes with ſharp points, the remains of the roots of which being continually waſting, form the turf that was uſed for firing, which burnt exceeding well, and had nothing offenſive in its ſmell.

A plant of the gramen kind grows on a ſtalk which has a ſweetiſh flavour, and is extremely nutrimental for cattle, who like it better than any other kind of paſturage. This plant flouriſhes on the ſea-coaſts, and on the little iſles, where it bends till the ſtalks unite, forming a kind of harbour, to which the ſea-lions and the ſeals oc⯑caſionally retreat. Our adventurers, in ſeveral excurſions, found theſe natural built houſes, a very agreeable defence againſt the inclemency of the weather, and the more ſo, as the dry leaves which had fallen off formed a bed, by no means to be deſpiſed.

The above mentioned plant is the largeſt that grows on the iſland, which likewiſe pro⯑duces many ſhrubs that were very uſeful in heating ovens, and other purpoſes of firing. A kind of heath, which grows in great plenty, [144] bears a red fruit, which is eaten by the fowls and birds.

A plant was diſcovered which reſembles a ſhrub, but having been taſted, it was thought fit for the brewing of beer: happily our colo⯑niſts were ſupplied with malt and molaſſes, to which they added the beer-plant, and were en⯑abled at all times to brew a very wholeſome kind of ſpruce-beer, which was an admirable ſpecific for the ſcurvy. This plant was likewiſe infuſed in water, in which thoſe who had con⯑tracted any illneſs, while out at ſea, bathed themſelves, and it was found to be a fine reſto⯑rative: when preſſed, it yeilded a mealy ſub⯑ſtance, of a fragrant ſmell, and a glutinous na⯑ture: the leaves of this plant are ſmall, of a clear bright green, and dentated.

Other vegetables in abundance were found, which were uſed as antiſcorbutics; particularly water-creſſes, ſorrel, wild parſley, a kind of maiden-hair, and a ſpecies of celery.

But the moſt extraordinary vegetable pro⯑duction of Falkland's Iſlands, is a kind of re⯑ſinous gum-plant, of which we ſhall ſpeak more particularly, as it is wholly unknown in theſe parts of the globe. Though this is called a plant, it is without leaves, branches, or any apparent ſtalk; and, except in colour, which is that of a bright green, it more reſembles a lump of earth riſing from the common ſurface of the ground. It does not grow to the height of [145] more than eighteen inches, and its breadth in different plants is from two feet to two yards and upwards: the ſmaller plants have the form of an hemiſphere, and their circumference is regular; but when they come to the full ſize, they terminate in irregular bunches and hollows: there are drops of a tough yellow matter, as big as a pea, on different parts of its ſurface, which ſmell like turpentine. Monſ. Bougain⯑ville having cut this plant cloſe to the ground, found that it aroſe from a ſtalk, from which grew an immenſe number of ſhoots, conſiſt⯑ing of leaves reſembling ſtars, laying one within the other. The outſides of theſe ſhoots, which are expoſed to the air, are green, and the inſides white: they contain a viſcid milky juice, which is likewiſe found in the roots and the ſtalk. The roots extending horizontally, fre⯑quently produce freſh ſhoots at a diſtance, ſo that there is no inſtance of one of theſe plants being found alone. The reſin of this plant was found to be a good medicine for the cure of ſlight wounds; but this reſin was often waſhed away by the rains, or waſted by the in⯑fluence of the air; yet, however contradictory it may appear, it would not diſſolve except in ſpirits: ſome of the ſeeds were brought to Eu⯑rope, in order to attempt the cultivation of ſo ſingular a curioſity in the vegetable world.

The iſland on which our coloniſts had taken up their reſidence is divided from eaſt to weſt [146] by a chain of hills, to the ſouth of which they found another plant, not unlike the reſinous gum-plant, which, however, did not yield any reſin, but produced beautiful yellow flowers; neither was it of ſo firm a texture, nor was its green of the ſame ſhade; yet, in other reſpects, the reſemblance was very ſtrong. On the hills was found a ſpecies of Maiden-hair, which grew to a great height, and the leaves of it were ſhaped like the blade of a ſword. The hills like⯑wiſe abounded with various kinds of plants, which had the appearance of holding a middle ſta⯑tion between ſtones and vegetables. It was ap⯑prehended, that theſe might have been ſucceſs⯑fully uſed in dying, and our coloniſts propoſed to have made the experiment if they had re⯑mained longer on the iſland.

The place produces flowers in a conſiderable variety, but only one of them has any ſmell, which is like that of a tuberoſe; this flower is perfectly white. A true violet was ſeen, which was of a regular light yellow colour.

A fruit was found, of the ſize of a pea, which received the name of the lucet, from its reſemblance to the North American fruit of that name: its colour is white, but the ſide which is expoſed to the ſun changes to a red: it has the ſmell of orange-bloſſoms, and a very agreeable flavour: its branches, which creep along the ground, produce leaves of dark green, which are round and ſhining, and theſe [147] leaves infuſed into milk give it a delicious taſte: the flowers grow in large numbers on the bor⯑ders of lakes, and the plant delights in a moiſt ſoil. Beſides the lucet only one other fruit was found, which grows on long branches, in the ſame manner as the ſtrawberry, but it has the appearance of a mulberry, which name it re⯑ceived, and its leaves are like thoſe of the hornbeam.

Our coloniſts found but few ſea-plants which they could apply to any uſe; but all the coaſt of the harbour was lined with ſea-weeds, which were ſerviceable in breaking the force of the waves in ſtormy weather. Many kinds of co⯑ralines, of various beautiful colours, and a great number of curious ſhells and ſpunges were waſhed on ſhore by the force of the tides. Among the ſhells were the ſmooth and ſtriated muſcle, ſcallops, whelks, and a bivalve ſhell, of a very ſingular kind, named la Poulette.

Sea lions and ſeals are the only amphibious animals found in theſe parts; but there are great varieties of fiſh on the coaſts, ſcarce any of which are known in Europe. It ſometimes happens that the whales, getting too near the ſhore, are ſtranded in the bays, where their re⯑mains have been ſeen. Bones of great mag⯑nitude have been found far up the country, where the force of the waters could not have conveyed them, which Monſ. Bougainville [148] deems a proof that the ſoil is encreaſed, or the ſea diminiſhed.

The only quadruped found on Falkland's iſland is of a ſpecies between the fox and the wolf, and our author therefore calls him the wolf-fox: the tail of this animal is more buſhy than that of the wolf, and he lives in a kennel which he digs in the ground, on the downs by the ſea-ſide. At one time of the year the wolf-fox is ſo lean as to appear almoſt ſtarved, from whence it is imagined that he faſts for a conſide⯑rable time: he is about as large as a ſheep-dog, and barks very much like one, only that his yelp is not ſo loud. He ſubſiſts principally on wild fowl, in ſearch of which he travels in ſuch a direct line from one day to another, that when our adventurers firſt beheld his track, they ima⯑gined that the iſland was inhabited, and that the natives had made the path. Monſ. Bougain⯑ville makes it a matter of wonder how the wolf-fox can have been conveyed to theſe iſlands, without conſidering, that land-animals having got on large pieces of ice, which being broken by the ſea, they have frequently been conveyed to places very remote from thoſe of their firſt reſidence. The circumſtance of ice ſo broken from the ſhore is not uncommon on the coaſt of Greenland.

Theſe iſlands and their coaſts produce land and water-fowls in incredible numbers, many of which are the prey of falcons, hawks, ea⯑gles [149] and owls; while the eggs and the young birds are deſtroyed by the wolf-fox.—The ſmal⯑ler fiſh are deſtroyed by the whales, the am⯑phibious animals, and the voracious birds, ſome of which are conſtantly flying cloſe over the ſurface of the waters, while others perch themſelves on the rocks to watch the event.

Monſ. Bougainville now proceeds to a de⯑ſcription of ſuch birds as were found on the iſlands, which could be applied to any kind of uſe, omitting thoſe that could not be rendered ſerviceable to the coloniſts.

The ſwan is perfectly white, except its feet and its neck, the former of which are of a fleſh-colour, and the latter as black as jet.

Of wild geeſe there are four kinds, only one of which feeds on dry ground. It has very high legs, and a neck of great length: its flight is much more free than that of the Engliſh gooſe; it walks with equal eaſe, and does not cackle like the common gooſe. The feathers of the male are white except on the wings, which have a mixture of aſh-colour and black: the wings of the female are of various colours; and its body is yellow. It ſeldom lays more than ſix eggs. The flavour of theſe birds is agreeable, and they were found to be very nu⯑tritious: excluſive of thoſe which are hatched on the iſland, large flocks fly thither with a weſterly wind which blows in the autumn, ſo that they were generally to be taken in great [150] abundance, and formed a principal part of the ſubſiſtence of the ſettlers. Thoſe which came in the autumn were eaſily known from thoſe reſident on the iſland, by their not being ſhy.

The other three kinds are of various colours; yellow, white, black, and aſh-colour; they are not by far ſo beautiful as thoſe above de⯑ſcribed: and as they live entirely on fiſh, their fleſh acquires a diſagreeable taſte; one of theſe three ſpecies ſeldom riſes from the ſurface of the water, and is almoſt conſtantly making a very diſagreeable noiſe. A ſoft thick down, either grey or white, grows under the feathers of all theſe geeſe, as it does likewiſe under thoſe of the ſwan.

The rivers and ponds of Falkland's iſlands abound in teals of two ſpecies, and two of wild ducks: of the latter ſome are perfectly white, and others totally black, but in other reſpects they reſemble thoſe of England and France. Theſe birds are all exquiſite fine food, and to be procured in any numbers. One kind of the teal is very ſmall; but the other is as large as the duck, and its bill is blue. The bellies of ſome of them are alſo covered with feathers of a fleſh-colour.

The iſland produces a bird which Monſ. Bougainville calls the Diver, but, from the deſcription he gives of it, it is conjectured to be the Grebe, which abounds on the lake of Geneva, and of the ſkin of which the moſt [151] elegant muffs and tippets are made. Of theſe Divers there are two kinds, of which the moſt plentiful has brown feathers, with no other variation than that the feathers on the belly are of a ſomewhat lighter colour than thoſe on the back. The belly of the other kind is white, and the back grey; and the feathers on the belly are very thick, ſhining and ſoft. The eyes of theſe birds are as bright as rubies, and are encircled with a ring of white feathers. The female hatches only two young birds at a time, which ſhe carries on her back, not ſub⯑jecting them to the coldneſs of the water, till feathers have taken place of the down with which they are hatched. The toes of this bird are thin, and of a green colour, and being round towards the claw, they are not unlike the leaves of ſome plants: their feet are not webbed, as is common among water-fowl, but their toes are ſeparate, having a ſtrong mem⯑brane on each ſide.

The coloniſts gave the name of Saw-bills to two kinds of birds which bore a great ſimilitude to each other, the chief difference conſiſting in their ſize, and in the bellies of moſt of them being white, while a few were obſerved to have brown feathers on the belly: the feathers on the reſt of the body are of a dark blue, as ſoft as ſilk, and grow very cloſe together. Their feet are webbed and fleſh coloured, and their bills pointed: they lay their eggs on the rocks, [152] where great numbers of them live together; and they ſubſiſt on fiſh, thouſands of which they deſtroy. Our ſettlers not only ate the eggs of theſe birds, but frequently killed many ſcores of them at a time, and their fleſh was found to be excellent food. They had ſo little apprehenſion of being catched, that it was an eaſy matter to knock them down with a ſtick, and in this manner they were uſually taken. A bird called by the Spaniards Quebrantahu⯑eſſos, which meaſures more than two yards from the extremity of its wings, deſtroys the ſaw-bills. This bird of prey has a long bill, with two hollow tubes of the ſame kind of ſubſtance as the bill, and its feet are webbed: ſome of the ſeamen called this bird the Albatroſs, but it differs conſiderably from the common bird of that name, nor is it an eaſy matter to deter⯑mine preciſely on its ſpecies, from the imper⯑fect account which Monſ. Bougainville has given of it.

Gulls, mews, and terns, of different beau⯑tiful plumage, ſerved to direct our coloniſts what was the proper time for taking of pil⯑chards. Theſe birds, flying in large flocks over the ſurface of the water, dart on the pilchard and ſwallow it; preſently they catch another of theſe fiſh, and then they diſgorge the one which had been previouſly ſwallowed, and ſo on. When the pilchards are not in ſeaſon, they feed on various other ſorts of ſmall fiſh. The eggs [153] of theſe birds were found in great abundance upon the leaves of a plant, on the borders of the marſhes, and they proved to be very good eating.

Three kinds of penguins breed on the iſland, one of theſe is a remarkably grand and elegant bird, the belly of which is a clear white, the back a kind of blue, and it has a ruff round its neck near the head, of a bright yellow, which deſcending towards the belly, ſeparates the white feathers from the blue ones; theſe birds do not live together in numbers, but ſeek the moſt quiet and retired places of abode. One of them being caught, with an intention of being brought to France, ſoon grew ſo tame, that it followed the perſon who fed it; its food was bread, fiſh and fleſh; but there was ſome⯑thing more wanting for its ſuſtenance, for it gradually loſt its fatneſs till it died. The ſe⯑cond kind of penguin anſwers to the deſcrip⯑tion of that bird in Anſon's voyage^*. The third kind of penguins lay their eggs among the high cliffs of the rocks, where they reſide together in immenſe numbers, never ſeeking that ſolitude of which the firſt kind are ſo fond. They are much ſmaller than the others, and were named hopping penguins, from their method of moving, which is very much like [154] hopping; they have gold-coloured feathers, which form a kind of eye-brows, and a tuft of the ſame colour, which they raiſe when they are diſpleaſed. This bird has a very chearful look, and its general colour is a deep yellow.

At different times, but not frequently, three kinds of petrels were ſeen by our adventurers. Theſe birds build their neſts on the ſea-coaſts, where their young were ſometimes found, co⯑vered with down. One ſort of them is quite white, their bills red, and not unlike a pigeon a ſecond ſort is larger, and the third ſmaller than the pigeon; and theſe two ſorts have white feathers on the belly, while every other part of the body is black.

Eagles were alſo ſeen of three different ſpe⯑cies, two of which are black, with white and yellow feet, and the other is of a dull white: all theſe ſubſiſt on ſnipes, and other ſmall birds, which they ſeize every opportunity to deſtroy.

Egrets, a ſpecies of the heron, were fre⯑quently ſeen on the iſland: they make a diſa⯑greeable noiſe, not much unlike the barking of a little dog; and they never take any food till towards the evening.

Two kinds of the thruſh came regularly to the iſland in the autumnal months, one of which was of the ſame colour as the Euro⯑pean thruſh; and the other yellow, except on the belly, which was ſpotted with black. There was a third kind of thruſh, which lived [155] on the iſland throughout the year, the feathers on the belly of which are of a bright red: this was called the Red-bird, and though Monſ. Bougainville ranks it among the thruſhes, it is probably no other than the red-breaſt of A⯑merica.

A bird which they called the Sea-pie, was conſtantly ſeen on the coaſts, the feet of which were white, the bill red, and the feathers black and white. This bird whiſtles a kind of note, which the coloniſts found it eaſy to imitate, and by that means they came near enough to catch them without much trouble: they ſubſiſt on ſhrimps, which they pick up after the ebb⯑ing of the tide.—Such is Monſ. Bougainville's deſcription of the ſea-pie; but if it be the true bird of that kind, oyſters form a part of its ſubſiſtence; for when the tide is out, theſe fiſh are left on the ſand, and the ſea-pie, forcing open the ſhell with his bill, ſwallows the oyſter; whence he is alſo called oyſter-catcher.

Great numbers of curlews, the ſame as thoſe of Europe, were conſtantly ſeen in the ſum⯑mer; and ſnipes of the European kind were found in abundance. It is eaſy to ſhoot theſe birds, as they fly in a regular manner. At the time when they are breeding, they aſcend to a great height, and having ſung ſome time in the air, they drop at once into their neſts, which are built on the ground, in the open field, where it is moſt free from graſs or other her⯑bage, [156] ſo that theſe neſts are very eaſily found: the ſnipes are excellent food if dreſſed towards the decline of the year; but in the breeding ſeaſon they are lean, and not ſo fit to eat.

The amphibious animals of Falkland's iſlands are ſeals and ſea-lions, which having been be⯑fore-mentioned, and being deſcribed in many books of voyages, we ſhall only add, that they frequently travel in very numerous companies three or four miles up the country, to feaſt on the herbs, and repoſe themſelves in the warmth of the ſun.

Of the fiſh which were found on the coaſts of Falkland's iſlands, one that was taken in the greateſt plenty was called the Mullet, from the likeneſs it bears to the European fiſh of that name: the coloniſts dried many of theſe, which were full a yard in length: the ſeals prey on theſe fiſh whenever they can catch them; but, by a natural inſtinct, they are taught to avoid theſe voracious enemies, by ſheltering them⯑ſelves in holes, among ſlimy ground, on the banks of the rivers, and in theſe places they were frequently taken. A fiſh called the gra⯑deau, about twelve inches in length, was found in great abundance; and another, named the ſardine, was found only at the commencement of the winter ſeaſon. Some white porpoiſes were taken in the bays, when the weather was fair, and ſome eels in thoſe cavities of the rocks which were filled with water. A freſh [157] water fiſh was found, about the ſize of a trout, without ſcales, the colour of which was green. Many ſmaller fiſh were catched with the hook and line, among them was one ſpe⯑cies, the head of which reſembled that of a pike, and it had no ſcales: a few ſoals were found; and Monſ. Bougainville is of opinion, that a greater number of thoſe, and many other differ⯑ent kinds of fiſh, might have been procured, if there had been hands ſufficient to have con⯑ſtantly ſpared a proper number to attend the ſea-fiſhery. The ſhell-fiſh found at this place were muſcles, a very ſmall kind of ſhrimp, a crab, the feet of which were blue, and a kind of cray-fiſh, or prawn, the colour of which was naturally red, without boiling: but our au⯑thor ſays, theſe were only taken through curio⯑ſity, as their taſte was much inferior to thoſe European fiſh which are nearly of the ſame ſpecies.

The above is a faithful detail of the natural hiſtory of Falkland's iſlands, as far as it could be learnt by the French ſettlers, during a reſi⯑dence of three years; if they had continued longer in the country, there is no doubt but that their diſcoveries would have been greater, and their account more accurate: from ſuch as it is, however, it will probably be thought, by the Engliſh reader, that theſe iſlands are by no means ſo barren and inhoſpitable a ſpot, as our miniſterial writers took the pains to repreſent [158] them, as ſoon as it was known, that our people in power had formed the diſgraceful reſolution of permitting the prior claim of England to this extenſive country, to yeild to the imperious de⯑mand of the haughty Spaniards.

It muſt, indeed, appear evident to the un⯑prejudiced view of the intelligent reader, that theſe iſlands might, in the courſe of a few years, be made a very valuable poſſeſſion: as they abound in fowl and fiſh of various uſeful kinds, while their amphibious animals, the ſea-lions and ſeals, would yeild a quantity of greaſe and train-oil, which might make no inconſide⯑rable articles of commerce; and what aſtoniſh⯑ing crops of wheat, barley, and every kind of European grain might not be raiſed on a tract of land that is many hundred miles in extent! It is true the iſlands do not naturally produce any trees; but it would be eaſy to carry thither the ſeeds of ſome, and young trees of other kinds; and there is no doubt, but that they would flouriſh in a country ſituated, with regard to the ſouth pole, nearly as Ireland is with re⯑gard to the north.

As true Engliſhmen, we cannot help expreſ⯑ſing a wiſh that the day may yet arrive, when ſome Stateſman of ſenſe and ſpirit may re-urge and inſiſt on the right of Great Britain, to the poſſeſſion of Falkland's iſlands. The reader will excuſe this digreſſion, and prepare to at⯑tend [159] Monſ. Bougainville in the courſe of his voyage.

After waiting at theſe iſlands till the 2d of June 1767, in expectation of the Etoile ſtore-ſhip, and finding that ſhe did not arrive, Monſ. Bougainville conſidered, that as his veſſel would hold no more than ſix months proviſions, and that he had only two on board, it would be an act of raſhneſs to attempt the croſſing the great pacific ocean alone; he therefore reſolved to ſteer to Rio Janeiro, at which place he had ap⯑pointed the Etoile to join him, in caſe any un⯑foreſeen accident ſhould prevent her reaching Falkland's iſlands before he left the harbour of that place.

They had fine weather from the 2d till the 20th of June, on which day they had ſight of the mountains on the main land of Braſil; and they ſaw the entrance of Rio Janeiro on the day following. A number of fiſhing-boats be⯑ing obſerved near the ſhore, Monſ. Bougain⯑ville hoiſted Portugueſe colours, and ordered a cannon to be fired; on which a boat put off to the ſhip, and a pilot was engaged to conduct her into the road.

The coaſt of this country is broken by a number of ſmall hills, which ſerve to give an agreeable variety to the proſpect. The country is rather mountainous, and well cloth⯑ed with woods.

[160]The ſhip having arrived off the Port of San⯑ta Cruz, a Portugueſe officer was ſent to en⯑quire the reaſon of her ſailing into it; on which Monſ. Bougainville ſent one of his officers to acquaint the Viceroy of the Braſils, with the motives for his touching there, and to enquire whether if he ſhould ſalute the fort, the com⯑pliment would be returned.

The anſwer which the French officer receiv⯑ed from Count d'Acunha, marks that ſingular haughtineſs and arrogance, for which ſome of the Portugueſe Governors are not a little fa⯑mous:—the Count ſaid, that when a perſon bowed to another whom he might caſually meet in the ſtreet, he was not previouſly certain that his compliment would be returned, and that if Monſ. Bougainville ſhould fire his guns by way of ſalute, he (the Viceroy) had then to conſider what was proper to be done. As this anſwer was by no means ſatisfactory to Monſ. Bougainville, he, with that ſpirit of pride becoming a gentleman and an officer, diſdained to fire a ſingle gun.

About the ſame time a canoe was diſpatched from the Captain of the Etoile, to inform Monſ. Bougainville of the ſafe arrival of that veſſel, which now lay in the port. The Com⯑mander, Monſ. de la Giraudais, ſent word, that inſtead of leaving France in the month of De⯑cember, various accidents had combined to de⯑tain him two months beyond that time: that [161] when he had been three months at ſea, his rigging was ſo greatly damaged, and his veſſel admitted ſo much water, that he was obliged to make the harbour of Montevideo, whence he ſailed for his preſent ſtation, and had come to an anchor but a few days before Monſ. Bougainville's arrival.

The Etoile had at this time ſalt proviſions ſufficient to ſupply both the veſſels for almoſt a year and a half; but as her ſtock of bread and legumes was inſufficient for the conſumption of more than ſeven weeks, Monſ. Bougainville re⯑ſolved on ſailing to Rio de la Plata, to take in a ſtock of thoſe articles, as neither flour, wheat, nor biſcuit could be purchaſed at Rio Janeiro.

On the 22d of June 1767, Monſ. Bougain⯑ville and his officers paid a viſit to the Viceroy of the Braſils, which was returned three days afterwards on board the Boudeuſe; when the Viceroy gave permiſſion for the purchaſe of a ſloop, which our adventurers imagined might be very ſerviceable during the long voyage they propoſed to make. The Chaplain of the Etoile having been murdered, ſome days before the arrival of the Boudeuſe, under the windows of the Viceroy's palace, that gentleman pro⯑miſed that he would endeavour to find out, and ſeverely puniſh, the perpetrators of the horrid deed; but Monſ. Bougainville complains much of his remiſſneſs in the execution of this neceſ⯑ſary piece of juſtice.

[162]The Viceroy, contrary to his uſual cuſtom, continued to behave with politeneſs to the French officers, for ſeveral days after this viſit; and acquainted them, that he propoſed to honour them with an elegant collation in bowers of orange-trees and jaſmine, on the banks of the river; and he actually gave orders, that a box at the opera ſhould be aſſigned for their recep⯑tion. Here, ſays our author, a band of mula⯑toes performed the beſt pieces of metaſtaſio, while the compoſitions of the greateſt geniuſes Italy ever produced, were ‘"executed by an Orcheſtra, which was under the direction of a hump-backed Prieſt, in his canonicals."’

We cannot avoid making a remark on the il⯑liberal and ungentleman-like manner in which Monſieur Bougainville recites this part of his narrative; for it would be in a high degree ri⯑diculous to ſuppoſe that the Prieſt, becauſe he had the misfortune to be crooked, ſhould be, by that circumſtance, the leſs qualified to conduct a band; nor can we ſee, if the works repreſented were, as our author calls them, di⯑vine, the great impropriety of their being under the direction of a Prieſt, nor of that Prieſt's being dreſſed in the habit of his order. The French are ambitious of being accounted the beſt bred people in the world; they claim a kind of excluſive right to politeneſs; but they are only the ſmugglers and monopolizers of that commodity, to the injury of the fair [163] traders, the Engliſh, the Scots, the Hibernians, whoſe open ſincerity, and manly freedom of behaviour, gives the lie to the French aſſump⯑tion of a ſuperior gentility. It is evident, from many inſtances in Monſ. Bougainville's voyage, that a Frenchman can, when he pleaſes, be guilty of a ſavage illiberality of conduct, that would diſgrace the untutored boor of the wilds of Siberia, or the ſtill more uncultivated ſavage of the uncivilized parts of America.

At this time there lay in the harbour of Rio de Janeiro, a French ſhip, called the Morning Star, and a Spaniſh man of war, named the Di⯑ligent; and, while the Viceroy behaved with all imaginable politeneſs to the Frenchman, he had artfully protracted the ſtay of the Spaniard no leſs than eight months, during all which time her Commander had not been able to pro⯑cure the articles neceſſary for the repair of his veſſel, and without which ſhe could not proceed on her voyage. In this dilemma, Don Fran⯑ceſco de Medina, Captain of the Diligent, ap⯑plied to Monſ. Bougainville, for the aſſiſtance of his carpenters and caulkers, who were im⯑mediately ſent, both from the Boudeuſe and the Etoile.

The complaiſance with which the Viceroy treated the gentlemen on board the French veſſels, ſurpriſed the Spaniards, who told them, that they muſt not long expect ſo great a ſhare of his favour; and they had ſoon reaſon to be [164] convinced, that the prediction was founded in truth; for though the Viceroy had permitted Monſ. Bougainville to purchaſe a ſloop, and he had actually agreed for one, his Excellency thought proper to forbid the delivery of it; and notwithſtanding they had contracted with this tyrannical Viceroy for the purchaſe of ſome timber from the royal Dock-yards, he af⯑terwards changed his mind, and would not let them have it. He even went ſo far as to refuſe Monſ. Bougainville, and the gentlemen on board his ſhips, permiſſion to lodge in a houſe near the town, while the Boudeuſe was repairing, notwithſtanding the owner of the houſe had conſented to accommodate the French officers.

Monſ. Bougainville, piqued at theſe repeated inſtances of the Viceroy's want of good man⯑ners, and his total inattention to the common rights of humanity, determined to pay him a viſit, to remonſtrate with him on the glaring impropriety of his conduct: taking with him therefore two of his officers, he repaired to the houſe of the Viceroy, who was agitated with the moſt furious paſſion the moment Monſ. Bougainville began to ſpeak, and commanded him to leave the houſe; this, however, he re⯑fuſed to do, but kept his ſeat for ſome time, even after the Viceroy had called his guards, who, with more prudence than their maſter had ſhewn, neglected to obey his ſummons, and the French gentlemen left the houſe, without ſeem⯑ing [165] to have cauſed any diſturbance. Not long after their departure, an additional number of guards were placed round the palace, and or⯑ders were iſſued, that if any Frenchman ſhould be ſeen in the ſtreets after the ſun was down, he ſhould be taken into cuſtody. The Viceroy likewiſe commanded the Captain of the French ſhip named the Morning Star, to quit his pre⯑ſent ſituation, and anchor his veſſel under the fort of Villagahon, which order was complied with on the following day.

One of the Portugueſe officers was exiled, and another impriſoned, becauſe they had be⯑haved with civility to Monſ. Bougainville; and it was eaſy to foreſee, that ſuch of the inhabi⯑tants of the place as traded with the French, would experience the conſequences of the Vice⯑roy's indignation; every preparation was there⯑fore made to quit a place, which the tyranny of the count de Acunha had rendered ſo diſagree⯑able. The Captain of the Spaniſh man of war ſupplied Monſ. Bougainville with timber proper for the repair of his ſhip, and an inha⯑bitant of Rio Janeiro privately ſold him a num⯑ber of planks, which he was in great want of; and, indeed, the inhabitants in general behav⯑ed with a kindneſs and civility, which fully proved the ſenſe they entertained of the impro⯑priety of the Viceroy's conduct.

Monſ. Bougainville now proceeds to give an account of the riches of Rio Janeiro, and the [166] amount of the revenues ariſing to the King of Portugal, from the mines of Braſil; theſe mines we have already given ſome account of in the former part of this work, but as Monſ. Bougainville's account is very intereſting, and contains many particulars there unnoticed, we make no doubt but the reader will approve our tracing him with the pen of accuracy and fidelity.

The mines which lie neareſt to the city of Rio Janeiro are not leſs diſtant than two hun⯑dred and twenty miles, and are called the General mines. His moſt faithful majeſty, having a fifth part of the produce of theſe mines, ſel⯑dom receives leſs than one hundred and twelve arobas of gold from their annual produce, and ſometimes conſiderably more.

There are mines at Sero-frio, Sabara, and Rio des Mortes, which are under the juriſdiction of the managers of the general mines. Near Sero-frio is a river, the ſtream of which being turn⯑ed out of its uſual channel, diamonds, topazes, chryſolites, and other valuable ſtones, are found among the pebbles in the bed of the river; nor are any diamonds brought from the Braſils but what are found in this particular ſpot.

The ſtones thus found are deemed the pro⯑perty of the owners of the mines; but the King of Portugal has appointed a ſurveyor, to whom they muſt give in an account of what diamonds are found with the utmoſt exactneſs. Theſe the ſurveyor puts into a caſket which has three [167] locks, and is encloſed in iron plates; the Vice⯑roy keeping one of the keys, the Provador de Hazienda Reale the ſecond, and the ſurveyor the third. This caſket, and the keys with which it is locked, are then encloſed in a ſecond caſket, on which theſe three gentlemen affix their ſeals; and this again is placed in a third, on which the Viceroy puts his ſeal, and thus ſhips the treaſure for Portugal, where the coffers are opened in the preſence of his moſt faithful majeſty, who having ſelected ſuch of the dia⯑monds as he pleaſes, the owners of the mines are paid for them, at a rate ſtipulated by a pre⯑vious agreement.

The number of ſlaves employed in ſearching for diamonds is about eight hundred, and for every day's labour of each of theſe ſlaves the King of Portugal receives a Spaniſh dollar from the proprietors of the mines.

It is extremely dangerous for any perſon to ſecrete a diamond; yet the practice is very common, as the ſmuggled goods can be ſo eaſily hidden. When a perſon is detected in this il⯑licit trade, if he is rich he is ſentenced to de⯑liver up the diamonds, pay twice their value, ſuffer one year's impriſonment, and then be baniſhed to the coaſt of Africa for life: but if the offender be poor, he is generally doomed to ſuffer capitally.

In every diſtrict of the Braſils where gold is found, a houſe is erected, to which it muſt be [168] carried, and the King's ſhare paid, the reſt is ſent to Rio Janeiro, where it is melted into wedges, and in that ſtate returned to the owners: theſe wedges being numbered, and ſtamped with the King's arms, the weight is marked on each wedge: the gold is likewiſe aſſayed, and the alloy ſtamped on it, for the greater expedition when it comes to be coined.

About ninety miles from Rio Janeiro is a place called Praybuna, where there is an office for the regiſtering the ingots which are the pro⯑perty of private people; and as all perſons coming from the mines muſt neceſſarily paſs this place, two military officers are ſtationed here, who have fifty men under their command, whoſe buſineſs it is ſtrictly to examine, that no illicit trade is carried on; ſo that every one who paſſes is obliged to ſubmit to the ſtricteſt ſearch. At this place, excluſive of the tax to the King, men and beaſts of burden are taxed with a far⯑ther toll of a real and a half each, the half of which becomes the property of the officers and ſoldiers, and the other half goes to his Portu⯑gueſe Majeſty.

The ingots of gold which belong to private people having been regiſtered at Praybuna, are then carried to Rio Janeiro, where the pro⯑prietors are paid their value in demi-doubloons▪ which are worth about thirty ſhillings each o [...] Engliſh money; but there is a profit to the King for alloy, and for coining theſe demi-dou⯑bloons, [169] of about four ſhillings and ſix-pence on each. The mint at Rio Janeiro is a moſt noble building, admirably adapted for the purpoſe of coining money, which is performed with the moſt aſtoniſhing expedition; and this, indeed, is rendered neceſſary, becauſe two Portugueſe fleets uſually arrive nearly at the ſame time that the gold is brought from the mines.

The fleet which arrives from Porto brings coarſe cloth, ſeveral articles of food, with bran⯑dy, wines, and vinegar; and this, with the fleet which comes from Liſbon, occaſions Rio Janeiro to be a place of very conſiderable trade; the effects on being landed, are charged with a duty of ten per cent. to his Portugueſe Majeſty.

Soon after the earthquake at Liſbon, in the year 1755, an impoſt of two and a half per cent. under the denomination of a free gift to the King, was laid on all goods landed at Rio Janeiro, ſo that the whole duty paid is no leſs than twelve and a half per cent. The latter duty is inſtantly paid on the goods being brought on ſhore, but the officers of the cuſtom-houſe will take ſecurity for the payment of the for⯑mer at the expiration of half a year.

There are two diſtricts, named Pratacon and Quiaba, the mines of which produce diamonds; but no perſon is permitted to ſeek for them, that the market may not be overſtocked; for it [170] is evident that, to make diamonds plentiful, would be to render them of little value.

His Portugueſe Majeſty is at an expence of about one hundred and forty-five thouſand pounds ſterling, annually, for repairing of the ſhips and public buildings, working the mines, and paying all his ſervants, civil and military.

The following account will ſhew what value, in ſterling money, ariſes annually to his moſt faithful Majeſty, from the royal revenues of Rio de Janeiro.

	DOLLARS.
The King's fifths are generally, one year with another, about one hundred and fifty arobas of gold, which make, in Spaniſh dollars,	1,125,000
The duty on diamonds amounts to	240,000
The profit ariſing from the coinage of money is	400,000
The duty of ten per cent. paid at the cuſtom houſe is	350,000
The free gift of two and a half per cent. amounts to about	87,000
Various produces of the mines, with the poll tax, and monies ariſing from the ſale of offices and employments,	225,000
[171]	DOLLARS.
A duty laid on negro ſlaves, pro⯑duces	110,000
A tenth on all the food of the country, and the taxes on ſoap, ſalt and train-oil, bring in a re⯑venue of	130,000
Total value in dollars	2,667,000

Hence it will appear, that the revenues ariſ⯑ing to the King of Portugal from Rio Janeiro are ſomething more, annually, than four hun⯑dred and fifty thouſand pounds ſterling, reck⯑oning the dollars at four ſhillings and ſix-pence each.

Monſ. Bougainville now proceeds to give an account of his leaving Rio Janeiro, and his ſe⯑cond voyage to Montevideo; of which we ſhall carefully ſelect as many particulars as may af⯑ford either inſtruction or entertainment to the reader.

On the 14th of July 1767, the anchors of the Boudeuſe and Etoile were weighed; but as the wind abated ſoon afterwards, they were obliged again to bring to, before they could get out of the harbour. They ſailed, however, on the following day; and in the night of the 19th, the main-top-ſail of the Boudeuſe was carried away by the violence of the wind.

[172]On board of Monſ. Bougainville's ſhip was a profeſſor of aſtronomy, who had made the ex⯑pedition with a view of diſcovering the longi⯑tude at ſea; and as an eclipſe of the ſun was to happen on the 25th of the month, great hopes were formed, that an opportunity would thereby be obtained of making the wiſhed-for diſcovery: but it happened, that theſe ſanguine hopes were all fruſtrated, by the intervention of clouds, which obſcured the face of the ſun almoſt during the whole time of the eclipſe.

On the morning of the 28th our adventurers had ſight of the Caſtilles, at the diſtance of ſomething more than thirty miles. They ſaw the entrance of a bay, which Monſ. Bougain⯑ville conjectures to be the ſame on the banks of which the Spaniards have erected a fort. The veſſels ſailed into the Rio de la Plata, and were within fight of the Maldonados on the 29th; early in the morning of the 31ſt, they had a view of the Iſle of Lobos, and before night came to an anchor in the Bay of Montevideo.

The ſhips were no ſooner anchored, than the Governor ſent a gentleman on board Monſ. Bougainville's veſſel, who acquainted him, that moſt of the Jeſuits in thoſe parts had been late⯑ly ſeized, and their eſtates confiſcated, in con⯑ſequence of an order received from the Court of Spain: that theſe devoted victims of ſupe⯑rior power had ſcarcely made the leaſt reſiſt⯑ance; that they bore their misfortunes with a [173] degree of patience and calm ſubmiſſion that did them honour; and that no leſs than forty of them had been taken away in the veſſel which brought the orders for their diſgrace.

As it was neceſſary that Monſ. Bougainville ſhould remain in his preſent ſtation till the equi⯑nox was paſſed, his firſt care was to build an hoſpital for the ſick, and to take lodgings at Montevideo. This being done, he repaired to Buenos Ayres, in order to haſten the proviſion of ſuch neceſſaries as he wanted, for which he was to pay the ſame price as the King of Spain uſually gave for the ſame commodities.

Monſ. Bougainville was alſo deſirous of con⯑verſing with the Governor-general Don Franciſco Buccarelli, on the behaviour of the Governor of Rio Janeiro; and he ſoon learnt, that Don Buc⯑carelli, inſtead of making repriſals on the Viceroy of the Braſils, which he could have done, very much to the prejudice of Portugal, had, more prudently, only ſent a narrative of his pro⯑ceedings to the Court of Spain.

Don Buccarelli was ſo obligingly ready to ſupply Monſ. Bougainville with ſuch articles as he ſtood in need of, that in leſs than three weeks two ſmall veſſels ſailed for Montevideo, with ladings of flour and biſcuit for the uſe of the French ſhips. Monſ. Bougainville alſo ſail⯑ed to Montevideo, leaving an inferior officer at Buenos Ayres, to ſee the remainder of their proviſions ſhipped.

[174]They now expected to ſail in a ſhort time, when an accident happened that detained them ſome weeks beyond the intended period. A Spaniſh regiſter-ſhip being at anchor, a violent hurricane aroſe in the night, and driving her againſt the Etoile, carried away part of the head of that veſſel, and broke her bowſprit on a level with the deck.

The leaks of the Etoile being encreaſed by this accident, it was abſolutely neceſſary that ſhe ſhould undergo a thorough repair; but as there was not timber enough at Montevideo for this purpoſe, Monſ. Bougainville obtained Don Buccarelli's permiſſion, that ſhe might ſail up the river, to the Encenada de Baragan, which is a little bay formed by its mouth; and in this bay, by the 21ſt of October, ſhe was put in a condition proper for ſailing, and be⯑gan to take in the neceſſary proviſions.

In the road of Encenada Monſ. Bougainville found a frigate and ſeveral merchant-ſhips which were bound for Europe, and two Spaniſh veſſels, which having taken in a ſtore of ammu⯑nition and proviſions, were bound to Falkland's iſlands; and from thence to the South Seas, to take on board the Jeſuits of Peru and Chili. Two Xebecks likewiſe lay here, one of which was loaded with preſents from his moſt Catholic Majeſty, to the inhabitants of Terra del Fue⯑go, in grateful teſtimony of his ſenſe of their generous conduct towards the crew of the ſhip [175] Conception, which was wrecked on their coaſts about two years before.

The inhabitants of the country on the banks of the Encenada de Baragan live in poor mean huts, which are conſtructed with ruſhes, having a covering of leather. Theſe are built in a very irregular manner, on a miſerably barren ſoil, and the country around them is ſo poor, that the people find it very difficult to procure the neceſſaries of life.

From the road of Encenada de Baragan five ſhips ſailed for Spain, having on board moſt of the French families which had quitted Falkland's iſlands, and two hundred and fifty Jeſuits. About this time two Spaniſh regiſter ſhips ar⯑rived, one of them had been no leſs than ſeven months in her paſſage from Europe, above ſix weeks of which were expended in the doubling of Cape Horn, where the fury of the winds was ſuch as to carry away her rudder, and lay her under the neceſſity of ſeeking ſhelter in this port. When ſhe arrived ſhe had buried no leſs than thirty-nine of her men, and almoſt all the reſt were ſo enfeebled by the ſcurvy, that only a few of the officers, and three of the fore maſt-men were able to do their duty towards navi⯑gating the veſſel. Monſ. Bougainville, with the greateſt humanity, ſent a number of his crew on board her, by which ſhe was enabled to reach the harbour of Montevideo.

[176]Monſ. Bougainville now proceeds to give an account of his ſailing from Montevideo to the iſland of St. Elizabeth, which includes a narra⯑tive of what paſſed on his interview with the Patagonians, and ſeveral other intereſting par⯑ticulars till he reached the iſle of St. Elizabeth.

The Etoile ſailed from the Encenada on the 30th of October, and the Boudeuſe on the day following, having on board proviſions for ten months, and ſoon reached Montevideo, having loſt three men in that ſhort paſſage, by a boat, in which they were ſitting running fowl under the ſhip at a time when ſhe was wearing; two other men who were in the boat were with much dif⯑ficulty ſaved, and the boat was recovered.

Early in the morning of the 14th of Novem⯑ber, 1767, they ſailed from Montevideo, with a fine gale of wind at north, being in ſight of land till the evening. On the 16th and the five following days, the ſea ran high, and the wind was contrary, ſo that they were obliged to reef their top-ſails. On the 22d the wind blew a perfect ſtorm, which continued all the ſucceed⯑ing night in ſqualls, attended with rain; the Etoile made a ſignal of diſtreſs, but the violence of the gale would not admit of any aſſiſtance being given them. As the waves became leſs mountainous, by the abating of the wind in the morning, Monſ. Bougainville hailed the Etoile, to make enquiry into what damage ſhe had ſuſ⯑tained in the late violent ſtorm; when he learnt [177] that ſeveral of her chain plates, and her fore-top-ſail-yard had been carried away, and that ſhe had loſt almoſt all the cattle which had been purchaſed at Montevideo: the Boudeuſe had likewiſe loſt moſt of her cattle, but had ſuſ⯑tained no other damage.

The winds were at this time very uncertain, frequently changing during the remainder of the month, and the currents were ſo violent, as to drive the veſſels as far as the forty-fifth degree of ſouth latitude. They now concluded, that they were between thirty and forty degrees from the coaſt of Patagonia; and, at length, when they had ſoundings with a line of forty fathom, they had ſight of Cape Virgins; the ſame land which Sir John Narborough and Com⯑modore Anſon have diſtinguiſhed by the name of Cape Virgin Mary.

As Monſ. Bougainville had, during a former voyage, diſcovered a ſunken rock in forty-eight degrees and a half of ſouth latitude, he avoided coming too near the ſhore till he was in forty-nine degrees; the perſon who had for⯑merly firſt ſeen this rock, imagined it had been a grampus, and the ſhip had ſailed within con⯑ſiderably leſs than a mile of it.

It was on the 2d of December that they had ſ [...]ht of Cape Virgins, about which time they made all the ſail poſſible, as the wind was in their favour. They now ſaw a number of Al⯑ [...]roſſes, and petrels, the laſt of which Monſ. [178] Bougainville ſays are a ſign of bad weather, whenever they are ſeen. They alſo beheld pen⯑guins, ſeals, and whales in conſiderable num⯑bers. He ſays, that the ſkins of the whale ap⯑peared to be covered with ſmall worms, very much like thoſe which are obſerved to adhere to the bottoms of old veſſels which he rotting in harbour. Some white birds, not unlike pigeons, but of a larger ſize, now perched on the yards of the Boudeuſe.

Soon after they had ſight of Cape Virgins they made the land of Terra del Fuego, and for ſeveral ſucceſſive days, they contended with tempeſts and contrary winds. On the 3d of December, the wind blowing favourable for a ſhort time, they made their beſt efforts to reach the entrance of the ſtreights of Magellan; but the wind ſoon fell to a dead calm, and thick fogs clouded the whole coaſt of the coun⯑try: in a few hours the breeze again ſprang up, but, as by this time night came on, they were obliged to ply to the windward.

Early in t [...]e morning of the 4th the wind being favour [...], they again ſtood in for land, when [...] weather and rain preventing the [...] having [...]ght of the coaſt, they were obliged to keep [...]; it cleared up, how⯑ever, in a ſhort time, when they made another attempt to enter the ſtreight; but the wind [...], the fog growing th [...]cker, and a ſtorm [...] compelled to lay to, between [179] the main land, and the two ſhores of Terra del Fuego.

On the 4th of December the fore-ſail of the Boudeuſe was ſplit by the fury of the winds, and as at this time they were in no deeper water than twenty fathom, they determined to ſcud under their bare poles, leſt they ſhould run fowl of ſome breakers which lie off Cape Vir⯑gins, to the ſouth ſouth-eaſt.

They now made other fruitleſs attempts to enter the ſtreight, ſometimes being within ſight of the Cape, and at other times at a conſidera⯑ble diſtance from it. Monſ. Bougainville ſays that the view of this Cape, as given in Anſon's voyage, is exact in every reſpect.

The night of the 5th was ſpent in ſtanding off and on; and early in the morning of the ſixth they were in ſight of Cape Poſſeſſion, and likewiſe of Terra del Fuego. They now took the advantage of a weſterly tide, and tried to get cloſe to the coaſt of Patagonia. They kept ſounding all the night between the ſixth and ſeventh, not ſailing to a greater diſtance from the coaſt than three leagues. What they had gained by plying to the windward, they loſt by the oppoſition of the currents, and about noon on the 7th were back in their former ſtation.—What man in his ſenſes, who reads accounts like theſe, would hazard the imminent dangers of ſuch ſeas, for the honour of having made a [180] new diſcovery, or the pride of ſaying, that he had circumnavigated the globe!

This day they had ſight of Cape Orange, which forms the firſt narrow paſs in the ſtreights. This narrow paſs Monſ. Bougainville called goulet, which is not improperly tranſlated gut. It is rather more than forty miles from Cape Virgins to this firſt gut, and the ſtreights, for th [...]s diſtance, are of different breadths, of ſel⯑dom leſs than five, or more than ſeven leagues. On the north coaſt the land is high and heal⯑thy, and has a regular appearance, as far as Cape Poſſeſſion, in the bays of which there are ſeveral dangerous rocks, oppoſite to the two hillocks, to which Sir John Narborough gave the name of the Aſſes Ears.

In the afternoon, when they had reached the entrance of the gut, though the wind blew freſh, and all their ſails were ſet, the tide ran with ſo great force, that they were driven back⯑wards, inſtead of advancing in their voyage.

In the evening the ſhips were anchored in Poſſeſſion Bay, and on the eighth, by the aſſiſt⯑ance of a ſtrong breeze, they ſtemmed the tide; and afterwards, by making different tacks, they got through the firſt narrow entrance of the gut, with the wind right againſt them.

During the preceding night they had ob⯑ſerved fires on the ſhore, and this morning they diſcovered a white flag, which the Patagonians had erected on a [...]ing ground; on which a [181] white flag was likewiſe hoiſted at the maſt-head of each veſſel. The flag which theſe Patago⯑nians had put up, was one given to them by the Commander of the Etoile, when that ſhip lay in Boucault's Bay, in the month of June 1766, ſo that it is pretty evident, that the people were the ſame. Monſ. Bougainville ſpeaks in very grateful terms of the care theſe Indians had taken to preſerve the flag.

While the ſhips were paſſing the above⯑mentioned gut, a number of men, clothed in the ſkins of beaſts, were obſerved on Terra del Fuego, who ran along the ſhore with their ut⯑moſt expedition, in order to keep pace with the veſſels: they likewiſe frequently beckoned with their hands, as if they wiſhed our voyagers to land. The Spaniards ſay, that the inha⯑bitants of that part of Terra del Fuego, are leſs ſavage in their manners than moſt other native Indians. When Monſ. Bougainville ſailed from Rio de la Plata, a Spaniſh ſhip was on the point of ſailing thence, to convey ſome Prieſts, to inſtruct theſe people in the doctrines of Chriſtianity.

The ſhips having come to an anchor in the afternoon, in Boucault's Bay, ſeveral officers from each veſſel, having fire arms with them, embarked in boats, and went aſhore at the bot⯑tom of the bay. The common ſailors were or⯑dered to remain in the boats, and to keep them afloat: the gentlemen were no ſooner landed, [182] than half a dozen of the natives came riding up to them, on the full ſpeed. When they were advanced within fifty yards of the French, they diſmounted, and came forward, pronounc⯑ing the word Shawa. Having come up quite cloſe, they held out their arms, and laid them on thoſe of the officers, whom they ſhook hands with, and embraced, repeatedly ſaying Shawa, which word was repeated by Monſ. Bougainville and his officers.

An Engliſhman, on reading the above paſ⯑ſage, may be allowed to make a remark on the ſingular politeneſs of theſe ſavages, manifeſted by the circumſtance of embracing; but he will not pay ſo vile a compliment to the delicacy of the uninſtructed Patagonian, as to ſuppoſe, that he made the firſt advance towards a ſalute: on the contrary, it is but a piece of juſtice due to the ſuperior good-breeding of the French, to conclude, that they taught the ſavages that worſt rudiment of all politeneſs, that moſt fil⯑thy deviation from all decent and manly behavi⯑our, the ſhocking cuſtom of men kiſſing each other! An Engliſhman of virtuous principles and refined ideas, would ſcorn to kiſs his own ſon, whom he had not ſeen for a twelvemonth, if the boy but approached to his teens: no! let the manly ſhake of the hand, and the gene⯑rous effuſion of the heart from the lips, be the only expreſſions of affection, duty or polite⯑neſs, between man and man. Let our embraces [183] be reſerved for thoſe amiable creatures, to whom God and Nature have taught us they are due.

The Patagonians appeared to be much pleaſ⯑ed with the company of their new friends; but it was obſerved, that ſome of them had a mix⯑ture of fear imprinted on their countenances: this, however, was ſoon removed by the hoſpi⯑tality of the officers, who ſent to the boats for bread and cakes, which were as readily devour⯑ed as they were chearfully given. More of the Indians ſoon approached, among whom were ſome children. They expreſſed no kind of ſurpriſe at the ſight of their viſitants, and ſeem⯑ed not to be unacquainted with the uſe of fire⯑arms, as appeared by their making a noiſe which reſembled the report of a gun. The good nature of theſe people was expreſſed in all their actions: ſome of the French gentlemen being engaged in collecting plants, the Patago⯑nians no ſooner ſaw what kinds they collected, than they immediately began to pull up and bring the ſame ſorts. One of them ſeeing an officer engaged in this employment, went to him, and pointing to his eye, which had re⯑ceived an injury, intimated his wiſh, that ſome herb might be ſhewn him, the virtues of which would cure the diſorder: and this was deemed to be a concluſive proof, that they had an idea of the medicinal virtues of herbs.

[184]Monſ. Bougainville received from theſe Pa⯑tagonians a number of ſkins of the guanacoe and other beaſts, in exchange for a few trinkets, on which they ſeemed to ſet a great value. Some of the gentlemen having red cloaths on, the natives advanced, and ſtroked them with their hands, ſeeming highly delighted with every thing of that colour; they alſo made ſigns for ſome tobacco, and as often as any thing was given them, they cried out ſhawa, in a very loud and diſagreeable tone.

A ſmall quantity of brandy being given to each of the Patagonians, they had no ſooner drank it, than they ſtruck their hands repeat⯑edly againſt their throats, and blew with their mouths, ſo as to produce a kind of trembling ſound, at the concluſion of which they had a ſingular quivering of the lips.

The evening now advanced, and the gentle⯑men prepared to return to their ſhips, which was no ſooner obſerved by the Indians, than their uneaſineſs was expreſſed in their counte⯑nances, and they intimated, by ſigns, that they wiſhed them to remain longer, as they expected more of their brethren. The French, on the contrary, made ſigns that they would come again the next day, and bring ſuch articles as the natives had requeſted of them.

Monſ. Bougainville and his party now walked towards their boats, accompanied by the In⯑dians, one of whom ſung ſongs till they reach⯑ed [185] the coaſt, and ſeveral of them went into the water as far as where the boats lay, where they ſeized on all the articles they could put their hands on; but when they ſaw they were obſerv⯑ed, they made no ſcruple to return them.

As the boats were rowing off, many more Patagonians were obſerved galloping down to [...] countrymen; and the crews of the boats now cried out Shawa, ſo loud that the people on ſhore could not fail to hear them.

Monſ. Bougainville ſays, that theſe Indians were the ſame which were ſeen by the crew of the Etoile, in the year 1765, for one of the ſeamen recollected a perſon among them whom he had before ſeen. Theſe people are well trade, and appear to be about the height deſ⯑cribed by other voyagers. Our author ſays, that it is the thickneſs of their limbs, the largeneſs of their heads, and the extraordinary breadth of their ſhoulders, that make them appear to be of a gigantic race.

The colour of the Patagonians is brown, as is that of all the native Americans, in whatever climate they are born. Their muſcles are ſtrong, and their nerves well braced; and as their food abounds in juices proper for the nouriſhment of the human frame, it is no won⯑der that they arrive at their full growth. Their eyes are ſparkling, their teeth extremely white, and their faces round, but rather flat; and many of them are very comely men. Some of them [186] have whiſkers, which grow long, but are very thin; and they all tie their hair, which is long and black, on the t [...]p of the head; the cheeks of ſome of them are painted red. Their lan⯑guage has an agreeable and melodious ſound. Our voyagers did not ſee any of the Patago⯑nian w [...]men; though it was conjectured, that the men intended to have brought them from a [...] camp, which appeared to be about three miles diſtant.

Theſe people wear a piece of leather round the [...] and a kind of cloak made of ſkins, which [...] to the bottom of the leg, and is girt round the body; the part which would otherwiſe cover the ſhoulders, [...] permitted to fall back, ſo that the greater part of the body is left naked, [...] the climate is ſo cold as, apparently, to requ [...]re more covering than the whole which they wear; [...] orcuſtom will harden the human [...] the rigour of the moſt in⯑clement [...].

It was in the ſummer when Monſ. Bougain⯑v [...]lle was on the coaſt of Patagonia, yet, he ſays, there was only a ſingle day on which the therm [...]me [...]er was obſerved to riſe to ten degrees higher than the freezing point.

The reſt of the dreſs of the Patagonians con⯑ſiſted of a [...] of half boots, made of the ſkin of the [...], and left open at the back part of the l [...]g. A few of them wore on the thigh a ring made of copper, two inches in breadth; [187] and the necks of two very young men were adorned with beads.

Some ſmall knives, of the manufacture of England, were ſeen in their poſſeſſion; which our author very properly concludes were the gift of Commodore Byron; and their only arms conſiſted of a twiſted gut, in the two ends of which were encloſed a round p [...]bble; and weapons of that kind, he ſays, are uſed in all that part of the American continent.

Their horſes are very poor, and of a ſmall ſize; and the ſaddles and bridles were ſuch as are uſed by the natives of Rio de la Plata. One of theſe people was obſerved to have gilt nails on his ſaddle, ſtirrups made of wood, encloſed with copper, a bridle made of leather, twiſted, and a compleat Spaniſh harneſs.

Their food conſiſts chiefly of guanacoes and vicunnas, and they eat both the fleſh and mar⯑row of thoſe animals. They devour this meat raw, with great avidity, and carry it with them on their horſes. Freſh water being very ſcarce in this country, the horſes drink the ſea water, as do likewiſe their dogs, which are both ſmall and ugly.

It was obſerved, that ſome of them pro⯑nounced capitan, chi [...], bueno, and other [...]pa⯑niſh words. Monſ. Bougainville concludes, that the Patagonians lead the ſame kind of life as the Tartars, as they are always on horſeback, traverſing immenſe plains, in purſuit of wild [188] beaſts and game; and he imagines that they alſo, like the Tartars, plunder the caravans of travellers; but this remark ſeems equally cruel and unjuſt, from his own account of the ſin⯑gular friendſhip and kindneſs with which they treated himſelf and his fellow-voyagers. Our author concludes this part of his narrative by ſaying, that he has ‘"ſince found a nation in the ſouth [...]acific ocean, which is taller than the Patagonians."’

Monſ Bougainville tells us, that the ſoil of this country is extremely dry, and very much like that of Falkland's iſlands: the coaſt, like⯑wiſe, exhibits the ſame kind of ſea-weeds, and ſhells of ſimilar ſorts are ſtrewed upon the beach. The country produces ſhrubs, but af⯑fords no woods for ſhelter.

On the [...]th of December, 1767, all the ſails of the veſſels were ſet, to make head againſt the fury of the tide; but they were obliged again to come to an anchor, after ſailing only three miles. During two whole days the wea⯑ther was ſo tempeſtuous, that not a boat could put off from the ſhips, which was a mortifying circumſtance, as great num [...]rs of the Pata⯑gonians were by this time got t [...]ther, on the [...]ot where they had converſed with the officers, who were concerned that they were not able to keep t [...]r promiſe with theſe friendly people, w [...]oſe little wants might have been eaſily ſup⯑pl [...]ed. [...], by the help of glaſſes, that [189] they had built ſeveral huts on the ſhore, and it was obſerved, that ſome of them were conſtantly galloping backwards and forwards from this place to a ſpot, where it was ſuppoſed the main body of them lay.

Early on the morning of the 12th the Bou⯑deuſe loſt an anchor, by the parting of the cable; ſoon after which they ſet all their ſails, and by the aſſiſtance of the ebb-tide, and a fa⯑vourable wind, they got through the ſecond gut in the afternoon, and anchored on the north-ſide of the iſle of Elizabeth.

As they were detained here two days, by tempeſtuous weather, and contrary winds, Monſ. Bougainville reſolved to land on the iſle of Elizabeth, where he met with a few buſtards, that were at this time hatching their eggs, but theſe birds were ſo intimidated at the ſight of our adventurers, that they could not approach near enough to have even a ſingle ſhot at them. The iſland produces no wood, but only a kind of heath, which might ſupply its place as fuel f [...]r the fire. The water of this place is brack⯑iſh, and the ſoil extremely dry. Several places were likewiſe obſerved, which had been marſhes, but had become dry, and the ground on ſome parts of them were covered with a thin cruſt of ſalt. It was evident that this iſland was occa⯑ſionally viſited by the Indians, as the ſhells of ſome fiſh they had eaten were found, near [190] where a dead dog was lying, and where it was plain that fires had been made.

Our adventurers were now on the point of entering that part of the ſtreights of Magellan which abounds in woods, and the principal dif⯑ficulties were already overcome.

On the afternoon of the 30th the anchors were weighed, and they ſailed, with a violent wind, in a channel between the iſlands of St. Barthelemi and Lions, and that of Elizabeth. They were now obliged to coaſt the laſt named iſland, to ſteer clear of a number of breakers, with which the other iſlands are encompaſſed. Having ſailed beyond Cape Noir, they obſerv⯑ed that the country had a pleaſant appearance, being almoſt every where covered with woods, which afforded a moſt delightful proſpect to the eye.

In the evening the weather became ſuddenly calm and pleaſant, ſo that Monſ. Bougainville pleaſed himſelf with the hope of being able to double Cape Round before the morning; but in this climate the moſt flattering appearances are by no means to be relied on; a truth that was fully evinced in the preſent inſtance: for ſoon after twelve at night the wind ſuddenly ſhifted, and blew moſt violently, bringing with it ſtorms of hail, and deluges of rain, while a fog, apparently impenetrable, covered the whole coaſt.

[191]The main-ſail of the Boudeuſe being ſplit by this ſtorm, they endeavoured to make Port Famine, where they hoped to be ſheltered from the tempeſt; but this attempt was fruitleſs; for the violence of the current was ſuch, that they loſt nine miles in as many hours, and were hurried with amazing rapidity into a large bay, formed by part of the coaſt of Terra del Fu [...]go, which Monſ. Bougainville called Bay Duclos, from the name of the officer who was next in command under the Commodore of the expedition, and whoſe knowledge and expe⯑ri [...]nce are mentioned as circumſtances highly advantageous to the enterprize.

This Bay is deſcribed as being very conve⯑nient for ſhips to anchor in, on account of the weſterly winds blowing over the coaſt. Two ſmall rivers diſcharge their ſtreams into the bay, the water of which is excellent at about a quarter of a mile from the ſea coaſt, though nearer than that diſtance it is impregnated with [...] particles. The landing-place is a ſandy beach, above which a pleaſant meadow ſtretches itſelf to a conſiderable diſtance. Behind this meadow the woods raiſe their lofty heads, and form a kind of amphitheatre. Our adventurers traverſed a conſiderable tract of the country, without meeting with any living animal, except a very few parroquets, buſtards, ducks, teals, and two or three ſnipes.

[192]Several huts were ſeen at the mouth of a river, which had been conſtructed by twiſting branches or trees into the form of an oven. In theſe huts were found large numbers of lim⯑pets, muſcles, and calcined ſhells; and the huts themſelves appeared to have been recently made. Our adventurers going ſome miles up the river, obſerved the tr [...]ck of human crea⯑tures, and remarked, that the flood came from the eaſt at the riſing of the tide, which they had not before obſerved in any other part of the ſtreights.

The ſeamen were now engaged in cutting wood till the 16th, when the veſſels ſailed with a favourable wind, and paſſed Point St. Anne, which covers Port Famine, a bay ſo called, on account of the diſaſtrous fate of the colony formerly eſtabliſh [...]d on its borders by the too adventrous Spaniards.

Monſ. Bougainville obſerves, that the ſhores of this country are covered with wood, and are remarkably ſteep: thoſe of Terra del Fuego, he ſays, are horrible to behold; and that ‘"mountains thoſe are covered with a blueiſh ſnow as old as the creation:"’—Theſe are his own words; but with all ſubmiſſion to the learning and penetration of our ingenious voyager, we cannot conceive by what kind of intuition, he came to know that the ſnow had lain on theſe mountains more than five thouſand years; or even that it had not fallen within [193] five days of the time he ſaw it. It is no breach of Chriſtian charity to obſerve, that theſe French⯑men are as finiſhed coxcombs in their writings, as they are in every part of their dreſs and be⯑haviour. It is hoped that Engliſhmen will be cautious how they imitate them in either parti⯑cular.

There are four bays proper for the anchoring of veſſels, between Cape Forward and Cape Round; and two of theſe bays are ſeparated by a Cape of a moſt ſingular kind, which con⯑ſiſts of petrified ſhells, laying horizontally, and riſing more than fifty yards above the level of the ſea. Monſ. Bougainville took ſoundings at the foot of this Cape, but a line of an hun⯑dred fathom would not reach the bottom.

As the ſhips were now becalmed for two hours, our Commodore took this opportunity of taking the ſoundings near, and the bearings of Cape Forward, which he mentions as the moſt ſoutherly point of land, on the continent, in the known world, and he fixes its latitude at fifty-four degrees, five minutes, and forty-five ſeconds, ſouth. Its ſurface conſiſts of two hills, ſomething more than two miles in ex⯑tent, one of which is conſiderably higher than the other. The tops of theſe hills are covered with ſnow, which gradually melting by the warmth of the ſun, ſupply with perpetual moiſture the roots of trees which are fixed in the crevices of the rock.

[194]Monſ. Bougainville and his party landed on a ſmall rock, which barely afforded room for four perſons to ſtand on, and here they hoiſted the colours of the boat, and repeatedly ſhouted Vive le Roi. Our author mentions it with an air of triumph, that theſe rocks now reſounded for the firſt time, with this compliment to the grand Monarche. A ſtriking inſtance of the vanity by which the French nation is diſtin⯑guiſhed!

Having returned to the ſhip, and the wind coming about favourable, Monſ. Bougainville ſailed in ſearch of a harbour, which received the name of French Bay, where he reſolved to take in a quantity of wood and water, as a ſup⯑ply during their voyage acroſs the great South-Sea. In conſequence of this reſolution all the boats were inſtantly hoiſted out, with a view to begin this neceſſary buſineſs the next morning.

The night proving exceſſively ſtormy and [...], it was paſſed in fears and appre⯑henſions which baffle all deſcription.

Early in the morning a boat was ſent out to ſound the mouth of a river which had been previ [...]uſly denominated G [...]es' River, from the name of a g [...]ntleman who was a partaker in the dangers and hardſhips of this expedition. As it was low water when the boat reached the ſhore, her crew could not land without running her a-ground on a ſand; and it was evident, that the larger boats could only make the ſhore

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Figure 3. Monsieur Bougainville Hoisting the French Colours on a small [...]

[195] at high water, ſo that their wood and water could be brought on board only once a day. For theſe reaſons Monſ. Bougainville determined to anchor in a ſmall bay about three miles diſ⯑tant, called after his own name, where he had, in the year 1765, taken in a loading of wood for Falkland's iſlands.

Bougainville bay, to which they now ſailed, is ſurrounded by high mountains, which ſecure it from the winds blowing from every point of the compaſs, ſo that the ſurface of the water is unruffled even by a ſingle breeze.

Having caſt their anchors in this bay, and made faſt the veſſels by means of hawſers tied to ſome trees on the coaſt, they landed, and found two Indian huts, conſtructed of the bran⯑ches of trees, but they did not appear to have been lately inhabited. In the year 1765 Monſ. Bougainville had cauſed a hut of bark to be erected on this ſpot, in which he left ſome trifles, by way of preſent to ſuch of the natives as might happen to wander that way; on this hut he had put up a white flag; but both the pre⯑ſents and the flag had been taken away, and the hut levelled with the ground.

On the morning of the 18th of December a kind of camp was formed on ſhore, by way of guarding the effects which were landed, and protecting the men who were to be employed in taking in wood and water. Small ponds were now dug, for the accommodation of thoſe [196] deſtined to waſh the linen, and the water caſks were ſent on ſhore to be repaired. The crew of the Eagle having, in 1765, cut down many more trees than were wanted for that veſſel, the labour of this taſk was ſaved to our preſent adventurers, who were likewiſe happy in finding roads ready made through the woods, for the convenience of bringing down the timber to the ſea-ſhore. At this place the remainder of the month was ſpent in the neceſſary employment above-mentioned, and in repairing the ſhips, particularly the Etoile, which had ſo large a leak in her ſtem, that moſt of the hands on board her were fatigued beyond expreſſion, by ſtanding at the pumps, alternately, night and day.

The aſtronomer, Monſ. Verron, now landed on a little iſland, which was denominated the Iſle of Obſervatory, from its being a place ad⯑mirably calculated for the making aſtronomical obſervations; but his labours were fruitleſs, owing to the cloudineſs of the weather, which is almoſt perpetual in this country. At ſome periods, however, the ſun appeared free from clouds, and melted a part of the ſnow which had lodged on the mountains of the main land. Whenever this fine weather happened, the prince of Naſſau, attended by Monſ. de Com⯑merçon, a celebrated botaniſt, went in ſearch of plants and herbs, and they were very ſucceſsful in their reſearches: but the gentlemen who en⯑deavoured [197] to fiſh, or to hunt for animals, met with no ſuch good fortune, for they never catch⯑ed even a ſingle fiſh, nor ever ſaw any quadru⯑ped but one fox, which was killed by the party employed in collecting the ſtores.

Monſ. Bougainville having formed a reſolu⯑tion of taking a ſurvey of the coaſts of the main land, and likewiſe of thoſe of Terra del Fuego, he embarked in his boat, early in the morning of the 22d, accompanied by two gen⯑tlemen, who propoſed to ſail with him as far as Cape Holland. The weather was calm and ſerene at their firſt ſetting out; but the wind ſoon varied to different points of the compaſs, and blew a hurricane, which obliged our ad⯑venturers to take ſhelter in the mouth of a ſmall river. Having gained the deſired port, they waited in the hope that the ſtorm would abate, till they were almoſt benumbed with the cold, and wet to the ſkin with the rain; they therefore landed, and cutting down ſome branches of trees, erected a kind of hut, in order to ſhelter them during the night. ‘"Theſe huts (ſays Monſ. Bougainville) ſerve as palaces to the natives of theſe climates; but we had not yet learnt their cuſtom of living in them."’

It continued to rain inceſſantly, and was at the ſame time ſo cold, that the gentlemen found their preſent ſituation untenable; they therefore ſheltered themſelves as well as they could under the ſail of the boat, and kept up a large fire all [198] night, which was tempeſtuous in a very high degree. In the morning they haſtened to their boat, and returned to the ſhip, happy, by that means, to avoid the effects of the growing tem⯑peſt, which ſoon became ſo violent, that it would have prevented their returning at all. For two days after this it ſnowed continually, ſo that the mountains were covered, notwith⯑ſtanding it was now midſummer, and the ſun appeared almoſt eighteen hours in the four and twenty.

When the ſtorm had ſubſided, Monſ. Bou⯑gainville formed the reſolution of going on a ſecond expedition, which he flattered himſelf would be attended with more ſucceſs. Accord⯑ingly, early in the morning of the 27th (the barge of the Etoile, and the long-boat of the Boudeuſe, having been armed with ſwivel guns and muſkets) our adventurers embarked with the prince of Naſſau, and two other gentle⯑men, and ſailed for the coaſt of Terra del Fue⯑go, where they arrived in about ſix hours; and finding a number of huts, which the natives had left in a delightful wood on the ſea-coaſt, they there ſat down, and made a moſt agreea⯑ble repaſt.

After dinner they coaſted the country for a conſiderable time, and then croſſed an inlet, which Monſ. Bougainville conjectures to be a ſtreight which leads to the ſea, at no great diſ⯑tance from Cape Horn. This conjecture is [199] founded partly on the width of the inlet, which is not leſs than ſix miles, and partly on the ob⯑ſerving a prodigious number of whales in that part of the ſea.

When our adventurers had almoſt reached the oppoſite ſide of the inlet, they ſaw a num⯑ber of fires on the coaſt, and ſoon afterwards diſcovered ſeveral of the inhabitants on the point of a bay. Towards this place they immediately ſteered; and they had no ſooner landed, than Monſ. Bougainville recollected, that theſe Indians were the ſame people whom he had ſeen on his former voyage in the ſtreights, and whom he had then diſtinguiſhed by the name of Pecherais, becauſe theſe ſavages were perpetually making uſe of that word, in the ſame manner as the Patagonians did that of Shawa.

The number of the Pecherais that had thus aſſembled was about forty, of both ſexes, and all ages, and they had ſeveral canoes in an ad⯑jacent creek. As the evening advanced, Monſ. Bougainville could not ſtay long with his old acquaintance, but left them, in order to reach an inlet, where he propoſed to ſpend the night; but as the time would not permit the accom⯑pliſhing his wiſh, he landed on the banks of a river, and having cauſed tents to be made of the ſails of the boats, and a large fire to be made, the party ſpent the night in perfect ſafe⯑ty, and much to their ſatisfaction.

[200]On the following day it was found that the inlet above-mentioned was an excellent port, wherein ſhips might be ſheltered againſt every dangerous wind; and in which the ground is admirably calculated to afford the beſt and ſafeſt anchorage. From the elegance and con⯑venience of this bay and port it received the name of Beaubaſſin [the beautiful harbour.] Monſ. Bougainville mentions this place as equally convenient for the careening of ſhips, and for the taking in wood and water.

That no neceſſary information reſpecting ſo commodious a harbour might be loſt, the Com⯑modore left Monſ. Bournard there, to take the moſt exact account of every thing that might be thought worthy of notice, and he was then to return, in the long-boat, to the ſhips. In the mean time Monſ. Bougainville and a part of his company embarked in the barge, and rowing to the weſtward, diſcovered an iſland, on the coaſt of which ſeveral of the natives were employed in fiſhing. Before the evening our voyagers arrived at a bay, which received the name of de la Cormorandiere; from a rock which appeared at about a mile diſtant ftom it.

Early in the morning of the 29th Monſ. Bou⯑gainville departed from this bay, and ſailed be⯑tween two iſlands, to which he gave the name of the two Siſters, they are ſituated about nine miles from Cape Forward. Soon after this they diſcovered a mountain, of a conical

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Figure 4. A Prospective View of the great Cascade in Cascade Bay.

[201] form, which they called the Sugar Loaf; and, in the courſe of the day they arrived at a com⯑modious bay, at the bottom of it there is a moſt excellent port, into which falls a very ſin⯑gular caſcade. For theſe reaſons the place re⯑ceived the name of the Bay and Port of the Caſ⯑cade. It is repreſented as a place highly proper for taking in wood and water, and very ſafe to anchor in.

The ſtream of a ſmall river which ſeeks its way between a number of lofty hills, forms this water-fall, which deſcends perpendicularly down the ſide of the rock above a hundred yards. Monſ. Bougainville went to the top of the caſ⯑cade, and made his remarks on the appearance of the adjacent country, in ſome parts of which there are ſmall plains which produce a kind of ſpungy moſs, and in others the ground is co⯑vered with thickets of wood. The plants and trees are of the ſame kind as thoſe which the coaſt of Patagonia produces; and the whole face of the country has much the appearance of Falkland's iſlands, except the want of trees at the latter place. On the whole, our author ſays, that all that part of Terra del Fuego, from the preſent ſpot, to that which lies oppoſite Elizabeth iſland, conſiſts only of large and mountainous iſlands, the ſummits of which are clothe dwith perpetual ſnow. Monſ Bougain⯑ville ſearched in this place to find the traces of inhabitants, but he did not ſucceed; and he is [202] of opinion, that the natives of Terra del Fuego ſeldom, if ever, depart from the ſea ſhores, be⯑cauſe on thoſe they obtain the neceſſaries of life.

Our adventurers remained at Port Caſcade, during the night of the 29th, which was ren⯑dered highly diſagreeable by inceſſant rain, and intenſe cold; and on the morning of the fol⯑lowing day they croſſed the ſtreight with a boiſ⯑terous wind and a rough ſea, which rendered the navigation dangerous to ſo ſmall a veſſel. The rain kept pouring down almoſt the whole of this day, which was employed in viewing the coaſt, and making ſuch remarks as may be uſeful to future navigators. Our voyagers had now a very narrow eſcape with their lives, the boat having been nearly overſet in croſſing a bay, owing to a miſtake of the ſteerſman in the management of the helm. At length, however, they got ſafe on board the Boudeuſe, and as the commanding officer, during Monſ. Bougainville's abſence, had ſhip⯑ped every thing that was neceſſary, preparations were immediately made for ſailing.

They departed from Bougainville Bay in the afternoon of the 31ſt of December, 1767, and in the evening came to an anchor in the road of Port Galant, which is ſituated at the bottom of Forteſcue Bay, where they were detained no leſs than three weeks, by ſuch bad weather, as the inhabitants of theſe milder climes cannot form an adequate idea of.

[203]On the firſt of January, 1768, Monſ. Bou⯑gainville diſpatched a party in a boat, to make remarks on the coaſt, as far as Elizabeth Bay; and to take a view of the numerous iſlands with which this part of the ſtreights of Ma⯑gellan abounds. Two of theſe iſlands, to which Sir John Narborough formerly gave the names of Charles and Monmouth, were diſ⯑tinctly ſeen from the place where the ſhips lay at anchor; but thoſe which he has denominated the Royal Iſles, and Rupert Iſland, were at too great a diſtance to be viewed from Monſ. Bou⯑gainville's preſent ſtation.

Notwithſtanding the ſeverity of the weather, and the almoſt inceſſant rains, the crew which had been ſent out landed on different places, at one of which it was evident, that ſome Engliſh ſhips had lately touched; for on ſeveral trees they ſaw initial letters, and even whole names, cut in the wood: they alſo ſaw many ſpice-laurel-trees, the bark of which had been lately taken off, with other plain indications who they were that had viſited the ſpot, but what put the matter beyond all doubt, were the words, Chatham, March, 1766, which were very legi⯑ble on a piece of wood, of that kind which is frequently affixed to pieces of cloth in the royal marine warehouſes of Great Britain.

The aſtronomer, Monſ. Verron, in the mean time, had his aſtronomical inſtruments convey⯑ed to a peninſula, by which the harbour is [204] formed, in order to make obſervations, for aſ⯑certaining the bearing and diſtances of particu⯑lar capes: but the reſult of his obſervations would afford neither inſtruction nor entertain⯑ment to any but the mere nautical reader; nor would they be of the leaſt uſe even to him, unleſs he was bound on a voyage to the South Seas, through the ſtreights of Magellan.

The weather was ſo exquiſitely ſevere on the fourth and fifth of January, that no pen can deſcribe it, nor any imagination conceive an idea of it. A violent ſtorm of wind was at⯑tended with inceſſant rain or ſnow, and the keeneſt biting coldneſs in the air. Monſ. Bou⯑gainville informs us that, during this ſevere weather, he ſent out a boat to ſearch for a conve⯑nient anchoring-place on the coaſt of Terra del Fuego, and an excellent one was found to the ſouth-weſt of Charles and Monmouth iſlands.

On the 6th the weather was more moderate than it had been for ſome days paſt. In the morning of this day four ſmall boats, with In⯑dians on board them, were obſerved at the point of Cape Galant, one of which advanced towards Monſ. Bougainville's ſhip, while the reſt rowed towards the bottom of the bay. In the boat which approached the Boudeuſe were a man, his wife, and two children, the former of whom went on board, without the leaſt ap⯑parent ſign of fear, leaving the woman and children in the boat. Soon after this man had [205] gone on board, two Indians from the other boats followed his example, bringing their children with them.

Theſe people ſeemed not to expreſs the leaſt ſurprize either at the ſtructure of the ſhip, or at any thing they ſaw on board her, which our author deems a proof that, ‘"in order to be capable of being ſurprized at the work of art, one muſt have ſome fundamental ideas of it."’—There may be ſome truth in this obſervation; but we cannot help reſolving the apparent want of curioſity in theſe ſavages into another, and a very different cauſe; namely, their having ſeen the Engliſh, or other veſſels, which had viſited the ſtreights of Magellan.

The Commodore prevailed on theſe people to dance and ſing, and treated them with a kind of concert of muſic. He likewiſe gave them bread, and different kinds of meat, all of which they devoured with avidity, ſeeming equally pleaſed with every thing that was given them, and with every occurrence that paſſed; nor could they be perſuaded to quit the ſhip, till ſeveral pieces of ſalt meat had been put into their boats.

Our author calls theſe happy Indians ‘"trou⯑bleſome and diſguſting gueſts."’—One would wonder on what authority he has adopted theſe epithets, or how the company of the ſavages, as he calls them, could be troubleſome or diſ⯑guſting, when they ſang and danced, only on [206] being aſked to do ſo; received with gratitude whatever was given them, and applied it to the purpoſe for which it was given.—Monſ. Bougainville calls them ‘"unpoliſhed men;"’ as if the frippery complaiſance of the court of Verſailles could have been expected from theſe honeſt tenants of the woods; whoſe inſtructors are plain ſenſe and nature, and whoſe God is the God of the Europeans.—In a word, our author writes with an affected conſciouſneſs of ſuperiority, and in the pert reſtleſſneſs of ſtile, that is almoſt peculiar to the French noveliſt who would be thought a philoſopher.

The people are clothed with ſeal-ſkins, which are by far too ſmall to cover the whole of the body; and with theſe ſkins they make the ſails of their boats, and the coverings of their huts. They are likewiſe poſſeſſed of a few of the ſkins of the guanacoe, but our author does not mention to what uſe they apply them; though it ſhould ſeem probable that they form a part of their clothing.

Monſ. Bougainville deſcribes theſe Indians as thin, ſhort, and ugly; and that a moſt offen⯑ſive ſmell is the conſequence of keeping them company. The women are ſtill more diſagree⯑able than the men, who do not appear by any means fond of them. It is the duty of the fe⯑males to ſteer the boats, and to repair any da⯑mage that may happen to them; and they are often obliged to ſwim after them through the [207] ſea-weeds; nor are even women who have ſuck⯑ing children excuſed this duty: the child is car⯑ried on the mother's back, encloſed in the ſeal-ſkin that forms her dreſs. When the women are on ſhore their buſineſs is to collect ſhells and wood; nor do the men even ſhare with them in this employment.

The boats are conſtructed of the bark of trees, faſtened together with ruſhes, and the ſeams are caulked with moſs. A fire is conſtantly kept in the middle of the boat, on a heap of ſand, which is placed to prevent the burning of the veſſel. Their arms conſiſt of bows and arrows formed of the branches of the berberry buſh, which grows plentifully in theſe parts. The arrows are pointed with ſharp ſtones, and the ſtring of the bow is made of the gut of ſome animal; but they uſe not theſe weapons againſt an enemy; they are deſtined only for the deſ⯑truction of birds, or other animals proper for the ſupport of life.

Monſ. Bougainville ſays, that theſe Indians uſe a kind of harpoon, for the purpoſe of ſtriking fiſh, which is made of bones, it is about twelve inches in length, pointed at the end, and indented on one of its ſides.

The principal ſubſiſtence of theſe people is fiſh; but it is ſuppoſed that they ſometimes catch game, as they have dogs of the ſporting kind, and ſpringes, or nooſes, adapted for the ſnaring of quadrupeds. The teeth of all the [208] natives are very bad, which our author attributes to their eating fiſh when boiling hot, though they do not half boil it before it is ſo eaten. They live in huts which have no partition of rooms, in the middle of which a fire is lighted, that ſerves the whole family.

The diſpoſition of theſe people is of the amia⯑ble kind; but their extreme good-nature bor⯑ders on weakneſs; they believe in evil genii, and have prieſts and phyſicians, whom they ſup⯑poſe capable of deprecating the vengeance of their aerial enemies. Monſ. Bougainville ob⯑ſerves, that theſe Pecherais have the feweſt con⯑veniences of life of any people he has ever known; yet they they do not repine at their ſitua⯑tion, but appear to be contented with the lot which providence hath aſſigned them; tho' they live in the moſt inclement climate hitherto diſ⯑covered in the habitable globe. Excluſive of the other peculiarities of their fate, they are fewer in number than any other known race of men; yet this little ſociety, cut off as it is from all intercourſe with the reſt of mankind, is not totally free from the vices common to larger ſtates, as a conteſt for dominion exiſts even among them, and the more powerful are perpetually labouring to diſtreſs the weaker. Thus it is with the poor Pecherais, as with every other community in the univerſe, that thoſe who cannot make head againſt tyranny, muſt ſubmit [209] to the arbitrary command, the ſic voleo, ſic ju⯑beo of the tyrant.

The inclemency of the weather, during the 7th and 8th of the month, was ſuch, that the crews of the ſhips could not venture on ſhore; and though it was even now the ſummer-time, the adjacent country was covered with ſnow, which alſo laid on the ſhip to the depth of ſe⯑veral inches.

On the ninth the Indians, who had previouſly painted their bodies with red and white ſtreaks, advanced towards the ſhips; but ſeeing the boats go off towards their habitations, all of them, except one, followed the ſhips boats, and that went on board the Etoile, where ſhe remained but a little while, and then followed the others.

The crews of the boats having landed, went to the huts of the Indians, who ſeemed by no means to reliſh this unexpected viſit; which was particularly evinced by the women having all retreated to one hut. The men invited the French ſailors into thoſe huts where the women were not to be found; and the Frenchmen having accepted the invitation, were treated with ſhell-fiſh, which the Indians ſucked before they delivered them to their viſitors. The be⯑haviour of the natives was lively, and they en⯑tertained their gueſts with dancing and ſinging: they revelled with uncontrouled delight, when, [210] alas! their mirth was interrupted by an acci⯑dent as fatal as unexpected!

A boy, the ſon of one of the Indians, was ſuddenly ſeized with a diſorder which occaſioned the moſt violent convulſions, and ſpitting of blood. This child had been on board the Etoile, where the ſeamen had preſented him with ſome pieces of glaſs; and as theſe Indians are accuſtomed to put things of this kind up their noſtrils, and into their throats, it is ſup⯑poſed this youth had taken the ſame meaſure, and that the fatal effects which followed were the conſequence of his having ſwallowed the glaſs. It is here proper to remark, that the Pecherais conſider the ſwallowing of ſubſtances which reſemble glaſs, as a preventive remedy againſt certain diſorders to which they are liable.

The lips, palate, and gums of the boy were cut; and as he bled freely, the Indians conceiv⯑ed an idea that the Frenchmen had violated the rights of hoſpitality, and injured him, whom, by all the laws of honour, they were bound to treat with civility.

This circumſtance gave riſe to a jealouſy and diſtruſt no way favourable to their European vi⯑ſitors; indeed it appeared, that the Indians ſuſ⯑pected the French to have cauſed the child's illneſs. A linen jacket having been given to this child by the French, he was ſtript of it, and it was thrown at their feet; but it was in⯑ſtantly [211] ſeized by an Indian, who did not ſeem to dread the powers of enchantment.

The child being laid on his back, a conjurer knelt between his legs, and preſſing the body forcibly with his hands and head, uttered a num⯑ber of inarticulate vociferations. At repeated intervals during this ceremony he aroſe, and opening his hands, which had been before graſped, he blew in the air with his mouth, as if deſirous of driving away ſome evil genius. While this buſineſs was tranſacting, an ancient woman bawled in the ears of the child, ſo as almoſt to deafen him with her noiſe; and in⯑deed the remedy ſeemed to be, in the literal phraſe, worſe than the diſeaſe. The conjurer having retired for ſome time, returned in a new dreſs, and, with an air of triumph, renewed his incantations, but with no better ſucceſs than before. His hair had been powdered, and his head was diſtinguiſhed by two wings, ſimilar to thoſe with which Mercury is repreſented by the painters. The life of the child now appearing to be even in more danger than before, the French Chaplain haſtily baptized him, unob⯑ſerved by the Indians.

What a ſtrange medley of ignorance and ſu⯑perſtition was all this!—Monſ. Bougainville laughs at the folly of the Indian juggler, while he ſeems to ſpeak in an applauſive ſtrain of the conduct of the French prieſt, which was [212] certainly equally ridiculous with that of the Indian!

Some officers having repaired on board the ſhip, and acquainted the Commodore with what was tranſacting, he went on ſhore with the Sur⯑geon, who took ſome gruel and milk with him. When they came to the ſpot, they found that the juggler was aſſiſted by another perſon ha⯑bited like himſelf, and that the patient had ſuf⯑fered much from their abſurd attempts to relieve him; yet were theſe attempts continued, with⯑out any complaint on the part of the poor boy.

The affection of the parents, and indeed of the whole company of Indians, was manifeſted by floods of tears, and by many other ex⯑preſſions of grief; and when it was obſerved, that the Frenchmen ſeemed to ſhare in their miſ⯑fortune, they appeared to be leſs diffident of the conduct of the ſtrangers; and at length they permitted the Surgeon to examine the mouth of the ſick youth, which being bloody, had been repeatedly ſucked by his father and another man.

After ſome time the father accepted the gruel, and permitted his ſon to drink ſome milk, but not till the French gentlemen had repeatedly taſted it in his preſence. The conjurers ap⯑peared to be jealous of the Surgeon, but they could not help confeſſing the ſuperiority of his abilities. It was remarked, that while one of theſe Indian phyſicians was endeavouring to [213] drive away the diſorder, the other was buſily employed in deprecating that vengeance, which they ſuppoſed the viſit of the ſtrangers had oc⯑caſioned.

In the evening the child appeared to be leſs pained; but, from many circumſtances, it was thought, that he had ſwallowed ſome pieces of glaſs. Monſ. Bougainville and the Surgeon now went on board, and it is conjectured, that the boy died about two o'clock the next morning; for ſoon after that time loud cries were heard, and, at day-break, the Indians departed from a place which had been ſo peculiarly fatal to them; for the loſs of even one member of ſo ſmall a community, could not but be an object of great and public concern.

On the 13th and 14th the weather was ſo bad, that it was impoſſible to think of ſailing, and on the 15th the veſſels were detained by a ſtrong contrary wind; but on the following day they ſailed, with a favourable breeze, which, however, ſoon ſhifted, and prevented their reaching Rupert iſland, off which it was Monſ. Bougainville's intention to have anchored. Af⯑ter a whole day of fatigue and danger they re⯑turned to Port Galant, and anchored again near their former ſtation.

On the ſeventeenth the ſtorms were more violent than they had ever yet been; the ſea ran to a mountainous height, and the wind blew in ſuch contrary directions, that the op⯑poſing [214] waves deſtroyed each other. The ſtorm having in ſome degree ſubſided before noon, a loud peal of thunder was preſently heard, after which the winds blew with increaſing violence, and all the elements waged a ſtill more furious war. The anchors of the ſhips having dragged, the top-maſts and lower-yards were ſtruck, to avoid the dreadful conſequences of the ſtorm. At this time, however, the ſhrubs and plants were in bloom, and the trees were covered with a luxuriance of verdure.

On the 21ſt and the two following days the weather was extremely windy, while it rained and ſnowed inceſſantly. The night of the 21ſt indeed was moderately calm; but this calm ſerved only as the prelude to a ſtorm, which deſcended with aggravated fury; ſuch a ſtorm as the oldeſt ſailor on board had never remem⯑bered; but its continuance was by no means pro⯑portioned to its violence.

On the 24th the weather being fine and ſe⯑rene, preparations were made for ſailing, and on the following day the anchors were weighed, and the veſſels got under way. Having arrived off Cape Quod, our Commodore ſtops a mo⯑ment to deſcribe it. Its figure, he ſays, is very ſingular, conſiſting of craggy rocks, the moſt elevated of which bear a ſtrong reſemblance to the ruins of ancient buildings. From Bay Galant to this cape the verdant appearance of the trees takes off, in ſome degree, that horror, [215] which would otherwiſe ariſe in the mind from the conſtant ſight of the ſummits of mountains which are always frozen. After paſſing Cape Quod, the face of the country is totally changed, both ſides of the ſtreight exhibiting a proſpect of rocks, which are uncovered even with the ſlighteſt layer of earth. The tops of theſe rocks are cloathed with eternal ſnow, while the vallies between them are choaked up with pro⯑digious quantities of ice, which have the ap⯑pearance of having been congealed for a long ſeries of years. So dreadful is the appearance of this part of the ſtreight that Sir John Nar⯑borough gave it the name of Deſolation of the South; and, in fact, it is deſolate and dreary beyond all deſcription.

When Monſ. Bougainville's ſhip was oppoſite Cape Quod, the coaſt of Terra del Fuego, diſtant upwards of forty miles, appeared as if terminated by a projecting cape. There are three capes on the continent, which our adven⯑turers called Etoile Cape, Boudeuſe Cape, and Split Cape ^*, the laſt of which is ſo denomina⯑ted from its figure. The ſtreight, which in this part is about ſix miles wide, received the name of Long Reach ^†.

As the evening of the 26th was very fine, Monſ. Bougainville determined to continue his way under an eaſy ſail; but about two hours [216] before midnight a thick fog came on, the wind aroſe, and the rain poured down in torrents, while it became ſo exceſſive dark, that no land could be ſeen. The ſituation of the ſhips was now ſuppoſed to be oppoſite Cape Monday; and the night was ſpent in ſtanding off and on ſhore, in momentary expectation of ſome fatal accident

The land being ſeen at day-break, they hoiſted additional ſails, and proceeded with ra⯑pidity, till they reached Cape Pillar, when they had ſight of the main ocean, into which they arrived under a full ſail, on the evening of the ſame day; having, by the advantage of thirty ſix hours fair wind, ſailed from port Galant into the great South Sea, without once coming to an anchor.

Monſ. Bougainville was ſeven weeks and three days in paſſing the ſtreights of Magellan, the whole length of which, from Cape Virgin Mary to Cape Pillar, he computes at about three hundred and forty miles.

Though the paſſing the ſtreights is a work of ſome difficulty and danger, our author recom⯑mends it as more ſafe than the doubling of Cape Horn, if undertaken between the months of September and April; but, during the reſt of the year, he adviſes the paſſing through the open ſea; and he obſerves, that the loſt time in ſailing through the Magellanic Streights, is amply repaid by the conveniences of taking in [217] wood and water, and the chance there is of the ſcurvy making leſs havock among a crew, when they have repeated opportunities of landing. He adds, that when he left the ſtreights he had not a ſingle invalid on board either of his veſ⯑ſels.

Monſ. Bougainville now proceeds to a recital of the ſeveral circumſtances which aroſe, and the adventures he met with, from this period till his return to Europe; in which we ſhall trace him with the utmoſt fidelity of the hiſ⯑torian; preſuming to differ from him whenever he appears to be miſtaken as a writer, or to act on wrong principles as a man.

Our Commodore now ſailed nearly a weſterly courſe, having previouſly agreed with the Cap⯑tain of the Etoile, that he ſhould keep company with the Boudeuſe during the nights, and in the morning of each day ſhould ſail as far as he could to the ſouthward, without loſing ſight of the other veſſel, in order that the ſhips might command as extenſive a proſpect as poſſible, by which means it was hoped that ſome new diſ⯑coveries might be made.

On the 30th of January, while the ſea ran very high, one of the crew of the Boudeuſe fell over-board, and was drowned, notwith⯑ſtanding every endeavour to preſerve his life.—From this time till the 17th of February, Monſ. Bougainville ſailed in ſearch of what is called [218] Davis's Land, which was diſcovered by our countryman of that name in the year 1686; and he ſays, that if he had followed the direc⯑tions laid down in Monſ. de Bellin's chart, he muſt have ſailed over this land.

On the 17th ſea-gulls were ſeen; and as theſe birds do not go above eighty leagues from land, it was reſolved not to alter the courſe of the ſhips for three days; but within this period no land was diſcovered.

The weſterly wind, with a ſlight variation to the north and ſouth, prevailed from the 23d of February to the 3d of March, during which time they had rain and thunder every day, im⯑mediately before, or ſoon after the ſun had reached the meridian. This variation of the wind, from what is commonly called the Trade-wind, is mentioned by Monſ. Bougainville as an extraordinary circumſtance.

Soon after the ſhips had got clear of the ſtreights of Magellan, an epidemical ſore throat attacked almoſt every man on board, which was cured by putting vinegar and red hot bul⯑lets into the water caſks, ſo that by the end of March, the whole crew were recovered. For ſeveral days after this period ſuch a quan⯑tity of bonitos and other fiſh was catched, as afforded one meal daily to every man on board.

On the 21ſt a tunny fiſh was taken, in the belly of which were a number of ſmall fiſh of [219] ſuch kinds, as are known not to ſwim far out to ſea; whence it was concluded, that land could not be at any great diſtance; and on the following day this conjecture appeared to be well founded, for four very ſmall iſlands were then diſcovered, to which Monſ. Bougainville gave the name of les quatre Facardins; but as theſe were too much to the windward of the ſhips, they held on their way, ſteering for ano⯑ther iſland, which was almoſt right a-head.

As the veſſels advanced towards this latter iſland, it was obſerved, that it abounded with cocoa-nut trees, the fruit of which had a very tempting appearance. Theſe trees grew on plats of graſs, ſtrewed with an abundance of beautiful flowers; and the reſt of the iſland was clothed with trees of various kinds. Immenſe numbers of birds were ſeen on the coaſt, which was therefore ſuppoſed to afford a plenty of fiſh: but the ſea running high, and no harbour being diſcovered, in which our voyagers might hope for protection from the fury of its waves, they were prevented from landing: when they had coaſted the iſland for about two miles, they had ſight of three men, who advanced haſtily towards the ſhore.

Monſ. Bougainville at firſt imagined that theſe people were part of the crew of ſome European ſhip, which had been wrecked on the coaſt; and, impreſſed with this idea he gave, the neceſſary orders for affording them the [220] wiſhed for relief: but he ſoon diſcovered that his conjecture was ill-founded; for the people retired to the woods, from whence, in a ſhort time, iſſued a number of them, ſuppoſed to be near twenty, with long ſlaves in their hands, which they held up with an air of threatening and defiance. This being done, they retreated to the woods, in which, by the help of glaſſes, their habitations were plainly ſeen. Theſe iſlanders were of a copper complexion, and very tall.

Monſ. Bougainville makes it a matter of won⯑der by what means theſe people were conveyed to this ſolitary iſland, and how they are diſpoſed of when their increaſing numbers render their ſupport impoſſible on a ſpot, the circumference of which, he apprehends, does not exceed nine miles:—but our philoſopher ſeems to forget that he has but juſt left four other ſmall iſlands; nor did he recollect, when he wrote his volume, that he was, in a ſubſequent page, to tell us that he had ſoon afterwards diſcovered a larger iſland, the inhabitants of which, for any thing he could tell, might have intercourſe with thoſe on the before-mentioned iſland. He ſeems equally ignorant, whether the people of theſe iſlands are or are not poſſeſſed of veſſels proper for conveying them from one to the other; and he has forgot likewiſe, which appears to be the greateſt blunder of all, that there may probably be, in this neighbourhood, ſome large continent, [221] hitherto unknown to all our European naviga⯑tors. It is poſſible our remarks may be as ab⯑ſurd as Monſ. Bougainville's appear to be; but they ſeem to ariſe naturally from the ſubject. Be this as it may; our Commodore named the above-mentioned place the Iſle of Lance-bearers, from the ſtaves, or lances, which the inhabi⯑tants brandiſhed.

During the night between the 22d and 23d they had much rain, accompanied with violent thunder, while the wind blew almoſt a tempeſt. At the dawn of the morning land was diſco⯑vered, which appeared to be a regular level, ſufficiently clothed with verdure. Breakers being obſerved on the coaſt, the ſhips ſtood out to ſea, till the weather becoming more calm, they might approach the ſhore with greater ſafety, which happening before noon, they then coaſted the iſland, which is ſhaped like a horſe-ſhoe, and its inſide is filled by the ſea.

Some parts of this iſland produce cocoa-nut and other trees, which afford a very agreeable ſhade, but the greater part of it is only a ſand, on which grows no kind of verdure. A num⯑ber of Indians were obſerved in boats, ſome of them rowing, and others ſailing, on the lake formed by the ſhape of the iſland. Theſe peo⯑ple were all naked; and in the evening large numbers of them were ſeen on the ſea-ſhore, with pikes in their hands, like thoſe with which [222] the inhabitants of the Iſle of Lance-bearers were armed.

Night advanced before any proper place was found for the ſhip's boats to land; nor were they more ſucceſsful in their reſearches in the morning; wherefore they held on their courſe, Monſ. Bougainville having called the place Harp Iſland; the inhabitants of which had the ap⯑pearance of being tall, and genteelly made.

Our flippant Frenchman profeſſes to admire the courage of theſe iſlanders, ‘"if they live unconcerned on theſe little ſlips of ſand,"’ which are every moment liable to be ſunk in the abyſs of an enormous ocean. He might as well admire the courage of the inhabitants of France, the redoubted vaſſals of Louis le Grand; who are not leſs liable to fall victims to a con⯑vulſion of nature, nor under the more imme⯑diate protection of the Almighty, than theſe harmleſs tenants of a ſolitary iſland; happily cut off, as they are, from an intercourſe with the more p [...]liſhed barbarians of Europe!

In the evening of the day on which Harp Iſland was diſcovered, they had ſight of other land, at the diſtance of ſomething more than twenty miles, which had the appearance of be⯑ing, what it afterwards was found to be, a cluſter of iſlands, eleven of which were ſeen, and received the name of the Dangerous Archi⯑pelago. Our author conjectures, that they are more numerous, and obſerves, that it is dan⯑gerous [223] ſailing among them, as they are encom⯑paſſed with ſhoals and breakers, through which a veſſel ought to ſteer with peculiar care.

The ſhips now ſtood to the ſouth, and by the 28th of the month were out of ſight of all land. The cluſter of iſlands above-mentioned were firſt diſcovered by Quirôs, in the year 1606, and were again viſited by Roggewein, in the year 1722, who gave them the name of the La⯑byrinth.

Nothing material happened from this time till towards the end of March, when the wea⯑ther was boiſterous and ſtormy, to a very great degree, for ſeveral days ſucceſſively; and the ſcurvy now began to attack ſeveral of the crew. To combat the ill effects of this diſorder, every invalid received, daily, a pint of lemonade, in which was infuſed a powder, which had been frequently uſed with ſucceſs during the voyage. About this time they were much in want of freſh water, which was procured by the diſtilla⯑tion of ſea-water, according to a proceſs in⯑vented by Monſ. Poiſſonier; and the water thus procured was uſed in boiling meat, and making broth. The bread was kneaded with ſalt-water.

A ſteep mountain, which appeared to be en⯑compaſſed by the ſea, was diſcovered on the ſe⯑cond of April, and received the name of the Boudoir, or Boudeuſe Peak, from that of Monſ. Bougainville's ſhip.—Bearing to the northward [224] of this peak, they had ſight of land, which ex⯑tended farther than the eye could reach.

By this time it was become highly neceſſary for the ſhips to put in at ſome port, where they might obtain refreſhments, and take in a ſup⯑ply of wood. For the greater part of this day the weather was wholly calm; but in the evening a breeze ſprung up, which conveyed the ſhips near the newly-diſcovered land; but it was thought prudent to ſtand off and on for the night.

In the morning they had ſight of more land to the northward, but were not able to diſtin⯑guiſh whether it was another iſland, or a part of that which they had before ſeen.

In the night between the 3d and 4th of the month fires were obſerved on ſeveral places, from whence it was conjectured, that the coun⯑try abounded with inhabitants. Juſt before ſun⯑riſing on the 4th, it was diſcovered that the two lands, which had been ſuppoſed to be ſeparate iſlands, were connected by a flat country, bend⯑ing like a bow, and forming a fine bay. While the ſhips were ſtanding in towards the land, a boat was ſeen coming from the offing, which ſoon afterwards croſſed a head of the ſhip, and joined a number of other boats, which had aſ⯑ſembled from various parts of the iſland. This aſſemblage of boats was preceded by one which was rowed by twelve Indians, quite naked, who advanced towards the ſide of the ſhip, and held [225] up ſome boughs of the banana tree. Conſidering this as a token of friendſhip, our adventurers, in their turn, endeavoured to expreſs a recipro⯑cal regard.

This being done, the natives rowed along-ſide the Boudeuſe, and a rope being lowered into the boat, one of them affixed to his branch of the banana tree, a quantity of the fruit of that tree, and a ſmall pig. This preſent was accepted, and, in return for it, Monſ. Bougain⯑ville gave them ſome handkerchiefs and caps; and thus was a friendly intercourſe eſtabliſhed with theſe people.

In a ſhort time upwards of a hundred boats ſurrounded the French ſhips, which were laden with bananas, cocoa-nuts, and various other kinds of fruit, highly acceptable to the French, who gave in exchange for them a number of toys, which proved equally acceptable to the Indians.—In order to carry on this traffic, our voyagers held up ſuch articles as they meant to give for the fruit, and when the natives were ſatisfied with the quantity which was offered, it was let down by the ſhip's ſide in a net or baſket, and the Indians having taken it out, returned their commodities by the ſame con⯑veyance; but ſometimes the baſket was lowered when empty, and the natives put their effects in it before they had received the European goods, without ſeeming to harbour the leaſt diſtruſt or jealouſy of thoſe with whom they dealt; [226] thereby giving the beſt proof of the integrity of their own hearts.

When the evening advanced, the ſhips ſtood out farther from the coaſt, and the natives rowed back to the ſhore. During the night a number of fires were ſeen on the iſland, at ſmall, and nearly equal diſtances from each other, which the French imagining to be illuminations in honour of themſelves, a number of ſky⯑rockets were fired from both the ſhips, to return the compliment.

On the morning of the fifth the boats were ſent in ſearch of an anchoring-place, while the day was ſpent in plying to windward of the iſland.

The deſcription which Monſ. Bougainville gives of the appearance of this place, as ſeen from the ſhips, is very beautiful. The moun⯑tains, though of great height, are every where clothed with the fineſt verdure, even to the extreme point of their moſt lofty ſummits: one peak, in particular, runs up to a moſt enormous height, tapering gradually as it riſes; yet is it every where clothed with the moſt beautiful foliage, forming the appearance of a pyramid adorned with garlands, and carved by the hand of an ingenious ſculptor. The lower lands conſiſt of an intermixture of woods and mea⯑dows, while the coaſt is a level ground, ſhel⯑tered by the mountains, and abounding in co⯑coa nut and other trees, beneath the agreeable [227] ſhade of which are ſituated the houſes of the inhabitants.

As Monſ. Bougainville coaſted the iſland, he was charmed with the appearance of a noble caſcade, which, falling immediately from the ſummit of a mountain, into the ſea, produced a moſt elegant effect. On the ſhore, very near to the fall of this caſcade, was a little town, and the coaſt appeared to be free from break⯑ers. It was the wiſh of our adventurers to have caſt their anchors within view of ſuch an en⯑chanting proſpect; but, after repeated ſound⯑ings, they found that the bottom conſiſted only of rocks; and they were therefore under a ne⯑ceſſity of ſeeking another anchoring-place.

Soon after the dawn of day the natives row⯑ed along-ſide the ſhips, bringing with them fowls, pigeons, cloth, ſhells, chiſſels, and other things, which they bartered for ear-rings, and pieces of iron. Both parties dealt with the ſame eaſe and mutual confidence as they had done on the preceding day; and among the number of viſitors were ſeveral women, whoſe cloaths barely ſufficed to hide thoſe charms which could not fail of attracting the raviſhed eyes of the ſeamen. One of the Indians ſlept all night on board the Etoile, and ſeemed not to entertain a ſhadow of fear.

The ſhips plied to windward during the night, and by the morning of the 6th they had nearly reached its moſt northern extremity, when they [228] diſcovered another iſland; but as the paſſage between the two iſlands appeared to be rendered dangerous by a number of breakers, Monſ. Bougainville came to a reſolution of returning to the bay which they had ſeen when they firſt diſcovered land, where he hoped to find a con⯑venient anchoring-place, and where, after dif⯑ferent ſoundings, the ſhips were at length ſafely moored.

The natives now put off in their boats, and ſurrounded the ſhips in greater numbers than they had yet done, exhibiting many tokens of regard, and perpetually crying out Taio, which was afterwards found to ſignify Friend. The ſtrangers were much pleaſed with ſome nails and toys which the officers and ſailors gave them. Theſe boats were crouded with women, whoſe beauty of face was at leaſt equal to that of the ladies of Europe, and their ſymmetry of body much ſuperior. Almoſt all of them were naked, the old men and women having taken previous care to diveſt them of thoſe coverings, which might otherwiſe have prevented their charms from taking the wiſhed effect.

Theſe lovely laſſes eyed the ſailors with looks the moſt emphatically expreſſive, yet with a degree of timidity, which is at once the charac⯑teriſtic and the ornament of the ſex. It was not, however, neceſſary, that theſe females ſhould give any very plain indications of their meaning:—the Indian men ſaved them this [229] trouble, intimating, that the favours of the la⯑dies might be purchaſed on eaſy terms: they even urged many of the ſeamen reſpectively to make choice of a Dulcinea, with whom he would chuſe to retire to the ſhore; and their geſ⯑tures appeared not leſs extravagant than thoſe of the ſame people, as recited by Dr. Hawkeſ⯑worth, in his account of Captain Cook's Voy⯑age, of which circumſtance the readers of theſe volumes is already appriſed:—but Monſ. Bou⯑gainville goes beyond the Doctor, in the co⯑louring of this ſcene. He ſays that, ‘"even in thoſe countries where the eaſe of the gol⯑den age is ſtill in uſe, women ſeem leaſt to deſire what they moſt with for."’

Be this as it may, the ſight of theſe enchant⯑ing damſels operated very powerfully on the paſ⯑ſions of the ſeamen; and, thus ſituated, it was no eaſy matter to keep to their duty, four hun⯑dred young fellows, who had not ſeen a woman for half a year before.

Monſ. Bougainville and his officers did all in their power to preſerve order and decorum, and to prevent any of theſe tempting creatures from coming into the ſhip; but their efforts were unſucceſsful:—one of them, notwith⯑ſtanding every precaution, got on board, and took her ſeat on the quarter-deck, near a hatch⯑way, which was open to give air to ſome of the crew who were heaving the capſtern. She had ſcarcely ſeated herſelf, when ſhe let fall a cloth [230] that covered her, with an air of negligence, and appeared at once the Cyprian goddeſs, to the raviſhed eyes of the ſpectators. Both ſea⯑men and marines now eagerly crouded to the hatchway; and the capſtern was heaved with a chearfulneſs and expedition never known on any former occaſion.

After ſome time the officers ſucceeded in bringing the crew into ſome kind of order; though, as Monſ. Bougainville confeſſes, they found it equally difficult to reſtrain the ardor of their own paſſions.—The Commodore's Cook, having eluded the vigilance of the officers, got from the ſhip, and having ſelected a miſtreſs from one of the boats, went on ſhore with her; where he had no ſooner arrived, than the na⯑tives crouded about him, and pulled off all his cloaths. They now examined, with curious at⯑tention, every part of his body, while he ſtood trembling under their hands, in continual ap⯑prehenſion of being murdered, or otherwiſe abuſed: but his fears were ill-founded; for they had no ſooner finiſhed the examination, than they gave him back his cloaths, put into his pockets ſeveral things which they had taken out of them, and then introduced his girl to him, urging, that he would gratify thoſe paſſions which had impelled him to come on ſhore: but alas! their perſuaſions, their warmeſt intreaties, were thrown away;—his fears had deſtroyed all ideas of love, nor could even the enchanting [231] beauty of his miſtreſs recal them: the natives were obliged to take him back to the ſhip, where he told Monſ. Bougainville, that he had nothing to fear from his anger, for he had late⯑ly ſuffered ſuch exquiſite miſery, that all other puniſhment would be comparatively light.

Monſ. Bougainville and ſome of his officers now went on ſhore to take a view of the water⯑ing-place, and were no ſooner landed, than the natives flocked around them in prodigious num⯑bers, regarding them with looks of inexpreſſi⯑ble curioſity: ſome of them, bolder than the reſt, came and touched the French, and put aſide their cloaths, to find if they were formed like themſelves. The happy iſlanders, who wore no kind of arms, teſtified great pleaſure at this viſit of our voyagers.

A perſon, who appeared to be the principal man among the Indians, took Monſ. Bougain⯑ville's party to his houſe, where they found an old man, the father of the Chief, and ſeveral women. Theſe laſt paid their compliments to the ſtrangers, by placing their hands on their breaſts, and frequently repeating the word Tayo. The old man was a truly venerable fi⯑gure, whoſe long white beard and hair added dignity to his perſon, which was exceedingly graceful and well formed. He had none of the decrepitude of age, no wrinkles on his face, and his body was nervous and fleſhy.—The be⯑haviour of this man was wholly different from [232] that of all the reſt of his countrymen; for he expreſſed no ſign of admiration or curioſity, left the room without returning the compli⯑ments of his viſitors, and with an air that teſ⯑tified his uneaſineſs at their arrival. Monſ. Bougainville even imagines, that he feared that a new race of men coming to ſettle on the iſland, might diſturb that happy repoſe in which its in⯑habitants had hitherto lived.

The houſe of the Chief was about twenty feet in width, and eighty in length, and co⯑vered with thatch, from which hung a cylinder, above a yard long, formed of the twigs of the ozier, and adorned with black feathers. Two wooden figures were obſerved, which Monſ. Bougainville ſays were idols, and that one of them was the god of the natives; but in this he muſt be certainly miſtaken, as it appears from the account ſince publiſhed, that the inha⯑bitants of Otaheite are not idolaters:—but from almoſt every part of his volume it is evi⯑dent, that he has made his obſervations very haſtily, and given a deciſive opinion on ſubjects which he did not underſtand, and which he took very little pains to examine.

The figure which our author took for the god, was fixed upright againſt one of the pil⯑lars of the houſe, and over againſt it ſtood the other, which he calls the goddeſs, leaning a⯑gainſt, and faſtened to the reeds which form the walls of the houſe. Theſe figures ſtood on [233] pedeſtals of hard, black wood, about two yards high, one yard in circumference, ſhaped like a tower, hollowed out, and carved.

The Chief having directed his gueſts to ſeat themſelves on a graſs-plat in the front of his houſe, he preſented them with a collation, con⯑ſiſting of broiled fiſh, water, and fruit. While they were regaling themſelves he produced two collars, formed of oziers, and adorned with ſhark's teeth, and black feathers. Theſe col⯑lars, which reſembled the prodigious large ruffs worn by the French in the reign of Francis the Firſt, were put on the necks of Monſ. Bougain⯑ville, and a gentleman of his party. The Chief having likewiſe preſented our author with ſome pieces of cloth, the French were about to take their leave of this hoſpitable Indian, when one of them found that his pocket had been picked of his piſtol; on which a complaint was made to the Chief, who immediately reprimanded ſeveral of his houſhold, and would have ſearched them all; but this the Commodore would not permit, contenting himſelf with intimating to the Chief, that the weapon which had been ſtolen would kill the thief.

Monſ. Bougainville was attended to the coaſt by the Chief and his whole family. As the company paſſed along, they obſerved an Indian, remarkable for the fine proportion and ſymme⯑try of his figure, reclined at the foot of a tree, who prevailed on the French to ſit down by [234] him, and ſung them an excellent ſong, to the ſlow muſic of a flute, which the other Indian blew with his noſe. Our author ſays this ſong was, doubtleſs, of the anacreontic kind, but he aſſigns no reaſon for this opinion. This is deſcribed as a moſt delightful ſcene, and well worthy the pencil of the limner.

The company now proceeded to their boats, in which a few of the Indians embarked, and went to ſpend the evening and ſleep on board. The iſlanders ſeemed to be under no kind of reſtraint, but to have the fulleſt confidence in the hoſpitality of the French, who treated them in a very elegant manner, and concluded the evening with a band of muſic, and a diſplay of fire-works; at which, however, the Indians, ſeemed more terrified than delighted.

The Chief went on board Monſ. Bougain⯑ville's ſhip the following day, and took with him a preſent of ſome fowls and a hog: he likewiſe gave a full proof of the integrity of his heart, by returning the ſtolen piſtol; but this is no wonder; it may hold as an almoſt un⯑failing maxim, that ‘"the generous are always juſt, that the knaviſh-part of mankind are to be found among the ſordid and avaricious."’ The generous ſoul diſdains every act of mean⯑neſs; and it is certainly an act of meanneſs to detain the property of another. Doubtleſs, the hiſtory of mankind will afford ſome inſtan⯑ces which militate very ſtrongly againſt this ar⯑gument; [235] but it will uſually be found, that when the man of liberal ſentiments has detained what he knew to be the property of another, ſuch detenſion has ariſen from the extreme pe⯑nury of his own circumſtances.—We have in⯑ſtances of robberies being committed on the highway, and the money returned, years after the perpetration of the fact. In ſuch a caſe, ſurely, the robber muſt be allowed to have poſ⯑ſeſſed an honeſt heart, even while he was vio⯑lating the laws of his country; that his prin⯑ciples were juſt and generous; and that what he conceived to be a caſe of extreme neceſſity; the ſupport of his ſinking credit, and the pre⯑ſerving a beloved, an amiable woman, and the dear pledges of her love, from inevitable po⯑verty and ruin, was the occaſion of his taking ſo unwarrantable a ſtep. The reader will ex⯑cuſe this digreſſion, in favour to the writer, who conceived that it aroſe naturally from the ſubject.

The name of the Chief, whoſe conduct gave riſe to the above reflections, was ERETI, who remained on board ſeveral hours, and then went on ſhore with Monſ. Bougainville, who by this time had made the neceſſary preparations for landing the ſick, and filling the water-caſks.

As ſoon as the boats had landed, the Com⯑modore fixed on a ſpot on the borders of a ri⯑vulet, where he gave orders for the forming of a camp, for the protection as well of the ſick [236] men and their attendants, as of the waterers, and others, whoſe buſineſs might call them on ſhore.

For ſome time Ereti beheld the marines un⯑der arms, and regarded the preparations which were making to form the camp, without any apparent ſigns of uneaſineſs, and then took his leave. In a few hours, however, he returned, bringing with him his father, and ſome others of the moſt eminent men on that part of the iſland, who remonſtrated with Monſ. Bougain⯑ville on the impropriety and injuſtice of his taking poſſeſſion of their country; at the ſame time intimating, that his people were welcome to be on the iſland during the day, for any pe⯑riod of time he might think proper, but in⯑ſiſting, that the party ſhould return on board every night. The Commodore, on the con⯑trary, as peremptorily inſiſted that he would form the encampment, and endeavoured to convince the Indians how neceſſary it was that he ſhould do ſo, in order to procure wood and water, and to have the better opportunity of trafficking with the iſlanders.

The Indians now retired, and held a con⯑ference on the occaſion, at the cloſe of which Ereti came to Monſ. Bougainville, and deſired to know whether the French propoſed to take up their reſidence on the iſland for life; and, if not, how long they intended to ſtay.—In anſwer to this, the Commodore put eighteen ſmall [237] ſtones into his hands, intimating, that he ſhould remain there only ſo manys days. Hereupon a third council was held, the reſult of which was, that an elderly man, of great authority, was deputed to wait on the Commodore, and en⯑deavour to prevail on him to depart in nine days; which however he poſitively refuſed to do, and thus the matter ended.

From this period the iſlanders became again eaſy and happy. Ereti complimented Monſ. Bougainville with the uſe of a large building, that had been erected on the ſide of the rivu⯑let, for the purpoſe of laying up the Indian boats, which were inſtantly removed, at the command of the Chief. Under this building tents were put up for the accommodation of the ſick, and other tents for various uſes. A ſufficient number of muſkets were carried on ſhore, to arm thirty marines, all the workmen, and even the invalids, in caſe of neceſſity.

Monſ. Bougainville paſſed the firſt night on ſhore, in company with Ereti, who added his ſupper to that of the Commodore, invited a few ſelect friends to partake of the repaſt, and gave orders that a croud of Indians, whoſe curioſity had brought them to the ſpot, ſhould be diſperſed. He then deſired to ſee ſome fire-works, which he beheld with a mixture of pleaſure and aſtoniſhment. Late in the evening he ſent for one of his wives, who ſlept in the tent allotted to the uſe of the Prince of Naſſau. [238] Monſ. Bougainville ſays, that this woman was ugly and old; but how does he know that ſhe was not the only wife of Ereti? It does not fol⯑low, becauſe a number of women were ſeen on the firſt viſit at the houſe of this Chief, that he was married to them all. They might be daughters, ſiſters, aunts, nieces, or couſins, for any thing that could be known to the con⯑trary, by people who had not learnt three words of the language of the natives.

The camp was compleated on the following day, and the building entirely encloſed, except at one entrance, where a guard was conſtantly ſtationed. None of the Indians were admitted into this building but Ereti, and his friends of both ſexes. A croud of people were conſtantly about the place, but they made way for any one who had permiſſion to enter, on the motion of a ſmall ſtick which a Frenchman held in his hand. To this place the natives aſſembled from all quarters, bringing poultry, hogs, fiſh, fruit, and cloth; in exchange for which they received buttons, beads, tools, nails, and trin⯑kets of various kinds, on which they appeared to ſet a high value.

Theſe benevolent iſlanders vied with each other which ſhould oblige their viſitors moſt; and when the French were obſerved collecting ſhells, and gathering plants, a number of wo⯑men and children inſtantly employed themſelves [239] in the ſame manner, bringing the ſame plants, in great abundance, and variety of fine ſhells.

Monſ. Bougainville now applied to Ereti, for information where he might cut wood, and was directed to the mountains, where the hard wood grows, the low lands producing only a gum-tree, and fruit-trees of various kinds. The Chief even marked the trees which were proper for cutting, and pointed out the ſide on which they ſhould be felled.

The iſlanders aſſiſted our adventurers in cut⯑ting the wood, and carrying it down to the boats, and likewiſe helped them to fill water, and roll the caſks to the coaſt. For theſe ſer⯑vices they received a number of nails, propor⯑tioned to the induſtry they had exerted: but it was neceſſary for the French to be conſtantly on their guard, to prevent their thieving the ar⯑ticles which were brought on ſhore; nor were even their pockets ſafe from the depredations of theſe people, who, Monſ. Bougainville ſays, are as ingenious in the art, as the pick-pockets of Europe; which is certainly no great compli⯑ment to the people of Otaheite.

Monſ. Bougainville ſuppoſes, that theſe iſlanders do not rob each other, as none of their effects were kept under locks and keys; and he attributes their frequent attempts to rob the French to an inſatiable curioſity for articles which they had never before ſeen. Guards were ſta⯑tioned, and patroles appointed, to protect the [240] French property; notwithſtanding which, the iſlanders found means to ſteal ſeveral things, and they even pelted the guards with ſtones. Theſe free-booters hid themſelves in a marſh be⯑hind the camp, which was overgrown with reeds: but a part of this marſh was cleared, by order of the Commodore, who directed, that when any more thieves were ſeen, they ſhould be fired at. Ereti even hinted, that this mea⯑ſure was neceſſary; but, pointing to his own houſe, ſeemed very ſolicitous that Monſ. Bou⯑gainville would not fire that way. Orders were now given for ſome of the ſhips boats to an⯑chor before the camp, and point their ſwivel guns ſo as to protect it.

The article of thieving excepted, every other intercourſe between the French and Indians was carried on in the moſt harmonious manner. The ſeamen made ſeveral incurſions into the iſland, unarmed, ſometimes in ſmall parties, and ſome⯑times ſingly: when the natives invited them into their houſes, gave them proviſions, and pre⯑ſented the young damſels to their embraces. On theſe occaſions the hut was inſtantly crouded with numbers of both ſexes, who ſurrounded the young lovers, and eyed them with looks of the moſt intenſe curioſity. Leaves and flowers were immediately ſtrewed on the ground, and while ſome played on flutes, others ſang a kind of ſong ſacred to the Cyprian goddeſs.

[241]Monſ. Bougainville's picture of theſe ſcenes is rather over-charged; but the pen of the hiſ⯑torian ſhould be guided by truth. ‘"Here Venus (ſays he) is the goddeſs of hoſpitality; her worſhip does not admit of any myſteries, and every tribute paid to her is a feaſt for the whole nation."’

The people of Otaheite ſeemed aſtoniſhed at the embarraſſment of ſome of the Frenchmen on theſe occaſions: but Monſ. Bougainville is of opinion, that there was not a man of the whole crew who had not got the better of the European delicacy, by making a public ſacri⯑fice at the altar of Venus. If this opinion be well founded, the poor Cook, whoſe caſe has been related, muſt have wonderfully recovered of his fright, before the Commodore left the iſland.—Surely theſe intrepid ſubjects of Louis the Fifteenth muſt have been bleſt with the moſt vigorous conſtitutions in the univerſe, or have been curſed with the moſt unbluſhing im⯑pudence of face! That many of the crew ſhould have got the better of all regard for de⯑cency, is not to be wondered at; but that there ſhould not be one Frenchman out of four hun⯑dred who could reſiſt the temptation of thus publickly proſtituting himſelf, is very aſtoniſh⯑ing. But vanity is conſtitutional in a Pariſian, and rather than not ſacrifice at her ſhrine, he will be content to rob himſelf of his own good name.

[242]It may fairly be concluded, that if every man gave theſe public proofs of his proweſs, the Commodore himſelf made one of the number, a naked ſpectacle to the laughing Indians! But perhaps Monſ. Bougainville was honoured in the embraces of one of Ereti's wives; in which caſe it is preſumed, that the fond couple were ſurrounded only by the royal family, and the lords and ladies of the Court. Doubtleſs, an extraordinary band of muſic muſt have been provided on theſe ſolemn occaſions, and the beſt noſe-flute-players on the iſland muſt have been engaged as performers. What pity it is that our gallant philoſophical, nautical, war⯑like Amoroſo, has omitted a deſcription of one of theſe charming ſcenes! A print of it, too, would have done honour to ſome ingenious en⯑graver of Paris, and it would doubtleſs have promoted the ſale of a work ſo admirably cal⯑culated for the meridian of Verſailles. The doating monarch would have ſubſcribed liberal⯑ly, while the laſcivious Barré would have ex⯑tolled to the very ſkies the writer's happy talent at deſcription. Who knows too, but that the French Ambaſſador might have introduced the work among the circle at St. James's; and thus have promoted the cauſe of libertiniſm ſo far, that not one of the nobility of the ſucceeding generation ſhould be the real child of his reput⯑ed father.

[243]To be ſerious; this is ſtrange ſtuff, even for a French hiſtorian to write; nor would we have copied it, but that our engagements to the pub⯑lic compelled us to give Monſ. Bougainville's Voyage; and Monſ. Bougainville muſt be an⯑ſwerable for all its faults.

Happy ought Engliſhmen to think them⯑ſelves; particularly thoſe of the middling and lower claſſes, among whom marriage is ſtill held in ſome ſort of eſteem. Long may it be ſo held, for the honour of legal love, the ſecu⯑rity of property, and the ſake of thoſe tender ties, by which relations are held in the bond of friendſhip!

Hail wedded love, myſterious law, true ſource
Of human offspring, ſole propriety
In Paradiſe of all things common elſe.
By thee adult'rous luſt was driven from men,
Among the beſtial herds to range; by thee
Founded in reaſon, loyal, juſt, and pure,
Relations dear, and all the charities
Of father, ſon, and brother, firſt were known.
MILTON.

Monſ. Bougainville now proceeds to a de⯑ſcription of the beauties of the interior parts of the iſland. He has often walked out, with on⯑ly a few attendants, and arrived at places en⯑chanting beyond the power of pen or pencil to paint. Trees abounding with fruit of the moſt [244] delicious kinds, were frequently found on mea⯑dows interſected by rivulets, which gave an agreeable coolneſs to the air. On theſe enchant⯑ing ſpots numbers of the natives revel in the profuſive gifts of nature, unincumbered with the cares of the buſy world. Our author met with many little ſocieties, repoſing at their eaſe, under the ſhade of trees, who welcomed the ſtrangers in the moſt friendly manner. Thoſe he ſaw on his way made room for his paſſage, with a degree of civility that would have done honour to the moſt poliſhed European; and in every place he found evident marks of the con⯑tent and happineſs of the people; while he was treated with the utmoſt hoſpitality.

Monſ. Bougainville gave Ereti ſome ducks and geeſe, and a couple of turkies, that he might raiſe a breed of thoſe birds. He likewiſe preſented him with ſome garden ſeeds, and ad⯑viſed him to cultivate ſome ground in the Eu⯑ropean manner; and a ſpot being fixed on by the French, it was encloſed, and ſeveral of the crew employed in digging it. The natives were much pleaſed with the implements of gar⯑dening, and happy in having wheat, barley, oats, rice, &c. put into the ground; as were likewiſe onions, and a variety of pot-herbs. The Commodore is of opinion, that his gene⯑roſity in this particular will not be thrown away, as the people of Otaheite ſeem to have a taſte for agriculture; and he thinks they might ſoon [245] be brought to cultivate, in a proper manner, the fineſt ſoil in the world: they have indeed a ſort of kitchen gardens near their huts, which produce yams, potatoes, and other edible roots.

Soon after the camp was formed, the Com⯑modore was viſited on board the ſhip by Toutaa, the Chief of a diſtrict near that of Ereti, who was a very tall man, and moſt admirably well made, he was attended by ſeveral gentlemen, hardly one of whom was leſs than ſix feet in height. Toutaa brought with him cloth, hogs, fowls and fruit, which he preſented to Monſ. Bougainville, who complimented him with ſome ſilk ſtuffs, trinkets, nails, &c.

Toutaa invited Monſ. Bougainville to his houſe, where, in the midſt of a large aſſem⯑bly, he preſented him with a fine young girl, whom the Commodore conjectures to have been one of his wives; and the muſicians inſtantly began the bridal hymn:—but our author does not ſay what farther paſſed on the occaſion.

One of the Indians happening to be kil⯑led, his countrymen complained to Monſ. Bougainville of this violation of the rights of hoſpitality. The dead body being con⯑veyed to one of the huts, ſome perſons were ſent to examine it, when it appeared, that he had fell by a gun-ſhot wound; on which all poſſible enquiry was made after the offender, but he could not be diſcovered; and how he came to be ſhot remained a myſtery; for Monſ. Bougainville ſays, that none of the crew had [246] that day left the ſhip with fire-arms, nor had any of thoſe on ſhore been permitted to leave the camp. It was evident, however, that the natives in general conceived their countryman to have been the aggreſſor; for their dealings with the Europeans were not intermitted; but ſome few of them moved off their furniture to the mountains, and even the houſe of Ereti was ſtripped; but a few preſents from the Com⯑modore regained his friendſhip and eſteem.

Early in the morning of the 12th the cable of the Boudeuſe parting, that ſhip ran foul of the Etoile, but the veſſels were happily got clear of each other, before any damage had been ſuſtained. A boat was now ſent to ſound for ſome convenient paſſage, as the ſhips were in evident danger of being driven on ſhore: and at this unfortunate juncture news arrived, that three of the Indians had been either mur⯑dered or wounded in their huts; and that, in conſequence of this unhappy circumſtance, a general terror had ſeized the inhabitants. The women, children, and old men, had fled up the country, taking their effects with them, and even carrying off the bodies of the deceaſed. The Commodore, on receiving this intelligence, went on ſhore, and ſelecting four marines, on whom reſted the ſuſpicion of having perpetra⯑ted this foul deed, he ordered them to be put into irons in the preſence of Ereti, a circumſtance that re-conciliated the affection of the Indians.

[247]Monſ. Bougainville, apprehenſive that the na⯑tives might revenge the injury they had ſuſtained in the perſons of their countrymen, ſpent a con⯑ſiderable part of the night at the camp, and gave orders for a reinforcement of the guards. It is true, that the ſituation of the French was every way ſo advantageous, that, in all proba⯑bility, they might have been an over-match for the united forces of the natives. The night, however, was ſpent in perfect repoſe, except ſome ſlight alarms, occaſioned by thieving in⯑terlopers.

The Commodore's concern aroſe more from the apprehended loſs of his ſhips, than from any hoſtile efforts that might be made by the Indians. After ten at night the wind blew vio⯑lently; the ſea ſwelled to an enormous height; the rain deſcended in torrents, and the whole ſcene was tempeſtuous in a high degree.

Monſ. Bougainville went on board ſoon after midnight, when a violent ſquall of wind was driving the ſhips towards the ſhore. Providen⯑tially the ſtorm was ſoon over, and a breeze from the ſhore prevented the veſſels being ſtranded.

About day-break another cable, and the haw⯑ſer of the Boudeuſe parted, when ſhe was almoſt cloſe on the ſhore, on which the ſurges beat with unremitting fury. At this time too, as an aggravation of their misfortunes, the buoys of the anchors were miſſing; but it is doubt⯑ful [248] whether the natives had ſtolen them, or whether they had ſunk.

Some little time before noon another cable parted, and the Boudeuſe drove towards the ſhore. They now let go their ſheet anchor, but it could be of no ſervice to them, as they were ſo near the breakers, that the ſhip muſt have ſtranded before a ſufficient length of ca⯑ble could have been veered out, to have given the anchor time to reach the bottom. Thus ſituated, within a moment of deſpair, a wind off ſhore operated in their favour; yet this wind ſoon changed, though not till it had en⯑abled them to get at a diſtance from the ſhore, by the help of a hawſer, from a ſtream-anchor of the Etoile, which ſhip happening to be an⯑chored in firmer ground than the Boudeuſe, was, under providence, the great means of ſaving that veſſel and her crew from deſtruction. On occaſion of this ſingular eſcape, Monſ. Bougainville pays a grateful compliment to Monſ. de la Giraudais, the Commander of the Etoile, to whoſe friendſhip and abilities he deems himſelf greatly indebted for the preſer⯑vation of the Boudeuſe.

Soon after day-light it was obſerved, that the camp was totally deſtitute of its uſual viſitors: not an Indian was to be ſeen near it, nor even a ſingle boat ſailing on the river. The natives had quitted their houſes, and the whole coun⯑try appeared to be depopulated. The prince [249] of Naſſau now went on ſhore with a ſmall party, and, at about three miles from the camp, found Ereti, with a conſiderable number of his ſubjects. When the Chief recollected the Prince, he advanced towards him with a mixed countenance, expreſſive of hope and terror.

Many women were now with Ereti, who dropping on their knees at the feet of the Prince kiſſed his hands, and, bathed in tears, exclaim⯑ed, Tayo, maté?

You are our friends, and you kill us!—

The Prince ſucceeded in his endeavours to inſpire them with freſh confidence; and Monſ. Bougainville had the pleaſure of obſerving, from on board, by the help of his glaſſes, that the natives haſtened to the camp, carrying with them fowls, fruits, &c. ſo that there could be no doubt but that peace was re-eſtabliſhed.

The Commodore inſtantly left the ſhip, and taking with him a quantity of ſilk ſtuffs, and a variety of other articles, he preſented them to the principal perſons, intimating how unhappy he was on account of the misfortune which had happened, and aſſuring them, that the perpetra⯑tors of ſo foul a deed ſhould not eſcape un⯑puniſhed.—The grateful Indians careſſed the Commander; the natives in general were hap⯑py that peace was reſtored, and the market ſoon became more crouded than ever; ſo that, in two days only, more refreſhments were brought in than had been before, and the whole place [250] had the appearance of a fair. The Indians now requeſted to ſee ſome muſkets fired; but were not a little alarmed, when they found that the animals fired at were inſtantly killed.

The boat which the Commodore had ſent to ſound having found an excellent paſſage to the northward, the Etoile ſailed on the 14th, and being got ſafe without the reef, her Commander ſent the boat to the Boudeuſe, in which was an officer, who having ſurveyed the paſſage, and conducted the Etoile to a place of ſafety, re⯑turned to take the ſame care of Monſ. Bou⯑gainville's ſhip.

The crew of the Boudeuſe now laboured inceſſantly in compleating her ſtock of water, and in bringing her effects on board. The Commodore took poſſeſſion of the iſland, for his Sovereign, by an inſcription carved on an oak plank, and burying in a bottle, near the building they had occupied, a writing, con⯑taining the names of the ſeveral officers con⯑cerned in this expedition: and this method he followed invariably, at all the places he diſco⯑vered in the courſe of his voyage.

The Boudeuſe ſet ſail early in the morning of the 15th, and the Commodore congratulated himſelf on having got clear of the reefs, when the wind ſuddenly dying away, the tide, and a ſwelling ſea drove the ſhip violently towards the rocks, on which ſhe muſt have been in⯑ſtantly daſhed in pieces, and every man on [251] board have periſhed, except the few who could ſwim remarkably well. At this moment, when ſhe was ready to ſtrike on the rocks, providen⯑tially a weſtern breeze ſprang up, and, in about two hours, conveyed our voyagers clear of all thoſe dangers they had dreaded.

Monſ. Bougainville joined the Etoile before the evening, and a ſtrong gale ſpringing up about midnight, they ſet all their ſails, and ſoon got perfectly clear of the coaſt.

Our author now deſcribes, in very affecting terms, what paſſed at his taking leave of the people of Otaheite; and we ſhall endeavour not to fall ſhort of the original, in the tender⯑neſs of the deſcription; convinced that the Engliſh language is at leaſt as well adapted for the pathetic, as the French, or any other Eu⯑ropean tongue.

Soon after the dawn of the morning, when the Indians obſerved that their viſitors were making preparations for their departure, Ereti came haſtily on board, in the firſt boat that was ready. He now claſped in his arms, em⯑braced, and wept over thoſe new-made ac⯑quaintance, whom he was about to part with for ever.—This ſcene was ſcarcely ended, when a larger boat, in which were the wives of this generous Chief, came along-ſide the ſhip, laden with a variety of refreſhments.

This veſſel likewiſe brought off the Indian, who, on their firſt arrival, had ſlept on board [252] the Etoile. This man was called AOTOUROU. Ereti preſented him to Monſ. Bougainville, inti⯑mating his determined reſolution to ſail with the ſtrangers, and intreating permiſſion that he might do ſo. This requeſt being complied with, Ereti preſented him to the officers reſpectively, ſaying, that he truſted a well-beloved friend, to the care and protection of friends equally be⯑loved.

Ereti having accepted ſome preſents, return⯑ed to the boat, in which were a number of weeping beauties, made ſtill more lovely by their tears.—With him went Aotourou, to take a melancholy leave of a lovely damſel, the dear object of his regard. He took three pearls from his ears, which he delivered as a love-token to the deſponding beauty; embraced her affectionately, tore himſelf from her arms, and left it to time and tears, to reſtore her ſerenity of mind.—Who that reads this narrative can ſuppoſe, that an Indian has leſs dignity of ſoul than an European!

Monſ. Bougainville now proceeds to a deſcrip⯑tion of the iſland of Otaheite, with an account of the manners and characters of its inhabi⯑tants; and in this part of his hiſtory we ſhall trace him with the pen of accuracy.

There is a fine bay, about ten miles in depth, between a cape, which advances to the north, and the ſouth-eaſt point of the iſland. Towards the bottom of this bay the coaſt is almoſt level, [253] and this part appears to be the beſt peopled, as well as the moſt agreeable part of the country. In a paſſage between the two moſt northerly iſlands, there is good anchorage for thirty veſ⯑ſels. The reſt of the coaſt is mountainous land, and in moſt places is encompaſſed by reefs of rocks, ſome of which are almoſt covered by the ſea, while others are left ſufficiently deſtitute of water to be conſidered as iſlands. On theſe the natives kindle fires every night, that the crews of their boats may fiſh in ſafety. Between theſe rocks are ſpaces, through which a ſhip may enter, but will find it difficult to get an⯑chorage.

The mountains at a diſtance from the coaſt are much higher than it is uſual for hills to be in countries of no greater extent. Theſe, being covered with verdure and fruits of various beautiful and delicious kinds, afford the richeſt proſpect that the imagination can form an idea of. Springs, iſſuing from the mountains, form themſelves into rivulets, which meandring through the country, ſerve at once to fertilize and adorn it.

On the level parts of the iſland the houſes are erected, under the ſhade of fruit trees; not in regular towns or villages, but ſeparately, and where the fancy of the owner ſhall fix the ſpot. Public walks, kept in the neateſt order, lead from one reſidence to another, throughout the [254] iſland, ſo that the whole appears one ſcene of enchanted ground.

The principal fruits of the iſland are plan⯑tains, cocoa-nuts, yams, curaſſol okras, and the bread-fruit. Indico and ſugar-canes grow wild; and two ſubſtances proper for dying, one red and the other yellow, was found among the natives; but Monſ. Bougainville could not learn from what vegetable they were pro⯑duced.

While Aotourou was on board the Boudeuſe, it appeared, that he was acquainted with many of the plants and fruits in the poſſeſſion of the French, which he called by their Indian names. Indeed, the ſame productions are common to moſt countries within the tropics.

The natives uſe the cedar-wood, which grows on the mountains, for the conſtruction of the largeſt boats; and they make a ſort of pikes, of a very heavy black wood. Their ſmaller boats are made of the wood of the bread-fruit tree, which is extremely ſoft, and full of gum.

The iſland of Otaheite produces very rich pearls, which are worn by the women and chil⯑dren; but theſe were ſecreted almoſt as ſoon as the French landed, and were ſeen no more during their ſtay. A ſort of caſtanets, inſtru⯑ments uſed by the Indian dancers, are formed out of the ſhells of the pearl-oyſters.

The only quadrupedes ſeen on the iſland were hogs, ſmall but handſome dogs; and [255] rats; the laſt of which are very numerous. Of winged animals there are parroquets of exquiſite beauty, the feathers of which are red and blue, moſt happily blended: pidgeons, rather larger than ours, of a deep blue colour, and moſt delicate taſte: and common domeſtic poultry, differing in no reſpect from thoſe of Europe. The hogs and fowls feed on plantains only, ſo that the purity of their food muſt en⯑ſure the goodneſs of the meat.

Monſ. Bougainville obtained, by his traffick with the natives, about 140 hogs, and more than eight hundred fowls; and he might have procured much larger numbers, if his ſtay had been longer.

No venomous animals were ſeen on this iſland, nor any of thoſe noxious inſects, which are common to, and are the greateſt curſe of, hot climates.

There can remain no doubt of the ſalubrity of the air of Otaheite; for though the French laboured hard all day in the heat of the ſun, and were frequently in the water, and ſlept all night in the open air, on the bare ground, not a ſingle perſon contracted any diſorder; while thoſe who were landed for the cure of the ſcurvy recovered very faſt, and many of them acquired ſo much ſtrength, that their cure was perfected on board the ſhips.

[256]Our author mentions, as an undoubted proof of the healthineſs of the climate, the ſtrength of its inhabitants, who grow to an extreme old age, without feeling any of its inconve⯑niences, though they ſleep only on a few leaves, ſtrewed on the ground, in huts ill adapted to defend them from the inclemencies of the weather.

The chief articles of food among the natives are fiſh and vegetables. Fleſh is ſeldom eaten even by grown perſons; and by the young women and children never. Their drink is pure water; and from this temperance doubtleſs ariſes, in a great meaſure, that freedom from diſeaſe, which is one of their greateſt bleſſings. Theſe people were averſe to the taſte and ſmell of every thing ſtrong; particularly tobacco, ſpices, brandy and wine.

The natives of Otaheite are of two diſtinct tribes, having no perſonal reſemblance, yet practiſing the ſame cuſtoms, aſſociating together in the moſt friendly manner, and converſing in the ſame dialect. The firſt race of theſe peo⯑ple are much taller, larger, and better pro⯑portioned than the other. Few of theſe are leſs than ſix feet high, and ſo extremely well made, that, as our author ſays, ‘"in order to paint a Hercules or a Mars, one could no where find ſuch beautiful models."’ Their features are perfectly like thoſe of the inhabi⯑tants of Europe: their hair is black, and their [257] ſkins rather brown; but this is attributed to their being ſo much expoſed to the ſun and air. Monſ. Bougainville does not ſay which of the European nations they reſemble, and therefore it muſt be concluded, that he means the French; in which caſe an Engliſh lady would ſcarcely give him credit for the extravagant encomiums which he laviſhes on the beauty of the Otahei⯑teans; on the contrary, ſhe will be apt to con⯑clude, that better models for a Hercules or a Mars may be found between Berwick upon Tweed, and the lands-end in Cornwall.

The other tribe of theſe Indians are about the middle ſtature, have almoſt the features and complexion of Mulattoes, and rough, curled hair, as ſtrong as the briſtles of a hog. Ao⯑tourou was of this tribe, and the ſon of one of the Chiefs of the iſland.

Our author ſays that this Indian's want of per⯑ſonal beauty, was amply recompenſed by the goodneſs of his underſtanding; but this aſſer⯑tion has been flatly contradicted by the teſti⯑mony of ſeveral Engliſh gentlemen, who ſaw Aotourou, during his reſidence at Paris, and who repreſent him as one of the moſt ignorant blockheads they had ever known. Hence it ſhould ſeem, that Engliſh and French ideas are extremely at variance, reſpecting Indian abilities and attainments.

Both the tribes ſhave the upper part of the face, permitting the beard on the chin to grow, [258] and a whiſker on each lip. Some of them bind the hair on the top of the head, while others cut it ſhort, but all of them rub the oil of the cocoa-nut into the hair and beard. They permit all their nails to grow to a great length, except that of the middle finger of the right hand. Among theſe people one cripple only was ſeen; and it was ſuppoſed that he got his hurt by a fall. The Surgeon informed Monſ. Bougainville, that many of the natives were marked with the ſmall pox: and he ſays, he took every precaution that the venereal diſ⯑order ſhould not be communicated to theſe happy, unoffending people; but it appears from Captain Cook's account, that ſome unge⯑nerous Frenchman was baſe enough to plant this dreadful malady, in a country where, from Monſ. Bougainville's own account, it is more likely to ſpread than in any other part of the world, on account of the extreme attachment of the inhabitants to the Cytherean ſports.—Aotourou is probably arrived at his native country before this time, and has informed the iſlanders that their late viſitors were French⯑men; in which caſe the poor Indians will have ample reaſon to call the diſorder by its genuine name, the FRENCH diſeaſe.

The ladies and gentlemen of Otaheite ſtain the lower parts of their backs, and their thighs, with a deep blue; the method of doing which having been already mentioned in our account [259] of Captain Cook's voyage, need not be here repeated. Monſ. Bougainville mentions it as a ſingular circumſtance, that the practice of painting the body has always prevailed among the people of all countries, at the time when they bordered on a ſtate of nature: it is, in⯑deed, a well known fact, that the ancient Bri⯑tons were found ſtained with wood, when Ju⯑lius Caeſar made his firſt deſcent on this iſland.

The natives of Otaheite wear pearls, and flowers of different kinds, in their ears. They likewiſe make a frequent practice of bathing their bodies, conſtantly waſhing themſelves be⯑fore they either eat or drink; ſo that they are to be ranked among the moſt cleanly people in the univerſe.

Our author repreſents theſe iſlanders as good-natured and benevolent in a high degree. He ſays, that, though the ſeveral diſtricts are go⯑verned each by its own Chief, public war, or private animoſity ſeemed to be equally unknown on the iſland. The natives ſeem not to enter⯑tain even the ſlighteſt doubt of the integrity of each other, and appear to enjoy, in common, whatever is neceſſary to the ſupport of life. Their houſes are always open night and day, and whoever enters may freely eat of whatever he finds. In like manner they gather fruit from every tree; and all the level country being a kind of continued orchard, ſeems to be but one common property.

[260]Yet were theſe people, with ſuch exalted ideas of general benevolence, moſt dextrous in ſtealing the property of the French. The Chiefs, however, did not encourage their in⯑feriors in theſe depredations; on the contrary, they requeſted the officers to kill thoſe who ſhould be detected in an act of theft: but they would never take this diſagreeable taſk on them⯑ſelves.—When a thief was pointed out to Ereti, he would run after till he had overtaken him, and then compelling him to reſtore the ſtolen goods, he puniſhed the offence by a num⯑ber of ſtripes.

Monſ. Bougainville ſays, he had conceived an idea, that theſe people had no ſeverer pu⯑niſhment among them than this kind of whip⯑ping; for they ſeemed to commiſerate the fate of ſome of the French ſeamen, whom they ſaw put in irons; but our author has been ſince informed, that they have a cuſtom of puniſh⯑ing theft, by hanging the felon on a tree.

Although the inhabitants of Otaheite main⯑tain perpetual peace among themſelves; yet it ſeldom happens, but that they are engaged in war with the natives of the adjacent iſlands.

They have large veſſels, called Periaguas, in which they deſcend on the enemies country, and even engage in ſea-fights. A pike and a bow with a ſling are all their arms.

If Aotourou's information is to be depended on, the conſequences of their battles are very [261] fatal to the vanquiſhed. The men and boys who are made priſoners, are ſtripped of their ſkins, and the beards of the men are taken off, and carried away in triumph, as enſigns of the victory. The conquerors take with them the women and girls, with whom they frequently cohabit—Aotourou declared himſelf the ſon of one of theſe unnatural alliances, his mother being a native of OOPOA, an iſland not far diſ⯑tant from Otaheite, with the inhabitants of which they are frequently at war. Monſ. Bou⯑gainville aſcribes the difference obſerved be⯑tween the two races of people, to this inter⯑courſe with the captive women of the adjacent iſlands.

The principal people on the iſland have a number of ſervants, who ſubmit to their or⯑ders with the moſt unreſerved obedience; and, in each diſtrict, the will of the Chief is a law, from the authority of which there is no appeal; but the Chief himſelf does not come to any reſolution reſpecting matters of great import⯑ance, till he has previouſly conſulted with the principal inhabitants. The reader will recol⯑lect, that the truth of this circumſtance is evinced, by the repeated counſels which were held on occaſion of the French having deter⯑mined to take up their reſidence on ſhore.

When an inhabitant of Otaheite dies, his body is depoſited on a kind of bier, placed un⯑der a ſhed, to which the women reſort daily, [262] and anoint the corpſe with the oil of the cocoa-nut. In theſe places they are left, till all the fleſh is waſted from the bones, and then the ſkeleton is conveyed to the hut of his relations, where a perſon, who appears to have great au⯑thority, attends, and being dreſſed in a habit peculiar to the occaſion, he performs ſome ſo⯑lemn ceremonies: but how long the ſkeletons are kept in the houſes, our author had no op⯑portunity of knowing.

Monſ. Bougainville endeavoured to learn of Aotourou the religious ceremonies of his coun⯑trymen; and, if they mutually underſtood each other, it will appear, that the people of Otaheite are ſuperſtitious in a high degree; that the ſupreme authority is veſted in the prieſts; that their principal Deity is called ERI-T-ERA, that is, King of Light, or of the Sun; beſides whom they acknowledge a number of inferior divinities, ſome of whom produce evil, and others good: that the general name of theſe miniſtering ſpirits is EATOUA; and that the natives ſuppoſe two of theſe divinities attend each affair of conſequence in human life, de⯑termining its fate either advantageouſly or other⯑wiſe.

To one circumſtance our author ſpeaks in deciſive terms. He ſays, that when the moon exhibits a certain aſpect, which bears the name of Malama Tamai, [the moon in a ſtate of war] the natives offer up human ſacrifices.

[263]Monſ. Bougainville mentions one circum⯑ſtance, as a proof that theſe people originated on the continent, from whence their anceſtors muſt have emigrated. When any one ſneezes, his companions cry out, Evaroua-t-eatoua; ‘"that is, may the good genius awaken thee;"’ or, ‘"may not the evil genius lull thee aſleep."’

The principal people on the iſland appear to have many wives; and our author thinks polygamy is common among them all. The rich are chiefly diſtinguiſhed from the poor by keeping a greater number of the fair ſex; for univerſal love is the characteriſtic of the inha⯑bitants of Otaheite. Both the parents ſeem eqally fond of nurſing their infants. The men employ themſelves principally in war, fiſhing, and agriculture, while the women have little to do, but to render themſelves agreeable by their aſſiduity to pleaſe: they ſubmit implicitly to the will of the men, and the woman who ſhould proſtitute herſelf without the permiſſion of her huſband, would atone for her infidelity with her life. Yet is the permiſſion of the huſband to gratify her paſſions, in what way ſhe pleaſe, ſo eaſily obtained, that theſe fair ones are not under the leaſt temptation to diſobedience: in fact, the wife generally yields her perſon at the ſolicitation of her huſband; jealouſy, therefore, one would imagine, muſt be a paſſion quite un⯑known among them.

[264]The ſingle woman follows, implicitly, the dictates of her heart, and yields her perſon at her own diſcretion; and, the more numerous the favours ſhe has granted, the better her chance of obtaining a huſband. The examples perpe⯑tually before her eyes, the hymeneal ſongs of the natives, their dances, and their attitudes, added to the ſeductive warmth of the climate, all conſpire to render that circumſtance no vice at Otaheite, which would be deemed ſo in Eng⯑land. Love is at once the buſineſs and the pleaſure of the natives of this iſland; and at his ſhrine, all its inhabitants bend with the moſt fervent devotion. They dance to the muſic of a drum, and ſing to the flute blown with the noſe. They likewiſe divert themſelves, occa⯑ſionally, with a kind of wreſtling, which at once braces the nerves, and relaxes the mind; though in this place, of all parts of the world, the mind ſeems to require the leaſt relaxation, for almoſt the whole buſineſs of the iſlanders conſiſts in pleaſure.

Our author ſays, that the inhabitants of Otaheite are a witty and humorous people, which he attributes to their living in eaſe and jollity.—That eaſe may make a man happy, we will readily allow; but that it can create humour, or inſpire wit, we muſt beg leave to deny:—per⯑haps the dulleſt fellows this day to be found on the habitable globe, are among thoſe who are eaſy and independant in point of fortune, and [265] perhaps, too, ſome of the moſt humorous and witty may be found among thoſe who know not where to obtain a ſecond ſhilling when the preſent is expended. This, at leaſt, is the caſe in London: it may, poſſibly, fare differently with the Pariſians, almoſt all of whom being poor and merry, may fancy themſelves wits and humouriſts. In a word, wit and humour are not the gifts of fortune, but of Nature.

Monſ. Bougainville charges the people of Otaheite with a fickleneſs of diſpoſition, which was deemed aſtoniſhing. Every new object ſtruck their attention, but nothing engaged it for more than a few minutes. To reflect was, to them, a work of labour, and they ſeemed to prefer bodily to mental exerciſes.—This, with our ingenious author's permiſſion, is a proof of their good ſenſe: every man, who can think at all, muſt know, that the labour of the mind exceeds that of the limbs, in proportion as the ſoul is ſuperior to the body! For this reaſon we pay not an artiſt as we pay a porter; the one will earn an hundred pounds, while the other is drudging for as many ſhillings: but the porter can drudge on for life, while the artiſt, if he acquire not ſufficient to retire with decency at an early period, will pine away a wretched old age in unmerited penury!

The natives of Otaheite are ingenious, be⯑yond deſcription, in the conſtruction of their fiſhing-tackle, the hooks of which are of mo⯑ther [266] of pearl, and wrought as nicely as if with European tools. With threads drawn from the American aloe they form their nets, which are made like thoſe of France, and other nations of Europe. Their houſes, too, are exceedingly well built, and the palm-leaves, with which they are thatched, are laid on with great ſkill and taſte.

The boats (or periaguas) of theſe people are of two kinds. The former very large, hollow⯑ed out of huge trees, and finiſhed with much taſte, parts of other trees being added as or⯑naments:—the latter ſmall, and of much ruder conſtruction—But theſe kinds of boats having been repeatedly deſcribed in this and other books of voyages, it is unneceſſary to ſay more of them.

In order to convey themſelves from one iſland to another, they fix beams of wood from the ſtarboard ſide of one veſſel to the larboard of the other, leaving an intermediate ſpace of ſomething more than a yard; and over the ſtern of both the boats they erect a kind of hut, lightly built, and covered with reeds, which ſerves as a repoſitory for their proviſions, and a ſhelter againſt the inclemency of the weather.

Two boats thus laſhed together never over⯑ſet; and are therefore much in uſe among the people of ſuperior rank: the ſails of theſe veſ⯑ſels [267] are nearly ſquare, and conſiſt of mats, ſtretched out by means of pieces of cane.

The only tools in uſe among the natives of Otaheite are pieces of ſhells made ſharp, for boring holes in wood, and a chiſſel, in the Eu⯑ropean make, the blade of which is formed of a hard black ſtone.

The natives manufacture that remarkable kind of cloth which forms their dreſs: a ſhrub is cultivated near all the Indian huts, from the rind of which this cloth is made, by beating it on a ſmooth board, and occaſionally ſprinkling it with water, till it is as thin as paper, and ſomething like it, only much more pliable. Thus they make cloth of different thickneſs, which they afterwards dye; but their proceſs in the dying it Monſ. Bougainville had no op⯑portunity of ſeeing.

Our author now employs two or three pages in defence of his conduct in bringing Aotourou from his native iſland, in anſwer to ſome illibe⯑ral reflections which had been caſt on him; and then he proceeds to deſcribe ſome particulars of the Indian's behaviour during his reſidence. This account ſhould certainly have appeared as a ſupplement to the Volume; but we take it as it ſtands.

Monſ. Bougainville ſays he endeavoured, at a great trouble and expence, to render Aotou⯑rou's reſidence at Paris both improving and en⯑tertaining to him. The curioſity of the public [268] to view this ſtranger was inſatiable; and the fooliſh Pariſians were aſtoniſhed to learn, that there was any country on the face of the earth, where neither French, Engliſh, nor Spaniſh was ſpoken. Monſ. Bougainville happily ridi⯑cules this ſtrange kind of ignorance; but he does not ſeem to wonder, that it ſhould prevail among thoſe who had never been without the walls of the city which gave them birth.

Our author is likewiſe very ſevere on a ſet of critics, who ſeemed to wonder that Aotourou could live among Frenchmen almoſt two years, and yet learn only a very few words of their language. To account for this, Monſ. Bou⯑gainville mentions a phyſical obſtruction in the organs of his ſpeech; his age, which rather exceeded thirty years; the deficiency of a me⯑mory never exerciſed by ſtudy; and the poſ⯑ſeſſing only a very limited number of ideas, relative to the trifling wants of the natives of his happy iſland. Hence our author concludes, that he muſt firſt of all have created ‘"a world of previous ideas, in a mind as indolent as his body",’ before he could adapt them to the French words proper to expreſs them.

Though Aotourou was thus deficient in the language of France, yet the ſtreets of Paris were quite familiar to him. He went out daily without attendants, and found his way readily through the whole city. He frequently bought things, and was ſeldom defrauded in the pur⯑chaſe. [269] None of the public diverſions had any charms for him but the opera, to which he went regularly: for he knew the nights on which it was to be performed, and paid the ſame for ad⯑mittance as other people: his great fondneſs for dancing was what rendered the opera ſo a⯑greeable to him.

He was exceedingly grateful to thoſe who conferred any obligations on him, nor did he ever forget their perſons or their favours. The dutcheſs of Choiſeul ſtood foremoſt in the liſt of his friends, and he expreſſed more gratitude for the polite attention with which ſhe treated him, than even for the numerous preſents which he received at her hands: and as often as he heard of that lady's being arrived from her country-ſeat, he would immediately go and viſit her.

After a reſidence of eleven months at Paris, Aotourou was put on board the Briſſon, at Ro⯑chelle, which ſhip was deſtined to convey him to the iſle of France, whither orders were ſent to the Governor and intendant, to tranſport him thence to his own country. Monſ. Bougainville gave about 1500 l. ſterling, towards the fitting out the Briſſon for this voyage; and the Dut⯑cheſs of Choiſeul ordered a conſiderable ſum to be expended in cattle, ſeeds, implements of huſbandry, &c. which were ſhipped for the uſe of the natives of Otaheite. Monſ. Bou⯑gainville concludes this part of his narrative [270] with the following very humane and equally political wiſh. ‘"O may Aotourou ſoon ſee his countrymen again!"’

Our author now proceeds to inform us of ſeveral particulars, with which his converſation with this adventrous iſlander had made him acquainted. If Monſ. Bougainville be not miſled in his information, the ſtate of facts will appear to be, that the inhabitants of Ota⯑heite pay their devotions to the Deity, at the riſing and ſetting of the ſun; that their ſupreme God is incapable of repreſentation; but that they have two claſſes of inferior deities, who are repreſented by figures carved in wood. Excluſive of theſe regular devotions, the na⯑tives of Otaheite practice a number of ſuper⯑ſtitious ceremonies, in order to avert the in⯑fluence of the evil genii.

While Aotourou was at Paris, in 1769, a comet appeared, which furniſhed Monſ. Bou⯑gainville with an opportunity of knowing that theſe kind of ſtars had been frequently obſerved at Otaheite; but that the natives do not ſup⯑poſe that they are portentous of any evil con⯑ſequence; on the contrary, what we call ſhoot⯑ing ſtars, are, by theſe people, deemed evil genii.—How far it was poſſible for Aotourou to explain himſelf to Monſ. Bougainville, on aſtronomical ſubjects, is left to the reader's re⯑flection.

[271]The more enlightened people of Otaheite have names for the ſun, moon, and ſtars; by which, without the aſſiſtance of the needle or compaſs, they ſteer their courſe night and day, ſailing, at ſome times, not leſs than eight hun⯑dred miles from iſland to iſland. In the day⯑time they are guided by the ſun, and by the ſtars in the night.

Monſ. Bougainville learnt from Aotourou the names of ſeveral iſlands, in the ſeas near Otaheite, the natives of ſome of which were in friendſhip, and thoſe of others at war, with his countrymen. Of the former are Tapoua⯑maſſou, Oumaitia, Aca, Maoroua, and Ai⯑meo; of the latter, Oopoa, Toumaraa, Otaa, Aiatea, and Papara; all which are repreſented as about equal in extent with Otaheite.

There is an iſland, called Pare, the inhabi⯑tants of which are alternately at war and in friendſhip with the natives of Otaheite. In theſe ſeas are likewiſe two ſmall iſlands, called Toupai, and Enoua-Motou, which are not in⯑habited, but yield abundance of fruit, fowls, and hogs, while their coaſts abound with tur⯑tle, and other fiſh; but the people of Ota⯑heite conceiving theſe iſlands to be the reſidence of evil genii, deem it a certain ſign of miſ⯑fortune, if either curioſity or chance ſhould lead any boat to their coaſts; and it is ſuppoſed, that thoſe who endeavour to land there will periſh in the attempt.

[272]The moſt diſtant of all the iſlands above⯑mentioned is not more than about fifteen days ſail from Otaheite, even with the boats of that iſland; and Monſ. Bougainville conjectures, that Aotourou had no idea of going farther when he embarked on board the Boudeuſe.—If this conjecture be well founded, there cer⯑tainly was not ſo much magnanimity in this In⯑dian's behaviour as we have been hitherto taught to believe:—but there are great inconſiſtencies in the writings of our voyager, which the rea⯑der will pardon, in favour of his vanity. It is our duty to correct and amend as we proceed.

Monſ. Bougainville at firſt imagined, that the inhabitants of Otaheite were nearly equal in point of rank, and that their happineſs was to be envied, from their ſuppoſed equality: but he now, from the information of Aotourou, corrects that error, and confeſſes that, ‘"the diſtinction of ranks is very great,"’ and ‘"the diſproportion very tyrannical."’—The Chiefs, and other men in power, diſpoſe of the lives of their dependants at their pleaſure; and our author thinks, that they have the power of ex⯑erting this cruel prerogative over the common people, who are not immediately dependant on them. The vulgar are diſtinguiſhed by the appellation of Tata einow, that is, vile men; and it is mentioned, as an indubitable fact, that thoſe doomed for ſacrifices are ſelected from the Plebeian race. The Grandees only eat fiſh [281] and fleſh, while the common people ſubſiſt entirely on pulſe and fruits. Indeed the diſ⯑tinction of rank appears to be very great; for perſons of eminence are lighted from place to place in the night, with a wood of ſuperior quality to that which the vulgar are allowed to burn. The tree called the weeping willow is planted only before the houſes of the Chiefs or Kings, and their public dinners are held be⯑neath its ſhade.

The ſervants of the great men are diſtin⯑guiſhed by a kind of ſaſh, worn round the body, which is placed acroſs the loins, or high⯑er up, till it comes cloſe under the arm-pits, in proportion to the rank of the maſter.

The natives of Otaheite make two regular meals daily, one juſt after noon, and the other as ſoon as the ſun is gone down. The ſervants cook the victuals, which are ſerved up by the wives, who eat after their huſbands have done.

When the men die, the women go into mourning for them; but this compliment is not returned on the part of the men. The chil⯑dren wear mourning a long time after the death of the father, and on the deceaſe of a king, the whole nation is in ſables. The mourning conſiſts of a head-dreſs of black feathers, and a veil drawn over the face.

Aotourou informed Monſ. Bougainville, that this veil was very favourable to the wiſhes of thoſe women whoſe huſbands were not ſo com⯑plaiſant [282] as his countrymen in general are. This ariſes from the following circumſtance. When the mourners go out, a number of ſlaves walk before them, beating the caſtanets to a ſolemn melancholy tune, which is conſidered as a notice for all perſons to keep at a diſtance from the afflicted: thus, the veil over the face, and the ſound of an inſtrument from which every one flies, cannot but be auſpicious to the wiſh⯑es of the enraptured lovers.

When any perſon is dangerouſly ill, all his relations repair to his houſe, and remain there till he is either dead or out of danger, each, in his turn, attending the ſick man. Their me⯑thod of bleeding is very ſingular. An inferior prieſt, called Taoua, is the phyſician, who ſtrikes the cranium with a piece of ſharp wood, which opens the ſagittal vein; and when he deems the patient to have bled ſufficiently, he ties on a bandage, which cloſes the orifice; the day following he waſhes the wound, and no ill conſequence enſues.

Monſ. Bougainville ſays, that the preceding account contains every thing he could learn re⯑ſpecting the cuſtoms of Otaheite, either on the iſland, or from the information of Aotourou. Our author remarks, that ſome words ſpoken by the natives of Otaheite, are to be found in a vocabulary at the end of La Maire's voyage, under the title of the ‘"Vocabulary of Cocos iſland",’ which being mentioned as lying [283] nearly in the ſame latitude with Otaheite, is conjectured to be one of thoſe iſlands, the names of which were recited by Aotourou.

The language of the people of Otaheite is deſcribed by Monſ. Bougainville as extremely harmonious, and eaſy of pronunciation, con⯑ſiſting chiefly of vowels, and having no aſpi⯑rates. He ſays alſo that it has no naſal, mute, or half ſyllables; nor ‘"that quantity of con⯑ſonants and articulations, which render ſome languages ſo difficult."’ Hence, he concludes, aroſe the difficulty of teaching Aotourou the French tongue; but he thinks it would have been a work of much leſs labour to have taught him the Italian or Spaniſh.

How far our author is right in his conjectures, it would be no eaſy taſk to determine; for the direct contrary of what he ſays of the language of theſe iſlanders has been obſerved by the Engliſh navigators. As we have already given ſome vocabularies, we ſhall, at the concluſion of this narrative, give that of Monſ. Bougain⯑ville, that the reader may determine whether the Engliſh or the French voyagers have the beſt pretenſions to credibility.

Monſ. Bougainville informs us, that a gen⯑tleman of Paris, diſtinguiſhed by his ſkill in teaching the art of ſpeech to perſons born deaf and dumb, repeatedly examined Aotourou, and found that he could not naturally pronounce [284] any of the French naſal vowels, and but very few of the conſonants.

Our author is of opinion, that the language of Otaheite is ſufficiently copious, and he grounds this opinion on the following circum⯑ſtances. Whenever, during the voyage, Ao⯑tourou was ſtruck with any new object, he im⯑mediately expreſſed his ſentiments in a kind of extempore blank verſe; and he alſo repeated daily a long prayer, which he called ‘"the prayer of the Kings,"’ not a dozen words of which Monſ. Bougainville underſtood, or heard him repeat on any other occaſion.

Aotourou informed the Commodore, that an Engliſh ſhip had arrived at Otaheite about eight months before the French touched at that iſland. This (ſays our author) was the veſſel command⯑ed by Captain Wallace; and he aſcribes the knowledge of iron, which was obſerved among the natives, to this viſit of the Engliſh, eſpe⯑cially as they call it Aouri, which is not very unlike our word iron. Our Frenchman likewiſe gives a very ungenteel hint, that the poor In⯑dians were indebted to the Engliſh for the ve⯑nereal diſeaſe; but the contrary of this is known to be the fact.

Monſ. Bougainville now proceeds to give an account of his departure from Otaheite, and his diſcovery of other iſlands in the ſouthern pacific ocean. On the morning of the 16th of April, 1768, he diſcovered what he thought to [285] be three other iſlands; but it was afterwards found to be only one, the high lands of which had, at a diſtance, given it the appearance of ſeparate iſlands. At a conſiderable diſtance be⯑yond this iſland, they ſaw another, which Ao⯑tourou told them was called Oumaitia; that the natives of it were in alliance with the people of Otaheite; that there was a girl on the iſland to whom he had a ſtrong attachment; and that if the Commodore would touch there, he would meet with the ſame kind of neceſſaries, and the ſame hoſpitable treatment, as he had experien⯑ced among his countrymen.

Our circumnavigator, however, deaf to all theſe perſuaſive arguments, held on his way, and loſt ſight of the iſland the ſame day. The ſucceeding night proving remarkably fair, and the ſtars appearing with unclouded luſtre, Aotourou pointed out a conſtellation in the ſhoulder of Orion, and expreſſed a wiſh, that the ſhip's courſe might be directed by it, in conſequence of which they would, in two days time, arrive at a fine iſland where he had a numerous acquaintance; and it was conjec⯑tured, from his hints, that he had alſo a child there. As Monſ. Bougainville perſiſted in his reſolution not to alter the ſhip's courſe, Ao⯑tourou became very uneaſy, and endeavoured to perſuade him to ſteer for the deſired port, by aſſuring him, that the iſland abounded in hogs, fowls, fruits, and, what he ſeemed to [286] think would be the moſt prevailing argument, fine women, who were abundantly liberal of their favours.

Mortified in a high degree that his reaſons did not operate with the Commodore, he ran to the ſteerage, and ſeizing the wheel of the helm, tried to ſteer for his favourite iſle, nor was it without great difficulty on the part of the helm's-man, and equal vexation on that of the poor Indian, that he was prevented from carrying his deſign into execution.

Early on the following morning he climbed to the maſt-head, where he remained ſeveral hours, anxiouſly looking out for the ſpot which had ſo much attracted his regard.

On the preceding night he pointed out a great number of ſtars, and informed Monſ. Bougainville of their names in the language of Otaheite; and it was afterwards certainly known, that this iſlander was not unacquainted with the phaſes of the moon, and that he was learned in thoſe prognoſticks, which evince an approaching change of the weather. It like⯑wiſe appeared, that his countrymen were not uninformed in this kind of knowledge, ſo uſe⯑ful to people whoſe wants or curioſity frequent⯑ly carry them to ſea, where they have no com⯑paſs to direct their courſe, except their own judgment, and the ſight of the coeleſtial con⯑ſtellations.

[287]Monſ. Bougainville confeſſes, that the na⯑tives of Otaheite are fully convinced that the ſun and moon are peopled; and he aſks, ‘"What Fontenelle taught them the plurality of worlds?"’—We will anſwer him.—The omnipotent Creator of all worlds, who fills all ſpace; whoſe power gave birth, and whoſe preſence gives life to nature, and who has pour⯑ed his bounties, with unſparing hand, on every part of his creation.

Our hiſtorian having acknowledged, that theſe iſlanders are poſſeſſed of ſuch great and ſupe⯑rior talents, has certainly no right to call, or to deem, them ſavages. Is a man a ſavage be⯑cauſe he happens to be born in a different part of the world from us; becauſe he is unac⯑quainted with the languages of Europe, and untaught in cuſtoms, which he could never, from the locality of his ſituation, have an op⯑portunity of learning? The hiſtorians, and par⯑ticularly the navigators of this quarter of the globe, are very cenſurably fond of diſtinguiſh⯑ing, by the title of ſavages, all thoſe who are happy enough to be born in milder climates, and to live and die, uninſtructed in thoſe arts of refinement, and unſkilled in that baſeneſs of inſincerity, which are at once the characteriſ⯑tick, the boaſt, and the diſgrace of the Chriſ⯑tian world.

The weather continued fine till the end of April, at which time the principal pilot on board [288] the Boudeuſe died of an apoplectic fit. In the beginning of the month of May, three iſlands were diſcovered at the diſtance of ten or twelve leagues to the north-weſt; but theſe were un⯑known to Aotourou, who imagined that it was Monſ. Bougainville's country. The moon ſhone bright in the night, during which they kept ſight of the iſlands, and in the morning ſteered for the largeſt, the eaſtern ſhore of which they coaſted, and found it about nine miles in length.

The coaſts of this iſland are remarkably ſteep, and, in fact, the whole of it is little elſe than an enormous hill, cloathed with trees. Several fires were ſeen on ſhore, a ſmall num⯑ber of houſes covered with reeds, under the ſhade of cocoa-nut trees, and more than twenty of the natives running haſtily along the coaſt.

The two ſmaller iſlands were each about a mile and a half in length, and ſeparated from the larger one by an arm of the ſea; in ſhape and appearance they are very much like the former.

The Commodore had given directions to ſteer between the iſlands, when a boat, with five Indians in her, was obſerved coming off towards the ſhip. She advanced very near, but, though every ſign of friendly invitation was made, not one of the natives would ven⯑ture on board. They had no kind of cloath⯑ing but a bandage round the waiſt; and as they [289] could not be prevailed on to come up the ſhip's ſide, Aotorou ſtripped himſelf, leaving on nothing more than what they wore, and ad⯑dreſſed them in the language of Otaheite; but they underſtood not a word of what he ſaid.

As they held up ſome cocoa-nuts, and other vegetables, and ſeemed to wiſh to barter them for ſome trinkets which were ſhewn them, Monſ. Bougainville ordered out one of the ſhip's boats, with a view to viſit the ſtrangers; but they no ſooner learnt his intention, than they rowed off with all poſſible expedition, and he did not think proper to follow them.

In a little time many other boats advanced towards the ſhips, ſome of them rowed, and others ſailing. Theſe, leſs diffident than the former, came cloſe under the ſhip's ſide, but none of the iſlanders would venture on board. They exchanged pieces of an exquiſitely fine ſhell, yams, cocoa-nuts, and a water hen of moſt beautiful plumage, for ſmall pieces of red ſtuff; but they did not ſeem fond of ear⯑rings, knives, nails, nor iron of any kind; which had been ſo eagerly coveted by the inha⯑bitants of Otaheite. One of theſe Indians brought a cock with him, but he would not part with it on any terms. They had alſo ſome pieces of cloth, of the ſame kind as that ma⯑nufactured at Otaheite, but not of ſo fine a fabrick, and died black, brown and red, but none of the colours were good of their kinds. [290] They were likewiſe poſſeſſed of a kind of wood hardened by fire, lances, mats, and fiſh-hooks made of bones.

Monſ. Bougainville conjectures, from the features of theſe iſlanders, that they are not of ſo amiable a diſpoſition as the natives of Ota⯑heite; and he repreſents them as ſuch dextrous thieves, that it was almoſt impoſſible to guard againſt their depredations.

Theſe people are of the middle ſize, and ex⯑ceedingly alert; they are of a deep brown complexion, but one was ſeen among them who was much fairer than any of the others; they had no beards, ſo that it was ſuppoſed they were plucked out by the roots, and their hair, which was univerſally black, ſtood almoſt erect on their heads; their thighs and breaſts were painted with a deep blue.

Their boats are built in a moſt ingenious taſte, and furniſhed with out-riggers. The head and ſtern of the veſſel are equally flat with its ſides, and over each is a ſmall deck, in the center of which is a row of wooden pegs, the tops of which are encloſed in a ſhell of the pureſt white: the ſail is formed of matting, and its ſhape triangular, being extended by means of ſticks.

In theſe boats the iſlanders followed the French veſſels to a conſiderable diſtance out to ſea, while ſeveral others, from the ſmaller iſlands, joined the naval proceſſion, and produ⯑ced [291] an effect that was highly agreeable. In one of theſe laſt mentioned boats was an old wo⯑man, remarkably diſtinguiſhed by the ſingular uglineſs of her features.

As the weather now fell calm, the Commo⯑dore gave up, from an apprehenſion of danger, hit project of ſailing between the iſlands, though the breadth of the channel was more than four miles. They now ſailed, therefore, in the open ſea, and on the evening of the ſame day, the man at the maſt-head had ſight of other land, even while they were yet in view, by the aid of a bright moon, of the iſlands they had lately left.

On the morning of the 5th it appeared, that the newly diſcovered land was a moſt beautiful iſland, conſiſting of alternate mountains and vallies, clothed with the richeſt verdure, and finely ſhadowed by the ſpreading branches of the cocoa-nut, and a variety of other trees. Near the weſtermoſt point of this iſland is a ledge of rocks, and the ſea breaks with vio⯑lence on many parts of the coaſt, ſo that it would be difficult to land, except in very few places.

Many boats put off from the iſland, and ſailed round the ſhips, though they were then going at the rate of at leaſt ſeven knots an hour. Theſe boats, however, one only ex⯑cepted, would not venture near the ſhips; but that one went along-ſide, and her crew made [292] ſigns for the French to land, which they would have done, but the breakers rendered it impoſ⯑ſible. At this time the man at the maſt-head obſerved a number of the Indian boats ſailing to the ſouthward.

On the following day another iſland was ſeen to the weſtward of the ſhip's courſe, in the neighbourhood of which were two ſmaller iſlands; but none of theſe could be diſtinctly beheld, on account of ſome thick fogs, which intercepted the view.

The laſt mentioned iſlands are ſituated nearly where Taſman, the Dutch navigator, has placed a number of iſlands which he diſcovered, and to which he gave the names of Heemſkirk, Prince William, Pylſtaart, Amſterdam and Rotterdam. The longitude of theſe iſlands correſponds likewiſe, very nearly, with thoſe which navigators have called Solomon's Iſles; ſo that it is moſt probable they are the ſame.

Monſ. Bougainville conjectures, that the number of boats which were obſerved ſailing to the ſouthward, is a vindication that there are other iſlands at no great diſtance; and, in⯑deed, this opinion ſeems to be well-grounded. o all theſe lands the Commodore gave the general name of the Archipelago of the Navi⯑gators.

The writer of this work muſt be indulged for giving a hint, which ſprings from the nobleſt of motives, the love of his country. It is [293] ſurely well worthy the conſideration of the Britiſh miniſtry, whether it might not be pro⯑per to ſend a fleet to diſcover and ſettle ſome of theſe iſlands.—Who knows what future benefit might, from ſuch a circumſtance, accrue to the firſt maritime and commercial ſtate in the uni⯑verſe?—The American colonies form the brighteſt gem in the Britiſh crown. The co⯑lonies in the ſouthern pacific ocean might, not improbably, conſtitute a diadem of ſtill ſupe⯑rior luſtre!

On the morning of the 11th another iſland was diſcovered, which received the name of the Forlorn Hope; but for what reaſon it is im⯑poſſible to gueſs. At a diſtance it had the ap⯑pearance of two iſlands, but this deception was occaſioned by its ſhape, for it conſiſted of two hills, joined by a low land, which could not be ſeen far out at ſea.

At this period, and for ſome days before and afterwards, the weather was extremely unfa⯑vourable, the winds being adverſe, and the rains and calms alternate. Monſ. Bougainville (on this circumſtance) obſerves, that in the ocean which has obtained the name of PACI⯑FIC, the approach to land is generally announ⯑ced by violent tempeſts, which become ſtill more violent, in proportion as the moon de⯑creaſes. The vicinity of iſlands is generally foreboded by thick clouds at the horizon, and ſqually weather; and the precautions neceſſary [294] to be taken to prevent a veſſel's running fowl of ſhoals, may be more eaſily conceived than deſcribed. In the preſent inſtance it was im⯑poſſible to proceed with the neceſſary degree of caution; for the crew were in want of provi⯑ſions, and water, in particular, grew very ſcarce; ſo that they were obliged to take ad⯑vantage of every breeze of wind, both by night and day, and run all hazards, for fear of ſtarving.

Thus ſituated, it may be preſumed, that they thought themſelves ſufficiently unhappy; but their diſtreſſes were aggravated by the greater number of the crew of each ſhip being attack⯑ed by the ſcurvy, which inflamed their mouths to ſuch a degree, that they could ſcarcely have ſwallowed thoſe refreſhments of which they ſtood much in need. Salt beef, pork, and dried pulſe, conſtituted the whole fare of thoſe who remained in health; for the ſick, how⯑ever, there were yet ſome few articles of freſh proviſions remaining.

At this unfortunate juncture the diſeaſe, con⯑ſequent on an illicit commerce between the ſexes, made its appearance, attended by all its moſt diſagreeable ſymptoms. Aotourou was ſo extremely ill of it, that though ſeeming to deſpiſe its progreſs and its effects, he was ob⯑liged to ſubmit himſelf to the care of the Sur⯑geons. Monſ. Bougainville's words, on this occaſion, are very remarkable. ‘"In his (Ao⯑tourou's) [295] country, this diſeaſe is but little minded. Columbus brought it from Ame⯑rica; here it is in an iſle in the midſt of the greateſt ocean. Have the Engliſh brought it thither? Or ought the phyſician to win, who laid a wager, that if four healthy ſtout men were ſhut up with one healthy woman, the venereal complaint would be the conſe⯑quence of their commerce?"’

Ungenerous Frenchman! Why this unjuſti⯑fiable attack on the Engliſh? At the time Monſ. Bougainville wrote the narrative of his voyage, he knew that ſome of his crew were infected with the malady in queſtion, when they landed at Otaheite; for, in a former part of his volume he has ſaid, that he did all in his pow⯑er to prevent their communicating it to the poor iſlanders. What becomes, too, of his wonder, how a diſorder ſhould find its way to a little iſland in the pacific ocean, when he knew that his own ſhip had carried it thither!—Whether Columbus brought this peſtilence from Ame⯑rica or not, is, perhaps a queſtion not eaſily determined; nor, at this period, is it at all material: but one fact is well known; that the French have plentifully diſtributed the conta⯑gion through Europe, and it is not improbable, that they have likewiſe carried it to every other quarter of the globe.

This ſubject is rather of the indelicate kind; but we are neceſſarily led into it; and may be [296] indulged in one remark, that ſeems to ariſe na⯑turally from the preceding circumſtances, and will, we truſt, militate on the ſide of virtue.—Providence, we conceive, wiſely intended one man for the aſſociate of one woman, who ſhould be the companion of his life, the friend of his boſom, the partaker of his joys, the ſharer of his griefs, whoſe love for him ſhould excite all his tenderneſs, and repay, with intereſt, thoſe toils and cares it gave riſe to. Thus paired, thus mutually giving and receiving happineſs, the married ſtate is indeed a heaven on earth. Wedded love, the chaſte, the holy, the conju⯑gal tie, will enſure as much happineſs as is to be found in this ſublunary world; and truſt, O reader, in the goodneſs of God for the fu⯑ture. To ſum up this remark, marriages are made in heaven; chooſe, ye ladies, with pru⯑dence chooſe, the heart paired with your own; ſelect ye, generous youths, the amiable fair, whoſe eyes beam the gentle influence of love, and whoſe heart feels the ſolid force of virtue; then be true to each other, and bid defiance to contagion: ſo ſhall your days be happy, and your children bleſs the parents to whom they owe the firſt of human bleſſings, health of body, and of mind.

The ſhips now ſteered a weſterly courſe, and early on the morning of the 22d two iſlands were diſcovered, one of which received the name of Aurora, from the early hour on which [297] it was firſt ſeen, and the other that of Whit⯑ſuntide Iſle, from the day which gave birth to its being ſo named.

The track of the veſſels was now ſo directed, as that they might have paſſed between the two iſlands, but an unexpected calm prevented this manoeuvre. Proceeding to the northward of the firſt diſcovered iſland, a riſing land, in a conical form, was obſerved to bear north by weſt, which received the name of the Peak of the Etoile.

In the afternoon, mountainous lands, at thirty miles diſtance, were ſeen, appearing, as it were, over and beyond the iſland of Aurora.

On the twenty-third it was diſcovered, that the land laſt ſeen was a ſeparate iſland; the ap⯑pearance of which was lofty, its deſcent ſteep, and the whole cloathed with [...]es. A number of boats were ſeen coaſting the ſhore, but none of them approached the ſhips; ſmoke was ſeen iſſuing from among the woods, but no habita⯑tion was obſerved.

In the morning the Commodore diſpatched three boats, well manned and armed, to take in wood, and to learn the neceſſary particulars reſpecting the country, while the ſhips guns were brought to bear on the iſland, in order to protect the boats crews from any inſult that might be offered them by the natives.

Monſ. Bougainville himſelf went on ſhore in the afternoon, where he found the good-na⯑tured [298] Indians aſſiſting the French in carrying to the boats a quantity of wood which had been cut.

The information obtained from the officer commanding the boat's crew was, that on his firſt landing, the natives aſſembled on the ſhore, armed with bows and arrows, intimating, by ſigns, that the ſtrangers muſt retreat. The French officer, however, gave directions for landing, and while his people advanced, the iſlanders retreated, but with their bows bent, and in an attitude of ſelf-defence. At length, the crew were ordered to halt, while the Prince of Naſſau approached the Indians, who no longer retreated when they ſaw only one perſon advancing. The Prince having given them ſome remnants of red cloth, their eſteem appeared o be at once conciliated.

The commanding officer now ſtationed him⯑ſelf at the entrance of a wood, and ſent out a party in ſearch of refreſhments, while another was deputed to cut fire-wood. The natives now came forward, with an appearance of friendſhip, and diſtributed ſome fruit among the ſeamen, to whom they likewiſe gave ſome arrows, but refuſed to accept any thing in ex⯑change. Their numbers were conſiderable, and thoſe who were not armed with bows and ar⯑rows had provided themſelves with ſtones, as inſtruments of defence.

[299]Theſe people intimated, that they were at war with the natives of a different diſtrict on the iſland, and even while they were hinting this circumſtance, an armed party of Indians ap⯑proached from the weſtward, while the former appeared determined not to retreat from their enemies; but the valour of the latter was ren⯑dered unneceſſary to be exerted by the want of preſent courage in the former.

Matters were in this ſituation when Monſ. Bougainville landed on the iſland, where he re⯑mained till his boats were laden with the arti⯑cles he wanted.

This being done, he took poſſeſſion of the iſland, by the act of burying at the foot of a tree an inſcription, carved on an oak-plank; and then he retreated to the ſhip.

It was imagined, that this early retreat of the French prevented an attack, which the iſland⯑ers had meditated, as they ſeemed to be making preparations for what they had not yet in their power to carry into execution; but no ſooner had the boats put off, than the iſlanders haſtened to the beach, and complimented them with a ſhower of arrows, and a volley of ſtones; ſome of them even plunged into the waves, aiming their fury at the ſuppoſed invaders, and hurl⯑ing their vengeance on the inſolent ſtrangers. When, at length, one of the ſeamen had been wounded by a ſtone, a diſcharge of muſkets drove the poor iſlanders to their native woods, [300] evidently wounded, from their cries and excla⯑mations.

Monſ. Bougainville gives the following deſ⯑cription of the natives of this iſland, which he cal⯑led the Iſle of Lepers, from obſerving, that many of the inhabitants were afflicted with the lepro⯑ſy. Some of them are mulattto's, and others perfect negroes; their hair is woolly, and ge⯑nerally black, but in ſome inſtances of a very light brown, approaching to a yellow. Few women were ſeen among them, but thoſe few were equally diſagreeable with the men, who are repreſented as low in ſtature, ill-favoured, and diſproportionably made.

We will not deny the veracity of our hiſto⯑rian; the works of Nature and of Providence are aſtoniſhing. The God of creation is equally wiſe and wonderful in all his works; but we muſt own, that it appears to be a phenomenon, the exiſtence of which ſurpaſſes the credulity of an Engliſh reader, that black men ſhould have (to uſe Monſ. Bougainville's own words) hair ‘"of a yellowiſh colour."’ Of all hiſtorians, the circumnavigators are fond of dealing in the marvellous. Our Commodore, preſuming that he had viſited an iſland unapproached by any other European Commander, has told us juſt what he pleaſed of the natives of that iſland, and it is not in our power to contradict him. It would have given weight to the teſtimony [301] of our flippant French hiſtorian, if he had brought to Paris one of theſe curious Luſus Naturae, theſe yellow-pated negroes.

The ladies of this ſingular country carry their children in a bag of cloth, ſlung at their backs. On theſe cloths there are elegant drawings in a fine dye of crimſon. The noſes of the men are pierced and hung with ornaments; and it is preſumed, that they pluck their beards, as none of them were obſerved to have any. They wear a bracelet on the arm, which had the appearance of ivory, and pieces of tor⯑toiſhells round their necks.

Clubs, ſtones, bows and arrows form the armour of theſe people; the arrows are made of reeds pointed with bone. On the points of theſe bones are inverted darts, which prevent the arrow being drawn without tearing the fleſh of the wounded perſon. The boats of theſe iſlanders bore a ſtrong reſemblance to thoſe of the Indians of the iſle of Navigators; but theſe veſſels did not approach the ſhips ſo near, as to furniſh the French with an opportunity of giv⯑ing a particular deſcription of their conſtruction.

Near the beach on which Monſ. Bougainville landed, is a lofty hill, extremely ſteep, yet cloathed with a ſuper-abundance of verdure. The vegetable productions of the Iſle of Le⯑pers, are far inferior to thoſe of Otaheite, ow⯑ing, as is ſuppoſed, to the lightneſs of the ſoil, and its want of depth.

[302]Figs, of a ſpecies not before known, were found in this country; and ſeveral paths were ſeen cut through the woods, and incloſed by palliſadoes about a yard in height. It was conjectured, that theſe encloſures marked the boundaries of the landed property of different perſons. Half a dozen hovels only were ſeen, into which no perſon could enter but on his hands and knees; yet the inhabitants were very numerous, and it is ſuppoſed they muſt be very miſerable, from the perpetual wars among the natives of different diſtricts on the iſland.

Monſ. Bougainville ſays, that the ſound of a drum, harſh and diſſonant to the ear, was fre⯑quently heard in the wood near the top of the above-mentioned hill; and this he imagines to have been a ſignal for the Indians to rally their forces; for no ſooner had the diſcharge of the fire-arms diſperſed the multitude, than this drum was immediately heard; and when the iſlanders in enmity with the others appeared, the drum was beat with ſuſpended violence.

Aotourou formed a very contemptible opi⯑nion of the inhabitants of the Iſle of Lepers, whoſe perſons appeared indeſcribably odious in his eyes; and of whoſe language he had not the ſlighteſt idea.

On the 23d more land was diſcovered, which, on the 25th, was obſerved to encloſe almoſt all the horizon, ſo that the ſhips were ſurrounded in one extenſive gulph, while the coaſt of the [303] newly-diſcovered country contained many other gulphs, or large inlets, acroſs which ſeveral boats were obſerved rowing, from one ſhore to the other.

The night of the 25th was ſpent in tacking, and in the morning it was obſerved, that the currents had carried the ſhips ſeveral miles more to the ſouth than their reckoning. The number of iſles now ſeen was ſo great, that they could not be counted, nor could the end of theſe extenſive countries be diſcerned.

Steering north-weſt by weſt, the land had a very beautiful aſpect, being diverſified with fine trees, between ſpots of land that had the ap⯑pearance of being cultivated. Some parts of the mountains being barren, and ſpotted in dif⯑ferent places with a red earth, Monſ. Bougain⯑ville conjectures from that circumſtance, that they contained ſome mineral ſubſtances.

A great inlet to the weſtward having been ſeen on the preceding day, the ſhips now arrived in it, and ſaw a number of negro Indians on the ſouth coaſt of it, while others approached the veſſels in their boats, but when they came to about the diſtance of a muſket ſhot, they would advance no nearer, nor could any ſign of invitation from the French induce them to alter their reſolution.

The land on the north ſhore is of a moderate height, and cloathed with trees. On this ſhore many negroes were ſeen, and ſeveral boats put [304] off towards the ſhips; but theſe, like the for⯑mer, refuſed to come to board.

At the diſtance of about eight miles from this ſpot, two iſlands were ſeen, which formed the entrance of a fine bay, which the boats were ſent to examine, and after they had been gone a few hours, the ſound of muſkets were heard, which made the Commodore very uneaſy. On their return in the evening it appeared, that one of them, in diſobedience to the orders of the Commander, had left her conſort, and go⯑ing near in ſhore, the Indians diſcharged two arrows at the crew, which was returned by the muſquetry, and ſome larger guns. A pro⯑jecting point of land prevented the boat being ſeen from the ſhips; but the inceſſant firing induced the Commodore to imagine, that ſhe was engaged with a very large number of the enemies boats, two of which ſhe had certainly encountered.

Preparations were making for diſpatching the long-boat to her aſſiſtance, when ſhe was deſ⯑cried, coming round the above-mentioned point of land.

The lamentable cries of the poor Indians were now heard in the woods, to which they had fled, from the rage of their enemies, and their drums were inceſſantly beating.—We muſt now tranſcribe one paſſage from Monſ. Bou⯑gainville, becauſe it is the moſt humane, and conſequently the nobleſt, in his whole narrative: [305] ‘"I immediately made ſignal to the boat to come on board, and I took my meaſures to prevent our being diſhonoured for the future, by ſuch an abuſe of the ſuperiority of our power."’

The country laſt mentioned conſiſted of a number of ſmall iſlands, off which there is to⯑lerable good anchorage, but at ſuch a diſtance from the coaſt, that a ſhip could not cover any boats which ſhould land, which, as the iſlands are cloathed with thick woods, would be the more neceſſary.

Theſe Indians went naked, and, except a bandage round the waiſt, wore the ſame kind of ornaments as thoſe on the iſland of Lepers, whom they reſembled in all reſpects, except not being quite ſo black; and the productions of the iſland were likewiſe the ſame.—The Com⯑modore very properly declined any attempt to trade with theſe people, whom he could not ſuppoſe would barter their effects with thoſe, from whom they had received ſuch eſſential injuries.

On the morning of the 27th they again ſail⯑ed, and, in a few hours, had ſight of a fine plantation of trees, between which there were regular walks, reſembling thoſe of an Euro⯑pean garden. Many of the natives were ſeen near this ſpot, and as an inlet was obſerved at no ſmall diſtance, the Commodore ordered the [306] boats to be hoiſted out; but they found that it was impracticable to land.

The ſhips now quitted the great cluſter of iſlands they had lately viſited, which re⯑ceived the general name of Archipelago of the great Cyclades, which, it is conjectured, occu⯑pies no leſs than three degrees of latitude, and five of longitude. Monſ. Bougainville ſays, that theſe iſlands are not the ſame that Quiros called Tierra Auſtral del Eſpiritu Santo; but that Roggewein ſaw the northern extremity of them, which he denominated Groningen, and Thienhoven.

Our author now recites a very ſingular fact. On board the ſtore-ſhip was a perſon reported to be a woman, which was almoſt confirmed by her want of beard, her voice, and her ſhape. The Commodore going on board the Etoile, enquired into the fact; when the party confeſ⯑ſed her ſex, while floods of tears ſtreamed down her face.

Her ſtory is extraordinary.—Born in Bur⯑gundy, and left an Orphan, ſhe was ruined by the fatal iſſue of a law-ſuit: on which ſhe re⯑ſolved to drop the habit of her ſex, and ſerved a gentleman at Paris; but hearing of Monſ. Bougainville's intended expedition round the world, ſhe repaired to Rochefort, where, juſt before the ſhips embarked, ſhe entered into the ſervice of Monſ. de Commercon, who went out with a view of encreaſing his botanical know⯑ledge. [307] She followed her maſter, with aſtoniſh⯑ing courage and reſolution, through deep ſnows, to the hoary tops of the mountains in the ſtreight of Magellan, carrying loads of herbs, plants, arms and proviſions, with unſpeakable courage, and unwearied toil.

While our adventurers were at Otaheite, the men of that iſland flocked round our heroine, and exclaiming, ‘"this is a woman!"’ would certainly have treated her as ſuch, but that an officer reſcued her from their hands, and or⯑dered her to be delivered, unviolated on board the ſhip.

Monſ. Bougainville obſerves, that this is the firſt woman that ever circumnavigated the globe, and remarks on the ſingularity of her ſituation, if the ſhips ſhould have been wreck⯑ed on ſome deſert iſle in the great ocean. The name of this extraordinary woman is Baré; and ſhe is as celebrated for her chaſtity as her courage.

On the night between the fourth and fifth of June ſome breakers were ſeen at half a league's diſtance, by the light of the moon. In the morning it appeared to be a low flat ſandy iſle, abounding in birds, which received the name of the Shoal of Diana.

About this period ſeveral ſpecies of fruit, and ſome pieces of wood, floated by the ſhip; and a kind of flying fiſh was ſeen, larger than the [308] common ſort, the body of which was black, and the wings red.

A ſand bank was diſcovered on the 6th, on which the ſea broke violently, and the tops of rocks were ſeen at intermediate ſpaces. ‘"This laſt diſcovery (ſays our author) was the voice of God, and we were obedient to it."’—They therefore ſpent the night in making ſhort tacks in that part of the ſea with which they were previouſly acquainted.

At this time the ſalt proviſions on board were become ſo putrid, that it was almoſt impoſſible for men, even on the point of ſtarving, to ſwal⯑low them; and therefore the rats were induſ⯑triouſly ſought after, and eaten in preference to it. The remaining peas would ſerve only forty days, and the bread two months; ſo that it became highly neceſſary to think of ſteering to the northward.

On the 10th, before day-break, an agreeable fragrancy impregnated the air, announcing that land was near; and it was accordingly diſ⯑covered before ſun-riſing. This is deſcribed as a moſt delicious country, divided, near the ſea coaſt, into groves and plains, behind which the land riſes, in the form of an amphitheatre, till the tops of the mountains are loſt in the clouds. The moſt lofty of three chain of mountains was ſeen above ſeventy miles in-land. The whole country appeared to be rich and fer⯑tile, but the deplorable ſituation to which the [309] ſhip's companies were reduced, would not ad⯑mit of their ſtaying to take a more accurate ſurvey of it.

On the 10th a prodigious ſwell from the ſouth-eaſt drove the ſhips violently towards land, and they were ſoon within about two miles of it; and the night was paſſed in this dange⯑rous ſituation, taking advantage of every ſlight breeze to clear the ſhore. A number of boats were now ſeen coaſting the iſland, on many parts of which fires were obſerved. A turtle was found here in the belly of a ſhark.

For ſeveral ſucceſſive days there was ſo thick a fog, that the Boudeuſe was obliged to fire frequent guns to keep company with the Etoile, on board of which were a part of their provi⯑ſions.

Several ſhell fiſh, called cornets, leaped into the ſhip in the night, and as it is known of theſe fiſh, that they are accuſtomed to keep at the bottom of the ſea, it is evident, that the ſhips muſt have been in very ſhallow water.

On the 16th the weather became fine, and on the following day ſeveral iſlands were diſ⯑covered, one of which was called Uſhant, from its ſimilitude to the iſland of that name.

By this time our voyagers were reduced to very great extremities. The allowance of bread and peaſe was conſiderably reduced; and a fear of the conſequences that might ariſe, obliged the Commodore to forbid the eating of [310] leather. There was yet on board a ſhe-goat, which had been brought from Falkland's Iſlands; ſhe yielded milk daily; but this was inſufficient to ſave her life: the ſtarving crew demanded the victim, and the butcher, who had hitherto been her feeder, wept as he plun⯑ged the murderous knife in the breaſt of his favourite. Soon after this a dog, which had been put on board at the ſtreights of Magellan, fell a ſacrifice to the dire demands of hunger.

On the 18th not leſs than nine or ten iſlands were diſcovered, and on the 20th a ſtill farther number. Our navigators now ſtruggled at once with a variety of inconveniences, occaſioned by foul ſhips, damaged rigging, crazy maſts, and tempeſtuous weather.

On the 25th high land was diſcovered, which appeared to terminate in a cape, which they doubled with a degree of tranſport that may be more eaſily conceived than deſcribed, as it was the point they had wiſhed for a ſight of, from a certainty that it would enable them to quit for ever the archipelago of iſlands, amidſt which they had been ſo long in hourly danger of ſhipwreck or ſtarving. This cape was cal⯑led Cape Deliverance, and the name of the Gulph of the Louiſiade, was given to a bay, of which the Cape forms the eaſtermoſt point.

North of Cape Deliverance about ſixty leagues land was diſcovered, which proved to be two ſmall iſlands; and, two days afterwards, [311] an officer was ſent to examine ſeveral creeks, in the hope of finding anchorage, while the ſhips ſailed ſlowly after the boats, ready to join them on the firſt ſignal.

The natives now advanced towards the ſhip in ſeveral boats, carrying from two or three, to upwards of twenty men each.

Theſe boats had no outriggers, and their crews were as black as the negroes on the coaſt of Guinea. Some of them had reddiſh hair, and that of all of them was long and curled. They wore white ornaments on their foreheads and necks, and were armed with lances and bows; they kept an almoſt continual ſhouting, and ſeemed rather inclined for war than peace.

When the boats returned on board, the officer reported, that the ſea broke on all parts of the coaſt, that he had found only one ſmall river, that the land is every where covered with wood, and that the mountains run down cloſe to the ſea-ſhore.

The natives dwell on the mountains, but they have a few huts on the banks of ſome of the ſmall creeks.—Some of them followed one of the ſhip's boats, and ſeemed almoſt reſolved on an attack; and one of the Indians repeat⯑edly put himſelf in an attitude to have thrown his lance; but he deſiſted from his purpoſe, and no miſchief was done.

Monſ. Bougainville ſays, that he was now advanced too far to return; but that he hoped [312] to find a paſſage, though the weather was ſo foggy that he could not diſcern any object at the diſtance of more than two leagues.

In the morning of the 1ſt of July, the ſhips were juſt in the ſtation they had quitted the pre⯑ceding night, having been impelled forward, and driven back, by the tides.

Nothing remarkable happened but the diſ⯑covery of a Race, in the middle of a paſſage, to which was given the name of Dennis's Race, from that of the maſter of the Boudeuſe.

A race is a part of any channel or ſtreight, where there are oppoſing tides, or a rapid and dangerous current; and ſuch are even ſometimes met with in the open ſeas.

Boats were now ſent to find anchorage in a fine bay; and the account of their expedition is as follows.—That a number of Indian boats, in which were a hundred and fifty of the na⯑tives, armed with ſhields, lances, and bows, came from the banks of a rivulet on which their habitations were ſituated, and rowed haſ⯑tily towards the French boats, which they ſur⯑rounded, and, with hideous outcries, began the attack with their bows and lances. The French diſcharged their muſkets; but the na⯑tives covering themſelves with their ſhields, the fight continued, till a ſecond firing terrified them ſo, that they made a haſty retreat, ſome of them ſwimming on ſhore.

[313]Two of their boats were taken, on the ſtern of which was the figure of a man's head with a long beard, the eyes being mother-of-pearl, the ears tortoiſeſhell, and the lips were dyed a bright red. Excluſive of their wea⯑pons and utenſils, there were found in their boats cocoa-nuts, and ſeveral fruits, the ſpe⯑cies of which were not known, the jaw of a man, half broiled, and various other things.

The natives of this coaſt are negroes, whoſe hair curls naturally, and they have a method of colouring it yellow, red, and white. Their cloathing conſiſts only of a piece of matting round the waiſt. This river received the name of Warrior's River, and the whole ſpot, that of the Iſle and Bay of Choiſeul.

Two days afterwards a cape was diſcovered, which was called Cape L'Averdi, on which were mountains of an aſtoniſhing height. On the 4th other mountainous land was diſcovered, from which came off five or ſix Indians, and, after lying on their oars ſome time, they accep⯑ted ſome trifles which were thrown to them. They now exhibited ſome cocoa-nuts, ſaying, bouca, bouca, onelle! and ſeemed greatly pleaſed when the French repeated them. They then intimated, that they would fetch ſome cocoa-nuts, but they had ſcarcely left the ſhip's ſide, when one of them diſcharged an arrow, by which, however, no perſon was wounded.

[314]The people were altogether naked, had long ears, bored, and curled ſhort hair, which ſome of them had dyed red, and they had alſo white ſpots on their bodies. Their teeth were red, probably from the chewing of betel.

This iſland, which was named Bouka, ap⯑peared to be cultivated, and, from the number of huts that were ſeen, it probably abounds with inhabitants.—The cocoa-nut, and other trees, diſperſed over a beautiful plain, was a ſufficient temptation for landing; but the rapidity of the current prevented the poſſibility of it.

Two more iſlands were ſeen on the 5th, and, as the wood and water were expended, and diſeaſe reigning aboard, the Commodore re⯑ſolved to land here, and, on the following af⯑ternoon, the ſhips came to an anchor. The caſks were ſent on ſhore, and tents erected for the ſick, on a commodious ſpot, where there were four rivulets near together, and where wood for the carpenters and joiners uſe, as well as for burning, was very plenty; there were no inhabitants near the place, ſo that the ſick had an opportunity of ranging the woods, fearleſs of any attack from the natives, and every thing ſeemed to conſpire to render this ſpot the moſt eligible imaginable; but there was one great inconvenience, no fruit could be found.

Two huts were diſcovered on the bank of a rivulet, not far from the encampment, and a [315] boat, near which were ſeen the remains of fires, ſome calcined ſhells, and the ſkeletons of ſome animals heads, which were taken for thoſe of the wild boar. Some freſh bananas were found, which proves, that the natives had but lately left the place.

This iſland produces a large, blue creſted pigeon, which has ſo plaintive a note, that the ſeamen miſtook it for the cries of men towards the mountains.

Monſ. Bougainville now relates an extraordi⯑nary incident. A ſeaman being looking for ſhells, found a plate of lead buried in the ſand, on which the following letters were very viſible. ‘HOR'D HERE
ICK MAJESTY's’ The mark of the nails with which the lead had been faſtened appeared; and it is plain, that the natives muſt have torn off the plate and broken it.

This circumſtance gave riſe to a diligent ſearch, and, at about ſix miles from the wa⯑tering-place, the very ſpot was found where the Engliſh had formed their encampment. Seve⯑ral trees were ſeen which had been felled, and others which were ſawn in pieces. A very large and conſpicuous tree was found, on which the inſcription had been nailed; it ſtood in the midſt of a ſpacious place, and it appeared, that the plate had been pulled down but a very ſhort time. There were other trees, to which [316] the ends of ropes were faſtened. One of the trees which had been cut down had put forth freſh twigs, apparently of the growth of four months. Monſ. Bougainville mentions it as a very ſingular circumſtance, that, amidſt ſo ma⯑ny iſlands, he ſhould happen to land on that ſo lately viſited by a rival nation!

Diligent ſearch was now made for food and refreſhments, but almoſt in vain; for nothing could be found but a few cabbage-trees, and thatch-palms. No fiſh could be catched, and, though a few wild boars were ſeen, not one of them was taken. A ſmall number of pigeons were indeed ſhot, the feathers of which were of green and gold.

It will be needleſs to mention the other pro⯑ducts of this iſland, as the reader has already had an account of them in the narrative of the Engliſh voyages.

No time was now loſt in the neceſſary repairs of the ſhips; and an equal diviſion was made of the proviſions, which now began to run ex⯑tremely ſhort. A third part of the late allow⯑ance of peaſe was taken off. From the Com⯑modore to the loweſt perſon on board, all fared alike: their ſituation, like death, baniſh⯑ed all diſtinction.

On the 13th there was an eclipſe of the ſun, which was clearly ſeen, and the proper aſtrono⯑mical and nautical remarks made on it. The name of Port Praſlin was given to this har⯑bour, [317] an inſcription having been firſt buried un⯑der the ſpot where the eclipſe had been ob⯑ſerved.

The Etoile being a light veſſel, and there being no ſtones to ballaſt her, after the proviſi⯑ons had been taken out, this important buſineſs was neceſſarily performed with wood; a fa⯑tiguing and unwholeſome taſk, in ſo damp a country.

An inſect of a moſt wonderful texture was found on this iſland, the body and wings of which appeared ſo much like the leaf of a tree, as ſcarcely to be diſtinguiſhed from it, even on a nice inſpection. When the wings are ex⯑tended, each forms the half of a leaf, and when they are cloſed it is entire. The upper ſide of the body is of a brighter hue than the under parts; and it has ſix legs, the upper joints of which reſemble parts of leaves. This curioſity was preſerved in ſpirits, and is in the cabinet of the French King.

A ſailor who was hauling the fiſhing-net, in ſearch of a ſcarce fiſh called the hammer-oyſter, having been bit by a ſnake, whoſe bite is poi⯑ſonous, was cured in a few hours by a profuſe perſpiration, produced by taking flower-de-luce water and treacle.

Aotourou having remarked the progreſs of the cure, intimated, that at Otaheite there were ſea-ſnakes, whoſe bite is mortal in every in⯑ſtance.

[318]On the 22d repeated ſhocks of an earth⯑quake were felt for about two minutes. The ſea roſe and fell ſeveral times, ſo that the con⯑cuſſions were felt on board the ſhips.

Notwithſtanding the extreme bad weather which prevailed, the crews, divided into ſepa⯑rate parties, went to the woods every day, in hopes to ſhoot ſome turtle-doves, and gather cabbage-trees and thatch-palms; but it gene⯑rally happened, that they returned without any ſucceſs, and wet to the ſkin. At length, how⯑ever, they found ſome mangle apples, and a kind of pruens; but too late to be of much ſervice, as they were now on the point of de⯑parture. A kind of ivy was ſucceſsfully appli⯑ed in the cure of the ſcurvy.

An immenſe caſcade was ſeen, falling from numerous rocks into a hundred baſons of water, and at once ſhaded and adorned by ſtately trees, ſome of which grow even in the reſervoirs, is recommended by Monſ. Bougainville as a ſub⯑ject fit to exerciſe the fancy of the boldeſt painter.—Why did not his limner make a draw⯑ing of it?

The ſituation of the ſhips companies now became ſo dreadful, that no more time could be loſt.—In the afternoon of the 24th a favourable breeze enabled the ſhips to get out to ſea.

Monſ. Bougainville remarks, that this coun⯑try muſt be NEW BRITAIN, and that the great bay muſt be the ſame which Dampier calls St. [319] George's Bay; but that he had the happineſs to land on a part of it where his wants could be ſupplied by the inhabitants.

A ſucceſſion of iſlands having been ſeen in the offing, Monſ. Bougainville named them af⯑ter the officers.—The field-tents were now cut up, to make trowſers for the ſeamen, who had been repeatedly clothed during the voyage, to enable them to ſuſtain the inclemencies of ſo ma⯑ny different climates. But the laſt change of cloathing was now delivered out, and at this period an ounce of bread was deducted from their ſcanty allowance. Their ſalt proviſions were now ſo bad, as to be nauſeous in a high degree; yet their ſtarving ſituation impelled them to feed on them; but even at this melan⯑choly period, no one yielded himſelf a prey to melancholy. The ſailors, influenced by the example of the officers, employed every even⯑ing in dancing, diſpelling, by their mirth, ſome of the pangs of hunger.—Happy Frenchmen! who could be thus mirthful, in the jaws of ap⯑parent deſtruction!

New Britain continued in ſight till the be⯑ginning of Auguſt, when the ſhips being nearer the land than they had been before, ſeveral In⯑dian boats came off, the crews of which were negroes, with woolly heads, which they had covered with white powder. They are tall and active, and wore no other cloaths than leaves round the middle. They held out ſomething [320] that had the appearance of bread, and invited the French to land; but they refuſed to enter the ſhips, though an attempt was made to con⯑ciliate their friendſhip, by preſents of ſome pieces of ſtuff. They accepted what was given, and threw a ſtone from a ſling in return; in⯑ſtantly retreating, with loud vociferations.

On the following day a larger number aſſem⯑bled along ſide the Boudeuſe; a perſon, who had the appearance of authority, carried a red ſtaff, knobbed at each end, in his hand. On approaching the ſhip, he held his hands over his head for a conſiderable time. The hair of theſe negroes was painted red; ſome of them were adorned with feathers, ear-rings made of the ſeed of ſome herb, or circular plates depending from their necks; others had the noſe pierced, and rings ran through it; but the general orna⯑ment was a bracelet made of the half of a ſhell. The French were anxious to conciliate the eſteem of theſe people, but in vain; they ea⯑gerly graſped at whatever was given them, but would make no preſent in return. The roots of a few yams were all that could be obtained from them. Two of their boats being obſerved approaching in the night, a rocket was fired, on which they inſtantly rowed off.

On the 31ſt a number of Indian boats attack⯑ed the Etoile with a volley of ſtones and ar⯑rows; but a ſingle diſcharge of the muſque⯑try [321] got rid for ever of theſe troubleſome com⯑panions.

On the 4th of Auguſt two iſlands were ſeen, which are conjectured to be the ſame which Dampier diſtinguiſhes by the name of Matthias and Stormy, or Squally, Iſland. On the 5th a third iſland was ſeen, and then the northern point of New Britain, which lies only forty one minutes ſouth of the land.

On the 7th a flat iſland was ſeen, covered with trees, abounding with cocoa nuts, and certainly well inhabited, as appeared from the great number of houſes that were ſeen on the ſhore. Fiſhing-boats in multitudes ſurround⯑ed the iſland; but the fiſhermen took no notice of the ſhips. This received the name of the Iſle of Anchorets. On the following day a pro⯑digious number of ſmall iſlands was ſeen, when Monſ. Bougainville having eſcaped the moſt imminent dangers, in the endeavour to dou⯑ble this chain of iſlands, at length happily effected his point, in conſequence of a breeze which ſtill freſhened with the riſing ſun.

He now continued to range the coaſt till he came within ſight of two lofty peaks, to which he gave the name of the two Cyclops. On the 15th two high mountains were diſcovered on the continent, and two ſmall iſlands near them.

On the 23d two other iſlands being diſcover⯑ed, an attempt was made to land, in the hope of obtaining refreſhments; but this was found [322] impracticable, but by the boats, the Com⯑manding officer of which reported, that the iſlands were totally uninhabited, and that no fruits grew which were fit to be eaten.

This day the ſhips crews were twice alarmed; the firſt time with a report from aloft, that a range of breakers were ſeen a-head; but this proved to be only the rippling of a ſtrong tide; the ſecond alarm was from the fore-caſtle, where it was declared, that the bottom of the ſea was viſible under the ſhip's way. This ſhoal was perceived by the crew of the Etoile, but was eaſily eſcaped by both the ſhips. Mon⯑ſieur Denys, firſt Maſter of the Boudeuſe, died this day of the ſcurvy, to the infinite regret of the whole ſhip's company. At this time up⯑wards of forty perſons were ill of the ſame diſ⯑order, the progreſs of which was ſtopped by the plentiful uſe of wine and lemonade.

It was now thought neceſſary to ſtear a ſou⯑therly courſe, in order to get clear of the iſlands by which they were ſurrounded. None of theſe iſlands appeared to be inhabited, though all of them were cloathed with verdure. During the following night they ſailed out of this labyrinth, through a channel about three leagues in breadth. Early in the morning they doubled the ſouthern⯑moſt of a number of ſmall iſlands on each ſide of this channel, which was denominated the French Paſſage. On the 26th, in the morning, they paſſed the meridian for the fifth time, and [323] early the next day had ſight of a ſmall iſland to the ſouth-eaſt; they likewiſe ſaw a ſteep hill, remarkably high, to which they gave the name of Big Thomas; near which are three ſmall iſlands.

They had ſight of ſeveral iſlands on the 27th and 28th, when Monſ. Bougainville gave or⯑ders for a boat belonging to the Etoile to ſteer to the ſouth-weſternmoſt of theſe iſles in ſearch of anchorage, and to enquire if they produced any thing worthy of notice. The boat having landed on two iſlands, which neither produced any fruits, nor appeared to be cultivated, and indicated no ſigns of being inhabited, the ſhip was on the point of returning, when an Indian rowed up to the ſhip's boat, without expreſſing the leaſt ſign of fear or aſtoniſhment. The Frenchmen intimated, that they wanted food and liquor; on which he preſented them with a kind of meal, and ſome water; in return for which they gave him a looking-glaſs, a hand⯑kerchief, and ſome other trifles, which he re⯑ceived with indifference, and laughed at the donors. It was conjectured, that this negroe had deſerted from one of the adjacent iſlands which have been ſettled by the Dutch. The number of them were formerly ſeven, but they are now reduced to five by earthquakes. The crew of the Boudeuſe took a turtle on this ſpot of not leſs than two hundred weight.

[324]Early in the morning of the 31ſt our voy⯑agers had ſight of the iſland of Ceram, which runs in a parallel eaſt and weſt, abounds in lofty mountains, and is partly cleared, and partly in its original ſtate. A great number of fires were ſeen on this iſland, which ſeem to intimate that it is well peopled. Early in the morning, on the firſt of September, our adventurers found themſelves at the entrance of a bay, on the banks of which they beheld a number of fires; they ſoon obſerved two boats under ſail, conſtructed on the plan of thoſe of Malay. A Dutch pendant was now hoiſted, and a gun fired; but the Commodore confeſſes his error in this procedure, as the people at Ceram are at variance with the Dutch, whom they have al⯑moſt totally routed from their iſland. Monſ. Bougainville having been thus unſucceſsful, through miſtake, returned from the bay, and employed the reſt of the day in plying between the iſlands Bonao, Kelang, and Manepo.

Some time before midnight, a number of fires attracted their attention to the iſland of Boero, where there is a Dutch factory, well provided with the neceſſary refreſhments.

The above-mentioned Dutch factory is at the entrance of the Gulph of Cajeli, which the French had ſight of at day-break. Their joy on this occaſion is not to be expreſſed; for at this time not half of the ſeamen were able to perform any duty; and the ſcurvy had raged [325] ſo violently, that no man on board was perfect⯑ly clear of it. What few proviſions were on board were abſolutely rotten, and ſtunk into⯑lerably.

Thus circumſtanced, their change of ſitua⯑tion muſt have been rapturous indeed! From midnight the fragrant breeze had waſted the aromatic flavour of the plants, which abound in the Moluccas. ‘"The aſpect (ſays our au⯑thor) of a pretty large town, ſituated in the bottom of a gulph, of ſhips at anchor there, and cattle rambling through the meadows, cauſed tranſports which I have doubtleſs felt, but which I cannot here deſcribe."’ Our Commodore hoiſted Dutch colours, and fired a gun; but though ſeveral boats were ſailing in the bay, none of them came along-ſide. In a few hours a periagua, rowed by Indians, ad⯑vanced towards the ſhip, and the commanding officer enquired in Dutch who they were; but refuſed to go on board. Monſ. Bougainville, however, proceeded under all his ſails, and in the afternoon came to an anchor oppoſite the factory.

Two Dutch ſoldiers, one of whom ſpoke French, now came on board the Boudeuſe, demanding the reaſon of the Commodore's en⯑tering that port, when he muſt know that the ſhips of the Dutch Eaſt India Company had an excluſive right to that privilege. He was anſwered, in brief, that neceſſity was the mo⯑tive; [326] that hunger muſt preclude the force of treaties, and that they would depart as ſoon as their wants were ſupplied.

The ſoldiers ſoon returned with the copy of an order from the Governor of Amboyna, who preſides over the Reſident at Boero, for⯑bidding him to admit foreign ſhips into that port. The Reſident, therefore, entreated Monſ. Bougainville to declare, in writing, the cauſe of his putting in there; that he might tranſmit ſuch declaration to the Governor of Amboyna, in juſtification of his own conduct.

This requeſt being complied with, all dif⯑ficulties were at an end; the Reſident having performed his duty as a ſervant of the Com⯑pany, was anxious to diſcharge the ſuperior duties of humanity. The Commodore and his Officers viſited him on ſhore, were received in the moſt friendly manner, and accepted his invitation to ſupper.

The Reſident and his company beheld with equal pleaſure and ſurprize the effects that hun⯑ger had on the appetites of the gueſts; nor were they willing to eat themſelves, leaſt they ſhould deprive their now too happy viſitants of their full ſhare of their repaſt. Monſ. Bou⯑gainville confeſſes, that he was ſupremely hap⯑py, becauſe he had previouſly ſent on board what would be an equal feaſt to both the ſhips companies. A contract was now made, that, while the ſhips ſhould remain in that harbour, [327] veniſon ſhould be daily ſupplied to the crews, that eighteen oxen, a number of ſheep and poultry, and a quantity of rice (to ſupply the place of bread) ſhould he put on board. The Reſident was likewiſe obliging enough to furniſh the ſick with a quantity of pulſe from the Com⯑pany's garden; but much could not be ob⯑tained, as it is not generally cultivated on the iſland.

The ſick were now brought on ſhore, and the majority of the ſeamen were likewiſe indul⯑ged in walking about for their health and plea⯑ſure. The Commodore hired the ſlaves be⯑longing to the Company to fill the water caſks, and to carry the ſeveral neceſſaries on board.

Monſ. Bougainville and his officers were gra⯑tified with the pleaſure of ſtag hunting, and he mentions the deer of this country as moſt ex⯑quiſite food. The Dutch originally tranſported them hither. This iſland is deſcribed as a de⯑lightful compoſition of woods, hills, plains, and well-watered vallies.

The town of Cajeli, and about fourteen Indian dwellings, formed the Dutch ſettlement. A ſtone fort, which the Dutch had originally erected, was accidentally blown up in the year 1689; ſince which time it has no encloſure but that of paliſadoes, with a battery of ſix ſmall cannons. About fifty white people are all that reſide on the iſland, of whom a Serjeant and twenty-five men, commanded by the Re⯑ſident, [328] form a part. The negroes who reſide in the interior parts of the country ſubſiſt by the cultivation of rice.

The Moors and the Alfourians are the genuine natives of this country; the former are pro⯑tected by the Dutch factory, who endeavour to inſpire them with the dread of all foreign⯑ers. Theſe people are principally kept in awe by the influence of their own Chiefs, for whom the Dutch Reſident profeſſes a ſincere regard. Dutch policy, in this, as in all their other ſettlements, is the ſame; by fomenting a jea⯑louſy among the Chiefs of their reſpective de⯑pendants, a plot is no ſooner formed by one Chief, than it is revealed by another. The na⯑tives of Boero are not treated as ſlaves by the Dutch; their ſlaves being procured from the iſlands of Ceram, or Celebes.

Unlimited freedom and independence appear to reign among the Alfourians, who, reſiding on the mountains in the interior parts of the iſland ſubſiſt on the produce of their hunting, with fruits and ſago. It is preſumed they are not Mahometans, becauſe they eat ſwines fleſh. The principal people among the Alfourians pay occaſional viſits to the Dutch Reſident; ‘"they would do as well (ſays our author) to ſtay at home."’

The chief products of this iſland are various kinds of wood, particularly black and white ebony; and there is a fine plantation of pepper. [329] The fruits are pine-apples, citrons, lemons, bitter oranges, ſhaddocks, bananas and cocoa-nuts. Very good barley is likewiſe a produce of this country.

Parrots, and a variety of other birds, many of them extremely beautiful, abound in the woods. There is likewiſe the wild cat, whoſe bag under the belly ſerves for the conveyance of its young. Bats, and ſerpents of an enor⯑mous ſize, the latter of which are ſaid to have a ſwallow capacious enough for the reception of a whole ſheep. There is a ſnake too, which, poſting itſelf on the trees, darts into the eye of the paſſenger who happens to look up, and the bite of this animal is certain death.

Crocodiles of an aſtoniſhing ſize reſide on the banks of the rivers, devouring ſuch beaſts as fall in their way; and men are only protected from their fury by carrying torches in their hands. Monſ. Bougainville aſſerts, that theſe crocodiles, which roam for prey in the night, have been even known to ſeize people in their boats.

The name of the Reſident at Buero is Ou⯑man; he is by birth a Batavian, and is married to a native of Amboyna. He lives in great elegance and ſplendour, and is attended by no leſs than a hundred ſlaves. Monſ. Bougain⯑ville ſpeaks of his politeneſs and hoſpitality in very high terms. After having twice regaled the French Officers in the ceremonious way, he [330] bid adieu to all ſet forms, but his houſe was conſtantly open to them, as their own; they al⯑ways found good viands and liquors, and our author thinks this was no inconſiderable degree of civility to perſons who had ſo lately been on the point of ſtarving.

The Reſident's houſe is conſtructed in the Chineſe taſte, in the middle of a garden, which is interſected by a river: the houſe itſelf is a handſome building, and it is elegantly furniſh⯑ed. Its approach is through an avenue of trees, which are planted down to the ſea-ſide. The wife and daughter were habited in the Chi⯑neſe manner, and were no way deficient in the eſſential requiſites of good breeding. Their chief employment conſiſts in making noſegays, and ſelecting flowers proper for diſtillation.

The aſtoniſhment of Aotourou, at this firſt fight of an European ſettlement, may be more eaſily conceived than deſcribed. He regarded every object with an intenſeneſs of curioſity ſcarcely to be ſatisfied; but he was particularly charmed with the hoſpitality of the Dutch. He ſuppoſed every thing freely given, as he did not ſee any thing returned by way of bar⯑ter. Monſ. Bougainville ſays, that he hehaved ſenſibly with reſpect to the Dutch, to whom he intimated the conſequence he was of in his own country, and that his preſent voyage was mere⯑ly pleaſurable with friends whom he eſteemed. His conſtant practice was to imitate the man⯑ners [131] of the French, both in their viſits, and in their rural amuſements. The knees of this Indian being diſtorted, he attributed, to that circumſtance, his not being taken with the Com⯑modore on his firſt viſit to the Reſident, and actually deſired ſome of the ſeamen to preſs their weight on his knees, to make them ſtrait.—This, ſurely, is no great proof of that good ſenſe which Monſ. Bougainville has fre⯑quently hinted that Aotourou was poſſeſſed of!—This iſlander would frequently enquire if Paris was as grand a place as Boero.

Though the French were only ſix days on ſhore, the healthful air of the place had ſo far recovered the ſick, that, by the help of the refreſhments now ready to be put on board, it was very poſſible to perfect the cure at ſea.

The ſick people were conveyed to the ſhips in the morning of the 7th, and before evening every one was on board, in expectation of the land-breeze, by which, after much difficulty in weighing the anchor, they were enabled to ſail about an hour before midnight, and got clear of the gulph of Cajeli before morning.

Monſ. Bougainville now proceeds to a recital of the incidents which occurred during his paſ⯑ſage from Boero to Batavia, in which we ſhall trace him with all neceſſary exactneſs.

Having coaſted the iſland of Boero, the iſles of Manipa and Kilang were ſeen on the morn⯑ing of the 8th, and on the 9th they had ſight [332] of the iſland of Xullabeſſic, where the Dutch have a factory, named Cleverblad, that is, the Clover-leaf. There is a garriſon, conſiſting of twenty-five men, under the diſcipline of a Ser⯑jeant, and commanded by a perſon who holds no higher rank than book-keeper to the Dutch Eaſt India Company.

On the 10th the Commodore buried his tay⯑lor, who fell a ſacrifice to the ſcurvy, encreaſed, when on the point of cure, by an exceſſive drinking of brandy.

On the morning of the 11th they had ſight of the iſland of Wawoni, and in a few hours ſaw that of Button, the ſtreights of which they entered on the following day, and obſerved a veſſel of a ſquare form, ranging the ſhore, and towing a periagua. The French ſhips were no ſooner obſerved by this veſſel, than ſhe furled her ſail, and concealed herſelf behind a ſmall iſland. A French ſeaman, whom Monſ. Bou⯑gainville had engaged at Boero, ſaid, that the veſſel in queſtion was manned by a ſet of Indian pirates, who made a practice of taking pri⯑ſoners, in order to ſell them.

In the afternoon the ſhips ſailed by a beau⯑tiful port on the coaſt of Celebes, the view of which land is delightfully variegated by moun⯑tains, hills, and vallies, and clothed with an exuberance of verdure. In a few hours after⯑wards the iſland of Pangaſani was in ſight, to the northward of which appeared the higheſt [323] mountains of Celebes. Pangaſani is a flat iſland, abounding in trees, and our author con⯑jectures, that it produces ſpices; it is, how⯑ever, certain, that it is well inhabited, from the number of fires that were ſeen on it during the night.

On the morning of the 13th the ſhips were ſurrounded with Indian boats, bringing parro⯑quets, cockatoes, fowls, eggs, and bananas, which the natives ſold for Dutch money, or ex⯑changed for knives. Theſe people were inha⯑bitants of a conſiderable diſtrict on the moun⯑tains of Button, oppoſite the place where the ſhips lay at anchor. On this ſpot the land is cleared and cultivated, the property of different perſons, being divided by ditches. Some of the fields are encloſed by hedges, and there are houſes in theſe fields; beſides which there are ſeveral villages.

The produce of the country conſiſts in po⯑tatoes, yams, rice, maize, &c. and the bana⯑nas are deemed as good as in any part of the world. Pine-apples, mangle apples, cocoa-nuts, and citrons, are very plentiful. The natives are of a brown complexion, ordinary features, and of low ſtature. They profeſs the Mahometan faith, and ſpeak the language common in the Molucca iſles. They are very honeſt, though expert traders.—They offered Monſ. Bougainville ſome pieces of coarſe cotton cloth; but he does not ſay whether he dealt [334] with them or not; he aſked them for ſome nut⯑megs, which they ſaid they procured from the iſland of Ceram, and in the neighbourhood of Banda; and his remark is, that the Dutch cannot ſupply them from thoſe places.

Our author deſcribes the coaſt of Pangaſani as riſing in the form of an amphitheatre, from the level of the coaſt, which he imagines is frequently overflowed, becauſe the dwellings of the natives were obſerved to be ſituated on the ſlope of the hills. The people of Button conſider the inhabitants of Pangaſani as pi⯑rates, and each party is provided againſt the attacks of the other by a dagger, which is al⯑ways worn, ſtuck in the girdle.

The ſhips ſailed on the morning of the 14th, but coming to an anchor in a few hours after⯑wards, a number of periaguas ſurrounded the Boudeuſe, one of which hoiſting Dutch co⯑lours, the reſt retreated, that ſhe might come along-ſide. It appeared, that in this boat was one of the Chiefs of the country, to whom alone the Dutch permit the diſtinction of carry⯑ing their colours.

Our Commodore ſailed again on the 15th, and in the afternoon of that day diſpatched his barge after a boat which was ſeen in a large bay, with a view to procure a pilot; and the boat readily came, having an Indian on board, who, for thirteen ſhillings, readily engaged in the pilotage: but his intended ſervices were ren⯑dered [335] unneceſſary, by the ſun happening to ſhine with great luſtre on a ſpot which directed their paſſing out of the channel.

As oppoſing winds and tides now obliged the ſhips to come to an anchor, the periaguas came off in great numbers, bringing pieces of cotton, articles of curioſity, and variety of re⯑freſhments. At the approach of evening the ſhips got clear of the narrow paſs, and anchor⯑ed in Boston Bay.

Monſ. Bougainville gives an animated de⯑ſcription of the paſſage he had juſt cleared. The coaſt of Button abounds in encloſures proper for the catching fiſh, while the riſing grounds are beſpread with habitations. The oppoſite ſhore is perpendicular; and after paſ⯑ſing the galley, both ſides are ſteep, hanging in ſome places over the channel. ‘"One would think (ſays our author) that the god of the ſea had opened a paſſage here for the ſwelled waters, by a ſtroke of his trident."’—Might he not as well have ſaid, that the great God of Nature is equally wiſe and wonderful in all his works?—The coaſt of Pangaſani has two or three houſes on it, though it is little elſe than a ſolid rock, yet well cloathed with trees.

The Indian pilot above-mentioned gave the beſt inſtructions in his power, reſpecting the mode of paſſing this gut; but he appeared totally unskilled in the European art of navi⯑gation. Another Indian, ſuppoſed to be the [336] pilot's father, went on board the Boudeuſe in the morning, and remained till the evening. They both drank plentifully of brandy, but would eat only bananas and chew betel, abſo⯑lutely refuſing to taſte of the ſhip's proviſions.

On the morning of the 17th, while the ſhips were under ſail, the Indians came off in great numbers, bringing fruit, poultry, and eggs, which they ſold ſo reaſonably, that even the common ſeamen could poſſeſs themſelves of thoſe refreſhments, in very great abundance, ſo that both the ſhips had the appearance of large poulterers ſhops, and capital fruiterers ware⯑houſes on a market day.

This morning five of the Orencaies, or Chiefs of Button, came off in a boat of the European form, with Dutch colours hoiſted at its poop. Theſe people were dreſſed in jackets and long breeches, with turbans, and each of them had a ſilver-headed cane, with the Company's marks on it. They gave Monſ. Bougainville a Roe-buck, and received in return, each a quan⯑tity of ſilk ſtuffs. They paid many compli⯑ments to the French nation, freely drinking the health of his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty, and the king of Button, ſo freely, indeed, that they were, at length, obliged to be helped down the ſhip's ſide into their boats.

The Commodore enquired of the Orencaies, whether any ſpices grew on the iſland of Button; to which they replied in the negative, and were [337] eaſily credited, on account of the weakneſs of the Dutch ſettlement, which is nothing more than a ſew huts, built of the Bamboo cane, and encloſed with palliſadoes. The whole guard, on the part of the company, conſiſts only of a Serjeant and three men. The coaſt oppoſite Button is encloſed, cultivated, and well-peopled; nor is the iſland itſelf leſs po⯑pulous, or leſs fruitful.

In the morning the Indian pilot viſited the Commodore, and informed him, that the ſouth⯑eaſt wind would blow freſheſt exactly at noon. This proved to be ſtrictly true, and was a cir⯑cumſtance ſo well known to the natives, that all the boats which had ſurrounded the ſhip re⯑tired before the ſun had gained his meridian altitude.

Monſ. Bougainville, taking advantage of the pilot's advice, got out to ſea with a fair wind, ſteering for the iſland of Saleyor, which he diſ⯑covered on the 18th.—On this iſland the Dutch have a ſmall ſettlement, the principal Reſident at which is the book-keeper. This day at noon three iſlands were diſcovered, which were called North Iſland, South Iſland, and Iſle of Paſſage; which laſt was ſo denominated from the ſhips paſſing near it, for the advantage of a ſafe na⯑vigation.

By day-light on the 19th they were within about a league of the coaſt of Celebes, which, in this part is deſcribed as one of the fineſt [338] countries in the world. Immenſe herds of cattle graze on the plains, which are adorned with groves, while the coaſt is one continued plantation of the cocoa-nut tree. The plains are in moſt places cultivated and covered with houſes, while the mountains behind them add dignity and ornament to the whole picture.

On this day Monſ. Bougainville chaſed a Malayan boat, in the hope of obtaining a pi⯑lot acquainted with the coaſt; but ſhe fled at his approach, nor even brought to, after he had fired ſeveral guns at her. He conjectures, that the Boudeuſe was miſtaken for a Dutch ſhip, and obſerves, that the generality of peo⯑ple on this coaſt are pirates, who are always made ſlaves of when they are taken by the Dutch.

The ſhips having, during the evening, ſteer⯑ed between an iſland named Tanakeka, and three ſmaller iſles, orders were given at mid⯑night to carry all the ſail poſſible, in order to come within ſight of the iſles of Alambai.

At midnight, between the 21ſt and 22d, a boat was obſerved advancing towards the ſhips; but, though guns were repeatedly fired ſhe bore off, in the apprehenſion, as conjec⯑tured, that they were Dutch veſſels.—Monſ. Bougainville's obſervation is, that ‘"theſe peo⯑ple are more afraid of the Dutch, than of the firing of guns."’—And, indeed, this ob⯑ſervation ſeems to be verified by another boat [339] being equally ſtudious to avoid them, a few hours afterwards.

In the afternoon of the 22d the north coaſt of Madura was ſeen from the maſt-head, and a number of fiſhing boats were obſerved, ſome at anchor, and ſome employed in their buſi⯑neſs.—On the following morning four ſhips were ſeen, two of which hoiſted Dutch colours, and one of them was ſpoke with by the Bou⯑deuſe, which proved to be a ſnow from Ma⯑lacca, bound for Japara.

Monſ. Bougainville now coaſted the land of Java, the ſhore of which is level, but the in⯑terior country abounds in lofty mountains.

On the morning of the 26th the coaſt of Java appeared with the riſing ſun. In the af⯑ternoon the Commodore ſpoke with a Dutch⯑man, who commanded a boat bound for the iſles of Amboina and Ternate, who ſaid that, according to his reckoning, he was then twen⯑ty-ſix leagues from Batavia.

Having come to an anchor for the night, the ſhips ſailed early in the morning of the 27th, and, on the following night, came to an an⯑chor, in the fear of having even paſt the port of Batavia; but having ſight of the church of that town in the morning, they ſailed into, and ſoon anchored in the road, happy to have, af⯑ter ſo many toils, difficulties and dangers, reached a ſpot which they conceived would ſoon [340] put a period to all their misfortunes, by enſuring them a ſafe arrival in Europe.

Monſ. Bougainville now proceeds to recite ſuch incidents as happened during the time he was at Batavia, and gives ſome particulars re⯑ſpecting the Molucca iſlands.

We ſearce know how to treat this ſubject with the delicacy with which it ought to be touched, as the readers of theſe volumes are already apprized of almoſt every intereſting particular reſpecting Batavia; but we ſhall, with the utmoſt diligence, ſelect ſuch circum⯑ſtances as our French hiſtorian has recorded, which have been either unknown to, or not treated of by the Engliſh navigators.

Monſ. Bougainville, for reaſons which would operate on every prudent Commander, reſol⯑ved to make his ſtay at Batavia as ſhort as poſ⯑ſible; but the want of biſcuit, a ſufficient quantity of which was not baked, compelled him to ſtay longer than he had intended.

A Dutch officer came on board with a writ⯑ten paper, of which our Frenchman underſtood not a word: but the Cockſwain having en⯑quired who their viſitants were, demanded a certificate, written and ſigned by the command⯑ing officer. Monſ. Bougainville, who had ſent an officer on ſhore to wait on the Governor, declined to give any anſwer till his return. This Officer came back late in the evening with an account, that his Excellency was at his [341] country-houſe, but that he had been with the Shebander, who promiſed to introduce the Com⯑modore to the Dutch General, on the following day.

The heat of this climate requires, that viſits ſhould be made early in the morning: Monſ. Bougainville therefore ſet out ſoon after day-break, and, after waiting on the Shebander, was by him conducted to the Governor General, who was then at one of his country reſidences about nine miles from the town.

The behaviour of this Chief of an import⯑ant diſtrict was equally ſincere and obliging: he approved of the conduct of the Reſident at Boero, in his treatment of the French during the hour of their diſtreſs. He gave permiſſion for the ſick to be lodged in the hoſpital, and iſſued the proper orders for their being receiv⯑ed. The furniſhing of the neceſſary ſupplies was left to the Shebander, and when all mat⯑ters of buſineſs were ended, the Governor aſked the Commodore if he would ſalute the citadel. To this it was anſwered in the affirma⯑tive, on the condition that the ſalute ſhould be properly returned. Theſe preliminaries being adjuſted, Monſ. Bougainville went on board his ſhip, ſaluted with fifteen guns, and was complimented with the ſame number.

Conſidering the matter ſeriouſly, is not all this moſt egregious nonſenſe?—A Frenchman agrees to waſte a cetain quantity of his Maſ⯑ter's [342] powder, provided a Dutchman will blow into the air, an equal quantity of the pow⯑der of their High Mightineſſes, the States Ge⯑neral!

The ſick people were now ſent to the hoſpi⯑tal, twenty-eight in number, moſt of whom were troubled with the bloody flux, and the reſt with the ſcurvy.

The officers having taken lodgings in the town, fixed a day for paying a viſit of cere⯑mony to the Governor, at his country-ſeat, called Jacatra; after which they viſited, in form, an officer called Schout-by-Nacht, or Rear Admiral, who is a member of the Regen⯑cy, and has a vote in every matter reſpecting maritime affairs. This gentleman lives with a degree of ſplendor that would not diſgrace a Prince.

Monſ. Bougainville mentions the theatre of Batavia, as an elegant building; but of the performances he was not qualified to judge, from a total ignorance of the language. His curioſity impelled him to take a view of the Chineſe comedies, but of theſe, alſo, he could form no judgment but from ſight. Excluſive of the exhibitions on the regular theatres, he ſays, that a kind of pantomine is daily per⯑formed, on ſcaffolds erected in the Chineſe quarter of the city. It is a ſingularity of the Chineſe comedy, that the characters of men are repreſented by women; nor is it unfrequent [343] to ſee the actors entertain the ſpectators with a boxing-match.

Our ingenious voyager repreſents the neigh⯑bourhood of Batavia as elegant beyond de⯑ſcription.—The neatneſs is all Dutch; the magnificence truly Pariſian.—A clergyman of Batavia, Mr. Mohr, diſtinguiſhed for his im⯑menſe riches, and his extenſive knowledge, has erected, in the garden of one of his country-houſes, one of the moſt ſuperb obſervatories in the world, and has furniſhed it with great va⯑riety of inſtruments of the conſtruction of Eu⯑ropean artiſts. Our author obſerves, that he ‘"is doubtleſs the richeſt of all the children of Urania."’

The water of Batavia is of ſo bad a quality, that the people of fortune import Seltzer water from Holland, for their common drinking, at a moſt enormous expence. The houſes of this city are built only one ſtory high, on account of the frequent earthquakes, which would be of pernicious conſequence to buildings of a lofty conſtruction.

The riches of the Batavians are marked by the magnificent taſte in which their houſes are furniſhed; yet is the city ſaid to be much infe⯑rior to what it was ſome years ago; and it is certain, that the rent of houſes is not half as much as it was: yet will this place always be rich, through the refined policy of the Dutch, which makes it difficult for any man, after he [344] has amaſſed a fortune, to tranſmit it to Europe: for any money intended to be ſent to Holland, muſt paſs through the hands of the Company, who charge eight per cent. for the care of ſending it to Europe; excluſive of which, the current-money of Batavia would ſuſtain a loſs of no leſs than twenty-eight per cent. even if it could be ſmuggled out of the country.

The diſtinction of rank is obſerved in the ſtricteſt degree at Batavia. What the French call the Etiquette is never diſpenſed with. The gradation of rank is as follows, viz. the high Re⯑gency, the Court of Juſtice, the Eccleſiaſtics, the Company's ſervants, the ſea officers, and thoſe of the military.

There is no appeal from the deciſions of the Court of Juſtice. This court, about twenty years ſince, ſentenced to death the Governor of Ceylon, who had been convicted of moſt infa⯑mous oppreſſions in his government; and he was executed oppoſite the citadel at Batavia.

If any of the reſpective ſovereigns of the iſland of Java offend againſt the eſtabliſhed Dutch policy, they are put to death in the moſt inhuman manner. On theſe melancholy oc⯑caſions, the unhappy ſufferers are dreſſed in white drawers, and are never beheaded, from a conviction prevalent among them, that ap⯑pearing in any other dreſs, or viſiting the other world without their heads, would be produc⯑tive of the moſt fatal conſequences: nor do the [345] Dutch dare to controvert theſe opinions, as the immediate conſequence of ſuch a procedure on their part would be a revolt of that of the Ja⯑vaneſe.

The Dutch Company have an excluſive right to a large part of the iſland of Java.—The iſland of Madura did formerly belong to them, but the Chief of it revolted from their authority, and the ſon of this revolting king is at preſent the Governor of that very iſland, of which his father had been the Sovereign.

The Dutch, equally deep in every ſtroke of their politics, have ſeized the province of Ba⯑limburan, in conſequence of the Sovereign of that diſtrict having revolted from their autho⯑rity. It is aſſerted, that the Engliſh erected him a fort, and ſupplied him with arms and ammunition to combat that ſlavery, which he thought the more an indignity, becauſe it was impelled by the mercantile world. After a war of two years, and after repeated battles, in the laſt of which the Javaneſe Prince and his family were made priſoners, the Dutch be⯑came final conquerors, and the routed Sove⯑reign being lodged in the citadel of Batavia, ſoon fell a ſacrifice to the grief that preyed on his mind. When Monſ. Bougainville arrived at Batavia, it was in agitation to ſend the ſon and the other branches of this unhappy family to the Cape of Good Hope, in order that they might ſpend the remains of a wretched ex⯑iſtence on the iſland of Roben. The ſeveral [346] Chiefs of the different diſtricts of the iſland of Java are ſurrounded with Dutch guards, ſo that they are Kings only in name. From theſe, however, the Dutch receive arrac, rice, ſugar, coffee and tin; in return for which they ſup⯑ply opium, the ſale of which is very profitable, from the great quantities conſumed by the Ja⯑vaneſe.

Our Commodore now proceeds to a deſcrip⯑tion of the commerce of Batavia, and a reci⯑tal of many particulars reſpecting the Molucca iſlands; but theſe particulars, or others ſo ex⯑ceedingly reſembling them, being recorded in many volumes of voyages, we ſhall paſs them over in ſearch of ſomething really new, and re⯑ſpecting which our author appears to have been well informed.

Before the crews of the Boudeuſe and Etoile had been ten days at Batavia, the diſeaſes com⯑mon to that climate began to attack them with all their fury. From a vigorous ſtate of health the people were, in a few days, reduced to the brink of the grave; nor could the Commo⯑dore's utmoſt diligence enable him to tranſact his affairs with a proper degree of diſpatch, as the illneſs of the Shebander himſelf prevented the acceleration of his buſineſs.

Every officer on board the Boudeuſe began to feel the fatal effects of the climate; and, at length, Aotourou felt the direful influence of this peſtiferous clime; and it is ſuppoſed, that [347] nothing but the readineſs with which he took the preſcriptions offered him, could have ſaved him from the moſt fatal conſequences of the contagion. For a long time after he left Bata⯑via, he diſtinguiſhed it by the name of Enoua Matè, the land which kills.

Monſ. Bougainville now proceeds to a de⯑ſcription of his leaving Batavia, his touching at the iſle of France, and his return to his na⯑tive country, of which we ſhall have occaſion to ſay but little, as the run from Batavia to Europe is univerſally well known, and has been previouſly deſcribed in the courſe of theſe volumes.

The ſhips ſailed on the 16th of October, 1768, and cleared the ſtreights of Sunda on the 19th in the afternoon. By this time the crew were all perfectly recovered of the ſcurvy, but a few of them remained ill of the bloody-flux. On the 20th the ſhips were in ſight of the iſle of France, and on the 8th of Novem⯑ber, the Boudeuſe anchored in the port of that iſland; the Etoile, which had been unavoida⯑bly left behind, anchoring in the ſame port on the following day.

At this place the ſhips were repaired, and the Commodore left behind him on the iſland ſeveral perſons, who deſired to add to the numbers already in that colony.

The Commodore expreſſes his happineſs that he was enabled, after ſo tedious a voyage, to [348] enrich this colony with inhabitants and ne⯑ceſſaries; but he laments in the moſt pathetic terms the death of the Chevalier du Bouchage, an Enſign on board the King's ſhip, whoſe abilities as an officer could be ſurpaſſed only by his virtues and accompliſhments as a man.

Our author ſpeaks, in the moſt laviſh terms, of the forges for making iron, which are eſta⯑bliſhed on this iſland, and he even prefers them to thoſe of Europe; how far he is juſtified in this preference, muſt be left to future naviga⯑tors, or future artificers to determine.

Monſ. Bougainville ſailed from this place the 12th of December, 1768, leaving the Etoile behind him, to undergo ſome neceſſary repairs; and this ſhip did not arrive in France till a month after the Boudeuſe. Without encoun⯑tering any ſingular accident, our adventurers had ſight of the Cape of Good Hope on the 18th of January, and came to an anchor in Table Bay on the following morning.

Our author very judiciouſly omits a deſcrip⯑tion of the Cape, which has been ſo often and ſo accurately deſcribed by our circumna⯑vigators, and other voyagers: one circum⯑ſtance, however, he fails not to mention, that they killed a quadrupede, named the Giraffe, which was ſeventeen feet in height, and that they took the young one alive, which mea⯑ſured ſeven feet. ‘"None of theſe (ſays our author) had been ſeen after that which was [349] brought to Rome in the time of Caeſar, and ſhewn there in the amphitheatre."’

Monſ. Bougainville ſailed from the Cape on the 17th, and came to an anchor off the iſland of St. Helena on the 4th of February, where he remained till the 6th, and then got under ſail in purſuance of his voyage to France.

On the 25th of this month the Commodore joined the Swallow, commanded by Captain Carteret: what paſſed in conſequence of this junction the readers of theſe volumes are al⯑ready acquainted with.

Nothing material happened from this time till they had ſight of the iſle of Uſhant, when a violent ſquall of wind had nearly blaſted all the blooming hopes of ſo fine a voyage. On the 15th the Commodore bore away for St. Maloes, which he entered on the following day, after an abſence of two years and four months from his native country; during all which time he had buried only ſeven of his crew, a circumſtance that will be deemed truly aſtoniſh⯑ing, when we reflect on the variety of dangers they had encountered; the amazing changes of climate they had experienced; the hair breadth perils they had eſcaped, and the eſtimated pro⯑portion of time that any man may be ſuppoſed to live, at any given age, when in full health, and breathing his native air. To what then ſhall we aſcribe the unexampled ſucceſs of Monſ. Bougainville's circumnavigation, but to the be⯑nevolent [350] interpoſition of that particular provi⯑dence, the exiſtence of which hath been lately ſo boldly, and with ſuch apparent weight of ar⯑gument, denied.

Thus have we traced, with the pen of fide⯑lity, this ingenious hiſtorian, from the milder climate of France to the frozen regions of the Magellanic ſtreights; and from thoſe ſtreights through the intenſe burnings of the torrid zone, back again to the benevolent influence of the European ſun; and abating that vanity pecu⯑liar to the French, and that nationality, which, if criminal, is a crime ariſing from a noble and praiſe-worthy cauſe, we muſt confeſs, that his narrative is as much more philoſophical and ingenious, as it is more pert and flippant than the narratives of our Engliſh adventurers! Monſ. Bougainville has introduced, in the body of his volume, a narrative of the eſtabliſhment of the Spaniards in Rio de la Plata; and alſo an account of the miſſions in Paraguay, and the expulſion of the Jeſuits from that province: but as theſe recitals ſeemed to have no imme⯑diate connection with the Commodore's circum⯑navigation, we have not interrupted the narra⯑tive, thinking they would come in with more propriety immediately after the cloſe of the voyage.

The river de la Plata takes a ſoutherly courſe to the 34th degree latitude, where it is united with the river Uraguai, making one [351] ſtream, which runs ſtill ſoutherly to the ocean. The Jeſuits have advanced a falſe principle of geography, and other authors have fell into their errors, by ſuppoſing the river de la Plata to ſpring from the lake of Xaragés. This lake, which has been the ſubject of much enquiry, is now ſuppoſed to have no exiſtence.

By order of the courts of Spain and Portu⯑gal, the Marquis of Valdelirais and Don George Menezés, undertook to determine the limits of poſſeſſion of theſe two powers; and accordingly ſeveral Spaniſh and Portugueſe officers, tra⯑verſed this large diſtrict of America between the years 1751 and 1755. The Spaniards em⯑barked on the river Paraguai, and the Portu⯑gueſe proceeded from a ſettlement belonging to the Crown of Portugal, called Maragoſſo, ſituated on the interior boundaries of the Bra⯑zils, at about 12 degrees ſouth latitude, and proceeded up the river Caourou, which, ac⯑cording to the maps of the Jeſuits, is deſcrib⯑ed as falling into the lake Xaragés. But how great was their ſurprize and diſappointment at meeting in the 14th degree of ſouth latitude, in the river Paraguai, without finding any thing to juſtify the ſuppoſition of the exiſtence of the lake! Hence it was concluded, that the periodical inundations of the river over a con⯑ſiderable tract of the adjacent country, having been received in the low grounds, formed a [352] body of water, which, by former navigators, was taken for the ideal lake.

The ſource of the Paraguai, or Rio de la Plata, is among the mountains, between the two oceans, and between five and ſix degrees ſouth latitude, and it empties itſelf into the river of Amazons. The Uraguai ariſes in the Cap⯑tainſhip of St. Vincent's, in the Brazils; and the Parana in the mountains to the eaſt north⯑eaſt of Rio Janeiro, whence it flows to the weſt⯑ward, and then changes its courſe to the ſouth.

It appears, from the account of the Abbé Prevoſt, that Diaz de Solis firſt diſcovered the Parana in 1515, and called it after himſelf, but that in 1526 Sebaſtian Cabot named it la Plata, or of ſilver, on account of the many pieces of ſilver which he obſerved in the poſſeſſion of the natives of the adjacent country. The fort of Eſpirutu Santo was erected by Cabot, who had ſcarcely time to ſee it completed before it was levelled with the earth.

In 1535, Don Pedro de Mendoza, great Cup⯑bearer to the Emperor, ſailed for the river de la Plata, and founded Buenos Ayres; but this undertaking proved extremely unſucceſsful; and after Mendoza's death, the inhabitants of Buenos Ayres, unable to defend themſelves againſt the depredations of the Indians, and living in perpetual dread of famine, fled for ſanctuary to Aſſumption, now the capital of Paraguai, which was built by the followers of [353] Mendoza, ſoon became well inhabited, and, of courſe, conſiderably enlarged. Don Pedro Artiz de Zarara, Governor of Paraguai, rebuilt Buenos Ayres, upon an improved plan, in the year 1580, and it ſoon became the principal reſort of ſhips navigating the South Seas; ſoon after which it was an epiſcopal ſee, and the place of reſidence of the chief magiſtrate. The ſituation of Buenos Ayres is computed to be in 34 deg. 55 min. ſouth latitude, and 61 deg. 5 min. weſt longitude from Paris. The inhabitants, including negroes, do not exceed twenty thouſand, notwithſtanding which, the town covers a very large ſpace of ground, ow⯑ing to the generality of the habitations having no more than a ground floor, with ſpacious court⯑yards and extenſive gardens. The public mar⯑ket is held in a grand ſquare, the angles of which are formed by the Governor's palace, the town hall, the cathedral and the epiſcopal palace. There is no harbour at Buenos Ayres, ſo that ſhips of any conſiderable burden are obliged to ſail to Encenada de Baragon, about ten leagues eaſt ſouth-eaſt of the town, or elſe receive and deliver their freights by means of ſmall boats.

Adjoining to the Jeſuit's convent, there is a building, called the houſe for the exerciſes of women, where married and unmarried people, without the conſent of their huſbands or friends, ſequeſter themſelves for the ſpace of twelve [354] days, during which time various religious ex⯑erciſes are practiced, almoſt without inter⯑miſſion. There are holy ceremonies appointed for the ſlaves; and ſuch of the negroes, as pay four reals per annum to the Dominicans, are admitted members of ſome religious commu⯑nity, are intitled to certain holidays, to hear maſs, and a decent interment at the expence of the friars.

This community of negroes acknowledge St. Benedict of Palermo, and the Virgin for their patrons; and on the days dedicated to theſe ſaints they ſelect two perſons to repreſent the kings of Spain and Portugal, who are fol⯑lowed by all the negroes of the order, parading through the ſtreets from the riſing to the ſitting of the ſun, ſinging, dancing, repreſenting bat⯑tles, and repeating religious incantations.

The grounds near Buenos Ayres are extreme⯑ly fruitful, producing all the real neceſſaries of life; but it is entirely uncultivated at only three leagues diſtance; and in croſſing the plains ſcarce a hovel is to be met with; ſo that paſ⯑ſengers are frequently under the neceſſity of ſleeping in their carriages, and thoſe who go on horſeback are often, for many ſucceſſive nights, expoſed to the inclemency of the wea⯑ther. Horſes and black cattle abound in theſe plains, and the latter are frequently killed by travellers, who take away ſufficient for a few meals, and leave the reſt for the birds and [355] beaſts of prey. The only furious animals known here are wild dogs and tygers: the for⯑mer, which are ſaid to have been originally brought from Europe, are both fierce and nu⯑merous; and perhaps owing to their food, and the climate ſeem, as it were, greatly to have altered their ſpecies; the latter are of the uſual kind, but are not very frequently met with.

In the neighbourhood of Buenos Ayres wood is ſo extremely ſcarce, that very little is to be found that will even ſerve for fuel, and what is uſed in erecting and repairing houſes, or in refitting veſſels, is tranſported from Paraguai.

The Indians inhabiting this part of America are of a copper complexion, ſeldom exceeding five feet in ſtature, and of a very forbidding aſpect. Their Chief is diſtinguiſhed by a thong of leather tied round his forehead, to which are faſtened ſeveral plates of copper. The arms they uſe are bows and arrows, nooſes and balls. Theſe balls are about the circumfe⯑rence of a two pound cannon ball, and being re⯑ceived in leathern cups at the end of cords of about ſix or ſeven feet long, they throw them when on horſeback, with ſuch amazing force and dexterity, as to be almoſt at a certainty of killing an animal at the diſtance of three hun⯑dred yards.

Some years ago a number of delinquents, eſcaping the puniſhment they were ſentenced to, retreated to the north of the Maldonadoes, [356] where being joined by ſome deſerters and In⯑dian women, they have formed a community of deſperadoes. They frequently plunder the Spaniſh ſettlements, and carry their ſpoils to the boundaries of the Brazils, where they re⯑ceive, in exchange for them, fire-arms and clothes, from the Pauliſts, another deſperate race of robbers, ſuppoſed to be between ſix and ſeven hundred in number, who removed from Brazil farther to the north-weſt about the ſixteenth century; ſince which time they have continually traverſed the adjacent country in parties; and ſuch travellers as are ſo unfortu⯑nate as to meet with them, generally fall victims to their cruelty and rapine.

The governments of Tucuman and Para⯑guai, with the miſſions of the Jeſuits, are de⯑pendent upon the Governor-general of la Plata, who, in all matters relating to the ſilver mines of Potoſi, is under the jurisdiction of the Vice⯑roy of Peru. A mint having been lately eſ⯑tabliſhed at Potoſi, the ſilver will not in future be brought from thence in the ore, but refined on the ſpot.

Two hundred carts, attended by three hun⯑dred men, go annually from Buenos Ayres to fetch ſalt from the lakes adjacent to the ſea in forty-three degrees latitude; and the neceſſity of obtaining ſalt is the only motive that indu⯑ces the Spaniards to travel ſo far ſouth of Bue⯑nos Ayres, where the country exhibits a melan⯑choly [357] proſpect of dreary and uncultivated wilds.

The principal commerce of Buenos Ayres is with Peru and Chili, to which province they ſend cotton, mules, ſome ſkins, and about four hundred thouſand Spaniſh pounds weight of the Paraguai herb, or South Sea tea every year; great part of this laſt article is conſumed by the labourers in the Peruvian mines; it being eſ⯑teemed a moſt excellent preventative againſt the effects of the noxious vapours ariſing from thoſe inexhauſtible funds of treaſure.

Notwithſtanding there is but little trade at Buenoes Ayres, it is a place of ſuch great riches, that the regiſter ſhips frequently carry away a million of dollars each; and if they were inclined to extend their ſkin and fur trade, thoſe articles alone would, undoubtedly, ac⯑quire them immenſe wealth.

Montevideo was built between forty and fifty years ſince, upon a peninſula, to the north of the river, and about ninety miles above its mouth. The town has a bay, affording ſafe anchorage, but in boiſterous weather ſome ſkill muſt be exerted, to keep clear of a chain of hidden rocks off the eaſt point of the bay, which are called Punta de las Carretas. The town of Montevideo affords every refreſhment; and the air being particularly ſalubrious, renders it ſtill more inviting to the ſons of Neptune, who here find a happy renewal of that health and [358] vigour, which, from various cauſes, muſt in⯑evitably be impaired by a long reſidence on the ſtormy element.

The Jeſuits took up their reſidence at Para⯑guay in the year 1580, and in the time of Philip the Third founded their celebrated miſſions, called indifferently by the Europeans Paraguai or Uraguai. Theſe miſſions are thir⯑ty-ſeven in number; twenty-nine being on one ſide of the river Uraguai, and eight on the op⯑poſite ſhore.

The Jeſuits undertook to convert the natives of this tract of America to the Roman Catholic religion, and in order to encourage them to purſue this very difficult taſk with a proper de⯑gree of ſpirit, they were rendered independent of the Governor's authority, and allowed an annual ſtipend of ſixty thouſand piaſtres for their neceſſary expences. And in order to in⯑demnify the Crown for this expence, a tax of one piaſtre per head was levied upon all the In⯑dians between the age of eighteen and ſixty.

Notwithſtanding the many and great obſta⯑cles which would have diſpirited leſs determi⯑ned men, the Jeſuits, by a ſteady perſeverance, the moſt ardent zeal, and a ſtrict attention to the genius and diſpoſition of theſe ſavages, at length, civilized their manners, implanted in their minds the principles of the Chriſtian re⯑ligion, [359] and made them happy within them⯑ſelves and uſeful to the community.

In the year 1757 the Spaniſh monarch hav⯑ing given up the colonies on the left ſhore of the river to the Portugueſe, in exchange for Santo Sacramento, with a view to ſuppreſs the ſmuggling trade, the Indians of the ceded co⯑lonies, diſguſted at being driven from their cultivated lands, took up arms againſt the Spa⯑niards. Don Joſeph Andonaighi, Governor-general of the province de la Plata, and Don Joachim de Viana, Governor of Montevideo, marched againſt, and entirely defeated them. Soon after this battle the inſurrections being quelled, Viana left Buenos Ayres, and was ac⯑companied as far as the Maldonados by ſeven Indian families, where they ſettled, leading a life of exemplary prudence and induſtry. The ſituation of theſe reclaimed people gives an idea of what the poets call the golden age: they knew no diſtinction of rank, were neither in⯑cumbered with riches, nor oppreſſed with po⯑verty; and as all their wants were ſupplied from the warehouſes appointed to receive the produce of the common labour, they had no incitement to uſe ſiniſter and clandeſtine means to obtain private property.

The country in which the miſſions are ſitu⯑ated, reaches about four hundred and fifty miles eaſt and weſt, and about ſix hundred miles north and ſouth; and the number of the inha⯑bitants [360] is computed to be three hundred thou⯑ſand. There are immenſe foreſts of all kinds of wood, and extenſive meadows, watered by innumerable ſmall rivers and brooks, which produce paſture ſufficient for upwards of two millions of cattle.

The country was divided into diſtricts, over each of which two Jeſuits were appointed to preſide; one of whom acted as Rector, and the other as his Curate. The Indians lived in the moſt abject ſtate of ſubmiſſion to their Rec⯑tors, who ſeverely chaſtiſed them for miſde⯑meanours, and annually appointed a number of inferior officers, called Corregidors, to take cognizance of petty offences.

Near the church are two large buildings; one of which was inhabited by a great number of girls, who were inſtructed in various occupa⯑tions. The other building was occupied by young negroe men, who were brought up to various handicraft profeſſions; and one depart⯑ment of this building was appointed to the teaching of muſic, ſculpture, architecture, &c. The Rector's houſe ſtood between theſe build⯑ings, and had communications with each, which he viſited every day to ſee the proviſions juſtly diſtributed, and the proper decorum in other reſpects ſtrictly obſerved.

The entire expulſion of the Jeſuits from the Spaniſh dominions having been reſolved upon, Don Francis Buccarelli was appointed to carry [361] this deſign into execution; and he accordingly ſailed for Buenos Ayres, arrived there in the beginning of 1767, and immediately ſent the diſpatches with which he was charged, to the Governors of Peru and Chili, and the com⯑manders of Cordoua, Mendoza, Corrientes, Santa-Fe, Salta, Montevideo, and Paraguay. Theſe diſpatches were accompanied by letters, ſtrictly enjoining the perſons, to whom the diſ⯑patches from the Court were directed, not to open them till an appointed day. As it was a matter of doubt, whether the Indians would tamely ſubmit to ſee Jeſuits arreſted in the co⯑lonies, all the preparations for carrying the King's orders into execution were conducted with the moſt profound ſecrecy. The time for ac⯑compliſhing this grand deſign at length arrived, and the different Governors being previouſly inſtructed to open their letters, and to proceed according to their contents, with all imaginable diſpatch.

The general execution began about two o'clock in the morning, when the Jeſuits, with equal horror and aſtoniſhment, found their ha⯑bitations inveſted by the Spaniſh troops.

They evinced a high degree of philoſophical reſignation and humility in quietly ſubmitting to their fate, which they confeſſed was not ſo ſevere as their crimes deſerved.

On the thirteenth of September a Cacique belonging to each colony, and all the corregi⯑dors, [362] arrived at Buenos Ayres. Theſe people were politically detached from their companions by the following ſtratagem, with a deſign of ſecuring them as hoſtages, in caſe any reſiſtance had been made. The Governor-general ſent for them, under pretence of communicating the ſubſtance of the King's letters; and theſe deluded people were not informed of the events that had happened, till they received the ac⯑count from the mouth of the Governor, who gave them a general audience, immediately upon their arrival; when the Governor inform⯑ed them, that he came to free them from the ſlavery they had long groaned under, and di⯑recting them to one of the houſes formerly oc⯑cupied by the Jeſuits, they were there pro⯑perly provided for at the King's expence. The Jeſuits had eſtabliſhed other miſſions than thoſe abovementioned to the ſouth of Ura⯑guay, and were making great progreſs ſouth⯑ward of Chili, towards the iſland of Chiloé; but the unexpected turn of affairs in Europe utterly deſtroyed the work, the completion of which had been an object of great attention for a long ſeries of years.

VOCABULARY of the Language of TAITI ISLAND.

Abobo, To-morrow.
Aibou, Come.
Ainé, Girl (fille)
Aiouta, There is ſome.
Aouererê, Black.
Aouero, Egg.
Aouri, Iron, gold, ſilver, every me⯑tal, or inſtrument of metal.
Aoutti, Flying fiſh.
Aouira, Lightning.
Apalari, To break or deſtroy.
Ari, Cocoa-nut.
Ateatea, White.
Ea, Root.
Eai, Fire.
Eame, Drink made of cocoa-nuts.
Eani, All manner of fighting.
Eivi, Little.
Eite, To underſtand.
Elao, A fly.
Emaa, A ſling.
Emeitai, To give.
Emoe, To ſleep.
Enapo, Yeſterday.
Enoanoa, To ſmell well.
Enoo-te-papa, Sit down.
Enoua-Taiti, The country of Taiti.
Enoua-Paris, The country of Paris.
Eo, To ſweat.
[364]Eoe-tea, An arrow.
Eoe-pai, A paddle or oar.
Eonou. Turtle.
Eouai, Rain.
Eouri, A dancer.
Eouriaye, A dancing-girl.
Epouré, To pray.
Era, The ſun.
Eraï, Heaven.
Ero, Ant.
Eri, King.
Erie, Royal.
Etai, Sea,
Eteina, Elder brother or ſiſter.
Etouana, Younger brother or ſiſter.
Etio, Oyſter.
Etoi, A butcher.

SUPPLEMENT, CONTAINING THE JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE UNDERTAKEN BY ORDER OF HIS PRESENT MAJESTY, For making DISCOVERIES towards the NORTH POLE, BY THE HON. COMMODORE PHIPPS, AND CAPTAIN LUTWIDGE, IN HIS MAJESTY's SLOOPS RACEHORSE AND CARCASE.
To which is prefixed, An Account of the ſeveral VOYAGES undertaken for the Diſcovery of a North-Eaſt Paſſage to China and Japan.

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Figure 5. A Map of the [...]ICY SEA [...] which the several Communications with the Land Waters and other new Diſcoveries are exhibited.

THE INTRODUCTION.

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IT is fortunate for commerce, and the inter⯑courſe of nations, that there is implanted in man's nature a deſire of novelty, which no pre⯑ſent gratification can ſatisfy; that when he has viſited one region of the earth, he is ſtill, like Alexander, ſighing for another to explore; and that, after having eſcaped one danger in his progreſs, he is no leſs eager to encounter others, that may chance to obſtruct him in the courſe of his purſuits.

If the hiſtory of former hardſhips could have deterred men from engaging in new adventures, the Voyage, the particulars of which we are now about to relate, would probably never have been undertaken. The dreary regions that ſur⯑round the poles are ſo little accuſtomed to feel the kindly influences of the enlivening ſun, and are ſo deſtitute of the ordinary productions of the earth in happier climates, that little leſs than one whole quarter of the globe is, by its ſterility, rendered uninhabitable by human beings, and but thinly occupied by a very incon⯑ſiderable number of the race of quadrupedes. The many and almoſt inſuperable difficulties that muſt therefore be expected in traverſing theſe forlorn deſarts, where no relief is to be [ii] expected, but from the favourable interpoſition of that power, whoſe merciful providence ex⯑tends to the remoteſt corners of the earth, are, upon reflection, enough to cool the ardour of the moſt enterpriſing, and to ſtagger the reſolu⯑tion of the moſt intrepid.

In the contention between powers, equally formed by nature to meet an oppoſition, it may be glorious to overcome; but to encounter raging ſeas, tremendous rocks, and bulwarks of ſolid ice, and deſperately to perſiſt in attempts to prevail againſt ſuch formidable enemies; as the conflict is hopeleſs, ſo the event is certain. The hardieſt and moſt ſkilful navigator, after expoſing himſelf and his companions to the moſt perilous dangers, and ſuffering in propor⯑tion to his hardineſs the moſt complicated diſ⯑treſſes, muſt at laſt ſubmit to return home with⯑out ſucceſs, or periſh by his perſeverance.

This obſervation will be ſufficiently juſtified, by a brief recapitulation of the Voyages that have been undertaken, with a view to the diſ⯑covery of a North-eaſt Paſſage to China and Japan.

The firſt who attempted this diſcovery was Sir Hugh Willoughby, with three ſhips, ſo early as the year 1553, the aera of perilous enterprizes. This gentleman ſailed to the la⯑titude of 75 degrees north, within ſight, as it is imagined, of New Greenland, now called Spitſbergen; but by a ſtorm was driven back, [iii] and obliged to winter in the river Arzena, in Lapland, where he was frozen to death with all his company. He left upon his table a conciſe account of all his diſcoveries, in which he mentions, having ſailed within ſight of a coun⯑try in a very high latitude, about which geo⯑graphers are divided; ſome affirming, as has been ſaid, that it could be no other than New Greenland, afterwards diſcovered, and named by the Dutch Spitſbergen; others, that what he ſaw was only a fog-bank; and of this latter opinion is Capt. Wood, an able navigator, of whom we ſhall have occaſion to ſpeak hereafter.

To Sir Hugh Willoughby ſucceeded Capt. Burroughs, afterwards Comptroller of the Na⯑vy to Queen Elizabeth. This gentleman at⯑tempted the paſſage with better fortune, and returned full of hope, but without ſucceſs. He paſſed the North cape in 1556, advanced as far north as the 78th degree, diſcovered the Wygate, or ſtrait that divides Nova Zembla from the country of the Sammoyds, now ſub⯑ject to Ruſſia: and having paſſed the eaſtern⯑moſt point of that ſtrait, arrived at an open ſea, from whence he returned, having, as he imagined, diſcovered the paſſage ſo painfully ſought, and ſo ardently deſired. Some affirm, his diſcoveries extended beyond the 80th de⯑gree of latitude, to a country altogether deſo⯑late, where the mountains were blue and the valleys ſnow.

[iv]Be that as it may, the favourable report of Capt. Burroughs encouraged Queen Elizabeth to fit out two ſtout veſſels to perfect the diſ⯑covery. The command of theſe ſhips was given to the Captains Jackman and Pett, who, in 1580, ſailed through the ſame ſtrait, that had been diſcovered by Burroughs, and enter⯑ed the eaſtern ſea; where the ice poured in ſo faſt upon them, and the weather became ſo tempeſtuous, that after enduring incredible hardſhips, and ſuſtaining the moſt dreadful ſhocks of ice and ſeas, terrible even in the rela⯑tion, they were driven back and ſeparated; and neither Pett nor his ſhip or crew were ever heard of afterwards.

After this diſaſter and diſappointment, the deſire of viſiting the frozen ſeas to the north⯑eaſt began to abate among the Engliſh, but was aſſumed by the Dutch with an obſtinate per⯑ſeverance, peculiar to that phlegmatic nation. The firſt Dutchman we read of who made the attempt was John Cornelius, of whoſe voyage, in 1595, we have but a very imperfect account; he was followed however in 1606 by William Barrans, or, as ſome write, Barents, an able and experienced ſeaman and mathematician, who being ſupplied with every neceſſary for ſo hazardous a voyage, by the generoſity and pa⯑tronage of Prince Maurice, proceeded in the ſame courſe which had been pointed out to him by the Engliſh navigators; but having paſſed [v] the Wygate, found the like incumbrances, and the like tempeſts which the Engliſh had expe⯑rienced; and not being able to bear up againſt them, returned thoroughly convinced, that the wiſhed-for paſſage was not to be attained in that direction. However, he traverſed the coaſt of Nova Zembla, gave names to ſeveral promontories and head-lands, and planned to himſelf a new courſe to ſteer, by which he hoped to accompliſh what he had failed in diſ⯑covering, by following the ſteps of thoſe who had gone before him.

In 1607, animated rather than diſcouraged by diſappointment, he entered upon his ſecond voyage, with the ſpirit of a man fully prepoſ⯑ſeſſed with ſucceſs. He had heard, that ſome of the whalers, who had now begun to fre⯑quent the North Seas, had, either by deſign or accident, advanced much farther to the northward than thoſe who had been purpoſely fitted out upon diſcoveries; he therefore deter⯑mined to ſteer to the northward of Nova Zem⯑bla, till he ſhould arrive at the height of the pole, under which he was perſuaded he ſhould find an open ſea; and, by changing his courſe to the ſouthward, avoid thoſe obſtructions which had retarded his paſſage to the north-eaſt.

In this hope he continued till he arrived on the coaſt of Nova Zembla, where, before he had reached the 77th degree, he was ſo rudely attacked by the mountains of ice, that every [vi] where aſſailed him, that not being able to with⯑ſtand their fury, he was driven againſt the rocks, and his ſhip daſhed to pieces. Barents and the greateſt part of his crew got ſafe to land, but it was to experience greater miſery than thoſe underwent who periſhed in the attempt. They were obliged to winter in a country, where no living creature beſides themſelves appeared to have exiſtence; and where, notwithſtanding their utmoſt efforts to preſerve their bodies from the cold, the fleſh periſhed upon the bones of ſome of them, and others died of the moſt ex⯑cruciating pains.

In this extremity, and notwithſtanding the anguiſh they endured, thoſe who ſurvived had ſtill the fortitude and ingenuity to frame a pin⯑nace from the wreck of their broken ſhip, in which, at the approach of ſummer, they made ſail for Lapland; but before they arrived at Colu, their Captain died, and with him the hopes of perfecting his diſcovery.

It was now the active ſeaſon for naval enter⯑prizes. Private adventurers began to fit out ſhips for the North Seas. Innumerable ſea ani⯑mals had been obſerved to baſk upon the ice; the tuſks of whoſe jaws were found to excel, in whiteneſs, the fineſt ivory, and their carcaſes to yield plenty of excellent oil. In the infancy of the whale fiſhery, theſe were purſued with the ſame eagerneſs, with which both the Engliſh and Dutch endeavour at this day to make the whales [vii] their prey, and perhaps with no leſs profit. In following theſe, many iſlands were diſcovered to which they reſorted, and, in courſe of time, the ſeas that were ſo formidable to the firſt diſ⯑coverers, became frequented at the proper ſea⯑ſons by the ſhips of every nation.

Foreign navigators, however, were more ſanguine in their notions of a north-weſt paſſage, than of the exiſtence of a paſſage to the north-eaſt; and it was not till many unſucceſsful tri⯑als had been made to diſcover the former, that the latter was again attempted. The celebrat⯑ed Hudſon, who diſcovered the ſtraits that leads to the great weſtern bay, which ſtill bears his name; after he had exerted his ſkill in vain to find a paſſage weſtward, was perſuaded at laſt to undertake a voyage in ſearch of a paſſage to the north-eaſt. This he performed in 1610, but being diſcouraged by the miſcarriages of others, and the fatal iſſue that had attended their obſtinate perſeverance, on viewing the face of the country, examining the currents, and traverſing an immenſe continent of ice, that ſtretched along the ocean, in a direction from eaſt ſouth-eaſt to weſt north-weſt, he concluded, that no paſſage could be practica⯑ble in that direction, and therefore returned without making any other material diſcovery.

From this time till the year 1676, the proſe⯑cution of this diſcovery was totally neglected by the Engliſh; and though the Dutch whalers [viii] amuſed the world with wonderful relations of their near approach to the pole, yet little cre⯑dit was given to their reports till the arrival of one John Wood, who had accompanied Sir John Narborough in his voyage to the South Sea, with a view to eſtabliſh a new trade with the Chilians, and natives of that vaſt tract of country, reaching from the Straits of Magel⯑lan to the confines of Peru.

This able and enterprizing navigator, being himſelf an excellent mathematician and geo⯑grapher, and reading in the Philoſophical Tranſactions a paper, by which the exiſtence of a north-eaſt paſſage to the eaſtern or Indian ocean was plauſibly aſſerted, and this exactly coinciding with his own notions of the con⯑ſtruction of the globe, he was induced, by this and other reaſons, to apply to King Charles the Second for a commiſſion to proſecute the diſco⯑very; the accompliſhment whereof, it was ſaid, would add to the glory of his Majeſty's reign, and immenſely to the wealth and proſperity of his kingdoms.

Many about the Court of that needy Prince, hoping to ſhare in the profits of the voyage, were earneſt in prevailing with his Majeſty to forward the deſign, who being himſelf fond of novelty, ordered the Speedwell Frigate to be fitted out at his own charge, manned, victu⯑alled, and provided with every neceſſary; while the Duke, his brother, and ſeven other cour⯑tiers, [ix] joined in the purchaſe of a Pink of one hun⯑dred and twenty tons, to accompany her, which [...]hey likewiſe manned and victualled, and furniſh⯑ed with merchandizes, ſuch as were thought mar⯑ketable on the coaſts of Tartary or Japan; the countries they moſt probably would firſt fall in with after their paſſage through the North Sea.

Theſe ſhips being in readineſs, and commiſ⯑ſions made out for their Commanders, Captain Wood was appointed to direct the expedition, on board the Speedwell, and Captain Flawes to bear him company on board the Proſperous.

On the 28th of May 1676, they ſailed from the Buoy of the Nore, with the wind at ſouth-weſt; and on the 4th of June caſt anchor off Lerwick, in Braſſey Sound, where they conti⯑nued ſix days, to take in water and recruit their ſtores.

On Saturday the 10th they weighed anchor and continued their voyage; and on the 15th they entered the Polar circle, where the ſun at that ſeaſon of the year never ſets. At noon the Speedwell broke her main-top-ſail-yard in the ſlings, the firſt diſaſter that had happened, which, however, was eaſily repaired. The weather now began to grow hazey, a circum⯑ſtance that frequently happens in the Polar re⯑gions, and darkens the air with the obſcurity of night.

From this time till June 22, when they fell in with the ice in latitude 75 degrees 59 mi⯑nutes [x] north, nothing material occurred. On that day, at noon, they obſerved a continent of ice ſtretching to an imperceptible diſtance, in a direction from eaſt-ſouth-eaſt and weſt-north-weſt. They bore away along the ice till the 28th, when they found it join to the land of Nova Zembla.

On the 29th they ſtood a [...]ay to the ſouth, to get clear of the ice; but unfortunately found themſelves embayed in it. At 11 at night the Proſperous bore down upon the Speedwell, crying out, ice upon the weather-bow, on which the Speedwell clapt the helm hard a wea⯑ther, and veered out the main-ſail to ware the ſhip; but before ſhe could be brought too on the other tack, ſhe ſtruck on a ledge of rocks, and ſtuck faſt. They fired guns of diſtreſs, but were not heard, and the fog being ſo thick, that land could not be diſcerned, though cloſe to the ſtern of their ſhip; no relief was now to be expected, but from Providence and their own endeavours. In ſuch a ſituation, no de⯑ſcription can equal the relation of the Captain himſelf, who, in the language of the times, has given the following full and pathetic ac⯑count.

"Here, ſays he, we lay beating upon the rock in a moſt frightful manner, for the ſpace of three or four hours, uſing all poſſible means to ſave the ſhip, but in vain; for it blew ſo hard, that it was wholly out of our power to [xi] carry out an anchor capable to do us any ſer⯑vice. At length we ſaw land cloſe under our ſtern, to the great amazement of us all, which before we could not ſee for the foggy weather; ſo I commanded the men to get out the boats before our maſt came by the board, which was done. I ſent the boatſwain towards the ſhore in the pinnace, to ſee if there was any poſſibi⯑lity of landing, which I much feared, becauſe the ſea ran ſo high. In half an hour he re⯑turned with this anſwer, that it was impoſſible to land a man, the ſnow being in high cliffs, the ſhore was inacceſſible. This was bad tid⯑ings; ſo then it was high time to think on the ſafety of our ſouls, and we went all together to prayers, to beſeech God to have mercy on us, for now nothing but individual ruin appeared before our eyes. After prayers, the weather cleared up a little, and looking over the ſtern, I ſaw a ſmall beach directly with the ſtern of the ſhip, where I thought there might be ſome chance of getting on ſhore. I therefore ſent off the pinnace a ſecond time, with ſome men in her to be firſt landed, but ſhe durſt not ven⯑ture to attempt the beach. I then ordered out the long-boat with twenty men to land, who attempted it, and got ſafe on ſhore. They in the pinnace ſeeing that, followed, and land⯑ed their men likewiſe, and both veſſels returned to the ſhip without any accident. The men on [xii] ſhore deſired ſome fire-arms and ammuni⯑tion, for there were many bears in ſight. I therefore ordered two barrels of powder, ſome ſmall arms, ſome proviſions, with my own papers and money, to be put on board the pinnace; but as ſhe put off from the ſhip's ſide, a ſea overſet her, ſo that all was loſt, with the life of one man, and ſeveral others taken up for dead. The pinnace likewiſe was daſhed to pieces, to our great ſorrow, as by that diſ⯑aſter, one means of eſcaping from this diſmal country, in caſe the Proſperous deſerted us was cut off. The long-loat being on board, and the ſea running high, the boatſwain and ſome others would compel me and the Lieutenant to leave the ſhip, ſaying it was impoſſible for her to live long in that ſea, and that they had ra⯑ther be drowned than I; but deſiring me when I came on ſhore, if it were poſſible, to ſend the boat again for them. Before we got half way to ſhore the ſhip overſet, ſo making all poſſible haſte to land the men we had on board, I went off to the ſhip again, to ſave thoſe poor men who had been ſo kind to me before. With great hazard I got to the quarter of the ſhip, and they came down the ladder into the boat, only one man was left behind for dead, who had before been caſt away in the pinnace; ſo I re⯑turned to the ſhore, though very wet and cold. We then hauled up the boat, and went up the land about a flight ſhot, where our men were [xiii] making a fire and a tent with canvaſs and oars, which we had ſaved for that purpoſe, in which we all lay that night wet and weary. The next morning the man we left on board having re⯑covered, got upon the mizzen-maſt, and prayed to be taken on ſhore, but it blew ſo hard, and the ſea ran ſo high, that tho' he was a very pret⯑ty ſailor, none would venture to bring him off.

The weather continuing blowing with ex⯑treme fogs, and with froſt and ſnow, and all the ill-compacted weather that could be ima⯑gined put together, we built more tents to pre⯑ſerve ourſelves; and the ſhip breaking in pieces, came all on ſhore to the ſame place where we landed, which ſerved us for ſhelter and firing. Beſides, there came to us ſome hogſheads of flour, and brandy in good ſtore, which was no little comfort in our great extremity. We now lay between hope and deſpair, praying for fair weather, that Captain Flawes might find us, which it was impoſſible for him ever to do while the weather continued foggy; but fearing at the ſame time that he might be caſt away as well as we.

But ſuppoſing we never were to ſee him again, I was reſolved to try the utmoſt to ſave as many as I could in the long-boat. In order thereunto we raiſed her two feet, and laid a deck upon her to keep the ſea out as much as poſſible; and with this boat, and thirty men, for ſhe would carry no more, I intended to row [iv] and ſail to Ruſſia, but the crew not being ſatiſ⯑fied who ſhould be the men, began to be very unruly in their mind and behaviour, every one having as much reaſon to ſave himſelf as ano⯑ther, ſome holding conſultation to ſave the boat, and all to run the like fortune; but here brandy was our beſt friend, for it kept the men always fox'd, ſo that in all their deſigns I could prevent them. Some were in the mind to go by land, but that I knew was impoſſible to any man; neither had we proviſions nor ammunition to defend us from the wild beaſts; ſo the paſ⯑ſage by land being impracticable, and no paſ⯑ſage by ſea to be attempted till forty men were deſtroyed, I will leave it to the conſideration of any, whether we were not in a moſt deplorable condition, without the interpoſition of divine providence.

The weather continued ſtill very bad, with fogs, ſnow, rain, and froſt, till the 9th day of our being on ſhore, which was the 8th day of July, when in the morning it cleared up, and to our great joy one of our people cried out a ſail, which proved Captain Flawes; ſo we ſet fire to our town, that he might ſee where we were, which he preſently diſcovered, ſo came up, and ſent his boat to us; but before I went off, I wrote a brief relation of the intention of the voyage, with the accident that had befallen us, and put it into a glaſs bottle, and left it in the fortification I had there built; ſo by twelve [xv] o'clock we all got ſafe on board, but left all on ſhore that we had ſaved from the ſhip; for we much feared it would prove foggy again, and that we ſhould be driven once more on this miſerable country; a country, for the moſt part, covered perpetually with ſnow, and what is bare being like bogs, on whoſe ſurface grows a kind of moſs, bearing a blue and yellow flour, the whole product of the earth in this deſolate region. Under the ſurface, about two feet deep, we came to a firm body of ice, a thing never heard of before; and againſt the ice-cliffs, which are as high as either of the fore⯑lands in Kent, the ſea has waſhed underneath, and the arch overhanging, moſt fearful to be⯑hold, ſupports mountains of ſnow, which, I believe, hath lain there ever ſince the creation."

Thus far in Captain Wood's own words. He adds, that by the tides ſetting directly in upon the ſhore, it may be affirmed with cer⯑tainty, that there is no paſſage to the north⯑ward. One thing remarkable in his relation, and which ſeems to contradict the report of former navigators, is, that the ſea is there ſalter than he had yet taſted it elſewhere, and the cleareſt in the world, for that he could ſee the ſhells at the bottom, though the ſea was four hundred and eighty feet deep.

Being all embarked on board the Proſperous, on the 9th of July they changed their courſe, and ſteered for England; and, on the 23d of [xvi] Auguſt, they arrived ſafe in the Thames, without any remarkable accident intervening.

After the miſcarriage of this voyage, on which the higheſt expectations had been formed, the moſt experienced navigators in England ſeemed to agree, that a paſſage by the north, or north-eaſt, had no exiſtence. They were the more confirmed in this error, for an error it is, by the reaſons aſſigned by Capt. Wood, for changing his opinion on this matter; for, be⯑fore he went upon the diſcovery, he was fully perſuaded himſelf, and likewiſe perſuaded ma⯑ny others, that nothing was more certain. When, however, he firſt ſaw the ice, he im⯑agined it was only that which joined to Green⯑land, and that no ſolid body of ice extended farther from land than twenty leagues; in this perſuaſion he altered his courſe, and coaſted along in the direction in which the ice lay, ex⯑pecting, at every cape or head-land of ice, af⯑ter running a certain diſtance, to find an open⯑ing into the Polar ocean; but after running two or three glaſſes to the northward in one bay, he found himſelf entangled in another; and thus it continued till his ſhip was wrecked. By this experiment, he found the opinion of Barents confuted, namely, ‘"that by ſtearing the middle courſe between Spitſbergen and Nova Zembla, an open ſea might be at⯑tained, in which a ſhip might ſafely ſail as far as the pole."’ From his own experience, [xvii] he therefore pronounced, that all the Dutch relations were forgeries which aſſerted, that any man had ever bee [...] under the pole; verily be⯑lieving, that if there be no land to the north⯑ward of 80 degrees, that the ſea is there frozen, and always continues ſo; and grounding his opinion upon this remark, that if the body of ice which he ſaw were to be conveyed ten de⯑grees more to the ſouthward, many centuries of years would elapſe before it would be melted.

To this poſitive aſſertion, however, may be oppoſed, the teſtimony of many credible per⯑ſons, ſome of whom have themſelves ſailed be⯑yond the 80th degree of north latitude, and others, upon evidence, whoſe veracity there is no reaſonable cauſe to bring in queſtion.

Among the latter, the teſtimony of Mr. Joſeph Moxon, member of the Royal Society of London, muſt have conſiderable weight. In a paper which this gentleman cauſed to be printed in the Philoſophical Tranſactions, is this remarkable relation.

‘"Being about twenty years ago in Amſter⯑dam, I went into a public houſe to drink a cup of beer for my thirſt; and ſitting by the public fire, among ſeveral people, there happened a ſeaman to come in, who ſeeing a friend of his there, who he knew went the Greenland voyage, wondered to ſee him, becauſe it was not yet time for the Green⯑land [xviii] fleet to come home, and aſked him, what accident had brought him home ſo ſoon? His friend (who was the ſteerſman) anſwered, that their ſhips went not out to fiſh, but only to take in the lading of the fleet, to bring it to an early market. But, ſaid he, before the fleet had caught fiſh enough to lade us, we, by order of the Greenland Company, ſailed unto the north pole, and came back again. Whereupon, ſays Moxon, I entered into diſcourſe with him, and ſeemed to queſtion the truth of what he ſaid; but he did aſſure me it was true, and that the ſhip was then in Amſter⯑dam, and many of the ſeamen belonging to her ready to juſtify the truth of it; and told me, moreover, that they had ſailed two degrees beyond the pole. I aſked him, if they found no land or iſlands about the pole? He anſwered, no; there was a free and open ſea. I aſked him, if they did not meet with a great deal of ice? He told me, no; they ſaw no ice about the pole. I aſked him, what weather they had there? He told me, fine warm weather, ſuch as was at Am⯑ſterdam in the ſummer-time, and as hot. I ſhould have aſked him more queſtions, but that he was engaged in diſcourſe with his friend, and I could not, in modeſty, inter⯑rupt them longer. But I believe the ſteerſ⯑man ſpoke truth; for he ſeemed a plain, ho⯑neſt, [xix] and unaffectatious perſon, and one who could have no deſign upon me."’

To authenticate this relation it has been obſerved, that under the poles, the ſun in June being 23 degrees high, and having little or no depreſſion towards the horizon, always, as it were, ſwimming about in the ſame eleva⯑tion, might invigorate that part of the hemiſ⯑phere with more heat than he does our climate; when he is, in the winter, no more than 15 degrees at the higheſt, and but eight hours above the horizon; in which ſpace the earth has time to cool, and to loſe, in the night, the in⯑fluences of heat which it receives in the day.

Another report upon like evidence was made to King Charles the Second, by Capt. Goul⯑den, who being a Greenland whaler himſelf, ſpoke with two Hollanders in the North Seas, that had ſailed within one degree of the pole, where they met with no ice, but a hollow grown ſea, like that in the Bay of Biſcay.

A ſtill more credible teſtimony is, that about the year 1670, application being made to the States General for a charter to incorpo⯑rate a company of merchants to trade to Japan and China, by a new paſſage to the north eaſt; the then Eaſt India Company oppoſed it, and that ſo effectually, that their High Mightineſſes refuſed to grant what the merchants requeſted.

At that time it was talked of in Holland, as a matter of no difficulty to ſail to Japan by the [xx] way of Greenland; and it was publickly aſ⯑ſerted and believed, that ſeveral Dutch ſhips had actually done it. The merchants being re⯑quired to verify this fact, deſired that the jour⯑nals of the Greenland ſquadron of 1655 might be produced; in ſeven of which there was notice taken of a ſhip which that year had ſailed as high as the latitude of 89; and three journals of that ſhip being produced, they all agreed, as to one obſervation taken by the maſter, Auguſt 1, 1655, in 88 degrees 56 mi⯑nutes north.

But a proof inconteſtible, is the teſtimony of Captain Hudſon, who ſailed in 1607 to the la⯑titude of 81 degrees 30 minutes north, where he arrived on the 16th of July, the weather be⯑ing then pretty warm.

Add to all theſe, that the Dutch, who were employed in 1670, in endeavouring to find a north-eaſt paſſage, advanced within a very few degrees of that open ſea, which is now com⯑monly navigated by the Ruſſians, and which would infallibly have brought them to the coaſts of China and Japan, had they perſevered in the courſe they were purſuing.

It does not appear, however, from any au⯑thentic accounts that we can collect, that any voyage, profeſſedly for the diſcovery of a north-eaſt paſſage, has been undertaken by either public or private adventurers in England, ſince that of Capt. Wood in the year 1670, till the [xxi] preſent year: and it is more than probable, that if the Ruſſian diſcoveries on the north of Aſia had never taken place, the thoughts of finding a practicable paſſage from Europe in that direction, would have lain dormant for ever.

But the vaſt and enterprizing genius of Peter the Great, in forcing his ſubjects out of that obſcurity in which they had long been involved, has opened to the maritime powers new ſources of commerce, and furniſhed freſh motives for new enterprizes. From a people unacquainted with a veſſel bigger than a bark, and who knew no navigation but that of their own rivers, that wonderful Prince not only taught them the uſe of ſhips, but inſtructed them in the true prin⯑ciples of building and equipping them. Nay, he did more; for after making himſelf known and admired throughout Europe, he conceived the deſign of opening a communication with the remoteſt parts of the globe, and diſcovering to the world new countries which no European nation had ever yet explored.

With this deſign, he planned one of the boldeſt enterprizes that ever entered into the heart of man; and though he did not ſurvive to ſee it executed, the glory of the atchievement is wholly his.

The country of Kamſchatka was as much unknown to his predeceſſors, as it was to the reſt of the civilized nations of the earth; yet [xxii] he formed the deſign of making that ſavage country the centre of the moſt glorious at⯑chievements.

It was in the laſt year of this great Monarch's life, that he commiſſioned Capt. Behring to traverſe the wild, and then almoſt deſolate, country of Siberia, and to continue his route to Kamtſchatka, where he was to build one or more veſſels, in order to diſcover whether the country towards the north, of which at that time they had no diſtinct knowledge, was a part of America, or not; and if it was, his inſtruc⯑tions authorized him to endeavour, by every poſſible means, to ſeek and cultivate the ac⯑quaintance of ſome European people, and to learn from them the ſtate of the country at which he ſhould arrive. If he failed in this, he was to make ſuch diſcoveries as circumſtances ſhould preſent, and commit to writing the re⯑ſult of his obſervations for the uſe of his Im⯑perial maſter.

To enter minutely into the particulars of Capt. Behring's journey and voyage, would car⯑ry us beyond the limits preſcribed for this In⯑troduction: let it ſuffice to ſay, that after ſur⯑mounting incredible difficulties, and ſuffering hardſhips which none but a Ruſſian could have ſurvived, he executed his commiſſion ſucceſs⯑fully, and returned to Peterſburg in ſafety, after an abſence of five years, in which time, beſides his voyage by ſea, he had travelled, in going [xxiii] and returning, eighteen thouſand miles by land.

It is from the ſecond enterprizes of this aſto⯑niſhing man, and from the ſubſequent voyages of the Ruſſians, that we are able to aſcertain the exiſtence of a north-eaſt paſſage; and it is from thence, and from the late voyage of Capt. Phipps, that, we think, we may fairly infer the practicability of it.

It was ſome time about the year 1740, that Capt. Behring embarked on his ſecond voyage from Kamtſchatka, of which all that we know is, that he ſailed ſouthward to the iſles of Japan, and from thence eaſtward about 80 leagues. At that diſtance from Japan he diſ⯑covered land, which he coaſted north-weſt, ſtill approaching to the north-eaſt cape of Aſia, which he doubled, and named Cape Shelvg⯑henſki, not daring to land till he arrived at the mouth of a great river, where, ſending his boats with moſt of his crew on ſhore, they never more returned, being either killed or detained by the inhabitants, which made his diſcovery incompleat; for not having men ſufficient left to navigate the ſhip, ſhe went on ſhore on an uninhabited iſland, where the Captain unfortu⯑nately died.

From this voyage, however, we learn that the ſea, from the north-eaſt cape of Kamt⯑ſchatka, is open to the iſles of Japan, and from a ſubſequent account of Ruſſian voyages, pub⯑liſhed [xxiv] in the Philoſophical Tranſactions, from a paper communicated by the celebrated Euler, it appears, that they paſſed along in ſmall veſ⯑ſels, coaſting between Nova Zembla and the continent, at divers times in the middle of ſummer, when thoſe ſeas were open. The firſt expedition was from the river Oby, latitude 66 degrees north, longitude 65 degrees eaſt from London, and at the approach of winter, the veſſels ſheltered themſelves by going up the Ja⯑niſka, the mouth of which is marked in our maps in latitude 70 degrees north, and in lon⯑gitude 82 degrees eaſt; from whence the next ſummer they proceeded to the mouth of the Lena in latitude 72 degrees north, and in lon⯑gitude 115 degrees, into which they again re⯑tired for the winter ſeaſon. The third expedi⯑tion was from the mouth of this river, to the fartheſt north cape of Aſia, in 72 degrees of north latitude, and in 172 degrees of eaſt lon⯑gitude from London. Thus the Ruſſians hav⯑ing paſſed between the continent and Nova Zembla, and ſailed as far as the eaſternmoſt north cape, and the Engliſh and Dutch having repeatedly ſailed through the ſtraits that divide Nova Zembla from the continent, nothing can be a plainer demonſtration of the reality of a north-eaſt paſſage, than the ſum of the voyages here enumerated, when added together. The Engliſh and Dutch ſail to Wygatz, or the ſtrait of Nova Zembla; the Ruſſians ſail from [xxv] Wygatz to the north cape of Aſia; and Beh⯑ring from the north cape to Japan. This is an in⯑controvertible demonſtration; yet it is obvious, that this courſe can never be practicable to ſhips employed in trade. The Ruſſians, by taking the advantage of an open ſea and mild wea⯑ther, in three years time accompliſhed but part of a voyage, which, by the Cape of Good Hope, may be made in leſs than one. Who therefore would run the hazard of ſo deſperate a paſſage, for the ſake of reaping imaginary ad⯑vantages by an intercourſe with ſavages, who, for aught we know, have nothing to exchange for European commodities, but the ſkins of bears, or the bones of monſters.

But tho' the paſſage to the northern countries of the eaſt was known to be impracticable to European navigators in this direction, it was worthy the greatneſs of a maritime people, to endeavour to determine the poſſibility of at⯑taining the ſame end by another courſe.

The miſcarriage and death of Barentz, and the ſhipwreck of Capt. Wood, had left the queſtion undetermined, whether the regions ad⯑joining to the pole are land or water, frozen or open ſea. The advantages from this diſcovery, beſides the glory reſulting from it, had the de⯑ciſion terminated in favour of navigation, would have been immenſely great. To have opened a new chanel of commerce at a time when our trade is languiſhing, would have revived the [xxvi] drooping hopes of our manufacturers, and re⯑tained at home the numerous emigrants, who, for want of employment in their own country, are ſeeking new habitations, and new means of living in remote ſettlements, of the certainty of which they have no experience.

It muſt be acknowledged to the laſting ho⯑nour of the noble Lord who preſides at the head of the admiralty board, and who patro⯑nized the undertaking, that the means to ren⯑der it ſucceſsful, was in every reſpect propor⯑tioned to the importance of the diſcovery.

The veſſels that were made choice of were the propereſt that could be deviſed. Bomb ketches are in the firſt inſtance ſtoutly built, and not being over large, are beſt adapted for navigating ſeas that are known to abound with ſhoals and covered rocks: theſe veſſels, beſides their natural ſtrength, were ſheathed with plank of ſeaſoned oak three inches thick, to fortify them againſt the ſhocks and preſſure of the ice, that, in their progreſs, they muſt infallibly en⯑counter. They were, beſides, furniſhed with a double ſet of ice poles, anchors, cables, ſails and rigging, to provide againſt the terrible ef⯑fects of the ſevere and tempeſtuous weather, that frequently happens in high latitudes, even in the middle of the moſt temperate ſeaſons.

Nor was his Lordſhip leſs careful to provide for the comfortable ſubſiſtance of the men, than for the preſervation of their lives, by his [xxvii] wiſe directions in equipping their ſhips. His firſt care was, to iſſue orders for killing and curing a ſufficient quantity of beef and pork in the beſt manner poſſible, that their proviſi⯑ons might be good and freſh; and his next, to cauſe one hundred buts of porter to be brewed with the beſt malt and hops, that they might have proper drink to fortify them againſt the rigour of the climate they were about to paſs. Their peaſe, oatmeal, rice and moloſſus, were all provided with equal care, and when all things were in readineſs, the beer was ſtowed in the holds, and the vacancies filled up with coals, which ſerved as ballaſt, that firing might not be wanting to warm and dry them when cold, or wet with labour, or with watching. Add to this, that a double quantity of ſpirits were put on board, with a large proportion of wine, vinegar, muſtard, &c. &c. and what, we believe, was never before thought of in the fitting out of any King's ſhips, a conſiderable quantity of tea and ſugar for the ſick, in caſe any ſhould be ſeized with that dreadful diſorder, which rendered ſhip proviſions loathſome to Capt. James's men, who were conſtrained to winter in Charlton Iſland in 1632. Theſe men fell ſick and had ſore mouths, and could nei⯑ther eat beef, pork, fiſh, nor potage; the Sur⯑geon was every morning and evening obliged to pick their teeth, and cut away the pieces of rotten fleſh from their gums, yet they could eat [xxviii] nothing but bread pounded in a mortar, and fried in oil, on which they ſubſiſted for ſeveral months. In caſe of accidents of this kind, and that tea ſhould fail to anſwer the purpoſes of nou⯑riſhment, a quantity of portable ſoup was like⯑wiſe provided. And to compleat the whole, a ſtock of warm cloathing was laid in, conſiſting of ſix fearnought jackets for each man, two milled caps, two pair of fearnought trowſers, four pair of milled ſtockings, and an excellent pair of boots, with a dozen pair of milled mitts, two cotton ſhirts, and two handkerchiefs.

Thus equipped and provided, the command of the Race Horſe was given to the Hon. Conſtantine Phipps, as Commodore, and that of the Carcarſe to Capt. Skiffington Lutwych; the firſt mounting eight ſix pounders and four⯑teen ſwivels, burthen three hundred and fifty tons; the latter four ſix pounders and fourteen ſwivels, burthen three hundred tons.

Thus being premiſed, let us now proceed to the Journal of the Voyage.

JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE TO DISCOVER THE NORTH EAST PASSAGE; UNDER THE COMMAND OF THE HON. COMMODORE PHIPPS, AND CAPT. SKIFFINGTON LUTWYCH, IN HIS MAJESTY'S SHIPS RACE HORSE AND CARCASE BOMBS.

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ALL things being now in readineſs, the of⯑ficers on board, and the men paid their bounty-money of three pounds per man, ac⯑cording to his Majeſty's royal proclamation, for the encouragement of thoſe who ſhould volun⯑tarily enter to undertake the voyage. On the 3d of June 1773, the Commodore made the ſignal to weigh; but previous to their depar⯑ture, the Carcaſe having been judged too deep to navigate thoſe heavy ſeas through which ſhe was to paſs, the Captain obtained leave from the board of Admiralty to re-land ten of her compliment of men, and to put aſhore ſix of the eight ſix-pounders with which ſhe was equipped, with a quantity of proviſions, pro⯑portioned [30] to the number of men that it had been thought proper to diſcharge.

On Friday the 4th being off Sheerneſs, the wind weſt by north, and a freſh breeze, they took their departure, and continued their voyage without any material occurrence happening till Tueſday the 15th, when the Commodore made the ſignal to lie to. They were then off Braſſey Iſland, and many fiſhing-boats from Shetland being in ſight, the men were invited on board, and ſome fiſh purchaſed of them at a cheap rate.

On the 17th they took a new departure from Shetland, but the day following the fog thick⯑ened ſo much, that it almoſt approached to to⯑tal darkneſs. During the continuance of the fog, the Commodore kept firing guns and beat⯑ing drums, to prevent the Carcaſe from loſing company. As it was impoſſible that one could ſee the other at a ſhip's length, it was found the more neceſſary to repeat and return the firing, leſt they ſhould run foul of each other before they could be apprized of their danger. About five in the morning the miſt cleared up, and about nine the Commodore being in ſight, made the ſignal to the Carcaſe to ſteer north-eaſt. They were then in latitude 60 degrees 52 mi⯑nutes north by obſervation; the north end of Shetland Iſland bearing north by weſt one half weſt, ſeven or eight leagues.

On the 17th they obſerved a ſail to the north-eaſt, which the Commodore brought to, and [31] ſpoke with. The breeze freſh, the weather hazy, and the wind variable, the Carcaſe carri⯑ed away her main-top-maſt ſtudding ſail yard; which, however, was very ſoon ſupplied. La⯑titude this day by obſervation 62 degrees 53 mi⯑nutes north.

Friday the 18th, being in the latitude of 65 degrees 9 minutes north, the cloathing allowed by the Government, of which notice has alrea⯑dy been taken in the Introduction, was deliver⯑ed out, and officers as well as men received their full proportion. This day the weather conti⯑nued as before.

Saturday the 19th the weather varied to every point of the compaſs, the Commodore brought to, and ſpoke with the Carcaſe. Made ſail about three in the morning, and at nine a large ſwell. Tacked and ſtood to the eaſtward. La⯑titude 66 degrees 1 minute north; longitude from London 33 minutes weſt.

Sunday the 20th they purſued their courſe to the eaſtward, with the wind north-weſt, but variable; high breezes and clear air. They were now within the Polar circle, and at mid⯑night had an obſervation of the ſun, and found their latitude 66 degrees 52 minutes north. Sounded on board the Commodore with a lead of one hundred weight, and a line of ſeven hundred and eighty fathom, to which was faſ⯑tened a thermometer of Lord George Caven⯑diſh's conſtruction. They found no bottom, [32] but the water was eleven degrees colder at that depth than on the ſurface. The Carcaſe ſounded with four hundred and fifty fathoms only.

Monday 21, light breezes and cloudy wea⯑ther. They obſerved a whale on the north-eaſt quarter, the firſt they had yet ſeen in the north ſeas. The weather now began to ſet in ſevere; the nights cold and the days cloudy. The Commodore obſerving a whaling ſnow with Hamborough colours flying, fired a ſhot, and brought her to. She happened to be homeward bound with ſeals, and Mr. Wyndham, a gen⯑tleman of fortune, who had embarked on board the Commodore, with a view to proſecute the voyage, finding nothing but foul weather and heavy ſeas, to gratify his curioſity, and being withal unable to endure the ſea ſickneſs, took paſſage on board the Hamburgher, in order to return home; and having taken leave of his friends, by wiſhing them a happy voyage, the Snow's boat took him on board about ſeven in the morning, and at eight the Commodore and Carcaſe purſued their voyage.

Tueſday 22, the articles of war were read on board the Carcaſe. The weather began to be piercing cold; they had reached the 70th degree of north latitude, in a courſe nearly north, being only 14 minutes to the eaſtward of London; and from their leaving Shetland to this day, they had ſeen nothing remarkable; nor had any accident befallen either of the

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Figure 6. SPITSBERGEN or NEW GREENLAND

[33] ſhips worth relating, except that of now and then ſnapping a rope, or breaking a yard; inci⯑dents eaſily repaired. This day it poured with rain; the air was thick, and the rain froze as it fell. Saw a large ſhip to the north-weſt, ſtand⯑ing ſouthward, but wanting no information that ſhe could give, they purſued their voyage with⯑out ſpeaking to her.

Wedneſday 23, the rain continued; the weather hazy; heard three guns fire at a diſ⯑tance, but ſaw no ſhip or other object. The whales are here in no great plenty, and few ſhips appear in the open ſea in purſuit of them. They generally at this ſeaſon frequent the bays and creeks near the ſhore, and only break away when they are purſued or wounded.

On Thurſday the 24th, the Commodore chang⯑ed his courſe to eaſt north-eaſt; and on the 25th they were in latitude 74 degrees 7 minutes north, and in 8 degrees 32 minutes eaſt longi⯑tude from London. Served out to the ſhip's company plenty of muſtard, pepper, vinegar, &c. The weather extremely cold and variable. At eight in the evening thick fog; at two in the morning freſh breezes; at eight clear wea⯑ther; at eleven ſqually; and at noon calm, with ſleet and ſnow.

On Saturday the 26th, at midnight, they had an obſervation, and found themſelves in latitude 74 degrees 17 minutes north; freſh gales, [34] ſometimes rain, ſleet, and ſnow; at ſeven in the morning clear weather and an open ſea.

Sunday 27, light airs from the ſouthward, and cloudy weather; much warmer than the preceding day. It is remarkable, that the vi⯑ciſſitudes of heat and cold are more frequent here than in the more ſoutherly latitudes. It often changes from temperate to extreme cold; and that ſuddenly.

It ſhould ſeem likewiſe, that the ice frequent⯑ly changes its place in this latitude; or that it is more ſolid near land than in the open ſea; for, on the 23d of June 1676, Capt. Wood, being more to the eaſtward, fell in with ice right a-head, not more than a league diſtant. He ſteered along it, thinking it had openings, but found them to be bays. He ſounded, and found ground at one hundred and fifty-eight fathom, ſoft green oar. In ſome places he found pieces of ice driving off a mile from the main body in ſtrange ſhapes, reſembling ſhips, trees, build⯑ings, beaſts, fiſhes, and even men. The main body of ice being low and craggy, he could ſee hills of a blue colour at a diſtance, and valleys that were white as ſnow. In ſome places he obſerved drift wood among the ice. Some of the ice he melted, and found it freſh and good. This navigator never could advance far⯑ther to the north; but in ſeeking to penetrate the ice was ſhip-wrecked, as has been already related in the Introduction. He therefore judged [35] the ice impenetrable, and that land or ice ſur⯑rounded the pole. Our navigators found alſo much wood in this latitude floating about the ſhips, and ſaw great flocks of birds.

Monday 28, the weather altered; the wind weſt. Freſh breezes, with rain and ſleet. Lat⯑ter part thick fog.

Tueſday 29, being in latitude 78 degrees north, and in longitude 6 degrees 29 minutes eaſt from London, came in ſight of land, when the ſhips brought to, and the Captains held a conſultation concerning their future courſe. The appearance of the land lay from eaſt-ſouth-eaſt to north-eaſt; and this day they ſpoke with the Marquis of Rockingham, Greenland⯑man, who, by their reckoning, were then in latitude 79 degrees 40 minutes north, though by that of the Commodore, their latitude was only 78 degrees 3 minutes. This difference, it it probable, ariſes from not making the proper allowance for refraction in this high latitude. The Greenlandman preſented each of the Com⯑manders with a deer and a half, which they found well-flavoured veniſon, though not over fat. He likewiſe informed, that he had juſt come from the ice, and that the day before, three whalers had been cruſhed to pieces by its cloſing upon them ſuddenly.

Wedneſday 30, purſued their courſe. Clou⯑dy weather. Half paſt four in the morning ſounded, one hundred and twelve fathoms ſoft [36] blue mud. At this time Black Point, ſo called from its dark appearance, bore north-eaſt by eaſt three quarters eaſt, at the diſtance of ſeven or eight leagues. At half paſt ſeven, in the morning, ſaw two ſail in the north-weſt quarter. At half paſt twelve tacked and ſtood to the eaſt. Sounded, and found ground at one hun⯑dred and fifteen fathom.

Thurſday July 1, light breezes and clear weather at midnight: the ſun as bright as at noon day. Black Point eaſt one half ſouth, diſtant ſeven leagues. At three in the morn⯑ing made Charles's Iſland, and at nine ſaw a ſail to the weſtward whaleing; they were then in latitude 78 degrees 18 minutes north, by ob⯑ſervation. Sounded, and found the ſame depth as before.

Friday 2, light airs and moderate weather. Lay to and took the altitude of a mountain, which they named Mount Parnaſſus; found it from the level of the ſea to be three thouſand nine hundred and ſixty feet high, covered with ſnow, and at a diſtance reſembling an ancient building, with ſomething like a turret a-top. The foot of this mountain, with the hills ad⯑joining, have ſometimes a very fiery appear⯑ance, and the ice and ſnow on their ſides reſem⯑bling trees and ſhrubs, gliſſen with a brilliancy that exceed the ſplendor of the brighteſt gems. When this happens, a violent ſtorm generally [37] ſucceeds. Here they ſhot ſome ſea fowl, but of an oily taſte.

Saturday 3, proved a perfect calm. They ſpoke with a Hollander, who foretold, that a degree or two farther north was the utmoſt extent of their progreſs this ſeaſon. Having doubled Cape Cold, they anchored in fifteen fathom water, about three miles from the land, and ſent the boats aſhore for water, which they found in abundance, pouring down in little ſtreams from the rocks. At five in the after⯑noon, by the mean of four azimuths, the varia⯑tion was found to be 18 degrees 36 minutes weſt. Sounded, and found only ſixty-five fa⯑thoms, ſoft brown mud. Mount Parnaſſus eaſt-north-eaſt three or four leagues.—Among other reaſons which Capt. Wood gave for wiſh⯑ing to be employed on the diſcovery of the north-eaſt paſſage, one was, that he might have an opportunity of approaching the pole, in or⯑der to ſettle an hypotheſis, which he had long framed, whereby the inclination of the magne⯑tical needle under the horizon, in all latitudes and in all longitudes, with the variation of the compaſs, might be exactly determined. This na⯑vigator imagined two magnetical poles to exiſt: and that, by approaching the one, he ſhould be able to determine the action of the other. It does not appear, that he ever explained his hypotheſis; and there never has been but one man, whoſe name was Williams, ſince his [38] time, who pretended to know any thing of the matter.

Saturday 4, light breezes and hazey weather. Sounded, and only twenty fathoms deep; rocky ground. Hacluit's Headland, or the nor⯑thermoſt point of Spitſbergen, bearing north by eaſt ſeven leagues. Many whalers in ſight. Latitude by obſervation 79 degrees 34 minutes north, longitude from London 8 degrees 10 minutes eaſt. Thermometer forty-ſeven.

Monday 5, at two in the afternoon ſounded, and only fifteen fathom water; rocky ground. Thick fog. The Race Horſe fired guns as ſig⯑nals to keep company, which were anſwered by the Carcaſe. A dreadful crackling was heard at a diſtance, which proved the daſhing and grinding of the looſe pieces of ice againſt each other, which is heard at many leagues diſ⯑tance. Hacluit's Headland ſouth-eaſt by ſouth, diſtance ſix or ſeven leagues.

Tueſday 6, proved very foggy; the breezes ſlight, and iſlands of ice beginning to appear. At three in the afternoon the Commodore hauled up from a large body of packed ice, and the fog thickening, both ſhips kept firing volleys of ſmall arms, to prevent their loſing company. At half paſt ten in the evening, the extremes of the ice ſtretching from north-weſt to eaſt-north-eaſt, the Commodore bore away; and at half paſt twelve loſt ſight of it. At half paſt one in the morning heard a violent [39] ſurf to the ſouth-eaſt. At two tacked and ſtood to the weſtward. At half paſt five the fog ga⯑thering, they began firing volleys of ſmall arms. At ſix ſaw the ice ſtretching from eaſt by ſouth, to north by eaſt; and at ſeven was within ſight of land. At ten Cloven Cliff ſtood eaſt-ſouth-eaſt, diſtant about five or ſix leagues.

Wedneſday the 7th, the weather cloudy. They found themſelves beſet among the looſe ice, which increaſing continually, gave them incredible trouble. Obſerving that it thickened to the eaſtward, they hauled up, and ſtood to the weſtward; but in tacking, they were in danger of running foul. It was with difficulty they could keep any courſe, for the driffs of ice came ſo thick, as to whirl the ſhips about, as if in a whirl-pool.

Thurſday 8, the weather ſtill remaining clou⯑dy, and the wind variable, both ſhips ſtill were entangled in the ice; and the Carcaſe being driven to leeward, hoiſted out her long-boat to tow up with the Commodore. But the ice cloſing very faſt, it was impoſſible for the boats to live. Orders were then given to tack and ſtand to the ſouthward; but the ſhips not being able to make head againſt the accumulation of ice that continually gathered round them, were under a neceſſity of applying to their ice-an⯑chors and poles, in order to warp through it. At half paſt eight in the evening, the ice be⯑ginning [40] to open, they again hoiſted out their boats, and with difficulty towed the ſhips round a cape of ice projecting from the main body, and at laſt got clear. At ten the boats were hoiſted on board. In extricating themſelves from this dangerous ſituation, the Race Horſe had her beſt bower-anchor ſnapt in the ſhank, cloſe to the ſtock, and the Carcaſe loſt her ſtar⯑board bumpkin and head-rails.

It frequently happens, that ſhips beſet among the ice in the manner above related, periſh by being daſhed to pieces againſt the ſolid fields of ice, or cruſhed by the broken pieces crowd⯑ing upon one another, and riſing ſo faſt about the ſhip, as to exceed the height of her ſides, and then there is no eſcaping. They were told by ſome experienced ſeamen, that the ice riſes out of the ſea as high ſometimes as mountains; and that ſeveral of theſe mountains, by ſtrik⯑ing together and coaleſcing, form theſe iſlands of ice that are frequently ſeen in the lower lati⯑tudes, driving up and down the ſea as the wind and tides direct them.

The greateſt danger to be apprehended, is, however, from the looſe ice; for the whalers often moor their ſhips to the ſolid fields of ice, that at certain ſeaſons ſeem to reſt upon the earth, and appear fixed to it, and there find the beſt fiſhing. In ſuch ſituations it often happens, that little or no looſe ice is to be ſeen; yet preſently upon a change of wind, or

[]

Figure 7. A View of the Whale Fishery.

[41] the blowing of a ſtorm, it ſhall pour in upon them ſo ſuddenly, that they ſometimes periſh in it. It is not poſſible to account for the aſto⯑niſhing quantity that will gather in this manner in leſs than an hour's time.

Though it ſeems to be agreed, that many of the largeſt fields of ice are frozen to the depth of the ſea in which they are found, and that they are bedded on the ſolid earth, yet it is equally certain, that they are often rent aſun⯑der by the raging billows; and that in break⯑ing, they produce the moſt terrifying noiſe in nature; nay, it is aſſerted, that the claſhing of the pieces of looſe ice againſt each other, on any extraordinary agitation of the waves, is attended with a roaring ſo loud, that a man who is near it can hardly hear the ſound of his own voice.

Friday the 9th, they hauled up to the weſt⯑ward, and loſt ſight one of the other; but about nine next morning they came in ſight, and joined company. The weather being now piercing cold, the people had an additional quantity of porter and brandy delivered to them; two quarts of porter and a pint of bran⯑dy being now every man's daily allowance.

Saturday July the 10th, the breeze freſh, and the weather cloudy. They ſailed between num⯑berleſs pieces of ice, among which they ſaw ſe⯑veral whales, but none of the whalers in pur⯑ſuit of them. The ice now becoming ſolid and [42] compact, they found it impracticable to conti⯑nue their courſe. And the diſcovery of a paſ⯑ſage to the pole in that direction (upon holding a conſultation) appearing impracticable to every officer on board of both ſhips, the Commo⯑dore, at ſeven in the evening, hauled cloſe to the wind; and the Carcaſe, as ſoon as ſhe could extricate herſelf, followed his example. The weather continuing foggy, with rain and ſnow, the ſailors were almoſt worn out with turning and winding; and although they uſed the ut⯑moſt precaution in working through the nar⯑rows, yet they could not always avoid ſtriking againſt the mountains that every where ſur⯑rounded them. During this night's work, they ſteered a hundred different courſes, to follow the channels.

Sunday 11, having worked out of the ice, they ſailed along the main body, which ap⯑peared perfectly ſolid and compact, without any paſſage or inlet. This immenſe maſs of ice extended north-eaſt, as far as they could ſee from the maſt-head; and, no doubt, might be a continuation of that in which they were engag⯑ed a few days before. The ſea was now to⯑lerably clear, for they met with no more fields, and only a few detached iſlands. At half paſt one in the morning they ſaw the land from ſouth by weſt, to ſouth-ſouth-eaſt. At three in the morning they tacked; Cloven Cliff bearing ſouth-ſouth-eaſt ſix miles. At ſeven [43] tacked again. At eight the Commodore bore away, and the Carcaſe ſtood after him. Cloven Cliff ſouth one half weſt, two or three leagues, latitude 79 degrees 56 minutes north.

Monday 12, at eight in the evening Cloven Cliff bearing weſt-ſouth-weſt four or five miles, they ſounded in fifteen fathoms water, and found a rocky bottom. Saw ſeveral Engliſh and Dutch Greenlanders at anchor in the Nor⯑ways: That being their rendezvous to the north⯑ward, they never chuſe to proceed farther. Here they found the current ſetting ſo faſt to eaſtward, that they were forced to come to an anchor to keep from drifting on the ice; the ſwell from weſtward being ſo great, that had that happened, it would of conſequence have ſtaved the ſhips. At five in the morning a breeze from north-north-eaſt ſpringing up, they weighed, and made ſail. At eight Hacluit's Headland weſt-ſouth-weſt one half weſt, ſix or ſeven leagues, at noon latitude 80 degrees 2 minutes north.

Tueſday 13, the weather being clear and calm, and a ſtrong eaſterly current ſetting in, at eight in the evening they came to with their ſtream anchors and hauſers in forty fathoms water; but at nine a breeze ſpringing up from the eaſtward, they weighed, and next day came to an anchor in Smearingburgh Harbour. Clo⯑ven Cliff eaſt one half ſouth one mile. Weſt [44] point of Voogle land north-north-weſt one half weſt, diſtant one mile and a half; ſoundings fif⯑teen fathom ſandy bottom.

Here they remained between five and ſix days to take in freſh water, during which time our journaliſt was employed in ſurveying the country, which to a ſtranger had a very awful and romantic appearance.

The country is ſtoney, and as far as can be ſeen full of mountains, precipices and rocks. Between theſe are hills of ice, generated, as it ſhould ſeem, by the torrents that flow from the melting of the ſnow on the ſides of thoſe tower⯑ing elevations, which being once congealed, are continually increaſed by the ſnow in winter, and the rain in ſummer, which often freezes as ſoon as it falls. By looking on theſe hills, a ſtranger may fancy a thouſand different ſhapes of trees, caſtles, churches, ruins, ſhips, whales, monſters, and all the various forms that fill the univerſe. Of the ice-hills there are ſeven, that more particularly attract the notice of a ſtranger. Theſe are known by the name of the ſeven ice-burgs, and are thought to be the higheſt of the kind in that country. When the air is clear, and the ſun ſhines full upon theſe mountains, the proſpect is inconceivably brilliant. They ſome⯑times put on the bright glow of the evening rays of the ſetting ſun, when reflected upon glaſs, at his going down; ſometimes they appear of a bright blue, like ſapphire, and ſometimes like the va⯑riable [45] colours of a priſm, exceeding in luſtre the richeſt gems in the world, diſpoſed in ſhapes wonderful to behold, all glittering with a luſtre that dazzles the eye, and fills the air with aſto⯑niſhing brightneſs.

Smearingburgh harbour, where they landed, was firſt diſcovered by the Dutch. Here they erected ſheds and conveniences for boiling the oil from the fat of the whales, inſtead of bar⯑relling it up to be boiled at home. Here alſo, allured by the hope of gain, they built a vil⯑lage, and endeavoured to fix a colony: but the firſt ſettlers all periſhed in the enſuing winter. The remains of the village may be traced to this day; and their ſtoves, kettles, kardels, troughs, ovens, and other implements, remained in the ſhape of ſolid ice long after the utenſils themſelves were decayed. Our voyagers were told, that the Ruſſians have lately attempted the ſame thing, and that ten out of fifteen pe⯑riſhed laſt winter in this ſecond attempt.

Where every object is new, it is not eaſy for a ſtranger to fix which firſt to admire. The rocks are ſtriking objects: before a ſtorm they exhibit a fiery appearance, and the ſun looks pale upon them, the ſnow giving the air a bright reflection. Their ſummits are almoſt always involved in clouds, ſo that it is but juſt poſ⯑ſible to ſee the tops of them. Some of theſe rocks are but one ſtone from bottom to top, appearing like an old decayed ruin. Others [46] conſiſt of huge maſſes, veined differently, like marble, with red, white, and yellow, and pro⯑bably, were they to be ſawed and poliſhed, would equal, if not excel, the fineſt Egyptian marble we now ſo much admire. Perhaps the diſtance and danger of carrying large blocks of ſtones, may be the reaſon that no trials have been made to manufacture them. On the ſoutherly and weſterly ſides of theſe rocks grow all the plants, herbs, and moſſes peculiar to this coun⯑try; on the northerly and eaſterly ſides the wind ſtrikes ſo cold when it blows from theſe quarters, that it periſhes every kind of vege⯑table. Theſe plants grow to perfection in a very ſhort time. Till the middle of May the whole country is locked up in ice; about the beginning of July the plants are in flower, and about the latter end of the ſame month, or beginning of Auguſt, they have perfected their ſeed. The earth owes its fertility, in a great meaſure, to the dung of birds, who build and breed their young here in the ſummer, and in the winter repair to more favourable climates.

The plants that are moſt common in Spitſ⯑bergen are ſcurvy-graſs and crows-foot; there are beſides ſmall houſe-leak, and a plant with aloe-leaves; an herb like ſtone-crop; ſome ſmall ſnake-weed; mouſe-ear; wood-ſtraw⯑bery; periwinkle; and a herb peculiar to the country which they call the rock-plant. The leaves of this plant are in ſhape like a [47] man's tongue, above ſix feet long, of a dull yellow colour. The ſtalk is round and ſmooth, and of the ſame colour with the leaf; it riſes tapering, and ſmells like muſcles. It is an aquatic, and riſes in height in proportion to the depth of water in which it is found. There are other plants and herbs, but theſe are the chief. Of flowers, the white poppy ſeems the principal.

The rocks and precipices are full of fiſſures and clefts, which afford convenient harbour for birds to lay their eggs, and breed their young in ſafety. Moſt of theſe birds are wa⯑ter-fowl, and ſeek their food in the ſea. Some, indeed, are birds of prey; and purſue and kill others for their own ſuſtenance, but theſe are rare. The water-fowl eat ſtrong and fiſhy, and their fat is not to be endured. They are ſo numerous about the rocks, as ſometimes to darken the air when they riſe in flocks; and they ſcream ſo horribly, that the rocks ring with their noiſe.

There are a few ſmall birds like our ſnipes, and a kind of ſnow-bird, but different from that found about Hudſon's bay. The gentle⯑men ſhot ſome of the water-fowl, but they were ſtrong and ill-taſted.

The ice-bird is a very beautiful little bird, but very rare. He is in ſize and ſhape like a turtle-dove, but his plumage, when the ſun ſhines upon him, is of a bright yellow, like [48] the golden ring in the peacock's tail, and al⯑moſt dazzles the eye to look upon it.

The other inhabitants of this forlorn coun⯑try are white bears, deer, and foxes. How theſe creatures can ſubſiſt in the winter, when the whole earth is covered with ſnow, and the ſea locked up in ice, is hardly to be conceived. It has been ſaid, indeed, that when the ocean is all frozen over, and no ſuſtenance to be pro⯑cured in this country, they travel ſoutherly to the warmer climates, where food proper for them abounds in the immenſe foreſts of the northern continent. But whoever conſiders the vaſt diſtance between Spitſbergen and the neareſt parts of the northern continent, will be as much at a loſs to account for the ſubſiſtence of theſe creatures in their journey, as in the de⯑ſolate region where they undoubtedly remain. The bear is by far the beſt accommodated to the climate of which he is an inhabitant. He is equally at home on land and water, and hunts diligently for his prey in both. In ſummer he finds plenty of food from the refuſe of the whales, ſea-horſes and ſeals, which is thrown into the ſea by the whalers, and cover the ſhores during the time of whaling; and they have beſides a wonderful ſagacity in ſmelling out the carcaſes of the dead, let them be ever ſo deeply buried in the earth, or covered with ſtones. The dead therefore that annually are buried here may contribute, in ſome degree, [49] to the ſubſiſtence of a few of theſe creatures in winter; but the queſtion will ſtill recur, how the race of them ſubſiſted before the whale-fiſhery had exiſtence, and before men found the way to this inhoſpitable ſhore. Diſquiſi⯑tions of this kind, as they are beyond the reach of human comprehenſion, ſerve only to raiſe our admiration of that omnipotent Being to whom nothing is impoſſible.

Theſe creatures, as they differ in nothing but their colour and ſize from thoſe commonly ſhewn in England, need no deſcription.

The foxes differ little in ſhape from thoſe we are acquainted with, but in colour there is no ſimilitude. Their heads are black, and their bodies white. As they are beaſts of prey, if they do not provide in ſummer for the long receſs of winter, it were, one would think, almoſt impoſſible for them to ſurvive; yet they are ſeen in plenty, though, by their ſubtlety and ſwiftneſs, they are not eaſy to be catched.

The Dutch ſeamen report, that when they are hungry they will feign themſelves dead, and when the ravenous birds come to feed upon them, they riſe and make them their prey.

But the moſt wonderful thing of all is, how the deer can ſurvive an eight months famine. Like ours they feed upon nothing that can be perceived, but the vegetables which the earth ſpontaneouſly produces; and yet for eight months in the year, the earth produces neither [50] plant, herb, ſhrub, or blade of any kind of graſs whatever. They are, beſides, but thinly cloathed for ſo ſevere a climate, and what ſeems ſtill worſe, there is not a buſh to be ſeen to ſhelter them, within the diſtance that any man has yet diſcovered. The means of their ſub⯑ſiſtence muſt therefore remain among the ſecrets of nature, never to be diſcloſed, as no human being can ever live here, ſo as to be able to trace theſe creatures to their winter's reſidence.

Amphibious creatures abound the moſt about the ſounds and bays of Spitſbergen, and they ſeem beſt adapted to endure the climate. Theſe are the ſeals, or ſea dogs, and morſes, or ſea horſes; of which the whalers avail themſelves, when diſappointed in compleating their lading with the fat of whales.

The ſeal is ſufficiently known; but the ſea-horſe, as it is a creature peculiar to high lati⯑tudes, is therefore more rare. It is not eaſy to ſay how he came by his name; for there is no more likeneſs between a ſea-horſe and a land-horſe, than there is between a whale and an ele⯑phant. The ſea-horſe is not unlike the ſeal in ſhape. He has a large round head, larger than that of a bull, but ſhaped more like that of a pug-dog without ears, than any other animal we are acquainted with. He tapers all the way down to the tail, like the fiſh we call a lump, and his ſize is equal to that of the largeſt ſized ox. His tuſks cloſe over his under jaw, like [51] thoſe of a very old boar, and are in length from one foot to two or more, in proportion to the ſize and age of the animal that breeds them. His ſkin is thicker than that of a bull, and covered with ſhort mouſe-coloured hair, which is ſleeker and thicker, juſt as he happens to be in or out of ſeaſon when he is caught. His paws, before and behind, are like thoſe of a mole, and ſerve him for oars when he ſwims, and for legs to crawl when he goes upon the ice, or on ſhore. He is a fierce animal, but being un⯑weildy when on land, or on the ice, is eaſily overcome.

Theſe animals are always found in herds, ſometimes of many hundreds together, and if one is attacked, the reſt make a common cauſe, and ſtand by one another till the laſt gaſp. If they are attacked in the water, they will fight deſperately, and will even attempt the boats of their purſuers, if any of them are wounded, and not mortally. Some of them have been known to make holes in the bottom of the boat with their tuſks, in defence of their young. Their eyes are large, and they have two holes in the upper part of the neck, out of which they eject the water, in like manner as it is ejected by whales.

Though the ſea about Spitſbergen is full of fiſh, yet they rather appear to be deſigned by Providence for the ſuſtenance of one another, than for the food of man. The mackarel, of [52] which there are no great plenty, ſeem not only to be the moſt wholeſome, and the moſt pala⯑table, but alſo the moſt beautiful. They ſeem to be a different ſpecies to thoſe caught upon our coaſts. The upper part of the back is of a vivid blue; the other part as low as the belly of a gem-like green on an azure ground. Un⯑derneath the belly the colour is a tranſparent white, and the fins ſhine like poliſhed ſilver. All the colours glow when alive in the ſea with ſuch a richneſs, that fancy can hardly form to itſelf any thing in nature more beautiful. Al⯑moſt all the other fiſh on this coaſt are of an oily nature, and of a very indifferent flavour.

The ſaw, or ſword fiſh, is remarkable not only for the oddity of his ſhape, but alſo for his enmity to the whale. This fiſh takes his name from a broad flat bone, in length from two to four feet, which projects from his noſe, and tapers to a point. On each ſide, it has teeth like a comb, at the diſtance of a finger's breadth aſunder. He is alſo furniſhed with a double row of fins, and is of aſtoniſhing ſtrength in the water. His length from ten to twenty feet. He ſeems to be formed for war, and war is his profeſſion. The conflict betwixt him and the whale is dreadful, yet he never gives over till his ſword is broken, or he comes off victorious.

The whale is a harmleſs fiſh, and is never known to fight but in his own defence. Yet [53] when he is exaſperated, he rages dreadfully. Though from his magnitude, he may be called the ſovereign of the ſeas; yet, like other ſove⯑reigns, he is liable to be vexed and hurt by the meaneſt reptiles. The whale's louſe is a moſt tormenting little animal. Its ſcales are as hard as thoſe of our prawns; its head is like the louſe's head, with four horns, two that ſerve as feelers, the other two are hard, and curved, and ſerve as clenchers to fix him to the whale. On his cheſt, underneath, he has two carvers, like ſcythes, with which he collects his food, and behind theſe are four feet, that ſerve him for oars. He has, moreover, ſix other clenchers behind, with which he can rivet him⯑ſelf ſo cloſely to his prey, that he can no other⯑wiſe be diſengaged, but by cutting out the whole piece to which he is joined. He is joint⯑ed on the back like the tail of a lobſter, and his tail covers him like a ſhield when he is feeding. He fixes himſelf on the tendereſt parts of the whale's body, between his fins, on his ſheath, and on his lips, and eats pieces out of his fleſh, as if eaten by vultures.

They found no ſprings of freſh-water in Spitſbergen; but in the valleys, between the mountains, are many little rills cauſed by the rain and melting of the ſnow in ſum⯑mer; and from theſe rills the ſhips are ſup⯑plied. Some are of opinion, that this water is [54] unwholeſome, but they are more nice than wiſe. The whaling people have drank of it for ages, and have found no ill effects from the uſe of it. Ice taken up in the middle of theſe ſeas and thawed, yields alſo good freſh water.

On board the Race Horſe, Dr. Irvine, the gentleman who received the premium by a grant of parliament, for his diſcovery of an eaſy pro⯑ceſs for making ſalt-water freſh at ſea, tried ma⯑ny experiments at Spitſbergen, and in the courſe of the voyage; the reſult of which will appear at a proper time. That gentleman had formed a project for preſerving fleſh-meat freſh and ſweet in long voyages, but it did not anſwer in this.

In calm weather they remarked, that the ſea about the iſlands appeared uncommonly ſtill and ſmooth; that it was not ſuddenly moved at the firſt approach of blowing weather; but that when the ſtorm continued, the waves ſwelled gradually, and roſe to an incredible height.—Theſe ſwelling waves ſucceſſively follow one another, and roll along before the wind, foam⯑ing and raging in a frightful manner, yet they are thought leſs dangerous than thoſe that break ſhort, and are leſs mountainous.

They obſerved likewiſe, that the ice that reſted on the ground was not ſtationary, but that it changed place; and they learnt alſo, that in ſome ſeaſons there was no ice, where this ſeaſon they were in danger of being embayed. [55] There does not, however, from thence appear the leaſt reaſon to conclude, that any practi⯑cable paſſage to the Indian ocean can ever be found in this direction; for were it certain that the ſeas were always open under the pole, yet great bulwarks of ice evidently ſurround it, ſometimes at a leſs, and ſometimes at a greater diſtance. Moreover, were it poſſible that chance ſhould direct ſome fortunate adventurer to an opening at one time, it would be more than a million to one, if the ſame opening were paſſa⯑ble to the next who ſhould attempt it.

There are many harbours about Spitſbergen, beſides that of Smearingburg, where ſhips em⯑ployed in the whale fiſhery take ſhelter in ſtor⯑my weather; and there are ſome iſlands, ſuch as Charles's Iſland, the Clifted Rock, Red-Hill, Hacluit's Headland, &c. that ſerve as land⯑marks, by which ſeamen direct their courſe. Theſe iſlands are full of the neſts of birds; but their eggs are as nauſeous as the fleſh of the fowls that lay them. The ſailors ſometimes eat them, but they are filthy food. Even the geeſe and ducks on the neighbouring iſlands eat fiſhy and ſtrong.

The air about Spitſbergen is never free from iſicles. If you look through the ſun beams tranſverſely as you fit in the ſhade, or where you ſee the rays confined in a body, inſtead of dark motes, as are ſeen here, you ſee myriads of ſhining particles that ſparkle like diamonds; [56] and when the ſun ſhines hot, as it ſometimes does, ſo as to melt the tar in the ſeams of ſhips when they lie ſheltered from the wind, theſe ſhining atoms ſeem to melt away, and deſcend like dew.

It is ſeldom that the air continues clear for many days together in this climate; when that happens, the whalers are generally ſucceſsful. There is no difference between night and day in the appearance of the atmoſphere about Spitſbergen, one being as light as the other, only when the ſun is to the northward, you may look at him with the naked eye, as at the moon, without dazzling. The fogs here come on ſo ſuddenly, that from bright ſun-ſhine, you are preſently involved in ſuch obſcurity, that you can hardly ſee from one end of the ſhip to the other.

While our journaliſt was buſy in making his obſervations, all belonging to the ſhips were differently engaged in one employment or other; ſome in taking in water, ſome in fiſh⯑ing, ſome in hunting, ſome in handing the ſails, and ſpreading them out to dry, ſome in ſcrub⯑bing the ſhip, and ſome in viewing the coun⯑try. The Commanders and officers, with Mr. Lyon, Mr. Robinſon, &c. buſied themſelves in making obſervations, being furniſhed with an apparatus, that is ſaid to have coſt at leaſt one thouſand five hundred pounds. From ſuch a ſet of inſtruments, in the hands of the ableſt [57] obſervers, the nation can boaſt, ſome very con⯑ſiderable diſcoveries in the phenomena of the polar regions may be expected. They landed their inſtruments in a ſmall iſland, in Vogle Sound, and had ſeveral opportunities during their ſtay of uſing them to advantage. Having erected two tents, the Captains from the fiſhery frequently viſited the obſervers, and expreſſed their admiration not only at the perfection of the inſtruments, but likewiſe at the dexterity with which they were accommodated.

The ice began to ſet in a-pace, yet the weather was hot. The thermometer from fifty-ſix in the cabin roſe to ninety in the open air. It was ſtill ten degrees higher on the top of a mountain to which it was carried. The iſland on which the experiments were made, they call⯑ed Marble Iſland, from the rock by which it is formed. Having watered, and finiſhed their obſervations, the ſhips prepared to depart.

Monday July the 19th, the Commodore made the ſignal to weigh; at two in the afternoon the ſhips were under ſail, and as ſoon as they had made their offing, ſtood to the eaſtward. At three they tacked and ſteered northward; and before four were again entangled among the looſe ice, through which they ſailed, di⯑recting their courſe along the main body, which lay from north-weſt to ſouth ſouth-eaſt.

Tueſday the 20th, they continued their courſe along the ice, but could diſcover no opening, [58] though they ſearched every creek, and left no bay or turning unexamined. This day they obſerved what the ſailors call a mock-ſun, a phaenomenon well enough known in this climate. Hacluit's Headland bore ſouth-weſt one half ſouth forty-ſix leagues; the weather cloudy, with rain; exceſſive cold. Thermometer 37 degrees 46 minutes.

Wedneſday the 21ſt, the ſeverity of the wea⯑ther increaſing, an additional quantity of bran⯑dy was ſerved out to the people, and every com⯑fortable refreſhment afforded them, that they themſelves could wiſh or require. The courſe of the ice lay this day north-eaſt.

Thurſday 22, nothing remarkable.

Friday the 23d, they ſaw land from eaſt by ſouth, to ſouth-eaſt by ſouth. At four in the morning, Hacluit's Headland bore ſouth-eaſt ten leagues; the wind variable, and the weather cold, with ſleet and ſnow. Thermometer 40 degrees.

Sunday 25, they had gentle breezes, with cloudy weather, and were engaged among ſome pieces of ice, ſeparated from the main body, which kept them continually tacking and luffing. At length they entered among mountains and iſlands of ice, which came upon them ſo faſt, that it was with the utmoſt difficulty they could proceed; the Carcaſe having ſeveral times ſtruck againſt them with ſuch violence, as to raiſe her head four feet out of the water. They [59] now imagined, from the ſolidity and extent of theſe iſlands, that the late ſtrong gales had cauſed a ſeparation from the main body, the Commodore therefore changed his courſe with a ſtrong gale to the eaſtward; in the morning the weather became moderate.

Monday 26, at ſeven in the morning, they came in ſight of Red-hill, a ſmall mount which commands an open plain, known by the name of Deers-field, by reaſon of its fertile appearance, it being the only ſpot on which they ſaw no drifts of ſnow. To the eaſtward lies Muffin's Iſland. Here they ſounded, and found forty five fathom water; rocky ground. Capt. Lutwich ſent out the long boat, with or⯑ders to ſound along the ſhore, and to examine the ſoil. This iſland is about a mile long, ve⯑ry low, and looks at a diſtance like a black ſpeck. Though the ſoil is moſtly ſand and looſe ſtones, and hardly ſo much as a green weed upon it, yet it is remarkable for the num⯑ber of birds that reſort to it in ſummer to lay their eggs, and breed their young; and theſe not of one kind only, but of many different ſorts, as geeſe, ducks, burgomaſters, ice-birds, malamucks, kirmews, rotgers, and almoſt eve⯑ry other ſpecies of birds peculiar to the climate; inſomuch, that the eggs were ſo numerous, and lay ſo thick upon the ground, that the men who landed found it difficult to walk without filling their ſhoes.

[60]While the crew of the boat, ten in number, with their valiant officer at their head, were examining the iſland, after having ſounded the ſhores, they obſerved two white bears making towards them, one upon the ice, the other in the water. Major Buz, for that was their of⯑ficer's travelling title, like Falſtaff, was always the boldeſt man in company over a cup of ſack, and minded killing a bear no more than killing a gnat; but ſeeing the bears approach very faſt, eſpecially that which came in the water, he or⯑dered his men to fire while yet the enemy was at a diſtance, as he did not think it prudent to hazard the lives of his little company in cloſe fight. All of them pointed their muſkets, and ſome of the party obeyed orders; but the greater part judging it ſafer to depend upon a reſerved fire, when they had ſeemingly diſcharged their pieces, pretended to retreat. The Major, a full fathom in the belly, endeavoured to wad⯑dle after his companions; but being ſoon out of breath, and ſeeing the bear that came in the water had juſt reached the ſhore, thought of nothing now but falling the firſt ſacrifice. His hair already ſtood an end; and looking behind him, he ſaw the bear at no great diſtance, with his noſe in the air ſnuffing the ſcent. He had all the reaſon in the world to believe it was him that he ſcented, and he had ſcarce breath enough left to call to his men to halt. In this critical ſituation he unfortunately dropt his gun, [61] and in ſtooping to recover it ſtumbled againſt a gooſe-neſt, fell ſquaſh upon his belly into it, and had very nigh ſmothered the dam upon her eggs. The old ſaying is, misfortunes ſeldom come alone. Before he could well riſe, the en⯑raged gander came flying to the aſſiſtance of his half-ſmothered conſort, and making a dart at the eye of the aſſailant, very narrowly miſſed his mark, but diſcharged his fury plump upon his noſe. The danger now being preſſing, and the battle ſerious, the bear near, and the gan⯑der ready for a ſecond attack, the men, who had not fled far, thought it high time to return to the relief of their leader. Overjoyed to ſee them about him, but frighted at the bear juſt behind him, he had forgot the gander that was over his head, againſt which one of the men having levelled his piece, fired and he fell dead at the Major's feet. Animated now by the death of one enemy, he recovered his gun, and faced about to aſſiſt in the attack of the ſecond. By this time the bear was ſcarce ten yards from him, and beginning to growl, the Major juſt in the inſtant was ſeized with a looſeneſs, dropt his accoutrements, and fell back, that he might not be in the way of his party, to impede the engagement. In the hurry he was in, for in a man of ſuch valour we muſt not ſay the fright, he entangled his buttons, and not being able to hold any longer, he filled his breeches. The crew in an inſtant had brought down the bear, [62] and now it was time for their leader to do ſome⯑thing great. Having recovered his arms, and ſeeing the poor beaſt groveling on the ground, and growling out his laſt, like a ram in a pin⯑fold, making a ſhort race backwards in order to redouble his force, he came with nine long ſtrides forwards, and with the ſtrength and fierceneſs of an enraged bull, thruſt his lance full four feet deep in the dying bear's belly. And now, ſays the Major, cocking his hat, have not I done for the bear bravely! The ſailors, who are always in a good humour upon ſuch occaſions; but Captain, ſaid they, you have but half done your work, you have another bear to kill yet. The Major, whoſe ſituation began to be troubleſome, content with the honour he had already acquired, my lads, ſaid he, as I have been the death of one bear, ſure ſix of you may kill the other; ſo ordering four of them to row him on board, he left the re⯑maining ſix to kill the other bear.

On this iſland two bears were killed, and a ſea-horſe. The ſea-horſe made a deſperate de⯑fence, being attacked in the water; and had there been only one boat engaged in the com⯑bat, he certainly would have come off victo⯑rious; but the crew of the Race-horſe having learnt that there were bears and ſea-horſes on this little ſpot, were willing to ſhare in the ſport of hunting them, as well as in the plea⯑ſure of taſting their fleſh. They accordingly [63] landed in their boats, and came in good time to aſſiſt in purſuing the conqueſt. It happened, however, that their ammunition being almoſt ſpent, one great bear came up to revenge the death of his fellows, and advanced ſo furiouſly, growling and barking, that he put the whole company to flight, and ſome of them, it is ſaid, had no great reaſon to laugh at the Major.

On ſounding the ſhores they remarked, that when the north iſlands bear north forty-five eaſt, ſeven or eight leagues, and Red-hill eaſt by ſouth five miles, there is generally from twenty-five to thirty fathom hard ground; but that cloſer on ſhore, when Red-hill bears eaſt one-fourth ſouth about one mile, it increaſes to one hundred and fifteen fathom, with ſoft black mud. The current about one mile an hour to the north-eaſt.

Tueſday 27, the air being perfectly ſerene, and the weather moderate, the fiſhes ſeemed to enjoy the temperature, and to expreſs it by their ſporting. The whales were ſeen ſpouting their fountains towards the ſkies, and the fin fiſh following their example. They likewiſe this day ſaw dolphins; the whole proſpect in ſhort was more pleaſing and pictureſque than they had yet beheld in this remote region. The very ice in which they were beſet looked beau⯑tiful, and put forth a thouſand glittering forms, and the tops of the mountains, which they could ſee like ſparkling gems at a vaſt diſtance, had [64] the appearance of ſo many ſilver ſtars illumi⯑nating a new firmament. But this flattering proſpect did not continue long. By an accu⯑rate obſervation, they were now in latitude 80 deg. 47 min. north; and in longitude 21 deg. 10 min. eaſt from London; and in ſight of ſeven iſlands to the north, to which they directed their courſe.

Wedneſday 28, they had freſh eaſterly breezes, which, from moderate weather the day before, changed to piercing cold. At midnight the weſt end of Weygate ſtraits bore ſouth by eaſt, ſo that they were now in the very ſpot where Barentz had ſuppoſed an opening would be found into the polar ſea. Yet ſo far from it, they could diſcover nothing from the maſt-head, but a continued continent of ſolid ice, except the iſlands already mentioned. On this ice, however, there were many bears, ſome of which came ſo near the ſhips as to be ſhot dead with ſmall arms. Theſe bears are very good eating, and where no better is to be purchaſed, the whalers account them as good as beef. They are many of them larger than the largeſt oxen, and weigh heavier. In many parts of their body they are muſket proof, and unleſs they are hit on the open cheſt, or on the flank, a blow with a muſket ball will hardly make them turn their backs. Some of the bears killed in theſe encounters weighed from ſeven to eight hundred weight; and it was thought, that the [65] bear that routed the ſailors on Muffin's Iſland, could not weigh leſs than a thouſand weight. He was, indeed, a very monſter!

Thurſday 29, ſailing among innumerable iſlands of ice, they found the main body too ſolid for the ſhips to make the leaſt impreſſion upon it, and finding no opening, the Commo⯑dore reſolved to ſend a party under the com⯑mand of the firſt Lieutenant to examine the land, which at a diſtance appeared like a plain, diverſified with hills and mountains, and ex⯑hibited in their ſituation a tolerable landſkip.

On trying the water, it was leſs ſalt than any ſea water they had ever taſted; and they found likewiſe, that the ice was no other than a body of congealed freſh water, which they imagined had been frozen in the infancy of the earth.

Tueſday 30, the weather being clear, they ran cloſe to the main body of the ice, and the ſun continuing to ſhine, made them almoſt for⯑get the climate they were ſailing in, but it was not long before they had reaſon for ſevere re⯑collection. In coaſting along, they obſerved many openings, and were in hopes, from their diſtant appearance, that a paſſage might be made between them; but upon trial it was found, as the Dutch fiſhermen had foretold, that theſe appearances were deceitful. At one in the morning fine clear ſun-ſhine, they ſound⯑ed in ſixteen fathom water, and found ſmall ſtones at bottom. They were then about four [66] miles from the north-eaſt part of the northern⯑moſt land; the eaſternmoſt land in ſight, diſtant about five or ſix leagues.

Saturday 31, at midnight, the eaſternmoſt land in ſight lay eaſt-north eaſt one half eaſt, which they could not make out to be an iſland. They rather judged it to be a continent, but found it impoſſible to determine with certainty, as it lay beyond their reach. At nine in the morning the Carcaſe hoiſted out her cutter, and filled her empty water-caſks with water from the ice. On this ice he great quantities of ſnow, and as ſoon as a pit is dug, it fills with fine ſoft clear water, not inferior to that of ma⯑ny land ſprings. At noon they ſounded in ninety five fathoms, the ground ſoft mud. This day a bear came over the ice to viſit them, the firſt they had ſeen ſince they left Muffin's Iſland. They ſaluted him with a volley of ſmall arms, and he returned the compliment, by turning his back upon them. Their longi⯑tude was this day 21 degrees 26 minutes eaſt, by time-keeper. Thermometer forty-five.

Sunday Auguſt 1, proved a day of trial. Lying too among the cloſe ice, with the looſe ice driving faſt to ſhore, the Commodore was deſirous of ſurveying the weſternmoſt of the ſeven iſlands, which appeared the higheſt, in order to judge, from the proſpect on the hills, of the poſſibility of proceeding farther on the diſcovery. With this view they carried out [67] their ice-anchors, and made both ſhips faſt to the main body, a practice very common with the fiſhing ſhips that annually frequent thoſe ſeas. Of the reconnoitring party, were the Captains, the ſecond Lieutenants, one of the mathematicians, the pilots, and ſome choſen ſailors, ſelected from both ſhips. They ſet out about two in the morning, and ſometimes ſail⯑ing, ſometimes drawing their boats over the ice, they with difficulty reached the ſhore, where the firſt objects they ſaw were a herd of deer, ſo very tame, that they ſeemed as curious to gaze at the ſtrangers, as the ſtran⯑ges were pleaſed to ſee them; for they came five or ſix together ſo near, that they might have been killed with the thruſt of a bayonet; a proof that animals are not naturally afraid of man, till, by the fate of their aſſociates, they are taught the danger of approaching them; a proof too, that animals are not deſtitute of reflection, otherwiſe how ſhould they conclude, that what has befallen their fellow animals, will certainly happen to them, if they run the like riſque. The gentlemen, however, ſuffered only one of theſe fearleſs innocents to be fired at, and that was done by a ſailor when they were abſent on obſervation.

On this iſland they gathered ſome ſcurvy-graſs, and in many places they could perceive the ſides of the hills covered with the verdure on which theſe deer undoubtedly fed.

[68]After having aſcended the higheſt hills on the ſea-coaſt, and taken a view of the country and the ocean all round, the gentlemen deſ⯑cended, and about five in the afternoon em⯑barked again on their return to the ſhips, at which they arrived ſafe about ten, after an ab⯑ſence of twenty hours. They were greatly diſappointed by the hazineſs of the weather on the tops of the mountains, which confined the proſpect, and prevented their taking an obſer⯑vation with the inſtruments they had carried with them for that purpoſe.

There is here a ſmall variation in the journals of the two ſhips; that kept on board the Com⯑modore making the diſtance between the iſland and the ſhips near twenty miles; the other only five leagues, which might eaſily happen, as the ſhips ſhifted their ſtations with the main body of ice, ſometimes driving north-weſt, ſome⯑times the contrary courſe, as the wind and tides happened to ſit.

Their ſituation now began to be ſerious, and it was diſcovered too late, that by grappling to the ice, as practiſed by the Greenlandmen, they had endangered the loſs of the ſhips, the looſe ice cloſing ſo faſt about them, that they found it abſolutely impoſſible to get them diſengaged; and there was, beſides, great reaſon to fear, that one or both would ſoon be cruſhed to pieces. Great minds are ever moſt diſtinguiſh⯑ed by their expedients on the moſt alarming [69] occaſions. The Commodore ſet all hands to work to form a dock in the ſolid ice, large enough to moor both ſhips; and by the alacri⯑ty with which that ſervice was performed, the ſhips were preſerved from the danger of imme⯑diate deſtruction.

The ſhips being thus far ſecured, the of⯑ficers, pilots, and maſters, were all ſummoned on board the Commodore, to conſult on what further was to be done in their preſent unpro⯑miſing ſituation; when it was unanimouſly agreed, that their deliverance was hopeleſs; and that they muſt either provide to winter upon the adjacent iſlands, or attempt to launch their boats into the open ſea, which was already at a conſiderable diſtance; for the looſe ice had poured into the bay in which they were at an⯑chor with ſo much rapidity, and in ſuch aſto⯑niſhing quantities, that the open ſea was alrea⯑dy far out of ſight. Before any thing farther was undertaken, the men were ordered to their quarters, that they might refreſh themſelves with ſleep.

While their Commanders preſerve their for⯑titude, the ſailors never loſe their courage. They roſe in the morning with as much alacrity and unconcern, as if they had been ſailing with a fine breeze in the Britiſh Channel.

Auguſt 2, it was now thought adviſeable to make one deſperate attempt to extricate the ſhips, by cutting a channel to the weſtward into [70] the open ſea. The ſcooping out the dock with ſo much expedition, by a party only of one ſhip, raiſed high expectations of what might be performed by the united labours of both the crews. No body of men ever undertook a work of ſuch difficulty with ſo much chearful⯑neſs and confidence of ſucceſs, as the ſailors obſerved on this occaſion. Their ice-ſaws, axes, ſledges, poles, and the whole group of ſea-tools, were in an inſtant all employed in facilitating the work; but after cutting through blocks of ſolid ice from eight to fifteen feet deep, and coming to others of many fathoms, that ex⯑ceeded the powers of man to ſeparate, that was laid aſide as a hopeleſs project; and another more promiſing, though not leſs laborious, a⯑dopted in its room.

On the 3d of Auguſt, after the men had again refreſhed themſelves with ſleep, it was reſolved to fit up the boats belonging to both the ſhips with ſuch coverings as were moſt eaſy to be accommodated, and of lighteſt convey⯑ance; and by ſkating them over the ice, endea⯑vour to launch them in the open ſea. Could this be effected, they hoped, that by ſailing and rowing to the northernmoſt harbour of Spitſ⯑bergen, they might arrive at that iſland, before the departure of the laſt ſhips belonging to the fiſhery for Europe.

While the boats were getting ready for this expedition, a ſecond party were diſpatched to [71] the iſland, with orders to take the diſtance as exact as it was poſſible to the neareſt open ſea. As all the people belonging to the ſhips were not to be engaged in theſe ſervices, thoſe who were unemployed diverted themſelves in hunting and killing the bears, that now, attracted per⯑haps by the ſavory ſmell of the proviſions dreſſed on board the ſhips, came every day over the ice to repeat their viſits. Several of theſe were killed occaſionally, and this day they fought a ſea-horſe, in which engagement the ſecond Lieutenant of the Carcaſe ſignalized his courage in a moſt deſperate rencounter, in which, however, he ſucceeded, though his life was in imminent danger.

On the 4th the carpenters, &c. were ſtill em⯑ployed in fitting up the boats. The pilots, who the day before had been ſent to make ob⯑ſervations on the iſlands already mentioned, made their report, that the neareſt water they had ſeen was about ten leagues to the weſtward; that in their paſſage they had met with great numbers of ſpars or pine trees, floating about the iſland, ſome of them of conſiderable ſize, with the bark rotted off, and the bodies much worm-eaten; that there was neither tree nor ſhrub to be ſeen growing on any of the ſeven iſlands, nor upon any land that they had yet diſcovered in that latitude, nor for ten degrees farther ſouth, and that the trees they had ſeen muſt therefore have come from a great diſtance.

[72]Though there is nothing now in this obſer⯑vation, the like being annually obſerved by all the navigators who frequent thoſe ſeas in the ſummer, and who collect their wood from thoſe drifts, yet the country from whence they pro⯑ceed has hitherto been thought a myſtery. But it being now certain, that many of the great rivers that flow through the northernmoſt parts of Ruſſia, empty themſelves into this ſea; and that there is an open communication throughout the different parts of it at different ſeaſons of the year, there ſeems very little reaſon to doubt, but that thoſe trees are torn up by land floods, and are precipitated into the ſea by the rapidity of the ſtreams.

It has indeed been objected, that all the wood that is found floating in this manner about the iſlands in high latitudes, is to a piece barked and worm-eaten; and that if theſe trees were torn up and precipitated into the ſea in the manner above ſuppoſed, ſome of it would appear ſound and unbarked, as in its firſt ſtate. To this it may be anſwered, that were the courſe of the tides to run as conſtantly to the northward, as the courſe of the rivers runs into the ſea, this objection would be unanſwerable. But the very reverſe is known to be the fact; and that neither the winds nor the tides tend to the northwards for any conſiderable part of the year; ſo that from the time theſe trees enter the ocean, it muſt, in the ordinary courſe of things, be many [73] ages before they can reach the latitudes in which they are now found. Becauſe, if they are driven northwards by the ſtrength of a ſtorm from the ſouth, they will be driven in another direction by the next ſtorm that happens from another quarter; and all the while the calm con⯑tinues, they will be driven to and fro by the tides, which, as has been obſerved, ſeldom ſet long to the north, therefore, being in continual motion for ages, or being caſt upon the ſhore by tempeſts, or high tides, and lying there expoſed to the air, till tempeſts or high tides return them again to the ocean, they will, in a long progreſſion of time, be reduced to the ſtate in which they are conſtantly found. This ſolution is, however, offered with diffidence. The fact is certain, of much wood being annually found about the iſlands in queſtion; and it is now of little im⯑portance from whence it proceeds, as a paſſage by the north eaſt to China will probably never more be ſought.

On the 5th they had gentle breezes; but about four in the morning ſmall ſleet. The ice ſtill ſurrounding them, and appearing to grow more and more ſolid and fixed, thoſe who had till now retained hopes that the ſouth-eaſt wind would again diſunite its ſubſtance, and open a paſſage for their deliverance, began to deſpair, as the wind had blown for twenty four hours from that quarter, from which alone they could have relief, and not the leaſt alteration to be [74] perceived. The men, however, were as joyous as ever, and ſhewed not the leaſt concern about the danger of their ſituation.

Early in the morning, the man at the maſt-head of the Carcaſe gave notice, that three bears were making their way very faſt over the ice, and that they were directing their courſe towards the ſhip. They had, without queſtion, been invited by the ſcent of the blubber of the ſea-horſe killed a few days before, which the men had ſet on fire, and which was burning on the ice at the time of their approach. They proved to be a ſhe bear and her two cubbs; but the cubbs were nearly as large as the dam. They ran eagerly to the fire, and drew out from the flames part of the fleſh of the ſea-horſe that remained unconſumed, and eat it voraciouſly. The crew from the ſhip, by way of diverſion, threw great lumps of the fleſh of the ſea-horſe which they had ſtill left, out upon the ice, which the old bear fetched away ſing⯑ly, laid each lump before her cubbs as ſhe brought it, and dividing it, gave each a ſhare, reſerving but a ſmall portion to herſelf. As ſhe was fetching away the laſt piece they had to be⯑ſtow, they levelled their muſkets at the cubbs, and ſhot them both dead; and in her retreat, they alſo wounded the dam, but not mortally. It would have drawn tears of pity from any but unfeeling minds, to have marked the affection⯑ate concern expreſſed by this poor beaſt, in the [75] dying moments of her expiring young. Tho' ſhe was ſorely wounded, and could but juſt crawl to the place where they lay, ſhe carried the lump of fleſh ſhe had fetched away, as ſhe had done the others before, tore it in pieces, and laid it down before them, and when ſhe ſaw that they refuſed to eat, ſhe laid her paws firſt upon one, and then upon the other, and endeavoured to raiſe them up. All this while it was pitiful to hear her moan. When ſhe found ſhe could not ſtir them, ſhe went off, and when ſhe had got at ſome diſtance, looked back and moaned; and that not availing her to en⯑tice them away, ſhe returned, and ſmelling round them, began to lick their wounds. She went off a ſecond time, as before, and having crawled a few paces, looked again behind her, and for ſome time ſtood moaning. But ſtill her cubbs not riſing to follow her, ſhe returned to them again, and with ſigns of inexpreſſible fondneſs, went round one and round the other, pawing them, and moaning. Finding at laſt that they were cold and lifeleſs, ſhe raiſed her head towards the ſhip, and, like Caliban in the tempeſt, growled a curſe upon the murderers, which they returned with a volley of muſket-balls. She fell between her cubbs, and died licking their wounds. If what is related by a voyager of credit in the laſt century be true, the filial fondneſs of theſe animals is no leſs re⯑markable than the maternal. The young ones, [76] ſays he, keep conſtantly cloſe to the old ones. We obſerved that two young ones and an old one would not leave one another, for if one ran away, it turned back again immediately, as ſoon as it did hear the others in danger, as if it would come to help them. The old one ran to the young one, and the young one to the old one; and rather than they would leave one another, they would ſuffer themſelves to be all killed.

Friday the 6th, the weather calm, but fog⯑gy, and the winds variable; they diſcovered that the drift of the ſhip, with the whole body of ice, inclined faſt to the eaſtward; and that they were already embayed in the very middle of the ſeven iſlands. They therefore ſent off the pilots of both ſhips, with a party of ſailors, to the northernmoſt iſland, to ſee what diſco⯑veries could be made from the promontories there. They returned at night, after a fa⯑tiguing journey, with a diſmal account, that nothing was to be ſeen from thence but a vaſt continent of ice, of which there was no end; and that the thought of wintering in ſuch a ſituation was more dreadful, than that of pe⯑riſhing by inſtant death.

Saturday 7, the wind ſet in north-north-eaſt, veered to the north; to the north-eaſt and eaſt, piercing cold. This day the boats were all brought in readineſs on the ice, fitted with weather cloaths about thirteen inches above the [77] gunnels, in order to keep off the cold as much as poſſible, if by good fortune they ſhould be enabled to launch them in an open ſea. This day was employed chiefly in boiling proviſions to put in the boats for the intended voyage; in delivering out bags to the men to carry their bread, and in packing up ſuch neceſſaries as every one could take along with him; for now every man was to be his own porter, the neceſ⯑ſary proviſions and liquors being found load enough for the boats, and twenty-five days bread load enough for each man. This being adjuſted, when night approached they were all ordered on board to ſleep.

Thurſday 8, at ſix in the morning all hands were ordered to turn out, and a detachment of fifty men from each ſhip, headed by their re⯑ſpective officers, were appointed to begin the hard taſk of hawling the launces along the ice. The braveſt and gallanteſt actions performed in war, do not ſo ſtrikingly mark the true cha⯑racter of a ſea Commander, as the readineſs and alacrity with which his orders are obeyed in times of imminent danger. Every one now ſtrove who ſhould have the honour to be liſted in the band of haulers, of whom the Commo⯑dore took the direction, leaving Capt. Lut⯑wych to take care of both the ſhips, that if any favourable turn ſhould happen in the diſpoſi⯑tion of the ice, he might make uſe of the remaining part of both the crews to improve it. [78] Upon a general conſultation of officers, pre⯑vious to this undertaking, it had been agreed, and an order iſſued accordingly, that no perſon on board, of whatever rank, ſhould encumber himſelf with more cloaths than what he wore upon his back. Upon this occaſion, therefore, the officers dreſſed themſelves in flannels, and the common men put on the cloaths which the officers had thrown off. It was inconceiva⯑bly laughable to ſee theſe motley bands yoked in their new harneſs; and, to ſay the truth, there was not one ſolemn face among the two companies. That headed by the Commodore drew ſtoutly for the honour of their leader, and that headed by their Lieutenants had their mu⯑ſic to play to them, that they might dance it away, and keep pace with the Commander in chief. Indeed the officers who headed them were deſervedly beloved as well as their Com⯑manders, particularly Lieutenant Beard, whoſe ſteady and uniform conduct in times of the greateſt danger, cannot be ſufficiently admired or applauded. Neither ſwayed by paſſion, nor diſconcerted by the ſudden embarraſſments that often intervened, his conduct was always calm, and his orders reſolute. He never was heard, during the whole voyage on the moſt preſſing emergencies, to enforce his commands with an oath, or to call a ſailor by any other than his uſual name; and ſo ſenſible were they of his manly behaviour, that, when the ſhip was paid [79] off at Deptford, they were only prevented by his moſt earneſt requeſt from ſtripping them⯑ſelves to their ſhirts, to cover the ſtreets with their cloaths, that he might not tread in the dirt in going to take coach.

In ſix hours, with the utmoſt efforts of hu⯑man labour, they had only proceeded a ſingle mile; and now it was time for them to dine, and recruit their almoſt exhauſted ſpirits. As the Commodore had laboured with them, it was in character that he ſhould dine with them alſo; and an accident happened that made it neceſſary for him ſo to do. The Cook, with his mates, (who were bringing the Commodore and the officers their dinners under covers) to keep out the cold after coming from a warm fire-ſide, had made a little too free with the brandy bottle before they ſet out, and before they had got half way to the lances, the liquor began to operate; the Cooks were ſometimes very near boarding each other, ſometimes they hauled off, and ſometimes ſteered right a-head. At length coming to a chaſm, or parting of the ice, which they were obliged to leap, down came the maſter Cook, with diſh, cover, meat and all; and what was ſtill worſe, though it was not then thought of much value, the Commodore's common ſervice of plate, which the Cook car⯑ried for the officers to dine on, fell in the chaſm, and inſtantly ſunk to the bottom. This acci⯑dent brought the Cook a little to himſelf, and [80] he now ſtood pauſing whether he ſhould jump down the gulph after the plate, or proceed to the Commodore to beg mercy and make his apology. His mates perſuaded him to the lat⯑ter, as the Commodore was a kind-hearted gemman, and would never take a man's life away for a ſlip on the ice. Beſides, it was a great jump for a fat man, and Commodore, they were ſure, had rather loſe all the plate in the great cabin, than loſe Cookie. Comforted a little by this ſpeech, the Cook proceeded, but let his mates go on firſt with what remained, to carry the tidings of what befell the reſt. When the Commodore had heard the ſtory, he judged how it was with them all. But where is the Cook, ſaid he to the mates? He's crying behind, an pleaſe your Honour. In the mean time the Cook came up. Cook, ſaid the Com⯑modore, bring me your dinner. I will dine to-day with my comrades. My dinner! Ay, a pound of the fleſh next my heart, if your Honour likes it. The promptneſs of the reply ſhewed the ſincerity of the Cook's good-will, and pleaſed the Commodore better than a feaſt upon turtle He diſmiſſed him with a ſmile, and partook with the officers in what was left, who made up their dinners with a meſs from the common men.

They had juſt begun to renew their labour, when word was brought, that the whole body of ice had changed its ſituation, and was mov⯑ing [81] to the weſtward; that the ſhips were both a-float; and that the ice was parting. The joy which this news diffuſed through the two com⯑panies of hawlers is eaſier to conceive than ex⯑preſs. They inſtantly ſhook off their harneſs, ran to aſſiſt in working the ſhips, and once more to reſume their proper employments. When they arrived at the ſhips, Captain Lut⯑wych, who was no leſs beloved by his men than the Commodore, had by his example and his judicious directions done wonders. Both ſhips were not only a-float, with their ſails ſet, but actually cut and warped through the ice near half a mile. This ray of hope, however, was ſoon darkened; the body of ice ſuddenly aſ⯑ſumed its former direction to the eaſtward, and cloſed upon them again as faſt as ever. While the ſhips remained in the ice dock, they were laſhed together for their greater ſecurity, but now being launched and a-float, the ice preſſed upon them with ſuch weight, that it was every moment expected that the hawſer would break that held them together; orders were therefore given, that the hawſer ſhould be ſlackened, and the ſhips releaſed.

For the remainder of the evening, and till two in the morning, the drift continued eaſt⯑ward, and all that while the ſhips were in dan⯑ger of being cruſhed by the cloſing of the channel in which they rode. They had now drifted two miles to the eaſtward; the men were [82] worn out with fatigue in defending the ſhips with their ice-poles from being engulphed; and now nothing but ſcenes of horror and perdition appeared before their eyes. But the Omnipo⯑tent, in the very moment, when every hope of deliverance from their own united endeavours had relinquiſhed them, interpoſed in their fa⯑vours, and cauſed the winds to blow, and the ice to part in an aſtoniſhing manner, rending and cracking with a tremendous noiſe, ſurpaſſing that of the loudeſt thunder. At this very in⯑ſtant the whole continent of ice, which before was extended beyond the reach of ſight from the higheſt mountains, moved together in va⯑rious directions, ſplitting and dividing into vaſt bodies, and forming hills and plains of various figures and dimenſions. All hearts were now again revived, and the proſpect of being once more releaſed from the frozen chains of the north inſpired the men with freſh vigour. Every officer and every idler on board laboured now for life. The ſails were all ſpread, that the ſhips might have the full advantage of the breeze to force them through the channels that were already opened, and to help them, like wedges, to rend the clefts that were but juſt cracking.

While the major part of the crews were em⯑ployed in warping the ſhips with ice-anchors, axes, ſaws and poles, a party from both ſhips were diſpatched to launch the boats. This was [83] no eaſy taſk to accompliſh. The ice, though ſplit in many thouſand pieces, was yet frozen like an iſland round the lances, and though it was of no great extent, yet the boats were of a weight hardly to be moved by the ſmall force that could be ſpared to launch them. They were beſides, by the driving of the ice, at more than five miles diſtance from the ſhips; and at this time no channels of communication were yet opened. But Providence was manifeſt even on this occaſion; for the iſland on which the lan⯑ces ſtood, parted while the men were hauling them, and by that lucky circumſtance they were launched with great facility, without the loſs of a man, though the ice cracked, as it were, under their feet.

The people on board had not been able to force their way with the ſhips much more than a mile, when the party in the lances joined them. And now, excited by what curioſity or inſtinct is not eaſy to determine, ſeveral bears came poſting over the ice to be ſpectators of their departure, and advanced ſo near the ſhips, that they might have been eaſily maſtered, had not the men been more ſeriouſly employed.

This day they altered their ſoundings from thirty to fifty fathoms, and from fifty to eighty and eighty-five fathoms.

The breeze continuing freſh from eaſt-ſouth-eaſt and eaſt, the ice ſeemed to open as faſt as it had before cloſed when the wind blew [84] weſterly, and from the north; a ſtrong pre⯑ſumptive proof of land to the eaſtward, which ſtopping the current of the looſe ice in driving from the north and weſt, cloſes it in courſe, and renders it compact. On the contrary, when the wind blows off the land, and the current ſets to the ſea, the looſe ice being no longer op⯑poſed, diſperſes itſelf again in the ocean, where it again floats, till the ſame cauſe produces the ſame effect. If therefore the land which our voyagers ſaw on the 30th, and which they could not determine with certainty to be an iſland, ſhould, upon ſome future occaſion, be diſcovered to be a continent, then the cloſing of the looſe ice ſo ſuddenly about the ſeven iſlands, and its crouding one piece upon ano⯑ther to a great height, when violently agitated by tempeſts from the north or weſt, will be ful⯑ly and naturally accounted for.

Tueſday the 10th, about two in the morn⯑ing, the fog being thick, and the weather calm, and the men very much fatigued, they were ordered to their quarters, to refreſh them⯑ſelves with ſleep. It was, beſides, very cold, and much rain fell; and as the wind was va⯑riable, they could make but little progreſs. The ice, in the morning early, ſeemed rather to cloſe upon them, than to divide; and being apprehenſive for their boats, they attempted to hoiſt the lances on board, but that belonging to the Carcaſe, being either too unweildy, or [85] the men too much fatigued to effect it, they ſlung her to the ſhip's ſide.

About eight the breeze ſprung up freſh from the north-eaſt, exceedingly cold, but opening the ice to the weſtward. They then made all the ſail they could, driving with the looſening ice, and parting it wherever it was moveable with their whole force. Towards noon they loſt ſight of the Seven Iſlands. And in a very little while after, to their great joy, Spitſbergen was ſeen from the maſt-head.

Wedneſday 11, the men who, with hard labour, cold and watching, were much diſpi⯑rited, on the proſpect of a ſpeedy deliverance, and ſeeing the ice no longer adhere in immove⯑able bodies, began, after a little refreſhment, to reſume their wonted chearfulneſs. They had not till the ſecond cloſing of the ice, after the attempt to dig a paſſage through it had proved ineffectual, and that the hauling the lances had been tried with little better ſucceſs, diſco⯑vered the leaſt deſpondency. But when they had exerted their utmoſt efforts, and Provi⯑dence, which at firſt ſeemed to ſecond their en⯑deavours, appeared to have forſaken them; when their pilots had filled their minds with the terrors of their ſituation; and their officers had given the ſhips and their moſt valuable effects over for loſt, the men then began to re⯑flect on the hardſhips they were likely to ſuffer, and to be impreſſed with the ſenſe of their com⯑mon [86] danger. Their apprehenſions, however, were but temporary, and the moment they were releaſed from their icey priſon, and that they were within ſight of a clear ſea, their ſor⯑row was changed to mirth, and their melan⯑choly to rejoicing. Feſtivity and jolity took place of abſtinence and gloomy apprehenſions; and before they arrived at Spitſbergen, there was not a ſailor on board with a ſerious face.

The ice that had parted from the main body, they had now time to admire. As it no longer obſtructed their courſe, the various ſhapes in which the broken fragments appeared, were indeed very curious and amuſing. One re⯑markable piece deſcribed a magnificent arch ſo large and compleatly formed, that a ſloop of conſiderable burden might have ſailed through it without lowering her maſt; another repre⯑ſented a church with windows and pillars, and domes; and a third, a table with icicles hang⯑ing round it like the fringes of a damaſk cloth. A fertile imagination might here find enter⯑tainment enough; for, as has already been ob⯑ſerved, the ſimilitude of all that art or nature has ever yet produced, might here be fancied.

They continued working all this day through the looſe ice. Hacluit's Headland bearing ſouth thirty-nine weſt, and in their courſe ſaw a Dutch Greenlandman in the ſouth-weſt quarter.

Thurſday the 12th, they cleared the ice, and bore away with all ſails ſet for the harbour of [87] Smearingburg, in which they had before caſt anchor. At two in the afternoon they anchor⯑ed in North Bay, the north part of Vogle Sound bearing north forty-five eaſt, diſtance about four miles. At half after four the Com⯑modore made the ſignal to weigh; and at half paſt nine, came to an anchor in their former ſta⯑tion, where they found four Dutch Greenland⯑men lying in readineſs to depart. Theſe Dutch⯑men acquainted the Commodore, that all the Engliſh fiſhing ſhips ſet ſail on the 10th of July, the day to which they are obliged by con⯑tract, to ſtay to entitle their owners to receive the bounty-money, allowed by Parliament for the encouragement of that fiſhery.

About the ſame time the greateſt part of the Dutch ſet ſail likewiſe from Spitſbergen, on their voyage home; but it is a practice with theſe laſt, to take it by turns to wait till the ſe⯑verity of the weather obliges them to leave the coaſt, in order to pick up ſuch men as may by accident have loſt their ſhips in the ice; and who, notwithſtanding, may have had the good fortune to ſave their lives by means of their boats. This is a very humane inſtitution, and does credit to the Dutch Government. Did the Britiſh Government bear an equal regard for individuals, ſo many valuable ſubjects would never be ſuffered to migrate, as now annually hire ſhips to convey themſelves to ſeek their fortunes in new ſettlements. It is eſtimated, [88] that twelve thouſand at leaſt are yearly ſhipt off from Ireland, and not many leſs from Eng⯑land and Scotland, yet no meaſures are thought neceſſary to be taken to retain them at home.

The turn of waiting at Spitſbergen falls an⯑nually to the lot of about five Dutch ſhips, who are obliged to ſend out their boats daily in ſearch of their unfortunate fellow ſubjects; ſome of theſe boats have themſelves ſuffered ſeverely, and have been detained ſeven or eight days by ſevere weather in theſe excurſions, to the great anxiety of their friends.

The day of our voyagers return to Smearing⯑burg Harbour being fine, the Commodore or⯑dered a tent to be raiſed on the lower point to the ſouth-weſt, where there was a level plain for the ſpace of two miles, and where all the mathematical apparatus were again taken on ſhore for a ſecond trial.

They found, on the examination of the vi⯑bration of the pendulum, that it differed from that at Greenwich by Harriſon's time-keeper, only two ſeconds in forty-eight hours; which time-keeper, at their arrival at Greenwich, varied only one ſecond and a half from the time-pieces at the obſervatory there. Mr. Robinſon, who was articled to Commodore Phipps, from Chriſt's Hoſpital, and who does honour to that noble foundation, was particularly careful to note the reſult of all the obſervations that were made in this high latitude.

[89]The ovens were alſo here taken on ſhore, and a conſiderable quantity of good ſoft bread baked for the refreſhment of the men.

Hacluit's Headland, of which mention has been frequently made in the courſe of this voy⯑age, is an iſland on the north-weſt point of Spitſbergen, about fifteen miles in circumfer⯑ence, on which is found plenty of ſcurvy-graſs; and in the valleys, ſome of which extend from two to three miles, there is ſtore of other graſs in ſummer, on which the deer is ſuppoſed to feed.

The people were now fully employed in over⯑hauling the rigging, tarring the ſhips ſides, taking in water, peying and ſecuring the maſts, and in preparing the ſhips for purſuing their voyage upon diſcovery; or, if that was found impracticable, for returning home.

On the 16th, two of the Dutch ſhips weighed anchor, and ſailed away in company.

On the 17th, vaſt pieces of broken ice, ſup⯑poſed to have fallen from the Icebergs, came floating into harbour. When theſe pieces, which are undermined by the continual agita⯑tion of the ſea in ſtormy weather, loſe their ſupport, they tumble with a crack that ſur⯑paſſes the loudeſt thunder; but they were told, that no other thunder was ever heard in this latitude.

The activity and enterprizing ſpirit of the Ruſſians already noticed, begin to manifeſt it⯑ſelf every where, and it is not improbable, but [90] that the maritime powers may one day or other have cauſe to repent their emulation in con⯑tributing to aggrandize the naval power of that increaſing people. The dominions of the Ruſ⯑ſian empire, are ſituated to command the trade of the univerſe; they are now actually erecting a yard for building ſhips at Kampſchatka, to improve their diſcoveries from that quarter, and to open a trade from thence to China. They have attempted to ſettle colonies, as our voy⯑agers were told, on the ſouthernmoſt diſtricts of Spitſbergen, and thoſe of the new ſettlers, who ſurvived the firſt winter, were preparing to encounter the rigour of the climate in a ſe⯑cond. This can only be done by way of expe⯑riment, to try if a ſettlement is practicable, for thoſe now ſent are ſaid to be criminals.

During the ſix days which the ſhips anchored here to make obſervations, take in water, re⯑freſh the men, and refit, our journaliſt made ſeveral excurſions to the adjoining iſlands, where the birds appeared in aſtoniſhing numbers; it being the ſeaſon for bringing forth their young, and teaching them to fly, and to dive.

Of all the birds that breed in theſe iſlands, the burgermaſter is the largeſt, and the moſt ravenous; he is ſo called by the Dutch, from his ſize and his authority, as he holds all the other birds in ſubjection. His bill is long and crooked, rather like that of the ſtork, than that of the hawk, and is of a yellow colour. [91] He has a red ring about his eyes; is web foot⯑ed, but has but three claws on each foot. His wings are of a beautiful pearl colour, edged with white; his back a ſilver grey; his body white as ſnow, and his tail of the ſame colour, which when he flies he ſpreads like a fan. He builds his neſt very high in the rocks, inacceſſi⯑ble either to bears or foxes. He preys upon all the other birds, and eats the carrion of fiſh or fleſh, or whatever comes in his way. His cry is horrible, and when he ſcreams, the mal⯑lemuch, a bird as large as a duck, is ſo much intimidated, that ſhe will ſink down, and ſuffer him to devour her without oppoſition.

Our journaliſt found it very dangerous to purſue his way over the hills and precipices in this rugged country. The clefts on the moun⯑tains are like thoſe in the ice frequently impaſ⯑ſable; but they are abundantly more hazar⯑dous, being ſometimes concealed under the ſnow, ſo that a traveller is engulphed before he is aware. Many have been entombed in theſe clefts, and periſhed in the hearing of their compa⯑nions, without a poſſibility of relief. To a contemplative mind, however, even the defor⯑mities of nature, are not unpleaſing, the wiſ⯑dom of the Creator being manifeſt in all his works.

On the 19th of Auguſt the ſhips unmoored, and on the twentieth they cleared the harbour. They found the tide to flow north-eaſt and [92] ſouth-weſt, and to riſe three feet ſeven inches perpendicular height.

On the 22d they again found themſelves be⯑ſet with looſe ice. They were then in latitude 80 degrees 14 minutes north, longitude 5 de⯑grees 44 minutes eaſt.

On the 22d they had a heavy ſea from the ſouth-weſt quarter.

On the 23d the Carcaſe, being a heavier ſailer than the Race Horſe, loſt ſight of the Commodore, and fired a ſix-pounder, which was anſwered. In the evening they came in ſight, and purſued their courſe with favourable weather, and without any thing worthy of no⯑tice happening till

September 5, when, being clear and calm weather, the Commodore ſounded, and found ground with ſeven hundred fathoms, very ſoft mud. The people were employed eight hours in heaving up the lead with the capſtan. At three in the morning the ſun riſen, took the ampli⯑tude, and found the variation to be 22 degrees 53 minutes weſt.

September 7, at five in the afternoon, they had heavy ſqualls, with rain; at ſeven in the morning moderate weather. This day, in 60 degrees 15 minutes weſt, they found their lon⯑gitude, corrected by obſervation of ſun and moon, to be 5 degrees 59 minutes eaſt. Lon⯑gitude by time keeper 4 degrees 45 minutes eaſt; a very remarkable difference.

[93]The ſhips purſued their courſe home in com⯑pany together, with high ſeas and variable wea⯑ther, till

Sept. 11, when, at half after ten, the night dark, and the weather moderate, the wind all at once veered to the ſouthward, and a ſtrong gale with a great ſea came on. The ſhips parted, and never more came in ſight till they met off Harwich, on the Engliſh coaſt.

Our journaliſt being on board the Carcaſe, can now only relate what happened to that ſloop, till her arrival in the River Thames.

When the gale came on, the Commodore's lights not appearing, the Carcaſe fired a ſix-pounder, but that ſhot not being returned by the Race Horſe, it was concluded, that the Commodore was at too great a diſtance to hear the ſignal. At four in the morning the gale in⯑creaſing, they cloſe reefed the top-ſails, and employed all hands in laſhing and ſecuring the boats and booms, and preparing to withſtand the threatening ſtorm. At this time they were in lat. 57 deg. 44 min. north; the Naze of Norway bearing ſouth eighty-eight eaſt, diſtant thirty-one leagues.

Sunday, September 12, freſh gales, with fre⯑quent ſhowers of rain; handed gib and ſtay-ſail; at two in the afternoon hard ſqualls and violent ſhowers of rain; handed fore and mizen top-ſail; ſaw a ſail to ſouthward ſtanding to eaſtward; cloudy and obſcure ſky; at ten at [94] night came on ſuddenly a very heavy ſquall; handed all the top-ſails; ſtrong gale, with ſe⯑vere ſhowers of rain. At midnight blowing a violent ſtorm of wind, reefed and handed the main-ſail and fore-ſail; lowered down the lower yards, balanced the mizen, and laid the ſhip too under it, with her head to the weſtward; the ſea making a free paſſage over the ſhip. Shipped ſuch heavy ſeas, waſhed all the proviſi⯑ons and caſks that were laſhed on the deck, over board; kept two pumps continually go⯑ing; obliged to ſkuttle the boats, to prevent their being waſhed over-board. At four in the morning ſhipped ſuch heavy ſeas, as waſhed all the booms and ſpars that had been with all poſſible care ſecured on the deck, over-board. The ſhip moſtly under water. No ſight of the Commodore; under great apprehenſions for his ſafety, as his veſſel laboured much more than ours. At this time one of the mates, the carpenter, and a fore-maſt-man, were waſhed over-board. The carpenter, a very careful ſober man, who was in the waſte, ſecuring the hatches and ſtores, was waſhed in and out at the ports three times, before he could ſecure himſelf. At ten in the morning rather moderate. Set the mizen-ſtay-ſail; ſwayed the lower yards up, and ſet the courſes. At half paſt eleven, ſtrong ſqualls and heavy [...]ſts; handed both courſes; and ſettled the [...] yards.

[95]September 13, ſtrong gales and ſqually. Con⯑tinually ſhipping heavy ſeas. At three in the afternoon rather more moderate; ſet reef cour⯑ſes; ſwayed up the lower yards, and ſet the main-top-ſail. The ſhip now making no wa⯑ter; at ſeven in the evening ſet fore-top-ſail and gib; very heavy ſea from ſouth-weſt quarter. At eight in the evening moderate and cloudy; let the third reef out of the main-top-ſail; ſounded thirty-five fathoms fine brown ſand. At one in the morning light airs, hazey weather, and great ſea. Wore ſhip, and ſtood to weſtward. At four freſh breezes, with rain. At half paſt eight ſaw a ſail to eaſtward; ſup⯑poſing it the Commodore, made the private ſignal, and fired a ſix-pounder. At nine bore down upon her, and brought her to. She proved a Hollander from Archangel, bound to Bremen. Courſe ſouth forty-two weſt, latitude fifty-ſix deg. four min. north.

September 14, ſtrong gales, and cloudy; under reef courſes. At two in the afternoon moderate; ſet main-top-ſail. At three ſet fore-top-ſail; a great ſea from weſtward. At ſeven in the evening moderate and cloudy. Out the third reef of the main-top-ſail; uncertain wea⯑ther; ſqually, and at times much rain; at three great fog. This day, at noon, Flambo⯑rough-head ſouth forty-ſix weſt, diſtance thirty leagues.

[96]September 15, light breezes, and clear weather; out all reefs, and ſwayed up the lower yards. At four in the afternoon ſaw a ſail to ſouth-eaſt; bore down, and brought her to. She proved to be a Pruſſian fiſherman, had been ten days from Edinburgh; hoiſted out the ſmall cutter; the ſecond Lieutenant went on board of her, and bought a fine cargo of fiſh. At five the boat returned; we hoiſted her on board, with plenty of mackarel and herrings. Made ſail, and ſtood to ſouth-weſt; ſounded every half hour; found from thirteen to fifteen, and eighteen fathoms, fine brown ſand, mixed with black ſhells. At ſeven in the evening took the firſt reef, and hauled in the top-ſails; freſh gales, and cloudy. At two in the morning deepened in water to twenty fathom. Took in ſecond reef of the top-ſails; tacked ſhip, and ſtood to north-weſt. At five in the morning got into fifteen fathom; and at ſeven into ten. At nine in the morning cloſe reefed the top-ſails, and at ten handed them; very freſh gale, and violent rain.

September 16, rather more moderate; ſet the main-top-ſail; ſqually, with rain; a con⯑fuſed ſea from weſt-north-weſt. At five in the afternoon ſoundings from five to twelve, from twenty-ſeven to thirty-two and thirty-four fa⯑thoms, fine brown ſand, black ſpecks, freſh gales, and cloudy. At eight took in firſt and ſecond reefs of top-ſails; at eleven at night [97] cloſe reefed the main and fore-top-ſail, and handed the mizen; freſh gales, and cloudy weather. At four in the morning ſhoaled water to twenty-two fathoms; brown ſand and broken ſhells. At five ſaw ſeveral ſail to north-weſt; fired, and brought one of them to. At eight ſhook the firſt and ſecond reefs out of the top-ſail; hove down upon a ſloop, which came from Graveſend; took on board the maſter, as a pilot to carry the ſhip through Yarmouth Roads; put on board one man in his room, and ordered his veſſel to follow us. Stood to the ſouthward.

September 17, freſh breezes, and cloudy weather; kept the lead going every half hour; found our ſounding from ten to twelve fathoms, fine brown ſand. At ſix in the afternoon freſh gales; cloſe reefed the main-top-ſail; ſound⯑ings from ten to ſixteen fathom; broken ſhells and large ſtones. At ſeven cloſe reefed the main-top-ſail; kept a light in the poop-lan⯑thorn for the ſloop. At ten ſtrong gales; hand⯑ed the top-ſails; laid her to under the main-ſail; handed the fore-ſail. At eleven at night got into five fathom; but deepened to eight, nine, and ten fathom, brown ſand. Loſt ſight of the fiſhing veſſel; fired ſeveral guns, and made a ſignal in the mizen-ſhroud. On ſetting the fore-top-ſail ſtacil, it blew to pieces; bent a new one. A violent gale of wind; ſhipped a great quantity of water. At four rather mo⯑derate; [98] ſet the fore-ſail. At midnight ſet cloſe; reefed top-ſails. At half paſt ſix tacked; at ſeven ſaw the fiſhing veſſel; bore down and ſpoke with her, who had ſplit her main-ſail in the night. At ten ſaw the land bearing ſouth-weſt by weſt, and ſouth and by weſt. At eleven being clear and moderate weather, ſhook all the reefs out of the top-ſails, and ſet the top-gallant-ſail; ſaw Cromer light-houſe, bearing ſouth 55 degrees weſt, diſtance five leagues.

September 19, freſh breezes and clear wea⯑ther; bent the ſheet-cable, and hauled a range of the beſt and ſmall bower-cables; bent both buoy ropes and buoys to the anchor. At five light breezes and fair; tacked and ſtood to the ſouthward. At ſix tacked and ſtood to the north-weſt. Cramer north-weſt and by north four miles; light breezes, and pleaſant wea⯑ther; handed in top-gallant-ſails, and handed the main-ſail. At ſeven in the evening, to our great joy, ſaw Yarmouth Church, bearing ſouth-weſt. At ten at night came to anchor with the beſt bower in twelve fathom, fine ſand and clay; veered out to half a cable, and hand⯑ed all the ſails. Winterſtone Neſs lights bore ſouth and by weſt four miles. At two in the morning freſh breezes and cloudy. At half paſt four weighed, and made ſail. Employed in working from Winterſtone Neſs lights, to Yarmouth Roads, making ſeveral tacks. At [99] ſeven in the morning ſet top-gallant-ſails; at nine came to an anchor in Yarmouth Road, with beſt bower in ſeven fathoms water; ſand and clay. Yarmouth church ſouth fifteen weſt, diſtance two miles. Came on board a pilot to carry the ſhip to the Nore.

September 20, freſh breezes and clear wea⯑ther; ſent down top-gallant-yards, and got every thing clear for ſtriking tokens. At five in the afternoon moored the ſhip. Yarmouth church weſt-ſouth-weſt two miles.

September 21, freſh gales and cloudy, with frequent rain. At four in the afternoon ſent down top-gallant-maſt. At eight in the morn⯑ing ſent the long-boat on ſhore for water. We were this day viſited by ſeveral of the inhabi⯑tants of Norwich and Yarmouth, who were genteelly entertained by the officers, but we could get no intelligence of the Commodore.

September 23, dark cloudy weather. At ſix in the evening ſwayed up the top-maſt, and lower yards; the wind veered to north-weſt, we prepared to unmoor. Freſh gales, with frequent flaſhes of lightning. At ſeven in the morning ſet on top-gallant-maſt, and began to unmoor. At eight veered away upon the beſt bower, and took up the ſmall bower-anchor. At nine weighed and made ſail. At ten got up the top-gallant-yards, in company with ſe⯑veral ſhips.

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[100]Saturday 25, at five came to an anchor in eleven fathoms. Orford light-houſe eaſt by ſouth four miles. This day ſome religious books were diſtributed among the ſailors, which had been ſent on board by ſome pious perſon for their particular peruſal.

Sunday 26. At ſix in the evening came to with the beſt bower in ſeven fathoms water; Balſey church weſt by ſouth. At two in the morning weighed, and came to ſail; Harwich lights north-weſt by weſt. To their great ſur⯑priſe, ſaw the Race Horſe at anchor. Hoiſted out the cutter, and Capt. Lutwidge waited on the Commodore, from whom he learnt, that in the ſtorm of the twelfth they had all their boats waſhed over-board; and, to eaſe the ſhip, were obliged to heave all their guns over-board, except two. Came to anchor; Harwich church north-weſt.

Monday 27, at two in the afternoon weigh⯑ed, and came to ſail in company with the Race Horſe. At eight in the evening came to in the Swin. At five in the morning weighed, in company as before. Turning up the Swin at half paſt nine, came to; Whitaker Beacon north-north-eaſt one mile.

Tueſday 28, freſh breezes and cloudy wea⯑ther. At half paſt three weighed, and came to ſail. At half paſt ſix came to with the beſt bower in ſix fathom water; Shoe Beacon north-weſt. At half paſt five weighed, and came to [101] ſail. Working to windward at eleven in the forenoon, the Commodore's boat came on board, with orders to proceed to Deptford. At noon came to at the Nore with the beſt bower.

Wedneſday 29, light breezes and fair wea⯑ther. At half paſt five weighed, and made ſail. Employed in working up the river. At half paſt ten came to with the beſt bower in the gallions, in three fathoms water. Wool⯑wich church north by ſouth one half eaſt. At noon a hoy came along-ſide for the gunner's ſtores.

Thurſday 30, employed moſt of the after⯑noon in getting out the guns, and gunner's ſtores. At nine in the evening weighed, and came to ſail. At ten run foul of a large tranſ⯑port, and carried away the lar-board mizen-ſhrouds, and part of the channel. At one in the morning came to anchor at Deptford. Warped along-ſide the Bedford Hulk, and moored. At ſix unbent the ſails, and began to unrig.

Thus ended a voyage, which ſeems to have determined the queſtion ſo much agitated con⯑cerning the navigation to the north pole, and proved what Captain Wood had before aſſerted, that no paſſage would ever be found practicable in that direction.

From the quantities of ice which that naviga⯑tor met with in latitude 76 north, longitude [...] eaſt, he concluded indeed erroneouſly, that [102] the 80th degree would bound the paſſage to⯑wards the poles, and that from thence the polar region was either a continued continent of ſolid ice, or that land filled up the intermediate ſpace.

It has been found, however, that thoſe ſeas are navigable as far as between the eighty-firſt and eighty-ſecond degrees of latitude; and it may poſſibly happen, that in ſome future years, they may be found navigable a degree or two farther: but it may now with certainty be con⯑cluded, that a courſe under the pole can never be purſued for the purpoſe of commerce.

We have already ſhewn inconteſtibly, that the north ſea communicates with the eaſtern ſea, and that the paſſage to China and Japan may be performed with difficulty by a north-eaſt courſe, by watching the opportunity, when a few days in the year the north ſea is open. But who would think of expoſing a ſhip's com⯑pany to the hazard of being frozen to death in a tedious, uncertain, and dangerous paſſage, when a ſafe, certain, and, one may ſay, ſpeedy paſſage at all times lies open before them.

From Behring's diſcoveries to the eaſt of Ja⯑pan, and from the continent he there met with, there ſeems reaſon to believe, that the land ſeen by Commodore Phipps to the eaſtward of the Se⯑ven Iſlands, might be a continuation of that con⯑tinent. In that caſe it is not improbable, but that either that continent may join to the weſtern part of America, or that it may extend ſouth⯑ward, [103] and form a part of that continent ſo much ſought after in the ſouthern hemiſphere.

A ſmall premium of two or three thouſand pounds ſecured by Parliament, to be paid to the owner or owners of any Greenland fiſhing ſhip, that ſhould be fortunate enough to diſco⯑ver ſuch a continent to the eaſtward or north⯑ward of the Seven Iſlands, might poſſibly have a better effect, than many expenſive expeditions fitted out ſolely for the purpoſes of ſuch diſco⯑very. This, by a trading nation, were it only to improve the ſcience of geography, would ſurely be well beſtowed.

It is true, indeed, that the reward ſecured by parliament for the diſcovery of a north-weſt paſſage, has not yet been attended with that ſuc⯑ceſs, with which the promoters of the bill had flattered themſelves and the public, from the li⯑bera iſpirit with which it was granted.

The Hudſon's Bay Company, though bound by their charter to further and promote the diſ⯑covery, were generally ſuſpected, from intereſted motives, to oppoſe and diſcourage every at⯑tempt to accompliſh it. And Captain Mid⯑dleton, who in 1740 was ſent in a king's ſhip upon that ſervice, returning without ſucceſs, was publicly charged with having received a bribe of five thouſand pounds to defeat the undertaking, and by his report to diſcourage any farther attempts in purſuit of it. This charge was ſtrongly ſupported, and generally [104] credited. And Mr. Dobbs, by whoſe intereſt Captain Middleton was employed, had the ad⯑dreſs to prevail with the then miniſtry, to pre⯑clude any future ſcheme of private corruption, by promoting the public reward already men⯑tioned.

The preamble to the act will ſtate this mat⯑ter in the true light it ſets forth, ‘"That whereas the diſcovery of a north-weſt paſ⯑ſage through Hudſon's Streight to the weſtern ocean would be of great benefit and advan⯑tage to this kingdom, and that it would be of great advantage to the adventurers to at⯑tempt the ſame, if a public reward was given to ſuch perſons as ſhould make a perfect diſ⯑covery of the ſaid paſſage; it is therefore enacted, that if any ſhips or veſſels belong⯑ing to his majeſty's ſubjects ſhall find out and ſail through any paſſage by ſea between Hudſon's bay and the weſtern ocean of Ame⯑rica, the owners of ſuch ſhips or veſſels ſhall be entitled to receive as a reward for ſuch diſcovery the ſum of TWENTY-THOUSAND POUNDS."’ And as a farther encouragement to proſecute this diſcovery, and to prevent ob⯑ſtructions from intereſted perſons, it was e⯑nacted, ‘"that all perſons, ſubjects of his Ma⯑jeſty, reſiding in any place where the ſaid adventurers may come in the proſecution of this diſcovery, ſhall give the ſaid adventu⯑rers all aſſiſtance, and ſhall no way obſtruct, [105] moleſt, or refuſe the ſaid adventurers reaſon⯑able ſuccour in any diſtreſs they may fall into in the proſecution of this diſcovery."’

Such was the encouragement, and ſuch the liberal reward that was and is ſecured by par⯑liament to the fortunate diſcoverers of a north-weſt paſſage to the great pacific ocean; a paſ⯑ſage which, it is generally believed, would open a trade with nations on the northern continent of America, wholly unknown to the maritime powers of Europe, and ſuppoſed, from their ſituation, to abound in commodities equally rare and precious with thoſe of any other coun⯑try under the ſun.

The fair proſpect of acquiring fame by en⯑larging commerce, the hope of obtaining the parliamentary reward, and the deſire of ex⯑poſing the diſ-ingenuity of Captain Middleton, were incitements ſufficient to prevail with Mr. Dobbs to ſollicit the equipment of two ſhips for another voyage, which he made not the leaſt doubt would find out the paſſage ſo long ſought for in vain, and by the advantages at⯑tending the diſcovery, exceed the moſt ſanguine expectations of the adventurers.

The command of this expedition was given to Captain Ellis, who, on the 31ſt of May, 1746, paſſed Yarmouth in the Dobb's Galley, accom⯑panied by the California Sloop, and convoyed to the north ſea by the Loo man of war. But in proportion as Mr. Dobbs had flat⯑tered the avarice of the adventurers who were to ſhare in the reward, and had elated himſelf with the thoughts of triumphing over the diſ⯑grace of Captain Middleton, ſo it happened, that when the ſhips returned without having effected any one thing of conſequence, the cha⯑grin of the former for having advanced their [106] money on a viſionary project, and the mortifi⯑cation of the latter in not being able to ſup⯑port his charge, were increaſed by every cir⯑cumſtance that could aggravate the diſappoint⯑ment. Captain Middleton now triumphed in his turn, and no ſhip from England has ſince been induced to undertake the voyage, not⯑withſtanding the greatneſs of the reward.

It is now, however, believed, that Govern⯑ment have in contemplation another voyage to the north, to which that of Captain Phipps was only the prelude; but there is reaſon to conclude, from what has already been ſaid of theſe latter attempts, and from the ill ſucceſs of former undertakings, that the diſcovery of a north-weſt paſſage is not the ſole object in view. The figure of the earth, the phenomena of the winds, the variation of the compaſs, and the attraction of the magnet, are points yet unſettled, of infinite importance to navigation; and it is not impoſſible, but that a more careful examination of the polar regions may lead to the ſolution of problems, that have hitherto baffled the enquiries of the ableſt navigators.

A very ſlender acquaintance with the difficul⯑ties and hardſhips attending northern diſcove⯑ries, will fully account for our knowledge of the countries ſurrounding the pole being ſtill very imperfect. A brief recapitulation of the ſufferings of thoſe to whom we are moſt indebted for our information, will not, we hope, be thought an improper concluſion to a voyage ſolely undertaken with a view to enlarge it.

The firſt who conceived the idea of exploring the northern regions was Sebaſtian Cabbot. That enterprizing navigator, long before Ma⯑gellan thought of a paſſage to the pacific ocean [107] by the ſouth-weſt, had made two voyages, with a view to direct his courſe to the ſame ſea by the north-weſt. In theſe voyages, he diſco⯑vered Newfoundland, the coaſt of the Eſqui⯑meaux Indians, and had penetrated as far as the 64th degree of latitude, when a mutiny among his men, or rather an obſtinate refuſal to pro⯑ceed any further, obliged him to return; yet he died in the perſuaſion that a paſſage in that direction certainly exiſted, and that he ſhould have found it but for the oppoſition of his crew.

The next, who, prepoſſeſſed with the ſame notion, undertook a voyage for diſcoveries to⯑wards the north, was Sir Martin Forbiſher. He diſcovered Greenland, and in the latitude of 62 deg. north, paſſed a ſtreight, which, though it ſtill holds a place in our maps, has never been found navigable ſince. He made two other voyages, diſcovered many bays and capes, to which he gave names, but returned without attaining the principal object of his voyage, though, like his predeceſſor, he aſ⯑ſerted the certainty of its exiſtence to his lateſt hour.

To him ſucceeded Sir Humphry Gilbert, who in 1583 traverſed the coaſt of Labradore, entered the mouth of the great river St. Lau⯑rence, and, ſurrounding the iſland of Newfound⯑land, laid the foundation of the cod fiſhery, which has been proſecuted with immenſe ad⯑vantage to his country ever ſince.

The rapid progreſs of diſcoveries in the ſouthern hemiſphere, which about this time were attended with vaſt profit to the adventu⯑rers, re-animated cotemporary navigators to proſecute, with more ardour than ever, their enterprizes towards the north. The more the [108] pacific ocean became known, the firmer the belief prevailed, that a paſſage into it by way of the north muſt certainly exiſt, and that who⯑ever could diſcover it, would not only immor⯑talize his name, but enrich his country.

The merchants of that time were no leſs eager to embark their money, than the naviga⯑tors were to hazard their perſons in any new project, where the hope of gain appeared to be well founded. A company therefore of wealthy perſons in London agreed to join a company of merchants in the weſt, and to ſit out two ſhips for the diſcovery of a paſſage, which all agreed was practicable, though none could tell readily where to find it. To the command of this expedition Captain John Da⯑vis was ſtrongly recommended as an able navi⯑gator, and of a bold and enterpriſing ſpirit. Accordingly, on the 7th of June, 1685, he ſet ſail from Dartmouth, in the Sun-ſhine of fifty tons, and accompanied by the moon-ſhine of thirty-five tons, having on board both veſſels forty-two hardy ſeamen. On the 19th of July they were alarmed by a mighty roaring, which was the more terrible, as the fog was ſo thick, that they could not ſee each other at a ſhip's length. It proved only the crackling of the iſlands of ice, which was not then very well underſtood. On the breaking up of the fog they diſcovered land, which, from its horrid appearance, they named the land of deſolation. On the 24th they were in 64 deg. 15 min. north, the ſea open and the weather moderate. In this latitude they diſcovered land, and con⯑verſed with the natives, who appeared to be a harmleſs hoſpitable people, polite in their man⯑ners, neatly habited, and not ill favoured. Theſe friendly people, obſerving that the Eng⯑liſh [109] admired their furs, went up in the country to bring down more, with which they traded with much ſimplicity. To an adjoining hill Davis gave the name of Mount Raleigh, from which he took his departure on the 8th of Au⯑guſt, and on the 11th doubled the ſouthernmoſt cape in view, to which he gave the name of the Cape of God's Mercy, and entered a ſtreight, which bears the name of the Diſcoverer to this day. In this ſtreight he ſailed ſixty leagues, and on the 14th went on ſhore, and found evident ſigns of human inhabitants, being met by a pack of dogs (twenty in number) that ex⯑preſſed their joy, as if their maſters had been re⯑turned after an interval of abſence. One of thoſe had on a leathern collar. The Captain was highly pleaſed with the promiſing appear⯑ance of the new ſtreights, and conſulting with the maſter, agreed to report, upon their return home, that they had found the wiſhed-for paſ⯑ſage to the weſtern ſea.

The weather changing from temperate to ex⯑ceſſive cold, on the 20th it was reſolved to ſet ſail for England. On the 12th of September they fell in with the land of Deſolation, and on the 30th of the ſame month entered the port of Dartmouth, without the loſs of a man.

The account Captain Davis gave to his owners was ſo well received, that other mer⯑chants were deſirous of joining in a ſecond expedition, and accordingly he was again em⯑ployed, and furniſhed with a much greater force.

On the 7th of May he ſailed from Dart⯑mouth in the Mermaid, of 120 tons, in com⯑pany with the Sun-ſhine and Moon-ſhine as be⯑fore, and an additional pinnace of thirteen tons, called the North Star.

[110]In the latitude of 60 degrees north Captain Davis divided his force, ordering the Sun-ſhine and North Star to ſeek a paſſage between Green⯑land and Iceland, while the Mermaid and Moon-ſhine continued their courſe to the ſtreight as before. In the latitude of 64 degrees, and longitude 58 deg. 30 min. north from London, they fell again in with the land, and met the ſame people with whom they had traded the former year. Overjoyed to meet, they re⯑newed their acquaintance, and while the Eng⯑liſh was preparing a pinnace to facilitate their diſcoveries, the natives came in numbers to carry on trade. As ſoon as the pinnace was fitted for ſea, Captain Davis diſpatched her to examine the inlets on the coaſt, and to trace their courſe up the main land; but that was productive of no eſſential diſcovery.

Though the natives attended them with an obſequious diligence, yet on their kindling a fire in their manner, and uſing ſome ſtrange cere⯑monies, Captain Davis ſuppoſing them to be uſing idolatrous ſorceries, firſt thruſt the prieſt into the ſmoke, and then encouraged his men to tread out the flame, and to ſpurn the reeking coals into the ſea. Unable to bear the inſult, the natives for the firſt time began to ſhew re⯑ſentment. They ſeized the boat from the ſtern of the Moon-ſhine, cut the cable belonging to the Mermaid, made prize of the implements that lay upon the ſhore, and, in ſhort, declared open hoſtilities againſt the aggreſſors, who in return diſcharged their artillery among them, which inſtantly diſperſed them.

No civilities, however, that could be ſhewn them, after the indignity offered to their prieſt, could ever after reconcile them, and the year following they found an opportunity to take a [111] ſevere revenge. In the mean time one of them being made priſoner, was taken on board the Mermaid; who, after recovering his fright, trimmed up his darts, repaired his fiſhing tackle, picked okam, and ſet his hand to any thing he was ſet about; and, after a time, became a very pleaſant companion on board.

On the 17th of July, in latitude 63 degrees 8 min. north, they fell in with a continent of ice, very high, like land, with bays and capes, and, till they examined it cloſely, could not be convinced that it was a mere congelation. They coaſted it till the 30th, when the weather became ſo tempeſtuous and foggy, and withal ſo cold, that the ſhrouds, ropes, and ſails were frozen and glazed with ice; and the men, who the year before found the ſea open and the wea⯑ther temperate, became ſo diſpirited, that in an orderly manner they addreſſed their Com⯑mander, and intreated him to conſider their preſent ſituation, to have regard to his own life, and the preſervation of theirs; and not, through boldneſs and an indiſcreet zeal for a hopeleſs diſcovery, leave their widows and fa⯑therleſs children to blacken his memory with bitter curſes. Moved with their pitiable re⯑preſentation, he diſcharged the Mermaid with thoſe who were moſt deſirous of returning home, and proceeded in the Moonſhine to pro⯑ſecute his voyage. Changing his courſe to reco⯑ver the oppoſite ſhore on the 1ſt of Auguſt, in latitude 66 deg. 33 min. north, and longitude 70 degrees weſt, he diſcovered land, without either ice or ſnow. On the 2d they caſt an⯑chor in a fine road, and in a day or two were vi⯑ſited by the natives, who came to traffic. On the 14th they ſet ſail to the weſtward, and on the 16th changed their courſe to the ſouthward. [112] On the 18th they diſcovered a high promontory to the north-weſt, which having no land to the ſouth, recovered their hopes of a free paſſage.

On doubling the Cape, they found the land trending away to the ſouth in broken iſlands, and coaſting along till they arrived at a fine opening, in latitude 57 degrees, they ſailed ten leagues, with woods and lawns on each ſide, abounding with deer and game of every kind. Here they ſtaid till the 1ſt of Septem⯑ber, and then ſet ſail, coaſting along to the northward, where they were again flattered with the hopes of a paſſage, by obſerving a ſtrong current ruſhing in between two lands to the weſt⯑ward, which they were very deſirous of approach⯑ing, but the wind blew directly againſt them.

On the 6th, returning to their former ſta⯑tion, five of the crew fell into an ambuſcade; for having ventured on ſhore unarmed in their boat, they were ſuddenly aſſaulted from the woods, two of them killed upon the ſpot, two grievouſly wounded, and the fifth made his eſcape by ſwimming, with an arrow ſticking in his arm. The ſame evening a furious ſtorm aroſe, which laſted till the 10th, in which time they in a manner unrigged their ſhip, and were about to cut away her maſts by the board, the cable of their ſheet anchor parted, and they every moment expected to be daſhed upon the rocks, and to be made a prey by the ſavage can⯑nibals of the country; but the ſtorm abating, and the ſea growing calm, they recovered their anchor on the 11th, and made ſail for England.

About the beginning of October they arrived at Dartmouth, where they found the Sunſhine, but the North Star having parted company in a hard gale on the coaſt of Greenland, was never more heard of.

[113]This undaunted mariner had yet [...] to undertake a third voyage, and then [...] as the 73d degree of north latitude [...] deſerted by his companions, was [...] re⯑turn in great diſtreſs to his [...] ▪ Upon h [...]s return he wrote a letter to his [...] him, that he had found [...] open [...] lat [...] 73 degrees north, and [...] b [...]oad, and concluded from thence that the paſſage was [...].

[...] He ſailed April the [...] to Davis's Streights, [...] latitude 52 degrees north [...], where on the [...] of November [...] ſhip was frozen in, and being ſcantily provided with proviſions, the crew mutinied, and in the end moſt barbarouſly contrived, as the writer ex⯑preſſes it, to turn the Captain, the [...]arpenter, and all the ſick men out of the ſh [...]p, who were never more heard of. After wh [...] [...] leaders [114] [...] determined to make the beſt of their way for England; but in their paſſage home not a few peri [...]hed, and thoſe who ſurvived [...].

But notwithſtanding this diſaſter, and that it w [...] [...] that the Captain and all w [...]o were loft [...] were either drowned ſtarved, or murdered, the progreſs he had ma [...]e in [...] encouraged other [...]

The [...] who adventured was Captain B [...] ⯑ton, a man of gre [...] [...], courage, and ex⯑p [...]. [...], Prince [...], and having paſſed [...] St [...]ght, [...] a different [...] of Captain Hu [...]on, leaving his [...] [...]th-weſt.

[...] two hundred leagues [...] in a large continent, which, from [...], he named New [...] the weſtward, [...] Port Nelſon, [...]

In 1615 Captain W [...] Baſſin undertook the [...] of the extremity of that ſea into w [...]ch Davis▪s Streights opened a paſſage, and he ſo far ſucceeded, as to determine its ex⯑tent, and to [...]ſcover an outlet marked in our maps, by the name of Sir Thomas Smith's Sound, which is proudly the only communication be⯑tween [115] our northe [...]n bays and the great pacific ocean, which nature has provided, in order to maintain a general circulation, without wh [...]ch [...] is hardly poſſible to conceive, that the equi⯑ [...] of the globe could for a [...] be pre⯑ſerved.

In 1619 Captain John M [...]nk, at the [...] of his Daniſh Maj [...]ſty, underto [...] [...] and arrived ſafe at Cape [...], where, though the tackle of the ſhip was [...], tha [...] the ma [...]iners [...]uld [...] the ropes yet next [...] it was ſo [...], that they were forced [...]. He [...] Hudſon's [...]tre [...]ght in the month of July, and was forced to winter in latitude [...] degrees 20 min. north, on an iſland that ſtill retains his [...]me; but the hardſhips he endured almoſt [...] belief. In May, 16 [...]0, he found him⯑ſelf alone in a cave dug in the earth, ſcarce alive, and almoſt morally certain, that all his mar [...]ners were dead. As ſoon as the weather would permit he crawled forth, and found, of a [...]l his crew, only two left. By removing the ſnow, they found ſome freſh herbs underneath, [...] by eating them, recovered from the ſcurvy. Unable to navigate their ſhips, they abandoned her to the ſavages, and, by a wonderful provi⯑d [...]nce, got ſafe to Norway in the Pinnace. Being a man of uncommon reſolution, he was ſtill [...]citous to perfect a diſcovery, which had [...]ed the reſearches of ſo many able naviga⯑tors, and to acquire glory, by accompliſhing that which they had failed to attain. He aſ⯑ [...]ed the exiſtence of ſuch a paſſage ſo con⯑ [...]ntly, and laid down the method of finding it ſo plauſibly, that he had perſuaded the mer⯑chants of Norway to raiſe a joint ſtock to de⯑fray the expences of a ſecond voyage; but ap⯑plying [116] to the King for h [...]s permiſſion and pro⯑ [...], [...] known ſufferings, [...] his former voy⯑ [...], M [...] told him, he had already been [...] many of his ſubjects, and [...] to ſeek to murder [...] Monk gave a quick reply, [...]

Capt. [...]ke [...] and Capt. James were the [...] engaged in this diſcovery; the [...] in a King's frigate, victualled for eigh⯑teen months, the other in a ſmall veſſel of ſeven⯑ty ton [...], built at Briſtol on purpoſe; victualled and equipped by private adventurers.

Captain [...] departed in the ſpring of 1631, [...] all the weſtern bays uncovered by for⯑mer [...], examined the weſtermoſt part of Hudſ [...]n's Bay, and returned in 1632. He pub [...]ſhed a pompous account of his diſcoveries, which, however, was never much regarded.

On the [...] of May, 1631, Captain James ſet [...] from the Severn's mouth, and on the [...]th of June cleared Hudſon's Streights, where he found himſelf ſo peſtered with broken [...], to [...] it out of his power to proſecute his [...] to the north-weſtward, as he had [...]; he therefore ordered his maſter to ſteer weſt ſouth-weſ [...], and on the 27th of July, after [...]ſtaining moſt dreadful ſhocks, found [...] ſo faſt among the ice, that notwithſstand [...]ng it blew a hard gale, and all [...], ſhe [...]ed no more than if ſhe had [117] been in a dry dock. It was now that the men firſt began to murmur, and the Captain himſelf was not without his fears [...] ſhould here be frozen [...] and obliged [...] in the middle of the [...]. By an obſerva [...] [...]ch they made upon the ice, they found that they were in latitude [...]8 deg. 54 min. [...].

On the 5th of next month to their great joy the ice opened, and on the 6th they were again [...] clear ſea. On the 1 [...]th, ſeeing ſome break⯑ [...] [...], and loo [...]ing to clear them, the ſhip [...]uddenly ſtruck upon the rocks, and received three dreadful ſhocks, but the ſwell heaved her [...], and on pumping ſhe made no water.

They were now [...]bered with rocks, as [...] had been with ice, and in the moſt [...] [...]ation that can be conceived, and ſo [...] two nights and two days, every mo⯑ [...] expecting to be daſhed to pieces. On the [...] clearing up they ſaw land from the north- [...]eſt to the ſouth-eaſt by eaſt, with rocks and [...]kers. On the 16th they weighed and made [...], when a ſtorm aroſe and drove them within [...]ght of Port Nelſon. On the 17th they ſtood to the ſouthward. On the 20th they made land, [...] 67 degrees north, where they caſt an⯑chor, and call'd it the Principality of South Wales.

Having weighed, on the 27th they ſet ſail, [...] the evening came in ſight of higher land.

On the 29th they ſaw a ſail, which proved to be Captain Fox, already mentioned. They [...] together, and, after exchanging mutual [...], parted.

Captain James kept coaſting along the ſhore [...] make diſcoveries, and Captain Fox made the [...] of h [...]s way for England.

The Captain now began to think of a con⯑ [...]nt place to winter in. In this attempt [118] they met with ſo many diſaſters, that at laſt having no hope left, they began to prepare themſelves to make a good end of a miſerable life. On the 10th they loſt their ſhallop, tho' laſhed to the ſhip by two hawſers, and to their inexpreſſible grief their boat was almoſt ren⯑dered irreparable.

Winter now be [...] to ſet in a pace, the nights long, the days cloſe and foggy, the ſeas rough, and nothing but ſ [...]oals and broken land to na⯑vigate. Added to all theſe the men began to ſicken, an univerſal de [...]ection to prevail, and in proportion [...] their diſtreſſes increaſed their ſtrength to [...] up againſt them grew leſs every day.

On the [...]th of November, being in latitude 5 [...] [...] north, they [...] in with an iſland, from [...] [...]mpoſſible to depart. The [...] were quite worn down with fatigue, the [...] not to be [...]led, the ropes [...], and the deck knee deep in ſnow. In [...] condition they built a [...] on ſhore for the ſick, and in this tent they kept fires continually burning night and day, but the [...] faſt, that beer, and even ſp [...]r [...]ts, froze by the fire-ſide.

The ſuffering of the Captain and crew from the latter [...] of October when they landed, t [...]ll the 2d of July, when they departed, are hardly to be parelle [...]ed.

This was the laſt voyage that was undertaken for the diſcovery of a north-weſt paſſage, till that of Captain Middleton, already related. From all which, and the opinion of Captain James after his re [...]urn, there is great reaſon to [...], that what we have ſaid of a north-eaſt paſſage is likewiſe true of a paſſage by the north-weſt, that it moſt certainly exiſts, but will never be found prac [...]cable for mercantile purpoſes.

CAPTAIN COOK's VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. In 1768, 1769, 1770 and 1771.

ACCOUNT OF MONS. DE BOUGAINVILLE's VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, PERFORMED BY ORDER OF THE FRENCH KING, In the years 1766, 1767, 1768, 1769.

THE BOOKSELLER'S ADVERTISEMENT. TO THE READER.

THE INTRODUCTION.

JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE TO DISCOVER THE NORTH EAST PASSAGE; UNDER THE COMMAND OF THE HON. COMMODORE PHIPPS, AND CAPT. SKIFFINGTON LUTWYCH, IN HIS MAJESTY'S SHIPS RACE HORSE AND CARCASE BOMBS.