CHAP. I. INTRODUCTION. — Revolt among the Negroes in Dutch Guiana—An Expedition ſets out from the Texel—Short Account of the Voyage—The Fleet arrives in the River Surinam — Reception of the Troops in that Colony — Sketch of the Inhabitants, &c.

THE exploring of foreign countries having of late years,CHAP. I. and particularly ſince the recent diſcoveries of the immortal CAPTAIN COOK, ſo generally been the object of perſons both in private and public ſituations; and the hiſtories of their labours and purſuits being ſo intereſting to the curioſity of the public, I have ventured to offer ſuch obſervations as I have had an opportunity of making in a very ſingular part of the globe, on which few Engliſhmen have been thrown, either by accident [2] or curioſity. The colony of Surinam, in Dutch Guiana, ſo far as it is inhabited and cultivated by Europeans near the ſea-coaſt, has indeed been known for many years paſt. But the deep inundations, with the impenetrable thickneſs of the woods, have been ſuch conſtant diſcou⯑ragements and obſtructions to diſcovery, that but very little true information concerning that country has as yet been obtained, except what relates to ſuch objects of commerce as are common to moſt of the tropical ſettle⯑ments. This publication, therefore, is chiefly intended to particularize ſuch circumſtances and events as the ne⯑ceſſity of penetrating into the interior parts of the coun⯑try have enabled me to make, and forced on my obſer⯑vation.

The feeling part of my readers, I muſt hope, will re⯑ceive with ſome indulgence a work proceeding from an officer, who, from his early youth, was debarred in ac⯑quiring perfection, either as a writer or a painter, by his military and maritime profeſſion. I nevertheleſs humbly flatter myſelf that whatever may be found wanting in ſtyle and elegance, is in ſome degree compenſated by that fidelity and correctneſs, which can alone be the work of a pen and pencil employed on the ſpot. With reſpect to a few quaint expreſſions, and even oaths, as ſpoken by common ſoldiers, ſailors, &c. that ſometimes unavoidably occur in the narrative of this wonderful expedition, I muſt humbly requeſt the world not to be ſtartled at them, not only becauſe the ſhades of black and white [3] enliven the picture, but becauſe I am determined to write truth only, and expoſe vice and folly in their native colours.—Come then, my friends —

I will now boldly launch out on the difficult taſk.— As the nature, however, of theſe tranſactions can only be underſtood by a reference to the occaſion which call⯑ed me thither, I feel myſelf under the neceſſity of ſtill premiſing a few words upon that ſubject.

Every part of the world, where domeſtic ſlavery is eſtabliſhed, may be occaſionally liable to inſurrection and diſquiet, more eſpecially where the ſlaves conſtitute the majority of the inhabitants; but the colony of Su⯑rinam, in Dutch Guiana, has been peculiarly unfortunate in this reſpect. Whether from the ſhelter which is af⯑forded to the fugitives by the immenſe foreſts which overſpread the moſt conſiderable part of this country, or whether the government of this ſettlement be radically defective, it is a certain fact, that its European ſettlers [4] are conſtantly expoſed to the moſt violent ravages, and the moſt deſperate outrage. Of theſe circumſtances this is not however the place for a minute detail. Let it ſuffice therefore for the preſent, only to obſerve, that theſe repeated revolts and inſurrections demanded at length the moſt vigorous meaſures for the reſtoration of a general peace; and that the accounts tranſmitted to Holland, in the year 1772, that a conſiderable body of armed people of this deſcription had aſſembled in the foreſts, and became extremely formidable to the colony, determined their High Mightineſſes the STATES of the United Provinces to ſend out a ſufficient maritime force to oppoſe the inſurgents, and, if poſſible, to quell the in⯑ſurrection.

The Britiſh navy had ever been my choice and am⯑bition, in which I was well recommended; but the ſmall hopes of preferment I had naturally to expect in time of peace, and my paternal eſtate being loſt juſt after my birth by accidental misfortunes, induced me to relin⯑quiſh the hopes of advancement in the ſea ſervice, and to accept an enſign's commiſſion, preſented me without purchaſe, in one of the Scots brigade regiments in the pay of Holland, where Sir Joſeph York (late Lord Dover) at that period was ambaſſador from the Britiſh court; before which nobleman I had the honour to take the uſual oaths of abjuration and allegiance to my KING and COUNTRY, as regiſtered at the Britiſh war-office.— This point I have alſo thought it right to premiſe, as [5] a duty owing to myſelf, to ſhew the world in general that it was neceſſity not choice that compelled me to enter into a foreign ſervice; though perhaps a more ancient and diſtinguiſhed corps does not exiſt than the above brigade has proved to be, both in this iſland and on the continent, for above two hundred years.

At the time of the above inſurrection I was Lieutenant in the Honourable General John Stuart's regiment; when, impreſſed by the hopes of traverſing the ſea, my favou⯑rite element, and in ſome meaſure gratifying my curio⯑ſity, in exploring a part of the world not generally known; ſtill more by the proſpect of that preferment which might be conſequent on ſo dangerous an expedi⯑tion; I inſtantly ſolicited admiſſion into a corps of volun⯑teers which was preparing to ſail for Guiana, and had the honour, by his Serene Highneſs WILLIAM V. PRINCE OF ORANGE, to be advanced to the rank of Captain by brevet ^*, under Colonel Louïs Henry Four⯑geoud, a Swiſs gentleman, from the Alpine Mountains, who was appointed our commander in chief.

Having taken the oaths of fidelity on the 12th of No⯑vember to the new corps, and prepared what was neceſ⯑ſary for the voyage, I bade farewell to my old regi⯑ment, and immediately ſailed to the iſland of Texel, where ſeveral of our gentlemen were already aſſembled; [6] and where, on going aſhore, I had nearly periſhed by the boat's ſhipping a ſea, and ſinking in the ſurf.

The iſland of Wieringen was however the ſpot of general rendezvous: here Colonel Fourgeoud arriving on the 7th of December, the volunteers were all aſſem⯑bled, to the number of five hundred fine young men; and on the morning of the 8th we were formed into ſeven companies, and embodied as a regiment of marines. Beſides the Boreas and Weſtellingwerf men-of-war, com⯑manded by Captains Van de Velde and Craſs, three new frigate-built tranſports were put in commiſſion, carrying enſign, jack, and pennant, and armed with from ten to ſixteen guns, as ſloops of war; on board theſe veſſels we embarked the ſame afternoon under a general ſalute, then took the command, and did the duty as in the navy.

Our departure was not however immediately conſe⯑quent on our embarkation. We lay wind-bound in the Texel roads for many days, during which time one of our young officers, a Mr. Heſſeling, was unfortunately ſeized with the ſmall-pox: this gentleman, in order to pre⯑vent his infecting the ſhip's company, was ordered on ſhore to a town on the land's end, called the Helder, where I conducted him in a pinnace, and where we left him behind us; but on my return, the ſurgeon declaring he ſaw the ſymptoms of the ſame diſorder on myſelf, I was alſo immediately ordered to the iſland of Texel. Hav⯑ing paſſed a moſt anxious quarantine in this place, I had [7] the good fortune however to eſcape the loathſome ma⯑lady, and to the Doctor's ſurprize appeared once more on board perfectly well, juſt before the ſignal gun was fired for the fleet to weigh anchor. This circumſtance cannot but induce me to wiſh that thoſe in particular who are deſtined for a military or a naval life would avail themſelves of the art of inoculation, in order to avoid a painful anxiety to themſelves, and a moſt dan⯑gerous infection to their fellow-creatures.

On Chriſtmas-day our ſmall fleet put to ſea, at eight o'clock, A. M. with a freſh breeze from E. N. E. in com⯑pany with above one hundred veſſels bound for differ⯑ent parts of the globe, and the moſt beautiful clear wea⯑ther. Having ſafely got without the ſoundings, and ſaluted each other with nine guns, we kept our courſe down channel, and ſoon paſſed the North Foreland, the Iſle of Wight, and Portland Point; but here the Weſt⯑ellingwerf, having ſprung a leak, was obliged to part company, and run into Plymouth for repair.

The wind now freſhened as we approached the Bay of Biſcay, where the mate of the veſſel directed my particular attention to a kind of ſea-ſwallow, commonly diſtinguiſhed by the name of the Storm-bird ^*, from its ſuppoſed pro⯑perty of foretelling an impending tempeſt. The colour of this bird is a very deep blue approaching to black, and enlivened by ſome variegated tints; its ſize is about [8] that of a large martin or ſwallow; it is web-footed; the bill is very long and ſharp, and the wings of an extraor⯑dinary length, which enable it to fly very faſt, and for a conſiderable time, ſkimming with incredible velocity around the horizon: it ſubſiſts entirely upon fiſh, which is probably the cauſe of its being ſenſible of the firſt in⯑dications of whatever may prevent its uſual ſupply of food: it then flies along with extreme ſwiftneſs, in order to avoid the ſtorm; but if overtaken by it, drops its wings, and floats upon the ſurface of the waves.

On the following day, January 2d, 1773, the predic⯑tions of the ſtorm-bird were verified: a heavy gale ſprung up from N. N. E. by which, off Cape Finiſterre, the Boreas and Vigilance were ſeparated from us. We kept our courſe during the night with double reefed top⯑ſails, and all the hatches laid, which made our men in general very ſick. Here I ought not to forget that by way of experiment we had ſlung the hammocks athwart ſhips, and not as uſual fore and aft; which method we found however to be both ſo roomy and convenient, that it has been ſince adopted by ſeveral other veſſels.

On the morning of the 4th we ſpied a ſtout ſhip to windward in the offing, bearing ſtreight down upon us. Conjecturing ſhe might be an Algerine pirate from the African coaſt, and now but two ſhips out of five, we prepared to engage her; ſhe however ſoon proved to be the Boreas man-of-war, which had parted company on the 2d. From this date the men were daily exerciſed at [9] the great guns, and by firing at a target ſuſpended from the yard-arm.

On the 14th, in the morning-watch, we paſſed the Tro⯑pic, when the uſual ceremony of ducking the freſh-water ſailors was ranſomed by tipping the foremaſt men with ſome ſilver. About this time the Boreas moſt unluckily loſt one of her beſt ſeamen, the boatſwain's mate, whoſe hand ſlipping by the wet, he pitched from the fore-yard-arm into the ſea. His preſence of mind in calling to the captain, as he floated alongſide, ‘Be not alarmed for me, ſir,"’ in the confidence of meeting with relief, at⯑tracted peculiar compaſſion, and even cauſed ſome mur⯑muring, as no aſſiſtance was offered him; in conſequence of which, after ſwimming a conſiderable time within view, the unfortunate young man went to the bottom.

We now were got in the tract of the trade winds, which blowing continually eaſt, and the weather becoming from day to day more temperate, made the voyage exceedingly pleaſant; more ſo by the many dolphins or dorados, which beautiful fiſh ſeem to take peculiar delight in ſporting around the veſſels. The real dolphin, which is of the cetaceous kind, was anciently celebrated in poetic ſtory on account of its philanthropy and other ſuppoſed vir⯑tues: but to the dorado or dolphin of the moderns, this character is far from being applicable, this fiſh being ex⯑tremely voracious and deſtructive, and is known to fol⯑low the ſhips, and exhibit his ſports and gambols, not from attachment to mankind, but from the more ſelfiſh [10] motive of procuring food, particularly on the eve of an approaching ſtorm, of which he appears perfectly ſen⯑ſible. The circumſtance which chiefly entitles the do⯑rado to our attention is, the unrivalled and dazzling bril⯑liancy of its colours in the water, the whole of its back being enamelled with ſpots between azure blue and a reflecting light ſea-green, on a very dark ground, which appears as beſpangled all over with jewels, and forms a moſt beautiful contraſt to the belly, which is of a whitiſh caſt; the fins and tail are of a golden dye: the length of this animal is from five to ſix feet, and its form tapers from the head towards the tail, which is divided, and terminates not unlike the ſhape of a creſcent. The head is round, and preceded by a kind of ſnout; the jaws are armed with ſeveral ſharp teeth, and the eyes are remarkably large. The ſcales of the dorado are uncom⯑monly ſmall, and it is furniſhed with a fin, which runs along its back from the one extremity to the other.

The entrance into warmer regions gave occaſion to an obſervation perhaps not generally known, which (though uncouth) muſt be of great importance to ſai⯑lors; namely, that between the Tropics, while vermin may remain in the head, none can poſſibly continue to exiſt in the bedding, cloaths, linen, &c. Having humbly apologized for the above remark to my delicate readers, I will endeavour to deſcribe a curious ani⯑mal with which theſe ſeas abound, and which appears to ſail on the ſurface of the waves with a ſide-wind, while by the ſailors it is vulgarly called a Portugueſe man-of-war, and is probably either the Nautilus or the Argonauta of Linnaeus. This wonderful creature, when above water, aſſumes the ſhape of an expanded fan, de⯑corated with a beautiful red border, while the lower ex⯑tremity is fixed to a ſhell as thin as paper, or rather a kind of boat, which is ſunk below or raiſed above the ſurface of the ſea, and guided in any direction, at the pleaſure of the animal, by means of ſix tentacula or limbs, which it uſes as oars. When theſe creatures are touched by the hand, they occaſion, like the ſea blubber or jelly fiſh, a painful tinkling ſenſation, which continues for ſeveral minutes.

The two following days it blew very freſh, and heavy ſeas waſhed over the veſſel; during which, while helping to put a reef in the main-top-ſail for a little exerciſe, I loſt [12] every one of my keys, which dropped from the yard⯑arm into the ſea. This trifling accident I ſhould never have related, had it not proved a very great inconvenience, by debarring me from coming at my private property, particularly ſince the whole ſhip's company, officers in⯑cluded, lived on ſalt proviſion alone, a pig and a couple of lean ſheep excepted, whoſe legs had been broken by the rolling and pitching of the veſſel. This manner of living on ſalt-beef, pork, and peas, like common ſailors, was introduced by our commander in chief, in order to enure us (he ſaid) to ſuch food as we were likely to be alone ſupplied with in the woods of Surinam; and from the generous motive of regaling his American friends with European refreſhments—ſuch as live ſheep, hogs, fowls, ducks, bacon hams, bullocks tongues, pre⯑ſerved vegetables, pickles, ſpices, &c. all of which were provided by the town of Amſterdam in profuſion. But good intentions do not always meet with their rewards; ſince the worms, without any one's permiſſion, laid hold of the greateſt part of the dead ſtock for themſelves; who were, for a puniſhment, together with their plunder, thrown overboard into the ocean. Let me add, that in⯑ſtead of plate, our meals were frequently ſerved up in ſmall wooden tubs of not the moſt cleanly appearance, and only once a day; which negligence, however, I am willing to impute to Monſieur Laurant, the colonel's French valet-de-chambre. In ſhort, the ſcurvy and other loathſome diſorders began to make their appear⯑ance; dejection and low-ſpirits took place throughout the [13] ſhip, while I complained aloud, and from that moment date the good-will which Colonel Fourgeoud manifeſted towards me in particular, as will be ſeen throughout the expedition. It is with pain that I relate this paſſage— but no conſideration ſhall prevent me from bringing to light particular foibles, as it will ever give me the greateſt pleaſure to render virtue conſpicuous.

About the 20th of January, we obſerved great num⯑bers of flying fiſh, the excoctus volitans of Linnaeus, which is about the ſize of a herring. The back of this animal is flat, and of an olive-brown colour; the ſides and belly of a reſplendent ſilvery white; the mouth ſmall; the eyes large; the tail bifurcated; and the ſcales hard, ſmooth, and ſilvery. Upon occaſion the pectoral fins are uſed as wings by this fiſh, yet no longer than while they continue wet, for as ſoon as the moiſture is dried, the animal drops back into the ſea. The ſurface of theſe fins is of a golden hue, beautifully variegated near the edges with ſpots of azure blue: their length is equal to that of the body of the fiſh; and its flight, which is undertaken in order to avoid the purſuit of the do⯑rado, and other large fiſh, is always ſtraight forward, and of ſhort duration, on account of the neceſſity of repeatedly wetting its wings ^*. Theſe animals are fre⯑quently [14] found on board veſſels, and ſticking in the ſhrouds, which is probably to be aſcribed, not, accord⯑ing to the opinion of ſome, to their ſeeking a refuge there from the attacks of fiſh or ſea-birds, but ſimply to their flight being obſtructed by an object, which, as they always fly in a direct line, they have not the power to avoid. The fate of this animal ſeems peculiarly ſevere, as it is the prey both of the ſcaly and feathered creation, and frequently meets its doom in that element to which but a moment before it had committed itſelf for protec⯑tion.

Becoming extremely low-ſpirited towards the cloſe of our voyage, I now had recourſe to daily ſea-bathing, and to a chearing glaſs of claret, two ankers of which had been provided for each officer, independantly of his own ſtock. Theſe means proved efficacious, and I found my⯑ſelf in a few days perfectly recovered from my com⯑plaint. On the 30th the weather became hazy, when the ſhips brought-to and hove the lead in thirteen fathom foul water. The following day we paſſed ſeveral large black rocks to windward, called the Conſtables, and caſt anchor near the Euripice, or Devil's Iſlands, off the coaſt of South America. The Euripice Iſlands are ſituated about twenty-four miles from the French ſettlement of Cayenne, bearing N. N. W. in north latitude, five de⯑grees twenty minutes, and conſiſt of a ridge of ſmall un⯑inhabited and very dangerous rocks for ſhipping. Here the current runs conſtantly from the S. E. to the N. W. at the rate of ſixty Engliſh miles in twenty-four hours; [11] conſequently every veſſel which happens to paſs the mouth of the river Surinam muſt make a conſiderable circuit in order to regain the poſſibility of entering that river.

While we remained in this ſituation, we obſerved the narwhal, or ſea-unicorn, and one or two large turtles, floating paſt the ſhip's ſide. The former of theſe is a large fiſh, and very diſtinguiſhable by a long ſpiral ex⯑creſcence on its noſe, like a tapering twiſted rope. The one we ſaw at this time (though ſome are ſaid to be forty or fifty) appeared but ſix or eight feet in length, and its horn about four, which weapon is dreadfully offenſive to many fiſhes, eſpecially to the whale; and when poliſhed (either in hardneſs or whiteneſs) is conſidered not to be inferior to ivory. The narwhal, which is of the ceta⯑ceous kind, and conſequently viviparous, is more fre⯑quently found in cold than warm climates. The female is ſaid to be unprovided with that protuberance ſo re⯑markable in the male. It appears that ſome authors have confounded this animal with the ſword-fiſh, to which however it does not prove to have the very ſmalleſt re⯑ſemblance.

Another animal, which is called the ſaw-fiſh, carries alſo an offenſive weapon. The projecting bone of this is three or four feet long, flat, and both ſides armed with ſtrong ſharp-pointed ſpikes, which give it ſomewhat the form of a ſaw; this ſaw, which is covered over with the ſame rough, ſlimy, darkiſh-coloured ſkin that covers [12] the whole animal, begins to ſpread itſelf near the eyes, and thus continues ſpreading till it forms the head of a flattiſh triangular appearance, cloſe to which are the two pectoral fins. Above the eyes are two large holes, which I apprehend to be the organs of hearing, and not, as ſome ſuppoſe, intended by nature for the purpoſe of ſpouting water. Almoſt directly under them is the mouth, which is ſomething in the form of an half-moon, apparently without teeth, and between that and the under part of the ſpiked ſaw are the noſtrils. The body of the ſaw-fiſh is not much larger than the head, with two ſtrong dorſal fins, the one near the middle, the other near the tail, which is partly bifurcated, and raiſed perpendicular, the largeſt part upwards, without rays. The back is co⯑vered over with a dark ſlimy ſkin; the whole forming a very hideous appearance. This fiſh fights with the largeſt whales, till the ſea all around is died with blood, ſeldom quitting its adverſary till it has vanquiſhed and killed it. I have ſeen this monſter out of the water, and its whole length meaſured about fourteen feet.

On the morning of the 1ſt of February we now once more went under way, and kept courſe in ſhore till the evening, when we came to an anchor off the mouth of the river Marawina; this river has occaſioned the loſs of many ſhips, by ſeamen fatally miſtaking it for the river Surinam, to which its entry bears indeed a very great re⯑ſemblance. What renders the firſt ſo dangerous, are the numerous rocks, ſmall iſlands, and quick-ſands with which it is crouded; beſides its being ſo ſhallow at high-water mark (and even with ſpring-tides) that all ſhips of any conſiderable burthen immediately run a-ground, and go to pieces.

On the 2d, having got our anchor a-peak by day⯑break, we again ſet ſail, keeping courſe along the coaſt; when having doubled Braam's Point with a light breeze, under top and top-gallant ſails, we finally entered the beautiful river Surinam; and at three o'clock, P. M. dropped anchor before the new fortreſs called Amſter⯑dam; [14] and here we were extremely happy to meet with our friends in the Vigilance, which veſſel (as I have mentioned) had parted company with us in a gale of wind on the 2d of January, off Cape Finiſterre, and arrived two days before us in this river.

Our ſhips crews now were in the higheſt flow of ſpi⯑rits, ſeeing themſelves ſurrounded by the moſt delightful verdure, while the river ſeemed alive by the many boats and barges paſſing and re-paſſing to ſee us, while groups of naked boys and girls were promiſcuouſly playing and flouncing, like ſo many Tritons and Mermaids, in the water. The ſcene was new to all, and nothing was heard but muſic, ſinging, and cheering on deck, as well as in the rigging, from the ideas of happineſs which each individual now promiſed himſelf in this luxuriant flouriſhing ſpot, while between decks the heat was be⯑come inſupportable: but how miſerably theſe poor fel⯑lows were miſtaken in their reckoning ſhall ſoon be ſeen.

During our ſtay in this place the companies frequently walked on ſhore, and I accompanied them in their ex⯑curſions; but the pleaſure I had flattered myſelf with, from exchanging the confinement of a ſhip for the li⯑berty of ranging over a delicious country, was damped by the firſt object which preſented itſelf after my land⯑ing. This was a young female ſlave, whoſe only co⯑vering was a rag tied round her loins, which, like her ſkin, was lacerated in ſeveral places by the ſtroke of the whip. The crime which had been committed by this miſerable victim of tyranny, was the non-performance of a taſk to which ſhe was apparently unequal, for which ſhe was ſentenced to receive two hundred laſhes, and to drag, during ſome months, a chain ſeveral yards in length, one end of which was locked round her ancle, and to the other was affixed a weight of at leaſt a hun⯑dred pounds. Strongly affected with this ſhocking cir⯑cumſtance, I took a draft of the unhappy ſufferer, and re⯑tained a dreadful idea of the inhumanity of the planters towards theſe miſerable ſubjects to their power.

The graſs in this part of the country was very long and coarſe, and afforded a harbour to two ſpecies of very diſagreeable inſects, termed Pattat and Sorapat lice by the coloniſts, which ſettled on every part of our perſons. [16] The former of theſe is ſo ſmall as to be [...] viſible; the latter is ſomething larger, and forme [...] [...]ke a crab, and both agree in adhering cloſely to th [...] ſkin, and oc⯑caſioning an intolerable itching. Theſe inſects abound moſt during the rainy ſeaſon, when the beſt means of avoiding their attacks is ſuppoſed to be by walking bare⯑foot, as they are believed to faſten more eaſily, and con⯑ſequently in greater numbers, upon the cloaths, whence however they very ſpeedily find their way to the ſkin. We did not get rid of our diſagreeable companions till our return to the ſhip, when we waſhed the affected parts with the juice of limes or lemons, which conſiderably al⯑leviated our troubleſome ſenſations.

On the 3d of March we received a viſit from ſeveral officers of the Society, or Weſt India Company's troops, accompanied by a number of other gentlemen, to wel⯑come our arrival in the colony. Nor were they ſatisfied with paying us merely a compliment in words, but re⯑galed us with a large quantity of excellent fruits and other refreſhments. They came in very elegant barges or tent-boats, adorned with flags, and attended by ſmall bands of muſic. The veſſels were rowed by ſix or eight negroes, who were entirely without cloaths, except a ſmall ſtripe of check or other linen cloth, which was paſſed between their thighs, and faſtened before and be⯑hind to a thin cotton ſtring tied round their loins. As the coloniſts generally make choice of their handſomeſt ſlaves for this office, and to attend them at table, &c. [17] the rowers, who were healthy, young, and vigorous, look⯑ed extremely well, and their being naked gave us a full opportunity of obſerving their ſkin, which was ſhining, and nearly as black as ebony. This ſcene was however contraſted by the arrival of two canoes filled with emaci⯑ated ſtarving wretches, who clamorouſly ſolicited relief from the ſoldiers, and were ready to fight for the poſſeſ⯑ſion of a bone.

The day following our Commander in Chief was vi⯑ſited by a Mr. Rynſdorp, who introduced to him two black ſoldiers, manumized ſlaves, who compoſed part of a corps of three hundred which had been lately formed. Theſe men were exhibited by Mr. Rynſdorp as ſpecimens of that valiant body, which but a ſhort time before had moſt gallantly diſtinguiſhed itſelf by the protection it had afforded to the colony.

Whilſt we ſtill remained at anchor before the fortreſs Amſterdam, I received a polite invitation from one Mr. Lolkens, a planter, to whom I had been recommended, to accept the uſe of his houſe and table on our arrival at Paramaribo, the capital of the colony.

On the 8th we once more went under way, and after the uſual ceremonies on both ſides on leaving the fortreſs, ſail'd up the river Surinam with drums beating, colours flying, and a guard of marines drawn up on the quarter⯑deck of each veſſel. Having at length reached Parama⯑ribo, we finally came to an anchor within piſtol-ſhot off the ſhore, receiving a ſalute of eleven guns from the cita⯑del Zealandia, which was returned by all the ſhips of our ſmall fleet.

[18]After being confined nearly the whole of ſixty-three days within the limits of a ſmall veſſel, and upon an ele⯑ment to which few of the troops had been accuſtomed, it would not be eaſy to deſcribe the pleaſure we experienced on finding ourſelves once more on land, and ſurrounded by a thouſand agreeable circumſtances.

The town appeared uncommonly neat and pleaſing, the ſhipping extremely beautiful, the adjacent woods adorned with the moſt luxuriant verdure, the air per⯑fumed with the utmoſt fragrance, and the whole ſcene gilded by the rays of an unclouded ſun. We did not however take leave of our wooden habitation at this time, but the next day were formally diſembarked with a ge⯑neral appearance of rejoicing; all the ſhips in the roads being in full dreſs, and the guns keeping up an inceſſant fire till the whole of the troops were landed.

All the inhabitants of Paramaribo were collected to be⯑hold this ſplendid ſcene, nor were the expectations they had formed diſappointed. The corps conſiſted of nearly five hundred young men; (for we had been ſo fortunate as only to loſe one during the voyage) the oldeſt of whom was ſcarcely more than thirty, and the whole party neatly cloathed in their new uniforms, and in caps ornamented with twigs of orange-bloſſom. We paraded on a large green plain between the town and the citadel, oppo⯑ſite to the Governor's palace; during the courſe of which ceremonies ſeveral ſoldiers fainted from the exceſſive heat. The troops then marched into quarters prepared for their reception, whilſt the officers were regaled with a dinner by the Governor, which would have derived a [19] conſiderable reliſh from its ſucceeding the ſalt proviſions, to which we had ſo long been confined, had any contraſt been neceſſary to heighten our opinion of its elegance. But the choiceſt delicacies of America and Europe were united in this repaſt, and ſerved up in ſilver. A great variety of the richeſt wines were poured out with pro⯑fuſion; the deſert was compoſed of the moſt delicious fruits, and the company were attended by a conſiderable number of extremely handſome negro and mulatto maids, all naked from the waiſt upwards, according to the cuſtom of the country; but the other parts of their per⯑ſons arrayed in the fineſt India chintzes, and the whole adorned with golden chains, medals, beads, bracelets, and ſweet-ſmelling flowers.

After partaking of this ſuperb entertainment till about ſeven o'clock, I ſet out in ſearch of the houſe of Mr. Lol⯑kens, the hoſpitable gentleman who had ſo obligingly in⯑vited me to make it my own. I ſoon diſcovered the place, but my reception was ſo ludicrous that I cannot forbear re⯑lating the particulars. On knocking at the door, it was open⯑ed by a young female negro, of a maſculine appearance, whoſe whole dreſs conſiſted of a ſingle petticoat, and who held a lighted tobacco-pipe in one hand, and a burning candle in the other, which ſhe brought cloſe to my face, in order to reconnoitre me. I enquired if her maſter was at home, to which ſhe replied, but in a language totally unintelligible to me. I then mentioned his name, on which ſhe burſt into an immoderate fit of laughter, [20] diſplaying two rows of very beautiful teeth; and at the ſame time, laying hold of the breaſt-buttons of my coat, ſhe made me a ſignal to follow her. I was much at a loſs how to act, but went in, and was uſhered by the girl into a very neat apartment, whither ſhe brought ſome excellent fruit, and a bottle of Madeira wine, which ſhe placed upon the table. She then, in the beſt manner ſhe was able, informed me that her maſera, with the reſt of his family, was gone to ſpend a few days at his plantation, and that ſhe was left behind to receive an Engliſh Captain, whom ſhe ſuppoſed to be me. I ſigni⯑fied that I was, and filled her out a tumbler of wine, which I had the utmoſt difficulty to perſuade her to ac⯑cept; for ſuch is the degrading light in which theſe un⯑happy beings are conſidered, that it is accounted a high degree of preſumption in them to eat or drink in the preſence of an European. I contrived for ſome time to carry on ſomething like a converſation with this woman, but was ſoon glad to put an end to it by recurring to my bottle.

Tired with the employments of the day, I longed for ſome reſt, and made a ſignal to my attendant that I wanted to ſleep: but my motion was ſtrangely miſcon⯑ſtrued; for ſhe immediately ſeized me by the neck, and imprinted on my lips a moſt ardent kiſs. Heartily provoked at this unexpected, and (from one of her co⯑lour) unwelcome ſalutation, I diſentangled myſelf from her embraces, and angrily flung into the apartment allotted [21] for my place of reſt. But here I was again purſued by my black tormentor, who, in oppoſition to all I could ſay, inſiſted upon pulling off my ſhoes and ſtockings, and in a moment diſencumbered me of that part of my apparel. I was extremely chagrined at her conduct, though this is an office commonly performed by the ſlaves in Suri⯑nam to all ranks and ſexes without exception. Nor ought any one to conceive that this apparently extraordi⯑nary conduct reſulted from any peculiarity of diſpoſition in the girl; her behaviour was only ſuch as would have been practiſed by the generality of female negro ſlaves, and what will be found, by all who viſit the Weſt India ſettlements, to be characteriſtic of the whole dark ſiſter⯑hood.

Finding in the morning that my friend the planter was not returned, I took leave of his manſion, and very hoſpitable ſervant; and after viſiting the ſoldiers in their new abodes, was conducted by the quarter-maſter to a neat habitation appropriated to my uſe. I found the houſe entirely unfurniſhed, though not deſtitute of in⯑habitants; for, leaving my Captain's commiſſion, which was of parchment, in the window, the firſt night, I had the mortification to find in the morning that it was de⯑voured by the rats.

Having taken poſſeſſion of my habitation, my next wiſh was to furniſh it properly; but all cares of this nature were rendered unneceſſary by the generous hoſpitality of the inhabitants; the ladies ſupplied me with tables, chairs, [22] glaſſes, and even plate and china, in great abundance; and the gentlemen loaded me with preſents of Madeira wine, porter, cyder, rum and ſugar, beſides a quantity of the moſt exquiſite fruits. Amongſt the latter I was particularly ſtruck with the ſhaddock and awara; the former of theſe, which is of a very agreeable flavour, between a ſweet and an acid, is produced from a tree ſuppoſed to be tranſplanted from the coaſt of Guinea ^*, by a Captain Shaddock, whoſe name it ſtill retains throughout the Engliſh Weſt India iſlands, but is called pompelmooſe in Surinam. This fruit appears to be of the orange ſpecies, but is as large as the head of a child of eight or ten years old; the ſkin is extremely thick, of a bitteriſh taſte, and a pale yellow or citron colour. There are two ſpecies of the ſhaddock, of which the pulp of the one is white, and that of the other a beautiful pale red, which may be ſafely eaten in conſiderable quan⯑tities: indeed it is eſteemed by the natives, who are in general remarkably fond of it, as very ſalubrious.

This day, on examining into the ſtate of our remain⯑ing live ſtock, ſuch as hogs, ſheep, ducks, geeſe, fowls, and turkies, we found them nearly as many in number as when we firſt ſailed from Holland: theſe were all ſent to the colonel's poultry-yard at the head-quarters, while we had the additional mortification of ſeeing above ſixty large kegs with preſerved vegetables, &c. and juſt as many fine Weſtphalia hams (being perfectly rotten) thrown into the river Surinam to feed the ſharks.

I now obſerved, on the ſecond morning after our land⯑ing, that my face, my breaſt, and hands were entirely ſpotted over like the ſkin of a leopard, occaſioned by myriads of gnats or muſquitoes, which flying in clouds, had kept me company during the night, though the fa⯑tigue from my voyage, and the oppreſſive heat of the cli⯑mate, had ſunk me into ſo profound a ſleep, that I was inſenſible of their ſtings, till I perceived the effects. Theſe inſects are inconceivably numerous here during the rainy ſeaſon, and particularly on the banks of creeks or rivers. None are ſecured from their attacks, but they peculiarly infeſt ſtrangers in preference to the na⯑tives; and wherever they inſert their proboſcis, and re⯑main [24] unmoleſted, they ſuck the blood till they are ſcarcely able to fly. Every puncture they make is ſuc⯑ceeded by a large blotch, or rather tumour, accompanied with an itching, which is almoſt intolerable. The pre⯑ſence of the muſquitoes is indicated by their buzzing noiſe, which alone is ſufficient to make one ſweat, and which is ſo very diſagreeable to thoſe who have ſuffered from their ſtings, as to have obtained for them the name of the Devil's Trumpeters. They are indeed inconceiv⯑ably troubleſome in every reſpect. The candles are no ſooner lighted in an evening, than they are ſtuck full of them; all kinds of food and drink are expoſed to their diſagreeable viſits, from which even the mouth and eyes are not exempted.

The beſt cure for their ſtings is an application of the juice of lemons or limes, mixed with water, which is alſo a tolerable preſervative againſt their attacks. Im⯑mediately before ſhutting the windows, the inhabitants commonly burn tobacco in their apartments, the ſmoke of which occaſions the inſects to fly about the room, when the negro girls unreſervedly throw off their petti⯑coats, which is the whole of their covering, and running naked about the chamber, chaſe the gnats therewith out at the windows, or deſtroy them. The more delicate or luxurious amongſt the natives ſtill employ their ſlaves in fanning them during the whole night, excepting ſuch as have green gauze doors to their beds or pavilions; but the generality of the people in Surinam ſleep in roomy [25] cotton hammocks, which are covered with a very large thin ſheet, ſuſpended from a tight line immediately over them, ſomething like the awning of a ſhip, which ſerves in ſome meaſure to keep off theſe troubleſome inſects, and the want of which had expoſed me to be thus ſtung all over.

There are alſo in Surinam a ſtill larger ſpecies of gnats or muſquitoes, called mawkers, the ſtings of which are extremely painful indeed; but as they are much leſs numerous than the former, they are not nearly ſo trou⯑bleſome to the inhabitants, and are conſequently leſs remarked.—But to proceed:

On the morning of the 22d, an elderly negro-woman, with a black girl about fourteen, entering my apartment, it would be difficult to expreſs my aſtoniſhment when ſhe gravely preſented me her daughter, to become what ſhe was pleaſed to term my wife. I had ſo little gallan⯑try, however, as to reject the offer with a loud laugh; but at the ſame time accompanied the refuſal with a ſmall but welcome preſent, with which they appeared perfectly ſatisfied, and departed with every poſſible de⯑monſtration of gratitude and reſpect. The girls here, who voluntarily enter into theſe connections, are ſome⯑times mulattoes, ſometimes Indians, and often negroes. They all exult in the circumſtance of living with an European, whom in general they ſerve with the utmoſt tenderneſs and fidelity, and tacitly reprove thoſe nu⯑merous fair-ones who break through ties more ſacred [26] and ſolemn. Young women of this deſcription cannot indeed be married, or connected in any other way, as moſt of them are born or trained up in a ſtate of ſlavery; and ſo little is the practice condemned, that while they continue faithful and conſtant to the part⯑ner by whom they are choſen, they are countenanced and encouraged by their neareſt relations and friends, who call this a lawful marriage, nay, even the clergy avail themſelves of this cuſtom without reſtraint; witneſs the Rev. Mr. S—dh—s, Mr. T—ll—t, &c. Many of the ſable-coloured beauties will however follow their own penchant without any reſtraint whatever, refuſing with contempt the golden bribes of ſome, while on others they beſtow their favours for a dram or a broken to⯑bacco-pipe, if not for nothing.

The hoſpitality I had experienced on our firſt arrival in the colony was not confined to that time only: I had a general invitation to viſit, beſides his excellency the go⯑vernor, and Colonel Texier, the commandant, in more than twenty reſpectable families, whenever it ſuited my convenience; ſo that, though the officers of our corps had formed a regimental meſs, I had ſeldom the honour of their company. One gentleman, a Mr. Kennedy, in particular, carried his politeneſs ſo far, as not only to offer me the uſe of his carriage, ſaddle-horſes, and table, but even to preſent me with a fine negro boy, named Quaco, to carry my umbrella as long as I remained in Surinam. The other gentlemen of the regiment alſo [27] met with great civilities, and the whole colony ſeemed anxious to teſtify their reſpect, by vying with each other in a conſtant round of feſtivity. Balls, concerts, card-aſſemblies, and every ſpecies of amuſement in their power, were conſtantly contrived for our entertain⯑ment. The ſpirit of conviviality next reached on board the men-of-war, where we entertained the ladies with cold ſuppers and dancing upon the quarter-deck, under an awning, till ſix in the morning, generally concluding the frolic by a cavalcade, or an airing in their carriages. This conſtant routine of diſſipation, which was rendered ſtill more pernicious by the enervating effects of an in⯑tenſely hot climate, where one is in a perpetual ſtate of perſpiration, already threatened to become fatal to two or three of our officers. Warned by their example, I retired from all public companies, ſenſible that by ſuch means I could alone preſerve my health, in a coun⯑try which has ſuch a tendency to debilitate the human frame, that an European, however cautious to avoid exceſſes, has always reaſon to apprehend its dreadful effects.

Diſſipation and luxury appear to be congenial to the inhabitants of this climate, and great numbers muſt an⯑nually fall victims to their very deſtructive influence. Their fatal conſequences are indeed too viſible in the men, who have indulged themſelves in intemperance and other ſenſual gratifications, and who appear withered and enervated in the extreme; nor do the generality of [28] the Creole females exhibit a more alluring appearance; they are languid, their complexions are ſallow, and the ſkin even of the young ladies is frequently ſhrivelled. This is however not the caſe with all; and I have been acquainted with ſome who, preſerving a glow of health and freſhneſs in their lovely countenance, were entitled to contend for the prize of beauty with the faireſt European. But, alas! the numbers of this laſt deſcription are ſo ſmall, that the coloniſts in their amours moſt uſually prefer the Indian negro and mulatto girls, particularly on account of their remarkable cleanlineſs, health, and vivacity. For the exceſſes of the huſbands in this reſpect, and the marked neglect which they meet from them, the Creole ladies moſt commonly, at a very early period, appear in mourning weeds, with the agreeable privilege however of making another choice, in the hopes of a better partner; nor are they long without another mate. Such indeed is the ſuperior longevity of the fair females of Surinam, compared to that of the males (owing chiefly, as I ſaid, to their exceſſes of all ſorts) that I have frequently known wives who have buried four huſbands, but never met a man in this country who had ſurvived two wives.

The ladies do not, however, always bear with the moſt becoming patience the ſlights and inſults they thus meet with, in the expectation of a ſudden releaſe, but moſtly perſecute their ſucceſsful fable rivals (even on ſuſpicion) with implacable hatred and the moſt unrelent⯑ing [29] barbarity; while they chaſtiſe their partners not only with a ſhew of ineffable contempt, but with giving in public the moſt unequivocal marks of preference towards thoſe gentlemen who newly arrive from Eu⯑rope; which occaſioned the trite proverb and obſerva⯑tion in the colony, that the Tropical ladies and the muſ⯑quitoes have an inſtinctive preference for a newly-landed European: this partiality is indeed ſo very extreme, and the proofs of it ſo very apparent and nauſeous, that ſome command of temper is neceſſary to prevent the diſguſt which ſuch behaviour muſt naturally excite, particularly where the object is not very inviting; nay, it was even publicly reported at Paramaribo, that two of theſe Tropical Amazons had fought a duel for the ſake of one of our officers.

I muſt now mention a word or two of the Governor and Colonel Fourgeoud; when I will endeavour to put an end to this long chapter: for, notwithſtanding the polite reception our whole corps had met with ever ſince we firſt landed in the colony, it was evident to perceive that mutual coolneſs which ſubſiſted between him and our commander in chief, who indeed gave the firſt pub⯑lic cauſe of animoſity, on the very day of our debarka⯑tion, by drawing up his regiment with their backs to⯑ward the governor's palace.

It is eaſy to conceive that the diſguſt which ſo early and ſo reciprocally manifeſted itſelf between the above two gentlemen, who were both of them our commanders, [30] but totally independent of each other, could not but make our ſtay at Paramaribo extremely diſagreeable to all the officers in our regiment, as well as thoſe of the Society corps: the conſequence of which was, that hav⯑ing reſided but a few weeks in the colony, it was thought proper by the governor to acquaint Colonel Fourgeoud, that, ‘as the rebel negroes ſeemed no further diſpoſed to diſturb the tranquillity of the ſettlement, its own troops, and the corps of black rangers, were deemed ſufficient for its defence; in conſequence of which, Colonel Fourgeoud, with his marines, no longer being wanted, was at liberty to return to Europe whenever he thought proper."’

Various were the feelings of pleaſure and reluctance with which our gentlemen received this news: prepara⯑tions were, however, made for our departure; but in a few days theſe were again ſuſpended by the inhabitants, who clamorouſly inſiſted on our ſtaying; when the wooding and watering the veſſels was proviſionally ſtopped, but the ſhips ſtill kept in commiſſion on ſpeculation. It was during this interval of leiſure and uncertainty that I ſe⯑riouſly thought of employing myſelf in writing a ſhort hiſtory of the colony, and of drawing ſuch objects as I thought moſt ſuitable to compleat my little plan. In theſe deſigns, beſides conſulting the beſt authors on the ſubject, I had the honour to be materially aſſiſted by his excellency the governor, who not only favoured me with ſeveral manuſcripts, but daily furniſhed me with ſuch a [29] ſucceſſion of animals, ſhrubs, &c. as I was deſirous of being acquainted with:—thus, independant of that cool⯑neſs which was ſo evident between theſe two veteran officers, I made it my earneſt ſtudy and endeavour, if poſſible, to keep friends with both parties; and, inde⯑pendant of that duty which I owed Colonel Fourgeoud, as my commander in chief, to treat the governor of the colony with that reſpect which I thought was due to his dignity, his rank, and his conduct; and in which motive (though not by all) I was ſteadily ſupported by the moſt reſpectable officers in the corps.

I will now endeavour to fulfil the taſk I have under⯑taken; and commence with a general deſcription of this WONDERFUL COUNTRY.

CHAP. II. General Deſcription of Guiana—of the Colony of Surinam in particular—Accounts of its earlieſt Diſcovery—is poſſeſſed by the Engliſh—by the Dutch—Murder of the Governor, Lord Somelſdyk—The Settlement taken by the French, and ranſomed.

CHAP. II.THE diſcovery of Guiana, by ſome called ‘the Wild Coaſt,"’ has been long (though with uncertainty) attributed to the Spaniſh commander Vaſco Nunes, who, in the year 1504, after diſcovering Cuba to be an iſland, landed on the continent of South America, penetrated as far as between the rivers Oroonoko and Amazon, and comprehended that country in the extenſive tract of land, to which, in contradiction to Cuba and the adjacent iſlands, he gave the name of TERRA FIRMA.

This country, the length of which is about 1220, and the breadth about 680 geographical miles, is ſituated between eight degrees twenty minutes north, and three degrees ſouth latitude, and between fifty and ſeventy degrees twenty minutes weſt longitude from the meri⯑dian of London, in the N. E. part of South America. Its boundaries are marked by the rivers Viapary or Oroonoko on the N. W. and by the Maranon or river Amazon on the S. E. — The N. E. is waſhed by the Atlantic Ocean; and the river Negris, or Black river, terminates its extent on the S. W. which form it into a kind of iſland, and ſeparate it from New Grenada, Peru, and the Brazils.

The rainy and dry ſeaſons which divide the year, as cold and warm weather divide it in Europe, may be termed the winter and ſummer of this country. There is however one remarkable difference between the Euro⯑pean ſeaſons and thoſe in Guiana, which is, that Guiana has annually two winters and two ſummers, which are diſtinguiſhed from each other by the appellation of the greater and the ſmaller, not becauſe the rains are leſs violent in the two latter ſeaſons, or the heat leſs intenſe, but from an opinion which has prevailed, that their pe⯑riod of duration is but about half as long as that of the [32] former. This diſtinction however appears to be more imaginary than real, as far as reſpects the rainy ſeaſons; for as theſe downfalls of water only take place when the ſun is vertical, which it is near the line twice a year, and for an equal portion of time, the continuance of the rains will probably be equal in both ſeaſons.

The difference between the dry ſeaſons indeed may be accounted for from the greater commencing in Surinam at the time when the ſun is about to croſs the equator in its courſe to the tropic of Capricorn, often in October, when a continual drought and ſcorching heat begin to take place, till its return in March. This is ſucceeded by violent uninterrupted rains till June, during which time the ſun has travelled to the tropic of Cancer, and a ſhort ſeaſon of parching heat again takes place, till about July, which is once more followed by inceſſant rains till Octo⯑ber, and thus the revolution of the different ſeaſons is completed ^*.

The continuance of the rains during the time when the ſun is vertical in this climate, is neceſſary to the exiſtence of animal and vegetable life, which without theſe ſeaſonable refreſhments muſt languiſh and expire under the fervid influence of its rays. But though I have mentioned ſtated periods for the variations of the [33] ſeaſons in Guiana, yet it is neceſſary to remark that theſe changes are not uniformly produced at the ſame time, but, like the European ſeaſons, occaſionally vary. The changes are always accompanied by tremendous claps of thunder, and very vivid flaſhes of lightning, which continue during ſeveral weeks, and are frequently fatal both to the cattle and inhabitants of this country.

Some parts of Guiana preſent a barren and moun⯑tainous aſpect, but in general the ſoil is abundantly fruit⯑ful, the earth during the whole of the year adorned with continual verdure, the trees loaded at the ſame time with bloſſoms and ripe fruit, and the whole preſenting to the view the delightful union of ſpring and ſummer. This general appearance of fertility, particularly in Suri⯑nam, may be aſcribed not only to the rains and warmth in this climate, but alſo to its low and marſhy ſituation, which prevents the intenſe heats from deſtroying ve⯑getation, and from the extreme richneſs the ſoil, par⯑ticularly in thoſe parts which are cultivated by European induſtry. It muſt indeed be confeſſed, that ſuch ſitua⯑tions are far from being favourable to health; but the ſpirit of gain is a very powerful principle, and the cer⯑tainty of preſent profit will generally be conſidered as a weighty counterpoiſe to thoſe evils which, if ever encountered, appear at a conſiderable diſtance; and as they are ſometimes eſcaped, may be always eſteemed as uncertain.

The uncultivated parts of Guiana are covered with [34] immenſe foreſts, rocks, and mountains; ſome of the latter enriched with a great variety of mineral ſub⯑ſtances; and the whole country is interſected by very deep marſhes or ſwamps, and by extenſive heaths or ſa⯑vannas. The ſtream along the coaſt flows continually towards the north-weſt; and the whole ſhore is rendered almoſt inacceſſible from its being covered with danger⯑ous banks, quickſands, bogs, and rocks, with prodigious buſhes, and a large quantity of bruſhwood, which are ſo cloſely interwoven as to be impenetrable.

The Spaniſh, Portugueze, and Dutch, are the only nations which poſſeſs ſettlements in this part of Terra Firma, excepting the ſmall colony of Cayenne, belong⯑ing to the French, which is ſituated between the river Marawina and Cape Orange. The dominions in Guiana, ſubject to Spain, are ſituated on the banks of the Oronoque, and thoſe of Portugal extend along the ſhores of the river Amazon. The Dutch ſettlements, which ſpread along the coaſts of the Atlantic ocean, and reach from Cape Naſſau to the river Marawina, are Eſſequibo, Demerary, Berbice, and Surinam ^*; the laſt of which is the moſt extenſive and valuable, and that portion of the Dutch poſſeſſions to which the ſucceeding account will be chiefly confined. This induſtrious nation endeavour⯑ed, in the year 1657, to eſtabliſh a ſmall colony on the banks of the river Poumeron, but in 1666 this ſettlement [35] was demoliſhed by the Engliſh. Nor were they more ſucceſsful in one which they founded in 1677, on the ri⯑ver Wiapoko or Oyapoa, which was immediately in⯑vaded and deſtroyed by the French.

The Dutch conſider the beautiful and once flouriſhing colony of Surinam as extending over the whole of that territory which is encircled on the weſt by the river Kanre or Cange, about forty miles from the Corantine, and on the eaſt by the river Sinamaree. But theſe li⯑mits are diſputed by the French, who confine the boun⯑dary of Surinam to the banks of the Marawina, upon which they ſtation a military force.

The principal rivers that belong to this ſettlement are the river Surinam, from which the colony takes its name, the Corantine, the Copename, the Seramica, and the Marawina. Of thoſe rivers the firſt only is navi⯑gable, the reſt, not excepting the Marawina, being, though very long and broad, ſo ſhallow, and ſo extremely crouded with rocks and ſmall iſlands, that they are of little conſequence to Europeans, nor are their banks in⯑habited except by ſome of the Indians or natives of the country. The river Surinam, whoſe mouth is ſituated in about ſix degrees north latitude, is, at its entrance, nearly the breadth of four Engliſh miles, and in depth from ſixteen to eighteen feet at low-water mark, the tide riſing and falling above twelve feet; this breadth and depth is continued from its mouth upwards to the diſ⯑tance of eight or ten miles, when it divides itſelf into [36] two branches, winding to the S. S. E. for the length of upwards of 120 miles. All this extent is navigable for ſmall craft, but beyond this diſtance the river pro⯑ceeds directly ſouth; ſometimes in its courſe ſurround⯑ing ſmall iſlands, and ſometimes forming ſmall cataracts. The ſource of this beautiful river has never yet been diſcovered by Europeans. All large veſſels, after entering the Surinam, ought to keep rather near the eaſt ſhore; the oppoſite ſide being very full of ſhoals, as far as the town of Paramaribo, which is about eighteen miles from its mouth. The other branch, into which this large river is divided, is named Comawina, and keeps due eaſt for about ſixteen miles, with a depth of about three or four fathom at high-water mark; but as the tide makes a difference of twelve feet, it is not conſidered as navi⯑gable for any ſhips of burthen, though its breadth may be computed at about two miles. At the diſtance of ſixteen miles, the river Comawina is again divided into two branches, one of which bears the ſame name to the S. E. for a length of above fifty miles, and that of Cottica to the E. S. E. for more than forty miles, when this laſt takes a meandring courſe to the S. S. W. for the diſtance of twenty-four or thirty miles. Into all theſe rivers, the courſes of which are not ſtraight but ſerpen⯑tine, are diſcharged a number of very large creeks or rivu⯑lets, the banks of which are inhabited by Europeans, and cultivated with ſugar, cocoa, cotton, and indigo planta⯑tions, which form the moſt delightful proſpects that [37] can be imagined to thoſe who travel by water, the uni⯑verſal mode of journeying in this country, as the ſoil is in general ill adapted for the conſtruction of roads; and in ſome places the woods, &c. are abſolutely impe⯑netrable, a ſmall path of communication between Para⯑maribo and the river Seramica being the only paſſable road that I know of in the ſettlement. The rivers whoſe banks are uncultivated, ſuch as the Corantine, Copename, Seramica, and Marawina, afford but little matter for deſcription: it is therefore only neceſſary to remark, that they are generally from two to four miles in breadth, exceedingly ſhallow, and crowded with quick⯑ſands, ſmall iſlands, and rocks, which form a number of beautiful caſcades. In the river Marawina is frequently found a curious ſtone or pebble, which is known by the name of the Marawina diamond, and which being po⯑liſhed, bears a very near reſemblance to that moſt valu⯑able gem, and is conſequently often ſet in rings, &c. &c. In all the above rivers, without exception, the water riſes and falls for more than ſixty miles from the mouth, oc⯑caſioned by the ſtoppage of the freſhes by the tide; yet freſh water may generally be met with about twenty-four or thirty miles from the mouths of theſe rivers for watering the ſhips. The water of the river Surinam is ac⯑counted the moſt excellent, and is brought by the ſailors from as far as the Jew Savannah, which is above forty miles from the town of Paramaribo. The circumſtance [38] moſt injurious to ſhips in theſe rivers is, that their bot⯑toms are often affected by a kind of water-worm, the ravages of which are the moſt effectually prevented by frequently careening the veſſels, in order that they may be properly cleaned, ſcraped, caulked, and payed. For that purpoſe the coal-tar, invented by the Earl of Dun⯑donald, (for which a patent of twelve years was granted to him) is greatly preferable to any other material which can be applied for this uſe.

It is high or low water nearly every ſix hours and half; the ſpring tides riſe regularly twice a month, when the river ſwells to a conſiderable degree, which, from va⯑rious circumſtances, is often of infinite benefit to the planters.

It may be perhaps expected, in this place, that I ſhould add a few words concerning the defence of the above ri⯑vers, though that is a ſubject which I purpoſe to treat more at large on another occaſion. On the eaſt ſide of the mouth of the river Surinam is a ſmall promontory, called Braam's Point, which I think originally had been named Pram's, or Parham's Point, after Francis Lord Willoughby of Parham, to whom this ſettlement was granted by King Charles the Second in 1662, and which ſpot is ſuppoſed to be the firſt on which Lord Wil⯑loughby landed in 1652, ten years before he ob⯑tained the charter from his ſovereign. This point is not fortified; but about eight miles upwards are two [39] redoubts, one on each ſide of the river, called Leyden and Purmerent, and a little higher up is the new fortreſs called Amſterdam, built on the point of land which ſe⯑parates the two rivers, Surinam and Comewina, from each other; and whoſe fire, croſſing with that of the two redoubts, protects the entry of both theſe rivers.

Near the town of Paramaribo, and about ſix or ſeven miles from the fortreſs Amſterdam, is the citadel which bears the name of Fort Zelandia, protecting the town and all the ſhipping in the roads; and about ſixteen miles from Fort Amſterdam, on Rio Comewina, is a fortreſs called Somelſdyk, which commands the two oppoſite ſhores, viz. thoſe of Rio Comewina and Rio Cottica. Be⯑ſides theſe, there are military poſts on the Corantine, the Seramica, and Marawina. Next to theſe is a ſtrong guard at the mouth of the Mott Creek, about thirty miles below the river Surinam, where a fire-beacon or light-houſe is erected on the coaſt, to warn the ſhips bound for the river that they are paſt the mouth of the dangerous Ma⯑rawina. This guard alſo fires a few guns, to apprize the colony when ſhips are within view and ſteering for the coaſt. Along the higher parts of the rivers Surinam, Comewina, and Cottica, advanced guards are alſo con⯑tinually kept, to protect the inhabitants from inland in⯑vaſions by the Indians or fugitive negroes. In theſe for⯑tifications conſiſts the principal defence of this ſettle⯑ment; beſides a ſmall armed bark or guarda-coſta, which [40] cruiſes between the river Marawina and Berbice, to give intelligence in caſe of any threatening danger to the colony.

I had almoſt forgotten to mention, that a path fortified with military poſts had been projected, and was actually begun, from the upper parts of the river Comawina to the river Seramica; but the plan did not ſucceed, and the line, which is called the orange-path, is at preſent in the ſtate of a wilderneſs.

Having thus deſcribed the ſurface of the country in general, with its boundaries, rivers, &c. I ſhall proceed to an account of the earlieſt diſcoveries and moſt remark⯑able revolutions of this once flouriſhing colony, which eſcaped being viſited by the gallant Admiral Rodney in the laſt war.—That part of Terra Firma, which is called Guiana, or the Wild Coaſt, and in which lies the colony of Surinam, is ſaid by ſome to have been firſt found out by the juſtly celebrated Chriſtopher Columbus, in the year 1498, whence he was ſent home in chains; though others contend that it was not diſcovered till the year 1504, by Vaſco Nunes, a Spaniard, as was ſtated in the beginning of this Chapter.

In 1595 it was viſited by Sir Walter Raleigh, under Queen Elizabeth, who alſo ſailed up the river Oronoque above 600 miles, in ſearch of the ſuppoſed El Dorado, and in hopes of diſcovering the gold-mines, of which he had the moſt lively expectations, from ſamples of a [41] marcaſite, which the Spaniards call Madre de Oro ^*. In 1634, a Captain Marſhall, with about ſixty Engliſh, were diſcovered in Surinam employed in planting tobacco, according to the relation of David Piterſe de Vries, a Dutchman, who converſed with them upon the ſpot. In 1640, Surinam was inhabited by the French, who were obliged to leave it ſoon after, on account of the frequent invaſions which they juſtly ſuffered from the Caribbean Indians, for having, like their neighbours the Spaniards, treated them with the moſt barbarous cruelties. In the year 1650, this colony being vacant, Francis Lord Wil⯑loughby of Parham, by King Charles the Second's per⯑miſſion, ſent thither one veſſel, equipped by himſelf, to take poſſeſſion of it in the name of his royal maſter; a little after which he diſpatched three veſſels more, one of them carrying twenty guns. All theſe were well received by the Indians or inhabitants of the country, with whom they entered into friendly treaties, and a kind of negociation. Two years after this Lord Willoughby went over himſelf, and leaving ſeveral good and whole⯑ſome laws and regulations for the government and de⯑fence of the colony, returned to England, whence he continued to ſupply the ſettlement at his own expence with men and ammunition. On the ſecond day of June, [42] 1662, the colony of Surinam was granted by charter of Charles the Second to Francis Lord Willoughby, and at that lord's deſire to be divided with Lawrence Hide, ſecond ſon of Edward Earl of Clarendon, for them and their deſcendants for ever: the original record of this charter is to be found in the chapel of the Rolls. In 1664, the Engliſh captured the New Netherlands, ſince called New-York, from the Dutch.

In the year 1665, Surinam was ſucceſsfully cultivated, moſtly by planting tobacco. They had alſo raiſed above forty fine ſugar plantations, and erected a ſtrong fortreſs of hewn ſtone for their defence. It is proper however to remark, that ſome ſuppoſe theſe improvements were effected by the Portugueſe, though at what period is uncertain; while the French ſtrenuouſly diſpute the point, and inſiſt that they were the work of Monſieur Ponſert de Bretigny, when France had poſſeſſion of that country. However this may be, the fortreſs is ſituated about ſixteen or eighteen miles from the mouth of the river Surinam, and theſe induſtrious ſettlers found them⯑ſelves perfectly happy in a ſmall town which they had built under the walls. Their felicity was not of long duration; for in the wars between Charles the Second and the United Provinces, the Dutch having been driven in 1661 from the Brazils by the Portugueſe, took the colony of Surinam from the Engliſh in 1667, under the command of a Captain Abraham Criuvon, who was diſ⯑patched [43] for that purpoſe by the province of Zealand, with three ſhips of war and 300 marines. The Engliſh commander, William Biam, loſt the ſettlement of Suri⯑nam by ſurprize, when above 600 of the beſt men in the colony were at work on the ſugar plantations. This neglect appears from the trifling loſs of the Dutch, who in ſtorming the citadel had but one man killed. They immediately planted the Prince of Orange's flag on the ramparts, and gave now to this fortreſs the name of Zelandia, and that of New Middleburge to the town of Paramaribo, after making the inhabitants, amongſt other contributions, pay one hundred thouſand pounds weight of ſugar, and ſending a number of them to the iſland of Tobago. This event took place in Fe⯑bruary, and in July following the peace was concluded at Breda. But, moſt unluckily for the new poſſeſſors of Surinam, it was concluded unknown to the Engliſh com⯑modore, Sir John Harman, who in October that ſame year, having firſt taken Cayenne from the French, en⯑tered the river with a ſtrong fleet of ſeven ſhips of war, two bomb-ketches, &c. and retook the colony from the Dutch, killing on this occaſion above fifty of their men, and deſtroying nine pieces of cannon in Fort Zelandia. The new inhabitants were now in their turn laid under contribution, and the Dutch garriſon were tranſported as priſoners to the iſland of Barbadoes.

At the diſcovery, in Surinam, that the peace had been concluded in Europe between the contending powers, [44] before Commodore Harman retook the colony from the Dutch, conſiderable tumult and diſorder took place among the inhabitants, who knew not whom they ought to acknowledge as their lawful ſovereign. At length, by an order of King Charles, the ſettlement was ceded to the Dutch, in 1669, when twelve hundred of the old inhabitants, Engliſh and negroes together, left it, and went to ſettle on the iſland of Jamaica. At the cloſe of the ſucceeding war, it was agreed by the treaty of Weſtminſter that Surinam ſhould be the property of the Dutch for ever, in exchange for the province of New-York, which accordingly took place in the year 1674; and after this period the colony of Surinam was never more in the poſſeſſion of Great Britain. In 1678, a Mr. Heynſius was governor of the colony, and a Captain Lightenburgh commander of the troops.

The Dutch for the firſt few years enjoyed little ſatisfac⯑tion in their new poſſeſſions, as they were daily harraſſed by the invaſions of the Carribbean Indians, to whom they were much more obnoxious than the Engliſh had been: indeed they carried their reſentment ſo far as to murder ſeveral of the Dutch ſettlers. In addition to this, the pro⯑vince of Zealand, to which the colony properly belonged, being perpetually at variance with the other United Pro⯑vinces concerning the ſovereignty of this ſettlement, and not being of themſelves able to ſupport the great expence which was requiſite for its preſervation and defence, at laſt reſolved to ſell the whole to the Dutch Weſt India [45] Company; which they did in the year 1682, for the ſum of £.23,636 ſterling, including all the warlike ſtores, ammunition, &c. amongſt which were fifty pieces of cannon. At the ſame time they obtained a charter from their high mightineſſes the States General, exempting them from duty for ten years. A few months after this, however, the Weſt India Company, notwithſtanding the above charter of indemnification, finding the other ne⯑ceſſary expences of the ſettlement alſo too great for them, again transferred two-thirds of the colony of Su⯑rinam, the one to the town of Amſterdam, the other to the houſe of Somelſdyk, at the ſame price for which they had bought it, and theſe three together formed a ſociety, to whom (ſtill under the ſanction of their high mightineſſes) was ſome time afterwards intruſted, by a reſolution of the States General, the ſole and entire di⯑rection of the affairs of this country.

Such was the ſituation of Surinam, and in this manner all matters were finally ſettled, when Cornelius Van Aar⯑ſen, lord of Somelſdyk (as being one of the proprietors) went over with three hundred men, with whom he alſo took ſome felons ſentenced for tranſportation. At his ar⯑rival, in 1684, he took the command as governor general of the colony. He then created a court of policy, to aſ⯑ſiſt in the adminiſtration of juſtice; with the members of which, as well as with the inhabitants, he lived in a ſtate of continual diſſenſion. The conſequence was, that they ſent ſeveral complaints againſt him to Europe, not⯑withſtanding [46] he had made a favourable peace with the Caribbee, Warowa, and Arawakka Indians, as well as with a few run-away negroes, who had been ſettled at Rio Copename ſince the Engliſh left the colony.

This unfortunate gentleman's reign, however, laſted but a ſhort ſpace, viz. till the year 1688, when on the ſame day both the governor and deputy governor, Mr. Verboom, were murdered by their own ſoldiers, owing, as was alledged, to their having not only forced the men to work like negroes in digging canals, &c. but alſo obliged them to ſubſiſt on very bad and ſhort allowance, which drove them to this act of deſperation ^*.—I am ſorry to ſay this treatment is too frequently the caſe in the ſettlements, as I ſhall afterwards have occaſion to prove. Such indeed was the confidence of theſe aſſaſ⯑ſins, that they offered to give in their defence, and aſſign their reaſons for committing this act of cruelty.

As the particulars of the aſſaſſination are not uninte⯑reſting, I ſhall beg leave to treſpaſs upon the reader's patience by a brief recital of the tranſaction.

The governor was walking under a grove of orange-trees, near his own houſe, with Mr. Verboom, when unexpectedly ten or twelve armed ſoldiers (ſeemingly drunk) accoſted them, and immediately inſiſted on leſs work and better ſubſiſtence. The governor drawing his [47] ſword to force them back, was inſtantaneouſly ſhot through the body in many places, and died upon the ſpot; his companion, on the other hand, received but one wound, and did not expire till the ninth day after. This done, the rioters, accompanied by ſeveral accom⯑plices, marched in triumph to Fort Zelandia, which they took without reſiſtance, and made themſelves maſters of the gunpowder and victualling magazines. After this, the garriſon having joined them, they formed a ring, and choſe out from among them a commander in chief, and ſeveral other officers to whom they all ſwore to be faith⯑ful, as alſo to each other, to the laſt drop of their blood. What is very remarkable, is, that their new chief, the very ſame afternoon, ordered the body of the maſſacred governor, Somelſdyk, to be interred in Fort Zelandia with decency and military honours; and even the great guns were fired from the walls, and three rounds with ſmall arms by the rebels.

The magiſtrates and other inhabitants of Surinam now beheld themſelves in a moſt unpleaſant ſituation, and were obliged even to enter into a capitulation with the in⯑ſurgents in the fort, the principal articles of which were, that the latter ſhould evacuate Fort Zelandia, for which they were to receive a few hundred pounds; that they were then to be permitted to embark on board the tranſport ſhip Salamander, to quit the colony without moleſtation, and to ſet ſail for what part of the world they ſhould prefer: they accordingly, to the amount of above one [48] hundred, were ſent on board; but no ſooner did they prepare to weigh anchor for their departure, than the ſhip was boarded by ſeveral ſmall veſſels, privately arm⯑ed and manned for the purpoſe. The rebels were com⯑pelled to ſurrender at diſcretion, and a few days after were tried for murder and rebellion; when eleven of the ringleaders were executed, three of them were broke alive upon the rack, and eight were hanged on the gal⯑lows in irons. The reſt obtained their pardon; but be⯑ing no longer to be depended on, were gradually diſ⯑charged from the colonial ſervice, when others could be procured to replace them.

In the following year the widow of Somelſdyk offered to transfer her portion in this ſettlement to King William the Third, but to no purpoſe; while a Mr. Scherpen⯑hayzoen was ſent over to Surinam from Holland, with a freſh ſupply of men and ammunition, to take the com⯑mand in the room of the late Lord of Somelſdyk, as go⯑vernor of the colony. Mr. Scherpenhayzoen, at his arrival, finding every thing in the utmoſt confuſion, in order to apply the ſpeedieſt means of redreſs, eſtabliſhed a court of juſtice, which differed from that formed by his prede⯑ceſſor, Governor Somelſdyk, in this particular, that the for⯑mer is inveſted with the management of all military and criminal affairs, and the latter with that of all civil pro⯑ceſſes and pecuniary matters. Both of theſe courts ſtill remain, and of both the governor is always preſident.

This gentleman was alſo very diligent in eſtabliſhing [49] many good laws and inſtitutions; and had juſt begun to put the colony in a proper ſtate of defence (of which at this time it ſtood greatly in need) againſt its domeſtic and foreign enemies, when war was declared between France and the United Provinces; and the ſame year the ſettlement of Surinam was attacked by Admiral Ducaſſe with a ſtrong fleet, which, however, Governor Scherpenhayzon very courageouſly beat off, after they had begun to cannonade Fort Zelandia.

In 1692 Jeronimus Clifford, an Engliſhman, was con⯑demned to be hanged (which ſentence was changed to ſeven years impriſonment in the fortreſs Somelſdyk) on pretence of having inſulted a magiſtrate who had ar⯑reſted him for debt. On application, however, from the court of Great Britain, he was ſet at liberty in 1695, by deſire of the King, when he made a demand on the colony of 20,000 guineas, for damages and falſe impriſon⯑ment; which being refuſed, his heirs have continued to claim it ſince 1700 to ſo late as 1762, but hitherto without obtaining any ſatisfaction.

During the ſucceeding war which happened in 1712, the French Commodore Jaques Caſſard, met with the ſame reception from Governor De Gooyer, which Ducaſſe had experienced from Scherpenhayzon before Zelandia; but four months after he returned with better ſucceſs, and laid the colony under contribution for a ſum of about 56,6181. ſterling. It was on the 10th of October that he [50] entered the river of Surinam, with ſix or eight ſhips of war, accompanied by a number of ſmall veſſels, in which fleet were embarked 3000 men. The largeſt ſhips were Le Neptune of 74, on board which he himſelf commanded

• Le Temeraire of 60 guns
• Le Rubis — 56
• La Veſtale — 48
• La Parfaite — 48
• La Meduſe — 36

The 11th Caſſard ſent a long-boat with a white flag, and an officer to treat with the inhabitants for contribu⯑tions, which, if they refuſed to pay, he threatened to bombard the town of Paramaribo ^*. The boat, however, was obliged to return on board without any ſatisfactory anſwer. The river Surinam, juſt before Fort Zelandia, being above a mile in breadth, the Meduſe and ſeveral flat-bottomed veſſels with French troops, being favoured by a very dark night, found means to ſail up beyond Paramaribo without being obſerved by the Dutch, with an intention to plunder the ſugar and coffee plantations [51] that are ſituated above that town: but on the 15th, the beſieged prepared two large flat-bottomed barges filled with combuſtible matters, ſuch as old junk, tar-barrels, &c. and anchored them on the other ſide of the river, directly oppoſite to the town, to which fire being applied, both were ſet in a blaze, and diſcovered the ſmalleſt boats of the enemy as they tried to get up the river through the darkneſs of the night. Thus diſcovered, few eſ⯑caped without damage from the guns of the fort, and thoſe of the trading veſſels that lay in the roads, who ſunk ſome of the flat-bottomed boats, a great part of the crews of which were drowned. This ſtratagem, how⯑ever, did not prevent Caſſard's people, who had haſted for⯑ward, from pillaging and ſetting on fire the plantations; while he himſelf, having at laſt anchored before the town of Paramaribo, threw above thirty ſhells into it, and kept up a cloſe cannonade both upon that and Fort Zelandia, till the 20th of October, when he ſent a ſecond meſſage with one of his captains to the Dutch, demanding of them finally, whether they would capitulate and pay contri⯑bution, which, if they now dared to refuſe, he threatened fire and deſtruction to the whole ſettlement.

The Dutch finding their ruin inevitable if they per⯑ſiſted, demanded three days ceſſation of hoſtilities to de⯑liberate, which being granted, they at laſt complied with commodore Caſſard's demands; and accordingly on the 27th, a treaty of twenty-four articles being ſettled be⯑tween [52] them, they paid the demanded contribution of 56,6181. ſterling to the French, principally in ſugar, negro ſlaves, &c. having but little gold or ſilver in the colony. This was no ſooner accompliſhed, than the commodore weighed anchor, on the 6th of December, 1712, and with his whole fleet left the ſettlement of Surinam.

CHAP. III. Firſt Revolt of the Negroes; Cauſes thereof—Diſtracted State of the Colony—Forced Peace concluded with the Rebels—Mutiny of Sailors, Soldiers, &c.

NO ſooner was this unfortunate colony delivered from its external and avowed enemies,CHAP. III. than it was attacked by internal foes of a more fierce and deſ⯑perate nature.

The Carribbean and other Indians had, indeed, in former times, often diſturbed this ſettlement; but, as I have already mentioned, a peace being eſtabliſhed with them, after the arrival of Governor Somelſdyk in this colony, they have inviolably adhered to it ever ſince, living in the greateſt harmony and friendſhip with the Europeans.

The revolted negro ſlaves are the enemies of whom I now propoſe to ſpeak, who for ſome time diffuſed a general terror over this ſettlement, and threatened its total loſs to the ſtates of Holland.

From the earlieſt remembrance ſome fugitive negroes have taken refuge in the woods of Surinam; but theſe were of very ſmall conſideration till about the year 1726, or 1728, when their hoſtile numbers were much increaſed, and they had acquired lances and firelocks, which they had pillaged from the eſtates. By the acceſſion of theſe [54] arms, in addition to their uſual weapons, bows and ar⯑rows, they were enabled to commit continual outrages and depredations upon the coffee and ſugar plantations, as well from a ſpirit of revenge for the inhuman treat⯑ment which they had formerly received from their maſters, as with a view of carrying away plunder, and principally gunpowder and ball, hatchets, &c. in order to provide for their future ſubſiſtence and defence.

Theſe negroes were in general ſettled in the upper parts of the river Copename and Seramica, from the latter of which they take the name of the Seramica rebels, in diſtinction from the other gangs which have ſince revolted.

Several detachments of military and plantation people were ſent againſt them, but were of very ſmall effect in reducing them to obedience by promiſes, or extir⯑pating them by force of arms.

In 1730, a moſt ſhocking and barbarous execution of eleven of the unhappy negro captives was reſolved upon, in the expectation that it might terrify their companions, and induce them to ſubmit. One man was hanged alive upon a gibbet, by an iron hook ſtuck through his ribs; two others were chained to ſtakes, and burnt to death by a ſlow fire. Six women were broken alive upon the rack, and two girls were decapitated. Such was their re⯑ſolution under theſe tortures, that they endured them without even uttering a ſigh.—

And ſo it actually was in this inſtance, for this inhuman maſſacre produced an effect very contrary to what had been expected. Indeed it ſo much enraged the Seramica rebels, that for ſeveral years they became dreadful to the coloniſts; who no longer being able to ſupport the ex⯑pences and fatigues of ſallying out againſt them in the woods, in addition to the great loſſes which they ſo fre⯑quently ſuſtained by their invaſions, of which they lived in continual terror, at laſt reſolved to treat for peace with their ſable enemies.

Governor Mauricius, who was at this period at the head of the colony, now ſent out a ſtrong detachment to the rebel ſettlement at the Seramica river, for the pur⯑poſe of effecting, if poſſible, a peace ſo ardently deſired. This detachment, after ſome ſkirmiſhing with the ſtrag⯑gling rebel parties, at laſt arrived at their head quarters, where they demanded and obtained a parley. A treaty of peace, conſiſting of ten or twelve articles, was actually concluded between the different parties in the year 1749, ſimilar to that which had been made by the Engliſh in the year 1739, with the rebels in the iſland of Jamaica.— The chief of the Seramica rebels was a Creole negro, [56] called Captain Adoe, who upon this occaſion received from the governor, as a preſent, a fine large cane, with a ſilver pummel, on which were engraven the arms of Surinam, as a mark of their independence, and a preli⯑minary to the other preſents that were to be ſent out the year following as ſtipulated by treaty, particularly arms and ammunition, on the performance of which the peace was to be finally concluded. Adoe preſented in return a handſome bow, with a complete caſe of arrows, which had been manufactured by his own hands, as a token that during that time all enmity ſhould ceaſe on his ſide.

This affair gave great ſatisfaction to many and indeed to moſt of the inhabitants of Surinam, who now flatter⯑ed themſelves that their effects were perfectly ſecure; while others regarded this treaty as a very hazardous re⯑ſource, and even as a ſtep to the inevitable ruin of the colony.

I muſt confeſs indeed, that, notwithſtanding the good in⯑tentions of Governor Mauricius, nothing appears to be more dangerous than making a forced friendſhip with people, who by the moſt abject ſlavery and ill uſage are pro⯑voked to break their chains, and ſhake off their yoke in purſuit of revenge and liberty, and who by the truſt which is placed in them have it in their power to become from day to day more formidable.

The inſurrection having riſen to ſuch a height, the co⯑loniſts ought perhaps to have continued to oppoſe it, while they were poſſeſſed of the power of oppoſition, not indeed [57] from a motive of cruelty, but for the political good of ſo fine a ſettlement.

If it appeared that cruelty and ill treatment had driven theſe poor creatures to theſe extremities, policy, not leſs than humanity, ought to have dictated to the coloniſts a different conduct in future; but it may be aſked, Whether it is poſſible to keep the African negroes in habits of obe⯑dience and induſtry without the ſtricteſt and often the ſevereſt diſcipline?—No. But I aſk again, Why is it ne⯑ceſſary to inflict ſuch inhuman tortures, according to the humour and caprice of an unfeeling maſter, or a ſtill more unprincipled overſeer? Why ſhould their reaſon⯑able complaints be never heard by a magiſtrate who has it in his power to redreſs them? Is it becauſe this ma⯑giſtrate is a planter, and that he is intereſted in the arbi⯑trary government of this unhappy race?—This is too evident.—It would, however, be great injuſtice if I were not to bear witneſs that I have not unfrequently ſeen the plantation ſlaves treated with the utmoſt humanity, where the hand of the maſter was ſeldom lifted, but to careſs them; and where the eye of the ſlave ſparkled with gratitude and affection.

Let us now proceed, and ſee what were the fruits of making peace with the Seramica rebels.

In 1750, which was the year after, the promiſed pre⯑ſents were diſpatched to Captain Adoe; but the detach⯑ment that carried them were attacked on their march, and the whole of the corps murdered on the ſpot by a [58] deſperate negro, called Zam Zam, who not having been conſulted concerning the treaty of peace, had afterwards put himſelf at the head of a ſtrong party, and now car⯑ried off the whole ſtock of the detachment, conſiſting of arms, ammunition, checked linens, canvas cloth, hatchets, faws, and other carpenter's tools; beſides ſalt beef, pork, ſpirits, &c. and kept them as his own private property. Adoe, on the other hand, not receiving the preſents at the time he expected, too haſtily concluding he was only to be amuſed with expectation till a reinforcement of troops ſhould arrive from Europe to ſubdue him, renew⯑ed his incurſions: by this accident therefore the peace was immediately broken; cruelties and ravages increaſed more than before, and death and deſtruction once more raged throughout the colony.

In 1751, this ſettlement was in the utmoſt diſtreſs and confuſion; when, in compliance with a requeſt of the inha⯑bitants, preſented to the States General, Baron Spoke was ſent to Surinam, with ſix hundred freſh troops drafted from the different regiments in the Dutch ſervice, and on their arrival the members of the court were ordered to ſend Governor Mauricius to Europe, to account for his proceedings; who never returned to the colony, having in 1753 aſked and obtained his diſmiſſion, after having been honourably acquitted. Baron Spoke, who during the ab⯑ſence of Mauricius was appointed to officiate as governor, found every thing in the greateſt diſorder, diſunion hav⯑ing even ariſen between the inhabitants and their rulers, [59] to which it was highly neceſſary to apply the ſpeedieſt means of redreſs. This application was indeed made by the Baron, but he died the year after, and a general diſ⯑traction again took place.

In 1757, the aſpect of affairs daily becoming worſe, (during the adminiſtration of a Mr. Cromelyn, who now was governor of this colony) a new revolt broke out in the Tempaty Creek amongſt the negroes, owing to the treatment which they received from their maſters. This freſh inſurrection indeed ſoon became of the moſt ſerious conſequence. The new rebels joined themſelves to ſixteen hundred of the old fugitive negroes already ſettled in eight different villages near Tempaty Creek, and after repeated battles and ſkirmiſhes, the enemy be⯑ing moſtly well armed, and in their reſiſtance generally ſucceſsful, the coloniſts ſaw themſelves once more re⯑duced to ſue for peace with their own ſlaves, near Tem⯑paty Creek, as they had done in the year 1749 with the rebels of Seramica.

During this laſt revolt, a Captain Mayer, of the Society Troops, being tried for cowardice by a court martial, and found guilty, was ordered to be ſhot through the head; he was accordingly led to the place of execution, where, after every preparation for completing the ſen⯑tence, he was pardoned by the Governor, who not only ſhewed him every civility, but actually preferred him to the rank of major.

[60]To evince the abſurdity of that prejudice, which con⯑ſiders human creatures as brutes, merely becauſe they differ from ourſelves in colour, I muſt beg leave to men⯑tion a few of the principal ceremonies that attended the ratification of this peace.

The firſt thing propoſed by the coloniſts was a parley, which was agreed to by the rebels; when the laſt not only deſired, but abſolutely inſiſted, that the Dutch ſhould ſend them yearly, amongſt a great variety of other ar⯑ticles, a quantity of good fire-arms and ammunition, as ſpecified in a long liſt, expreſſed in broken Engliſh, by a negro whoſe name was Boſton, and who was one of their captains.

Governor Cromelyn next ſent two commiſſioners, Mr. Sober and Mr. Abercrombie, who marched through the woods, eſcorted by a few military, &c. to carry ſome pre⯑ſents to the rebels, previous to the ratification of the peace, for which they now were commiſſioned finally to treat.

At the arrival of the above gentlemen in the rebel camp, at the Jocka Creek, about fifteen miles eaſt of the Tempaty Creek, they were introduced to a very hand⯑ſome negro, called Araby, who was their chief, and born in the foreſts amongſt the laſt ſixteen hundred that I have juſt mentioned. He received them very politely, and taking them by the hand, deſired they would ſit down by his ſide upon the green; at the ſame time aſſuring them they need not be under any apprehenſions of evil, ſince [61] from their coming in ſo good a cauſe, not one intended, or even dared to hurt them.

When the above-mentioned Captain Boſton, however, perceived that they had brought a parcel of trinkets, ſuch as knives, ſciſſars, combs, and ſmall looking-glaſſes, and forgotten the principal articles in queſtion, viz. gun⯑powder, fire-arms, and ammunition, he reſolutely ap⯑proached the commiſſioners, and demanded, in a thun⯑dering voice, whether the Europeans imagined that the negroes could live on combs and looking-glaſſes; adding, that one of each was quite ſufficient to let them all ſee their faces, while a ſingle gallon of manſancy, viz. gunpowder, would have been accepted as a proof of their confidence; but ſince that had been omitted, he ſhould never conſent to their return to their countrymen, till every article of the liſt ſhould be diſpatched to them, and conſequently the treaty fulfilled.

This expoſtulation occaſioned the interference of a negro captain, called Quacoo, who declared that theſe gentlemen were only the meſſengers of their governor and court; and as they could not be anſwerable for their maſter's proceedings, they ſhould certainly return to the ſettlement without injury or inſult, and no per⯑ſon, not even he, Captain Boſton, ſhould dare to oppoſe them.

The chief of the rebels then ordered ſilence, and de⯑ſired Mr. Abercrombie to make up a liſt himſelf, of ſuch articles as he, Araby, ſhould ſpecify; which that gentle⯑man [62] having done, and promiſed to deliver, the rebels not only gave him and his companions leave peaceably to return with it to town, but allowed their governor and court a whole year to deliberate whether they were to chuſe peace or war, unanimouſly ſwearing that during that interval all animoſity ſhould ceaſe on their ſide; af⯑ter which, having entertained them in the beſt manner their ſituation in the woods afforded, they wiſhed them a happy journey to Paramaribo.

One of the rebel officers, on this occaſion, repreſented to the commiſſioners how deplorable it was that the Europeans, who pretended to be a civilized nation, ſhould be ſo much the occaſion of their own ruin by their inhuman cruelties towards their ſlaves. ‘"We de⯑ſire you," continued the negro, "to tell your governor and your court, that in caſe they want to raiſe no new gangs of rebels, they ought to take care that the planters keep a more watchful eye over their own pro⯑perty, and not to truſt them ſo frequently in the hands of drunken managers and overſeers, who by wrong⯑fully and ſeverely chaſtiſing the negroes, debauch⯑ing their wives and children, neglecting the ſick, &c. are the ruin of the colony, and wilfully drive to the woods ſuch numbers of ſtout active people, who by their ſweat earn your ſubſiſtence, without whoſe hands your colony muſt drop to nothing; and to whom at laſt, in this diſgraceful manner, you are glad to come and ſue for friendſhip."’

[63]Mr. Abercrombie now begged that he might be ac⯑companied by one or two of their principal officers to Paramaribo, where he promiſed they ſhould be well treated; but the chief, Araby, anſwered him with a ſmile, that it was time enough a year after, when the peace ſhould be thoroughly concluded; that then even his youngeſt ſon ſhould be at their ſervice, to receive his education among them, while for his ſubſiſtence, and even for that of his dependants, he ſhould take the ſole care upon himſelf, without ever giving the Chriſtians the ſmalleſt trouble.

After this, the commiſſioners left the rebels, and the whole detachment arrived ſafe at Paramaribo.

The year of deliberation being ended, the governor and court ſent out two freſh commiſſioners to the negro camp, to bring the ſo much wiſhed-for peace to a tho⯑rough concluſion; which, after much debate, and many ceremonies on both ſides, was at laſt finally agreed upon. Preſents were promiſed to be ſent by the Chriſtians, agreeable to the wiſhes of the negroes; while theſe laſt, as a proof of their affection to the Europeans, inſiſted that each of the commiſſioners ſhould, during their remain⯑ing ſtay in the rebel camp, take for his conſtant companion one of their handſomeſt young women.—They treated them alſo liberally with game, fiſh, fruit, and the choiceſt productions of the foreſt, and entertained them, without intermiſſion, with muſic, dancing, and repeated volleys.

At the return of the commiſſioners, the ſtipulated pre⯑ſents [64] were ſent to the negroes at the Jocka Creek, and, what is remarkable, under the care of the identical Mr. Mayer, who had formerly not dared to fight againſt them, and eſcorted by ſix hundred men, ſoldiers and ſlaves. The puſillanimity of this gentleman, however, appeared again on this occaſion, and he had nearly un⯑done the whole buſineſs by departing from his orders, delivering all the preſents to the rebels without receiving the hoſtages in return. Fortunately Araby kept his word, and ſent down four of his beſt officers as pledges to Paramaribo. By this the peace was perfectly accom⯑pliſhed, and a treaty of twelve or fourteen articles was ſigned by the white commiſſioners, and ſixteen of Ara⯑by's black captains, in 1761; which ceremony took place on the plantation Ouca, in the river Surinam, where all the parties met, this being the ſpot of rendezvous ap⯑pointed for the purpoſe, after four different embaſſies had been ſent from the Europeans to the negroes.

Signing this treaty alone, however, was ſtill not con⯑ſidered as ſufficient by the rebel chief Araby and his people. They immediately bound themſelves by an oath, and inſiſted on the commiſſioners doing the ſame, after the manner which is practiſed by themſelves, not truſting entirely, they alledged, to that made uſe of by the Chriſtians, which they had ſeen them too frequently violate. It muſt indeed be confeſſed, that the negroes themſelves are uncommonly tenacious of theſe ſolemn engagements, as I never heard of an inſtance, during all [65] the time I reſided in the colony, of one of them vio⯑lating his oath.

The ſolemnity made uſe of on this day, conſiſted in each party's letting a few drops of blood with a lancet or penknife from the arm, into a callibaſh or cup of clear ſpring water, in which were alſo mixed a few particles of dry earth, and of this all preſent were obliged to drink, without exception, which they call drinking each other's blood, having firſt ſhed a few drops upon the ground by way of libation; when their gadoman or prieſt, with up-caſt eyes and out-ſtretched arms, took heaven and earth to witneſs, and with a moſt audible voice and in a moſt awful manner, invoked the curſe of the Almighty on thoſe who ſhould firſt break through this ſacred treaty made between them, from that moment forward to all eternity. To this ſolemn imprecation the multi⯑tude anſwered Da ſo! which ſignifies in their language Amen ^*.

The ſolemnity being ended, the chief Araby and each of his captains (to be diſtinguiſhed from the in⯑ferior negroes, as the Seramican chief Adoe had been before in 1749) was preſented with a fine large cane and ſilver pummel, on which was alſo engraven the arms of the colony.

The above-mentioned negroes are called Oucas, after the name of the plantation where the peace articles were ſigned; and by that name they are ſince diſtin⯑guiſhed from thoſe of Seramica, whom I have already deſcribed.

At this time the charter was renewed to the Weſt India Company by their High Mightineſſes, for the term of thirty years longer (as it had been before in 1670, 1700, and 1730) in conſideration of a loan of about five million ſterling, at the rate of ſix per cent.

This ſame year peace was alſo a ſecond time con⯑cluded with the Seramica rebels, who were at that time commanded by a negro called Wille, inſtead of their former chief Adoe, who was dead. But this ſecond peace was unfortunately broken by a rebel captain, called Muzinga, who had received none of the preſents, which [67] had in fact been again intercepted and captured on their way to the chief Wille, as they had been formerly on their way to the chief Adoe, by the very ſame enter⯑priſing and rapacious plunderer Zam Zam, with this difference only, that none of the detachment that were ſent with them were now murdered, as on the preceding occaſion, nor even one ſingle perſon injured.

Upon this ſuppoſed breach of faith, captain Muzinga fought moſt deſperately againſt the coloniſts, he gave battle face to face, and beat back, at cloſe quarters, above one hundred and fifty of their beſt troops, killing num⯑bers, and carrying off all their baggage and ammu⯑nition.

Soon after this, however, when the real cauſe of Muzinga's diſcontent was known, means were found and adopted to pacify this gallant warrior, by making him receive and ſhare the preſents ſent out by the coloniſts, on an equal footing with his brother heroes, when peace was a third and laſt time concluded in 1762, be⯑tween the Seramica rebels and the colony, which has providentally been kept ſacred and inviolable, as well as that with the Ouca negroes, to this day. By their exer⯑tions in the field they thus obtained their freedom.

The hoſtages and chief officers of both the above⯑mentioned negro cohorts, on their arrival at Parama⯑ribo, were entertained at the governor's own table, having previouſly paraded in ſtate through the town, accompanied by his excellency in his own private carriage.

By their capitulation with the Dutch, the above Ouca and Seramica rebels muſt yearly receive, as I have men⯑tioned, a quantity of arms and ammunition from the colony, for which the Europeans have received in return the negroes' promiſes of being their faithful allies, to deliver up all their deſerters, for which they are to receive proper premiums, never to appear armed at Paramaribo above five or ſix at a time, and alſo to keep their ſettlement at a proper diſtance from the town and plantations: the Seramica negroes at the river Seramica, and thoſe of the Ouca negroes at the Jocka⯑creek, near the river Marawina, where one or two white men, called poſt-holders, were to reſide among them, in the quality of envoys.

Both theſe tribes were ſuppoſed, at the period I ſpeak of, to amount in all to three thouſand, and but a few years after, by thoſe that were ſent to viſit their ſettlements (including wives and children) they were computed to [69] be not leſs than fifteen or twenty thouſand. They are already become overbearing and even inſolent, brandiſh⯑ing their ſilver-headed canes in defiance of the inha⯑bitants, and forcing from them liquors, and very often money, and reminding them how cruelly their anceſtors had murdered their parents and their huſbands.

From theſe circumſtances, and their numbers increaſ⯑ing from day to day, I muſt conclude, that ſhould the peace be ever broken, theſe new allies will become the moſt dreadful foes that ever the colony of Surinam can have to contend with.

In 1763 the town of Paramaribo would have been burnt down to the ground, had it not been prevented by the courage and intrepidity of the ſailors, who, at the hazard of their lives, without other aſſiſtance, pre⯑vented a general conflagration.

About this time a mutiny broke out on board the outward-bound Eaſt Indiaman, Neimburgh, commanded by Captain Ketell. The crew, conſiſting chiefly of French and German deſerters, who had been kidnapped in Holland, roſe in arms againſt their ſuperiors, and having murdered moſt of the officers and warrant officers, while others were put in chains, carried the veſſel to the Brazils, there the ringleaders went on ſhore, and being engaged in riot and diſputation ſoon diſcovered what they were to the Portugueſe governor, in conſequence of which they were all taken into cuſ⯑tody; but their accomplices on board ſuſpecting what [70] had happened, immediately ſlipped their cable, and ſet ſail for the iſland of Cayenne, where this piracy was put to an end; for the French ſeizing ſhip and crew, deli⯑vered both to the colony of Surinam, where, in 1764, ſeven of the moſt guilty were executed on board the ſame veſſel which they had captured, then at anchor in the roads before the town of Paramaribo. One of theſe un⯑happy wretches was decapitated, and ſix hanged to the yard-arm, whoſe heads were alſo chopped off and plant⯑ed upon iron ſpikes on the beach, in a cage made for the purpoſe. The others, who had been taken by the Por⯑tugueſe, were ſent from the Brazils to Amſterdam, after which they were alſo executed in Texel roads on board the Weſtelingwerf man of war, which ſhip was that ſent out with us from Holland: their bodies were after⯑wards gibbeted in iron harneſs, and placed for an example along the coaſt.

This ſame year alſo, three of the ſociety or colony ſoldiers, who had been guilty of mutiny and deſertion, were executed in Surinam; but as their caſe is the moſt peculiar of its kind that ever happened, I muſt alſo beg leave to give ſome account of the tranſaction.

During the time of an inſurrection, which happened in the year 1761 among the negro ſlaves in the colony of Berbice, where they had not been treated ſo cruelly as in other colonies, not only a regiment of marines, commanded by Colonel de Salſe, which now belongs to General Douglas, was ſent over from Holland to that [71] ſettlement, but troops alſo from the neighbouring colo⯑nies were diſpatched, in order to ſubdue the revolt. In this deſign they ſoon ſucceeded, ſince the woods in that part, being of ſmall extent, are eaſily penetrated, which prevents the rebels from forming ſettlements, and ſince from the ſame cauſe they will not ſerve to conceal them from their purſuers. The conſequence was, that after numbers had been ſhot dead, and others taken priſoners, the reſt were forced to ſurrender at diſcretion, and im⯑plore for mercy, or they muſt have been ſtarved to death for want of ſubſiſtence.

During theſe troubles, it happened that one officer and about ſeventy men, ſent from the colony of Surinam, had been poſted on the banks of the river Corrantine. This detachment, together with a party of Indians, who are natural enemies to the negroes, but friends to the Eu⯑ropeans, had one day beaten the rebels in a ſkirmiſh, having killed ſeveral of them, and retaken about the va⯑lue of twenty or thirty pounds ſterling in effects, which the negroes had pillaged from the neighbouring eſtates. The officer who commanded this detachment having, however, unwarrantably diſtributed this booty among the Indians alone, without giving a ſhare to his ſoldiers, diſguſted them ſo much that they revolted; and deſert⯑ing their commander, took their march for the river Oronoque through the woods, in hopes of ſoon falling in with Spaniſh ſettlements and being relieved: but how miſerably were theſe deluded men miſtaken, and diſap⯑pointed [72] in their deſperate undertaking, by meeting the rebels or buſh negroes on the ſecond or third day of their march! Theſe, notwithſtanding the ſolemn proteſtations of the ſoldiers, that they were come without any evil intention towards them, and their intreaties to let them paſs by unmoleſted, were ſuſpected of being ſent out to ſpy and betray them; the negroes therefore inſiſted that they ſhould lay down their arms at mercy, which the de⯑ſerters having complied with, the rebels immediately dreſſed them in one rank. Then having picked out ten or twelve to aſſiſt them in attending the ſick and wounded, repairing their arms, and trying to make gunpowder, (in which however they miſcarried) they condemned all the others to death, which was inſtantly put in execution, and above fifty of thoſe unfortunate men were one by one ſhot dead upon the ſpot.

It may well be ſuppoſed, that thoſe who were ſaved alive by the negroes muſt have ſpun out a very melan⯑choly exiſtence among them, and indeed moſt of them died within very few months after by ill treatment, hardſhips, and want; and when the rebels ſurrendered themſelves to the Europeans at diſcretion, the few re⯑maining miſerable wretches that were ſtill found alive, were directly loaded with irons, and ſent back from the colony of Berbice to Surinam, where three of them were executed in the town of Paramaribo, one being hanged, and two broken alive upon the rack. One of theſe mi⯑ſerable wretches was a Frenchman, called Renauld, who ſeemed to have imbibed the ſentiments of the negroes [73] by his reſidence amongſt them. With a truly heroic ſpirit he comforted his accomplice, who was a German, and, tied down by his ſide, juſt ready to receive the dreadful blows, he exhorted him to preſerve his cou⯑rage; adding, that the voyage of life would ſoon be over, while his own bones were breaking by the execu⯑tioner with an iron bar.

The ring-leading negroes were roaſted alive by half dozens in a ſhocking manner, being chained to ſtakes in the midſt of ſurrounding flames, and expired without uttering a groan or a ſigh. The miſerable fate of ſo many poor wretches excited great commiſeration; and it is impoſſible to reflect, without the ſtrongeſt feelings of indignation, on a puniſhment ſo ſhocking to huma⯑nity, inflicted upon men, the moſt of whom were drove to miſconduct by tyranny and oppreſſion. But at the ſame time I ſhall ever think it my duty to ſupport that the ſtricteſt diſcipline and ſubordination (when tempered by juſtice) is abſolutely neceſſary amongſt all large bodies of people, of whatever claſs or deſcription, not only for the good of the public in general, but as the ſureſt means of avoiding ſeverity on the individual (the uſual conſe⯑quence of too much lenity) and of being painfully ob⯑liged to eſtabliſh good order at laſt by a perpetual round of reluctant rigour and chaſtiſement.—We will now leave theſe fable ſcenes, and point out what happened in the colony of Surinam, during its ſhort and flouriſhing ſtate.

CHAP. IV. Short Interval of Peace and Plenty—The Colony plunged in new Diſtreſs by a freſh Inſurrection, and nearly ruined— Review of the Troops for its Defence—An Action with the Rebels—Gallant Behaviour of a black Corps—The Arrival of Colonel Fourgeoud's Marines.

CHAP. IV.IN 1764, gold and ſilver ſpecie being ſcarce, cards were ſtamped, to the amount of 40,000 l. value, which paſſed as caſh, at a diſcount of ten per cent.

In 1765, a conſiderable degree of commotion was ex⯑cited in the colony, on account of a free negro woman, called Elizabeth Sampſon, marrying an European; ſhe was worth above 100,000 l. ſterling, inherited from her maſter, whoſe ſlave ſhe had formerly been: having addreſſed herſelf to their High Mightineſſes, her re⯑queſt was granted; and accordingly, being chriſtened, ſhe entered into the lawful bond of matrimony with a Mr. Zubli.

In the ſucceeding year the colony was viſited by an earthquake, which however did very little damage.

In 1769, the whole coaſt was on fire, from Cayenne to Demerary: this happened in the dry ſeaſon, when all the foreſt is parched by the heat, and the underwood choked with dried leaves. The flames, which were ſup⯑poſed to have been kindled by the neglect of the In⯑dians or rebels, were ſo violent, that they threatened [75] deſtruction to ſeveral eſtates, and during the night ap⯑peared moſt tremendous from the ſea; while the eaſt wind made the ſmoke ſo thick throughout the day, that one perſon could not ſee another at the diſtance of ſix yards. During this time it is not ſurpriſing that the ſmell was almoſt inſupportable.

This ſame year, a quantity of rock cryſtal was diſco⯑vered in the inland parts of Dutch Guiana.

In 1770, the houſe of Somelſdyk ſold its ſhare or por⯑tion of the colony to the town of Amſterdam for the ſum of 63,6361. ſterling; ſo that from that period that city poſſeſſes two-thirds, and the other third ſtill belongs to the Weſt India Company, which, as I have already ſtated, form together the ſociety of Surinam.

The colony now ſeemed in a proſperous and flouriſh⯑ing ſtate, ſince the concluding of the treaty with the Se⯑ramica and Ouca negroes, and every thing exhibited an aſpect of peace and good order. The inhabitants believed their perſons and effects in perfect ſecurity, ſo that no⯑thing was thought of but mirth and diſſipation, which was ſoon extended to laviſhneſs and profuſion. Suri⯑nam reſembled, indeed, a large and beautiful gar⯑den, ſtocked with every thing that nature and art could produce, to make the life of man both comfortable to himſelf, and uſeful to ſociety: all the luxuries, as well as the neceſſaries of life, abounded; every ſenſe was ap⯑parently intoxicated with enjoyment; and, to uſe the [76] figurative language of a ſacred book, Surinam was a land that flowed with milk and honey.

But this deluſive felicity laſted not long. The planter, too earneſt to become immediately opulent, never once conſidered the wretchedneſs of the ſlave; while drunken⯑neſs, luxury, and riot, became predominant in the one party, the miſery of the other proportionably increaſed; nor did the deſtruction that ſo lately threatened them ſeem to have the ſmalleſt influence on their minds; at the ſame time the ſucceſsful example of the Seramica and Ouca negroes ſerved to ſtimulate the other ſlaves to re⯑volt, and from theſe complicated cauſes the colony was again plunged into its former abyſs of difficulties. The moſt beautiful eſtates in the ſettlement, called Plantations, were once more ſeen, ſome blazing in flames, and others laid in aſhes; while the reeking and mangled bodies of their inhabitants were ſcattered along the banks of the river Cottica, with their throats cut, and their effects pil⯑laged by their own negroes, who all fled to the woods, men, women, and children, without exception.

Theſe new revolters were now diſtinguiſhed by the name of the Cottica Rebels, from the ſpot on which their hoſtilities commenced; and their numbers augmenting from day to day, they ſoon became as formidable to the ſettlement as the Seramica and Ouca negroes had for⯑merly been, and in 1772 they had nearly given the finiſhing blow to Surinam. At that period all was hor⯑ror and conſternation—nothing but a general maſſacre [77] was expected by the majority of the inhabitants, who fled from their eſtates, and crouded to the town of Para⯑maribo for protection. In this ſituation of affairs, the inhabitants were obliged to have recourſe to the dan⯑gerous reſolution of forming a regiment of manumitted ſlaves, to fight againſt their own countrymen. When we conſider the treatment which was ſo generally exer⯑ciſed againſt the ſlaves of this ſettlement, it muſt ſur⯑priſe the reader to be told, that this hazardous reſolution had providentially the deſired effect. Theſe brave men performed wonders above expectation, in conjunction with the Colonial or Society troops, whoſe ſtrength and numbers alone were no longer thought ſufficient to de⯑fend this ſettlement. But not to rely abſolutely on ſuch precarious aſſiſtance, the ſociety of Surinam made ap⯑plication to his ſerene highneſs the Prince of Orange for a regular regiment, and our corps was in conſequence diſ⯑patched in the manner which has been already related. As, however, the events which preceded our arrival were of the utmoſt importance, I ſhall endeavour to lay be⯑fore my readers the moſt authentic information I was able to obtain.

The regular troops from Europe that belong to the ſo⯑ciety of Surinam, were intended to be twelve hundred men when complete, divided into two battalions, paid partly by the ſociety, and partly by the inhabitants: but they can ne⯑ver produce that number in the field, for many reaſons— ſuch as their either dying on their paſſage, while they [78] are ſeaſoning to the climate, or during their dangerous and fatiguing duty in the woods and ſwamps. Beſides this number, a reinforcement of three hundred more was now ſent them from the town of Amſterdam; but of theſe poor wretches ſcarcely fifty were landed fit for ſervice; the remainder, owing to the inhumanity of their leader, Mr. N., having participated in a fate little better than that of the poor African negroes in the veſſel of the inhuman Captain C—gw—d, who, in 1787, threw 132 living ſlaves into the ſea to periſh. The unhappy creatures, under the command of Mr. N. were ſtarved and tormented by unneceſſary ſeverity; and his lieute⯑nant, unable to continue a witneſs of the tyrannical pu⯑niſhments he inflicted, leaped from the cabin window, and terminated his exiſtence.

The military in Surinam are compoſed of ſeveral very good and experienced officers, and well inured to the ſervice, but for their private men I cannot ſay much; they are, in fact, little better than the outcaſts of all na⯑tions: they are of all ages, ſhapes, and ſizes, and ſeem by chance wafted together from all the different corners of the globe. Notwithſtanding this, however, it has often been found that they behave well in action, and have on many different occaſions, by their bravery, been of infinite ſervice to this ſettlement ^*.

Here is alſo a ſmall corps of artillery, being part of the [79] twelve hundred, which I muſt acknowledge to be a very fine company in all reſpects. As for what they pleaſe to call their militia, they are, a few gentlemen excepted, who command them, ſo ſtrange a collection of ill-diſ⯑ciplined rabble, that they can ſcarcely be mentioned as fighting men.

With reſpect to the new-raiſed corps of manumitted ſlaves, though in number they amounted but to three hundred, they indeed proved ultimately of as much ſervice to the colony as all the others put together ^*. Theſe men were all volunteers, and in general ſtout able young fellows, ſelected from the different planta⯑tions, the owners of whom received for them their full value in money. None were accepted but thoſe who were reputed to be of unexceptionable character. It muſt, however, be obſerved, that what we Europeans call a good character, was, by the Africans, looked on as deteſtable, particularly by thoſe born in the woods, whoſe only crime conſiſted in revenging the wrongs done to their forefathers. I have been an ocular wit⯑neſs to aſtoniſhing proofs of the fidelity of theſe en⯑franchiſed ſlaves to the Europeans, and their valour againſt the rebel negroes.

Their chief leaders are three or four white men, called Conductors, to whom they pay the ſtricteſt obedience: [80] one or two of theſe attend them when they ſet out on any enterprize of conſequence. Every ten privates have one captain, who commands them in the foreſt by the different ſounding of his horn, as the boatſwain com⯑mands the ſeaman by his call, or as the cavalry of Eu⯑rope are directed by the ſound of the trumpets in the field; by which they advance, attack, retreat, ſpread, &c.: they are armed only with a firelock and ſabre. Of both theſe weapons they underſtand the management in the moſt maſterly manner; they generally go naked, in preference, in the woods, excepting trowſers, and a ſcar⯑let cap, the emblem of liberty, on which is their num⯑ber, and which, together with their parole or watch⯑word, which is orange, diſtinguiſhes them from the rebels in any action, to prevent diſagreeable miſtakes. They have, indeed, of late years, been farther diſtin⯑guiſhed by green uniforms.—Thus far as to the force of the colony.

I have already ſtated, that the newly revolted rebels, called Cotticas, were juſt preparing to give the finiſhing blow to Surinam; and I ſhall now proceed to relate how this cataſtrophe was prevented.

Theſe negroes, being commanded by a deſperate fellow named Baron, had erected a ſtrong ſettlement between the river Cottica and the ſea-coaſt, whence they ſallied forth to commit their depredations on the plantations in Cottica river, &c.

[81]I have called this ſettlement ſtrong, becauſe, like an iſland, it was entirely ſurrounded by a broad unfordable marſh or ſwamp, which prevented all communication, except by private paths under water, known only to the rebels, and before which Baron had placed loaded ſwivels, which he had plundered from the neighbouring eſtates: it was moreover fenced and incloſed on every ſide by ſeveral thouſand ſtrong palliſadoes, and was on the whole no contemptible fortification. To this ſpot Baron gave the name of Boucon or Mouldered, intimating that it ſhould periſh in duſt rather than it ſhould be taken by or ſurrendered to the Europeans. He even preſumed to ſuppoſe, that it would never be diſcovered.

After many marches and counter-marches, however, this neſt of deſperadoes was at laſt diſcovered, by the vi⯑gilance and perſeverance of the Society troops, and the black ſoldiers or rangers, by which name I ſhall for the future diſtinguiſh them, their ſervice being chiefly like that of the rangers in Virginia, who were ſent out againſt the Cherokee Indians. Another ſettlement of the rebels was, indeed, well known to exiſt in that corner of the colony, known by the name of the Lea-ſhore, and ſituated between the rivers Surinam and Seramica; but hero the ſituation, by marſhes, quagmires, mud, and water, is ſuch, that it fortifies them from any attempts of the Europeans; nay, they are even indiſcoverable by ne⯑groes, ſo thick and impenetrable is the foreſt on that ſpot, and ſo choked with thorns, briars, and every ſpecies of underwood.

[82]From theſe coverts they ſally forth in ſmall parties, during the night, to rob the gardens and fields ſur⯑rounding Paramaribo, and carry off the young women, &c. In this wilderneſs a young officer, Lieutenant Freidrecy, was loſt two or three days and nights, as he went out on a ſhooting party, and would probably never have been heard of, had not the governor, by ordering a gun to be fired at intervals, given a ſignal for him to find his way back, and thus reſtored him once more to his friends.

As ſoon as it was determined that the rebels com⯑manded by Baron, at Boucon, ſhould be beſieged and rooted out, a ſtrong detachment of white and black troops were ſent againſt them, under the command of the brave Captain Myland, who was to head the firſt; and Lieutenant Freidrecy, a ſpirited young officer, with the conductors, was to lead the latter. The detachment, on their arrival at the marſh, however, were obliged to encamp on its borders, not being able to paſs through it on account of its unfordable depth.

On the diſcovery of the troops, the bold negro Baron immediately planted a white flag within their view, which he meant not as a token of peace, but of defiance; and an inceſſant firing inſtantly took place on both ſides, but with very little effect.

It was then projected to throw a faſcine bridge over the marſh, by the troops; but this plan, after ſeveral weeks had been ſpent in the attempt, and a number of men [83] ſhot dead while employed upon it, was of neceſſity laid aſide. Thus every hope of paſſing through the marſh into the fortreſs being fruſtrated, and the food and am⯑munition being conſiderably leſſened, added to the loſs of many men, affairs were at length arrived at ſuch a criſis, that the ſiege muſt have been broken up, and the remaining troops muſt have marched back to Parama⯑ribo, had not the rangers, by their indefatigable efforts, and (however ſtrange to think) implacable enmity againſt the rebels, found out and diſcovered to the Eu⯑ropeans the under-water paths of communication to Boucon, ſeveral being ſhot and drowned in the execution of this important ſervice.

Captain Myland with the regulars, on this intelligence, now forded the ſwamp on one ſide, and inſtantly making a feint attack on the fortreſs, drew Baron with all the rebels, as was expected, to its defence; while Lieutenant Freidrecy, with the rangers, having croſſed the ſwamp on the other ſide, embraced the opportunity of leaping, with his black party, over the paliſadoes, ſword in hand, without oppoſition.

A moſt terrible carnage at this time enſued, while ſeveral priſoners were made on both ſides, and the for⯑treſs of Boucon was taken; but Baron, with the greateſt number of the rebels, eſcaped into the woods, having firſt found means, however, to cut the throats of ten or twelve of the rangers, who had loſt their way in the marſh, and whom he ſeized as they ſtuck faſt in the [84] ſwamp; and cutting off the ears, noſe, and lips of one of them, he left him alive in this condition to return to his friends, with whom however the miſerable man ſoon expired.

This Baron had formerly been the negro ſlave of a Mr. Dahlbergh, a Swede, who on account of his abilities had advanced him to the rank of a favourite, had taught him to read and write, and bred him a maſon; he had alſo been with his maſter in Holland, and was promiſed his manumiſſion on his return to the colony. But Mr. Dahl⯑bergh breaking his word with regard to his liberty, and ſelling him to a Jew, Baron obſtinately refuſed to work, in conſequence of which he was publicly flogged under the gallows. This uſage the negro ſo violently reſented, that from that moment he vowed revenge againſt all Europeans without exception; fled to the woods, where putting himſelf at the head of the rebels, his name be⯑came dreadful, and particularly ſo to his former maſter Dahlbergh, as he ſolemnly ſwore that he ſhould never die in peace till he had waſhed his hands in the tyrant's blood.

To thoſe who know how greatly mankind are affected by ſelf-intereſt, it will not appear ſo extraordinary, as it may to a ſuperficial obſerver, that theſe black rangers ſhould ſo inveterately engage againſt their friends and countrymen. What will not men do to be emancipated from ſo deplorable a ſtate of ſubjection! and this emanci⯑pation was obtained upon more certain and advantageous [85] grounds by the conſent of the Europeans, than if they had abſconded into the woods. Having thus once en⯑gaged in this ſervice, it is evident they muſt be con⯑ſidered by the other party as apoſtates and traitors of the blackeſt dye; they muſt be convinced, that defeat muſt not only expoſe them to death, but to the ſevereſt tor⯑tures; they were therefore fighting for ſomething more than liberty and life: ſucceſs was to bring them the moſt ſolid advantages, miſcarriage was to plunge them in the ſevereſt miſery.

The taking of Boucon was now greatly ſpoken of, and deemed a very ſevere blow to the rebels; both the regu⯑lars and the rangers, indeed, behaved with unprecedented intrepidity and courage. Captain Myland's gallant con⯑duct was moſt highly acknowledged; while Lieutenant Freidrecy was preſented by the Surinam Society with a beautiful ſabre, a fuſee, and a brace of piſtols, mounted in ſilver, and ornamented with emblems expreſſive of his merit; beſides which, he obtained the rank of captain. It muſt be confeſſed, that on this occaſion the whole de⯑tachment, white and black, without exception, juſtly met with the fulleſt marks of approbation for their ſpirited behaviour.—In this ſtate were the public affairs of Surinam; when, in 1773, our fleet dropped anchor before the town of Paramaribo.

CHAP. V. The Scene changes—Some Account of a beautiful Female Slave — The Manner of travelling in Surinam — The Colonel explores the Situation of the Rivers—Barbarity of a Planter—Wretched Treatment of ſome Sailors.

CHAP. V.HAVING in the firſt chapters given ſome account of our incorporation, our voyage, our landing, and our reception in the colony, in February 1773; and having deſcribed the colony of Surinam, its boundaries, and revolutions, from its earlieſt diſcovery; I ſhall now proceed in my narrative, by connecting the proceedings of our little corps with the general chain of events; and write preciſely what I have learned by local and ocular obſervation.

Having already ſtated that from our arrival till February 27th, we ſeemed to be landed in Guiana for little more than idle diſſipation; I ſhall now pro⯑ceed from the ſame date, which was about the com⯑mencement of the rainy ſeaſon, when our mirth and conviviality ſtill continued, to preſent to the reader, as a contraſt to the preceding ſcenes of horror, a de⯑ſcription of the beautiful mulatto maid Joanna. This charming young woman I firſt ſaw at the houſe of a Mr. Demelly, ſecretary to the court of policy, where I [87] daily breakfaſted; and with whoſe lady Joanna, but fif⯑teen years of age, was a very remarkable favourite. Rather taller than the middle ſize, ſhe was poſſeſſed of the moſt elegant ſhape that nature can exhibit, moving her well-formed limbs with more than common gracefulneſs. Her face was full of native modeſty, and the moſt diſ⯑tinguiſhed ſweetneſs; her eyes, as black as ebony, were large and full of expreſſion, beſpeaking the goodneſs of her heart; with cheeks through which glowed, in ſpite of the darkneſs of her complexion, a beautiful tinge of ver⯑million, when gazed upon. Her noſe was perfectly well formed, rather ſmall; her lips a little prominent, which, when ſhe ſpoke, diſcovered two regular rows of teeth, as white as mountain ſnow; her hair was a dark brown inclining to black, forming a beautiful globe of ſmall ringlets, ornamented with flowers and gold ſpangles. Round her neck, her arms, and her ancles, ſhe wore gold chains, rings and medals: while a ſhawl of India muſlin, the end of which was negligently thrown over her po⯑liſhed ſhoulders, gracefully covered part of her lovely boſom, a petticoat of rich chintz alone completed her apparel. Bare-headed and bare-footed, ſhe ſhone with double luſtre, as ſhe carried in her delicate hand a beaver hat, the crown trimmed round with ſilver. The figure and appearance of this charming creature could not but attract my particular attention, as they did indeed that of all who beheld her; and induced me to enquire from Mrs. [88] Demelly, with much ſurprize, who ſhe was, that appeared to be ſo much diſtinguiſhed above all others of her ſpecies in the colony.

‘"She is, Sir," replied this lady, "the daughter of a reſpectable gentleman, named Kruythoff; who had, be⯑ſides this girl, four children by a black woman, called Cery, the property of a Mr. D. B. on his eſtate called Fauconberg, in the upper part of the river Come⯑wina.’

‘"Some few years ſince Mr. Kruythoff made the offer of above one thouſand pounds ſterling to Mr. D. B. to obtain manumiſſion for his offspring; which being in⯑humanly refuſed, it had ſuch an effect on his ſpirits, that he became frantic, and died in that melancholy ſtate ſoon after; leaving in ſlavery, at the diſcretion of a tyrant, two boys and three fine girls, of which the one now before us is the eldeſt ^*.’

‘"The gold medals, &c. which ſeem to ſurprize you, are the gifts which her faithful mother, who is a moſt deſerving woman towards her children, and of ſome conſequence amongſt her caſt, received from her father (whom ſhe ever attended with exemplary affec⯑tion) juſt before he expired.’

[89] ‘"Mr. D. B. however, met with his juſt reward: for having ſince driven all his beſt carpenter negroes to the woods by his injuſtice and ſeverity, he was ruined, and obliged to fly the colony, and leave his eſtate and ſtock to the diſpoſal of his creditors; while one of the above unhappy deſerters, a ſamboe ^*, has by his in⯑duſtry been the protector of Cery and her children. His name is Jolycoeur, and he is now the firſt of Baron's captains, whom you may have a chance of meeting in the rebel camp, breathing revenge againſt the Chriſtians.’

‘"Mrs. D. B. is ſtill in Surinam, being arreſted for her huſband's debts, till Fauconberg ſhall be ſold by ex⯑ecution to pay them. This lady now lodges at my houſe, where the unfortunate Joanna attends her, whom ſhe treats with peculiar tenderneſs and diſtinc⯑tion."’

Having thanked Mrs. Demelly for her account of Jo⯑anna, in whoſe eye glittered the precious pearl of ſym⯑pathy, I took my leave, and went to my lodging in a ſtate of ſadneſs and ſtupefaction. However trifling, and like the ſtyle of romance, this relation may appear to ſome, it is nevertheleſs a genuine account, and on that ſcore I flatter myſelf may not entirely be unintereſting to others.

When reflecting on the ſtate of ſlavery altogether, [90] while my ears were ſtunned with the clang of the whip, and the diſmal yells of the wretched negroes on whom it was exerciſed, from morning till night; and conſider⯑ing that this might one day be the fate of the unfor⯑tunate mulatto I have been deſcribing, ſhould ſhe chance to fall into the hands of a tyrannical maſter or miſtreſs, I could not help execrating the barbarity of Mr. D. B. for having withheld her from a fond parent, who by be⯑ſtowing on her a decent education and ſome accompliſh⯑ments, would probably have produced, in this forſaken plant, now expoſed to every rude blaſt without protection, an ornament to civilized ſociety.

I became melancholy with theſe reflections; and in or⯑der to counterbalance, though in a very ſmall degree, the general calamity of the miſerable ſlaves who ſurrounded me, I began to take more delight in the prattling of my poor negro boy Quacoo, than in all the faſhionable con⯑verſation of the polite inhabitants of this colony: but my ſpirits were depreſſed, and in the ſpace of twenty-four hours I was very ill indeed; when a cordial, a few preſerved tamarinds, and a baſket of fine oranges, were ſent by an unknown perſon. This firſt contributed to my relief, and loſing about twelve ounces of blood, I re⯑covered ſo far, that on the fifth I was able, for change of air, to accompany a Captain Macneyl, who gave me a preſſing invitation to his beautiful coffee plantation, called Sporkeſgift, in the Matapaca Creek.

The male and female ſpecies bear a remarkable diſ⯑tinction in their colour; that of the firſt having the deepeſt hue.

I ſhall not preſume to be minute with reſpect to the medicinal qualities of theſe or any other vegetable in Gui⯑ana, which are as amply as I believe juſtly deſcribed by Dr. Bancroft, in his letters to Dr. Pitcairn, Fellow of the Royal College of Phyſicians in London, except in men⯑tioning ſuch efficacy as I have found them to poſſeſs by my own experience, and which conſiſts in the pulp; which when preſerved is a moſt delicious refreſhment in hot climates: it is a laxative, and when diſſolved with water, makes a very cooling and agreeable beverage, and [92] is much recommended in all diſeaſes, particularly in fevers.

We now ſet out from Paramaribo for Sporkeſgift, in a tent-boat or barge, rowed by eight of the beſt negroes belonging to Mr. Macneyl's eſtate; every body, as I have already mentioned, travelling by water in this colony.

Theſe barges I cannot better deſcribe than by com⯑paring them with thoſe that accompany what is uſually ſtyled the Lord Mayor's Show on the river Thames. They are, however, ſomewhat leſs, though ſome are very little inferior in magnificence, and are often decorated with gilded flags, filled with muſicians, and abound in every convenience. They are ſometimes rowed by ten and even by twelve oars, and being lightly built, ſweep along with aſtoniſhing celerity. The rowers never ſtop, from the moment they ſet out till the company is landed at the place of deſtination; but continue, the tide ſerving or not, to tug night and day, ſometimes for twenty-four hours together, ſinging a chorus all the time to keep up their ſpirits. When their labour is over, their naked bodies ſtill dripping with ſweat, like poſt-horſes, they headlong, one and all, plunge into the river to refreſh themſelves:—

[93]We now paſſed a number of fine plantations, but I could not help taking particular notice of the Cacao eſtate, called Alkmaar, ſituated on the right ſide in row⯑ing up the river Comewina, which is no leſs conſpi⯑cuous for its beauty than for the goodneſs of its pro⯑prietor, the invaluable lady the widow Godefroy, whoſe humanity and friendſhip muſt always be remembered by me with gratitude.

At our arrival on the eſtate Sporkeſgift, I had the pleaſure to be the ſpectator of an inſtance of juſtice which afforded me the greateſt ſatisfaction.

The ſcene conſiſted in Mr. Macneyl's turning the over⯑ſeer out of his ſervice, and ordering him to depart from the plantation in an inferior boat, called a ponkee ^*, to Paramaribo, or wherever he thought proper; which was inſtantaneouſly put in execution. The cauſe of his diſgrace was having, by bad uſage and cruelty, cauſed the death of three or four negroes. His departure was made compleatly joyful to all the ſlaves, by an holiday, which was ſpent in feſtivity, by dancing and clapping hands on a green before the dwelling-houſe windows.

The overſeer's ſentence was the more ignominious and galling, as at the time of receiving it a negro foot-boy, who was buckling his ſhoes, was ordered back, and he was deſired to buckle them himſelf. The ſpirited conduct of this planter, the joy of his negroes, the ſalubrity of the [94] country air, and the hoſpitable manner in which we were entertained at his eſtate, had ſuch an effect on my conſtitution and my ſpirits, that on the ninth I returned, if not recovered, at leaſt greatly benefited, to Paramaribo. But I ſhould be guilty of partiality, did I not relate one inſtance, which throws a ſhade over the humanity even of my friend Macneyl.

Having obſerved a handſome young negro walk very lamely, while the others were capering and dancing, I inquired into the cauſe of his crippled appearance; when I was informed by this gentleman, that the negro having repeatedly run away from his work, he had been obliged to hamſtring him, which operation is performed by cutting through the large tendon above one of the heels. However ſevere this inſtance of deſpotiſm may appear, it is nothing when compared with ſome barbarities which the taſk I have undertaken will oblige me, at the ex⯑pence of my feelings, to relate.

On our return to the town of Paramaribo, the only news that occurred conſiſted in a few ſhocking execu⯑tions; alſo that the Boreas man of war, Captain Van-de-Velde, had ſailed for Holland; and that Colonel Forgeoud had on the eighth, the Prince of Orange's anniverſary, entertained a large company with a ball en militaire, in the officers guard-room. The muſic on this occaſion conſiſted of two fiddlers only, who had the conſcience to make the colonel pay one hundred and twenty Dutch florins for roſin and catgut.

[97]About this time I was attacked by a diſtemper called the prickly heat, by the coloniſts rootvont. It begins by the ſkin taking a colour like ſcarlet, (occaſioned by a number of ſmall pimples) and itching inconceivably; under the garters, or any place where the circulation is impeded, the itching is almoſt inſupportable.

With this peſt all new-comers from Europe are ſoon in⯑feſted; the cure is to bathe the parts with the juice of limes and water, as for the bites of gnats or muſquitoes. The prickly heat is ſuppoſed to be a prognoſtic of good health by the inhabitants; which I have reaſon to think true, ſince from that period my health and ſpirits were perfectly re-eſtabliſhed, and I was once more as happy as Paramaribo could make me.

At this time Colonel Fourgeoud ſet out with a barge, to inſpect the ſituation of the rivers Comewina and Cot⯑tica, in caſe the actual ſervice of our troops ſhould ſoon be wanted; being at his departure ſaluted by the guns from Fort Zelandia, and by thoſe of the ſhips in the roads. This compliment I acknowledge aſtoniſhed me, after the coolneſs which took place, and was now rooted, between this gentleman and the governor of the co⯑lony.

As we were ſtill in a ſtate of inaction, I made another ex⯑curſion, with a Mr. Charles Ryndorp, who rowed me in his barge to five beautiful coffee eſtates, and one ſugar plan⯑tation, in the Mattapaca, Paramarica, and Werapa Creeks; the deſcription of which I muſt defer to another occa⯑ſion; [94] [...] [95] [...] [95] but on one of which, called Schovnort, I was the witneſs to a ſcene of barbarity which I cannot help re⯑lating.

The victim of this cruelty was a fine old negro ſlave, who having been as he thought undeſervedly ſentenced to receive ſome hundred laſhes by the lacerating whips of two negro-drivers, in the midſt of the execution pulled out a knife, which, after having made a fruitleſs thruſt at his perſecutor the overſeer, he plunged up to the haft in his own bowels, repeating the blow till he dropped down at the tyrant's feet. For this crime he was, being firſt recovered, condemned to be chained to the furnace which diſtils the kill-devil ^*, there to keep in the intenſe heat of a perpetual fire night and day, being bliſtered all over, till he ſhould expire by infirmity or old age, of the latter of which however he had but little chance. He ſhewed me his wounds with a ſmile of contempt, which I returned with a ſigh and a ſmall do⯑nation: nor ſhall I ever forget the miſerable man, who, like Cerberus, was loaded with irons, and chained to everlaſting torment. As for every thing elſe I obſerved in this little tour, I muſt acknowledge it to be elegant and ſplendid, and my reception hoſpitable beyond my expectation: but theſe Elyſian fields could not diſſipate [97] the gloom which the infernal furnace had left upon my mind.

Of the coffee eſtates, that of Mr. Sims, called Limeſhope, was the moſt magnificent, and may be deemed with juſtice one of the richeſt in the colony. We now once more, on the ſixth of April, returned ſafe to Paramaribo, where we found the Weſterlingwerf man of war, Captain Craſs, which had arrived from Plymouth in thirty-ſeven days, into which port he had put to ſtop a leak, having parted company with us, as already mentioned, off Portland, in the end of December 1772. This day, dining at the houſe of my friend, Mr. Lolkens, to whom I had been, as I have ſaid, recommended by letters, I was an eye witneſs of the unpardonable contempt with which negro ſlaves are treat⯑ed in this colony. His ſon, a boy not more than ten years old, when ſitting at table, gave a ſlap in the face to a grey-headed black woman, who by accident touched his powdered hair, as ſhe was ſerving in a diſh of kerry. I could not help blaming his father for overlooking the action; who told me, with a ſmile, that the child ſhould no longer offend me, as he was next day to ſail for Holland for education; to which I anſwered, that I thought it almoſt too late. At the ſame moment a ſailor paſſing by, broke the head of a negro with a bludgeon, for not hav⯑ing ſaluted him with his hat.—Such is the ſtate of ſla⯑very, at leaſt in this Dutch ſettlement!

About this time, Colonel Fourgeoud made a ſecond ex⯑curſion, and now departed with a barge, to explore the [98] banks and ſituation of the river Surinam, as he had be⯑fore done thoſe of Rio Comewina and Rio Cottica.

At this time died Captain Barends, one of the maſters of the tranſports, which were ſtill kept in commiſſion, in caſe they ſhould be wanted for our return to Europe. Five or ſix ſailors now were buried every day, belonging to the merchant ſhips, whoſe lamentable fate I cannot paſs by unnoticed, being actually uſed worſe than the negroes in this ſcorching climate, where, beſides rowing large flat-bottomed barges up and down the rivers, day and night, for coffee, ſugar, &c. and being expoſed to the burning ſun and heavy rains, and beſides ſtowing the above commodities in a hold as hot as an oven, they are obliged to row every upſtart planter to his eſtate at a call, which ſaves the gentleman ſo many negroes, and for which they receive in return nothing—many times not ſo much as a mouthful of meat and drink; palliating hun⯑ger and thirſt, by begging from the ſlaves a few bananas or plantains, eating oranges and drinking water, which in a little time relieves them from every complaint, by ſhipping them off to eternity. In every part of the colony they are no better treated, but, like horſes, they muſt (hav⯑ing unloaded the veſſels) drag the commodities to the diſ⯑tant ſtore-houſes, being bathed in ſweat, and bullied with bad language, ſometimes with blows; while a few negroes are ordered to attend, but not to work, by the direction of their maſters, which many would willingly do to relieve the drooping ſailors, to whom this uſage muſt be exceedingly [99] diſheartening and galling. The planters even employ thoſe men to paint their houſes, clean their ſaſh-windows, and do numberleſs other menial ſervices, for which a ſeaman was never intended. All this is done to ſave the work of their negroes; while by this uſage thouſands are ſwept to the grave, who in the line of their profeſſion alone might have lived for many years; nor dare the Weſt India Captains to refuſe their men, with⯑out incurring the diſpleaſure of the planters, and ſeeing their ſhips rot in the harbour without a loading;—nay, I have heard a ſailor fervently wiſh he had been born a ne⯑gro, and beg to be employed amongſt them in cultivat⯑ing a coffee plantation.

I now took an early opportunity to enquire of Mrs. Demelly what was become of the amiable Joanna; and was informed that her lady, Mrs. D. B. had eſcaped to Holland on board the Boreas man-of-war, under the protection of Captain Van-de-Velde, and that her young mulatto was now at the houſe of her aunt, a free woman, whence ſhe expected hourly to be ſent up to the eſtate Fauconberg, friendleſs, and at the mercy of ſome unprin⯑cipled overſeer appointed by the creditors, who had now taken poſſeſſion of the plantation and ſtock, till the whole ſhould be ſold to pay the ſeveral ſums due to them by Mr. D. B.—Good God!—I flew to the ſpot in ſearch of poor Joanna: I found her bathed in tears. — She gave me ſuch a look—ah! ſuch a look!—From that moment I determined to be her protector againſt every inſult, and perſevered, as ſhall be ſeen in the ſequel.—Here, reader, let my youth, blended with extreme ſenſibility, plead my [100] excuſe; yet aſſuredly my feelings will be forgiven me— by thoſe few only excepted—who delight in the prudent conduct of Mr. Incle, to the hapleſs and much-injured Yarico at Barbadoes.

I next ran to the houſe of my friend Lolkens, who happened to be the adminiſtrator of Fauconberg eſtate; and aſking his aſſiſtance, I intimated to him my ſtrange determination of purchaſing and educating Joanna.

Having recovered from his ſurprize, after gazing at me ſilently for ſome time, an interview at once was pro⯑poſed; and the beauteous ſlave, accompanied by a female relation, was produced trembling in my preſence.

Reader, if you have peruſed the tale of Lavinia with pleaſure, though the ſcene admits of no compariſon, re⯑ject not the hiſtory of Joanna with contempt.—It now proved to be ſhe who had privately ſent me the cordial and the oranges in March, when I was nearly expiring, and which ſhe now modeſtly acknowledged ‘"was in gratitude for my expreſſions of compaſſion reſpecting her ſad ſituation;"’ with ſingular delicacy, however, ſhe rejected every propoſal of becoming mine upon any terms. She was conſcious, ſhe ſaid, ‘"that in ſuch a ſtate ſhould I ſoon return to Europe, ſhe muſt either be parted from me for ever, or accompany me to a part of the world where the inferiority of her condition muſt prove greatly to the diſadvantage of both herſelf and her benefactor, and thus in either caſe be miſer⯑able."’ In which ſentiments Joanna firmly perſiſting, ſhe was immediately permitted to withdraw, and return to the houſe of her aunt; while I could only intreat of [101] Mr. Lolkens his generous protection for her, and that ſhe might at leaſt for ſome time be ſeparated from the other ſlaves, and continue at Paramaribo; and in this re⯑queſt his humanity was induced to indulge me.

On the 30th the news arrived, that the rangers, hav⯑ing diſcovered a rebel village, had attacked it, and car⯑ried off three priſoners, leaving four others dead upon the ſpot, whoſe right hands, chopped off and barbecued or ſmoke-dried, they had ſent to the governor of Para⯑maribo as a proof of their valour and fidelity.

On receiving this intelligence, Colonel Fourgeoud im⯑mediately left the river Surinam, where he ſtill was, and on the firſt of May returned to town, in expectation of his regiment being employed on actual ſervice, but there the buſineſs ended; and we ſtill, to our utter aſtoniſh⯑ment, were allowed to linger away our time, each agree⯑ably to his own peculiar fancy. On the 4th of May, the rangers however were reviewed in the Fort Zelandia, at which ceremony I was preſent, and muſt confeſs that this corps of black ſoldiers had a truly manly appear⯑ance: warriors whoſe determined and open aſpect could not but give me the ſatisfaction of a ſoldier in beholding them. They here once more received the thanks of the governor for their manly behaviour and faithful con⯑duct, particularly at the taking of Boucon; beſides which, they were entertained with a rural feaſt, at the public expence, at Paramaribo, to which were alſo invited their families; and at which feaſt ſeveral reſpectable people of both ſexes made their appearance with pleaſure, to wit⯑neſs the happineſs of their ſable friends, the day being [102] ſpent in mirth and conviviality, without the leaſt diſturb⯑ance, nay even with decorum and propriety, to the great ſatisfaction of the inhabitants.

The Weſterlingwerf, Captain Craſs, now left the river alſo, bound for Holland, but firſt for the colony of De⯑merary. Thus both ſhips of war having ſailed without us, there was ſome reaſon to ſuppoſe we were ſoon to be employed on actual ſervice. There were many motives, indeed, for wiſhing either that this might be the caſe, or that we might ſpeedily be permitted to return to Europe. Not only our officers, but our privates, began to feel the debilitating effects of the climate, and many, of that continued debauchery ſo common in all ranks in this ſettlement: and as hard labour and bad treatment con⯑ſtantly killed the poor ſailors, ſo now our common ſoldiers fell the victims of idleneſs and licentiouſneſs, and died frequently ſix or ſeven in a day; whence it is evident to demonſtration, that all exceſſes, of whatever kind, are mortal to Europeans in the climate of Guiana.

But men will give leſſons which they do not them⯑ſelves obſerve. Thus, notwithſtanding my former re⯑ſolution of living retired, I again relapſed into the vortex of diſſipation. I became a member of a drink⯑ing club, I partook of all polite and impolite amuſe⯑ments, and plunged into every extravagance without exception. I did not, however, eſcape without the pu⯑niſhment I deſerved. I was ſeized ſuddenly with a dreadful fever; and ſuch was its violence, that in a few days I was no more expected to recover. In this [103] ſituation I lay in my hammock until the 17th, with only a ſoldier and my black boy to attend me, and without any other friend: ſickneſs being univerſal among the new-comers to this country, and every one of our corps having ſo much to do to take care of themſelves, neglect was an inevitable conſequence, even among the neareſt acquaintance. This, however, is a cenſure which does not apply to the inhabitants, who perhaps are the moſt hoſpitable people on the globe to Europeans. Theſe philanthropiſts not only ſupply the ſick with a va⯑riety of cordials at the ſame time, but crowd their apart⯑ments with innumerable condolers, who from morning till night continue preſcribing, inſiſting, bewailing, and lamenting, friend and ſtranger without exception; and this laſts until the patient becomes delirious, and expires. Such muſt inevitably have been my caſe, between the two extremes of neglect and importunity, had it not been for the happy intervention of poor Joanna, who one morning entered my apartment, to my unſpeakable joy and ſurprize, accompanied by one of her ſiſters. She in⯑formed me that ſhe was acquainted with my forlorn ſitua⯑tion; that if I ſtill entertained for her the ſame good opinion, her only requeſt was, that ſhe might wait upon me till I ſhould be recovered. I indeed gratefully ac⯑cepted her offer; and by her unremitting care and atten⯑tion had the good fortune ſo far to regain my health and ſpirits, as to be able, in a few days after, to take an airing in Mr. Kennedy's carriage.

[104]Till this time I had chiefly been Joanna's friend; but now I began to feel I was her captive. I renewed my wild propoſals of purchaſing, educating, and tranſ⯑porting her to Europe; which, though offered with the moſt perfect ſincerity, were, by her, rejected once more, with this humble declaration:

‘"I am born a low contemptible ſlave. Were you to treat me with too much attention, you muſt degrade yourſelf with all your friends and relations; while the purchaſe of my freedom you will find expen⯑ſive, difficult, and apparently impoſſible. Yet though a ſlave, I have a ſoul, I hope, not inferior to that of an European; and bluſh not to avow the regard I retain for you, who have diſtinguiſhed me ſo much above all others of my unhappy birth. You have, Sir, pitied me; and now, independent of every other thought, I ſhall have pride in throwing myſelf at your feet, till fate ſhall part us, or my conduct become ſuch as to give you cauſe to baniſh me from your pre⯑ſence."’

This ſhe uttered with a down-caſt look, and tears drop⯑ping on her heaving boſom, while ſhe held her compa⯑nion by the hand.

From that inſtant this excellent creature was mine;— nor had I ever after cauſe to repent of the ſtep I had taken, as will more particularly appear in the courſe of this narrative.

[105]I cannot omit to record, that having purchaſed for her preſents to the value of twenty guineas, I was the next day greatly aſtoniſhed to ſee all my gold returned upon my table; the charming Joanna having carried every article back to the merchants, who cheerfully returned her the money.

‘"Your generous intentions alone, Sir, (ſhe ſaid) were ſufficient: but allow me to tell you, that I cannot help conſidering any ſuperfluous expence on my account as a diminution of that good opinion which I hope you have, and will ever entertain, of my diſintereſted diſ⯑poſition."’

Such was the language of a ſlave, who had ſimple nature only for her inſtructor, the purity of whoſe ſen⯑timents ſtood in need of no comment, and theſe I was now determined to improve by every care.

I ſhall now only add, that a regard for her ſuperior virtues, ſo ſingular amongſt her caſt, gratitude for her particular attention to me, and the pleaſure of producing to the world ſuch an accompliſhed character under the appearance of a ſlave, could alone embolden me to riſk the cenſure of my readers, by intruding on them this ſubject: let this be my apology, and if it be accepted but by few, I ſhall not be inclined to complain.

In the evening I viſited Mr. Demelly, who, with his lady, congratulated me on my recovery from ſickneſs; and at the ſame time, however ſtrange it may appear to many readers, they, with a ſmile, wiſhed me joy of [106] what, with their uſual good-humour, they were pleaſed to call my conqueſt; which, one of the ladies in com⯑pany aſſured me, while it was perhaps cenſured by ſome, was applauded by many, but ſhe believed in her heart envied by all.—A decent wedding, at which many of our reſpectable friends made their appearance, and at which I was as happy as any bridegroom ever was, concluded the ceremony; with which I ſhall beg leave to con⯑clude a chapter, which, methinks I hear many readers whiſper, had better never had a beginning.

CHAP. VI. Account of a dreadful Execution—Fluctuating State of political Affairs—Short Glimpſe of Peace—An Officer ſhot dead; his whole Party cut to Pieces, and the general Alarm revived throughout the Colony.

ON the 21ſt of May our Lieutenant Colonel Lant⯑man died, and a number of our officers lay ſick.CHAP. VI.

Inſtead of gaiety and diſſipation, diſeaſe and mortality now began to rage amongſt us; and the devaſtation in⯑creaſed from day to day among the private men, in a moſt alarming proportion. The remains of the deceaſed officer were interred with military honours, in the centre of the Fortreſs Zelandia, where all criminals are im⯑priſoned, and all field officers buried. At this place I was not a little ſhocked, to ſee the captive rebel negroes and others clanking their chains, and roaſting plantains and yams upon the ſepulchres of the dead; they pre⯑ſented to my imagination, the image of a number of diabolical fiends in the ſhape of African ſlaves, torment⯑ing the ſouls of their European perſecutors. From theſe gloomy manſions of deſpair, on this day, ſeven captive negroes were ſelected, who being led by a few ſoldiers to the place of execution, which is in the Savannah, where the ſailors and ſoldiers are interred, ſix were hanged, and one broken alive upon the rack, with an iron [108] bar; beſides which a white man was ſcourged before the court houſe, by the public executioner, who is in this country always a black. The circumſtance which led me to take particular notice of this affair, was the ſhame⯑ful injuſtice of ſhewing a partiality to the European, who ought to have been better informed, by letting him eſ⯑cape with only a ſlight corporal puniſhment; while the poor uneducated African for the ſame crime, viz. ſtealing money out of the Town Hall, loſt his life under the moſt excruciating torments, which he ſupported without heav⯑ing a ſigh or making a complaint; while one of his com⯑panions with the rope about his neck, and juſt on the point of being turned off, uttered a laugh of con⯑tempt at the magiſtrates who attended the execution. I ought not in this place to omit, that the negro who flogged the white man inflicted the puniſhment with the greateſt marks of commiſeration. Theſe tranſactions almoſt induced me to decide between the Europeans and Africans in this colony, that the firſt were the greater barbarians of the two—a name which tarniſhes Chriſ⯑tianity, and is beſtowed on them in too many corners of the globe, with what real degree of juſtice I will not take on me to determine.

Having teſtified how much I was hurt at the cruelty of the above execution, and ſurprized at the intrepidity with which the negroes bore their puniſhment, a decent looking man ſtepped up to me, ‘"Sir, (ſaid he) you are but a new-comer from Europe, and know very little [109] about the African ſlaves, or you would teſtify both leſs feeling and ſurprize. Not long ago, (continued he) I ſaw a black man ſuſpended alive from a gallows, by the ribs, between which, with a knife, was firſt made an inciſion, and then clinched an iron hook with a chain; in this manner he kept alive three days, hanging with his head and feet downwards, and catch⯑ing with his tongue the drops of water (it being in the rainy ſeaſon) that were flowing down his bloated breaſt. Notwithſtanding all this he never complained, and even upbraided a negro for crying while he was flogged below the gallows, by calling out to him—You man?—Da cay faſy? Are you a man? you behave like a boy. Shortly after which he was knocked on the head by the commiſerating ſentry, who ſtood over him, with the butt end of his muſket."’ — ‘"Another negro, (ſaid he) I have ſeen quartered alive; who, after four ſtrong horſes were faſtened to his legs and arms, and after having had iron ſprigs driven home underneath every one of his nails on hands and feet, without a mo⯑tion, he firſt aſked a dram, and then bid them pull away, without a groan; but what afforded us the greateſt en⯑tertainment, (continued he) were the fellow's jokes, by deſiring the executioner to drink before him, in caſe there ſhould chance to be poiſon in the glaſs, and bid⯑ding him take care of his horſes, leſt any of them ſhould happen to ſtrike backwards. As for old men being broken upon the rack, and young women roaſted [110] alive chained to ſtakes, there can nothing be more common in this colony."’ —I was petrified at the in⯑human detail; and breaking away with execrations from this diabolical ſcene of laceration, made the beſt of my way home to my own lodgings.

On the 24th, having received a ſupply of proviſions from Holland, and abſolutely doing no ſervice in the colony, it was univerſally reſolved that we ſhould pro⯑ceed home; our regiment, notwithſtanding its being partly paid by the United Provinces, ſtill being exceed⯑ingly chargeable to the ſociety and the inhabitants, who, in conjunction, paid all other expences; thus, in the hopes of ſailing in the middle of June, the tranſports were ordered a ſecond time to wood, water, and make all other neceſſary preparations.

I muſt ſay nothing of what I felt on this occaſion; I continued, however, not long in this ſtate of ſuſpenſe; for the following day intelligence being brought that a plantation was demoliſhed, and the overſeers murdered by the rebels, our ſtay was prolonged a ſecond time, at the requeſt of the governor himſelf and inhabitants; and, in conſequence, the three tranſports, which had ſince February the 9th been kept waiting at a great expence, were finally put out of commiſſion, and the proviſions ſtowed at the head-quarters in a temporary ſtore-houſe erected for that purpoſe.

Thus our warlike preparations for ſome days pro⯑ceeded, and our marines appeared in excellent ſpirits; when again, on the 7th of June, to our unutterable ſurprize, we were for the third time officially ac⯑quainted, that things feeming quiet, and preſuming that tranquillity was at laſt re-eſtabliſhed, the colony of Surinam had no farther occaſion for our ſervices; theſe fluctating councils did not fail to produce much diſcontent among the military, as well as the inhabi⯑tants; and cabals were formed, which threatened to break out into a civil conteſt.

Some charged the governor with being jealous of the unlimited power which was veſted in Colonel Fourgeoud, who was alſo by many others blamed as abuſing that power, and as not treating the governor with that civility, which he might have evinced without leſſening his own conſequence. Thus, while one party acknowledged us to be the bulwark of the ſettlement, by keeping the rebels in awe, the oppoſition heſitated not to call us the locuſts of Egypt, who were come to devour the fruits of the colony.

Without entering into the merits of the queſtion, it is ſufficient to ſay, that our life was rendered very uncom⯑fortable, and a great number of us could not help thinking, [112] that between the two parties we were but ill treated. This ſame day, while at dinner on board a Dutch veſſel in the roads, the company were alarmed by the moſt tre⯑mendous claps of thunder I ever heard in my life. On our ſide of the continent, ſeveral negroes and cattle were killed by lightning; while, on the other ſide, nearly at the ſame time, the city of Guatimala, in Old Mexico, was ſwallowed up by an earthquake, by which eight thouſand families are ſaid to have inſtantly periſhed.

On the 11th, the ſhips, being taken again into commiſ⯑ſion, were ordered with all poſſible expedition to prepare for our final departure, and every one was making himſelf ready for the voyage.

Being thus apparently diſengaged from military ſer⯑vice, I received a polite invitation from a Mr. Campbel, who was lodged with a Mr. Kerry at my friend Ken⯑nedy's, to accompany him on a viſit to the iſland of To⯑bago, where I might recruit my debilitated health and dejected ſpirits. His plan was to return with me by the Leeward Iſlands to Europe. It was, indeed, to me a moſt agreeable offer, all things conſidered, and I ſhould cer⯑tainly with pleaſure have accepted it, had not my appli⯑cation to Colonel Fourgeoud been prevented by a freſh alarm, which was received on the 15th. The ſubſtance of this was no leſs, than that an officer of the Society troops had been ſhot dead by the rebels, and his whole party, con⯑ſiſting of about thirty men, entirely cut to pieces. So alarm⯑ing a piece of intelligence could not fail to throw the whole [113] colony once more into the utmoſt confuſion and conſter⯑nation; the above gentleman, whoſe name was Lepper, and only a lieutenant, was in a great meaſure the cauſe of this misfortune, by his impetuoſity and intrepidity, totally unregulated by temper or conduct ^*; but as this cenſure in general terms may appear ſevere, it be⯑comes in ſome degree incumbent on me to relate the particulars.

The period when this unhappy event took place, was that which, in the language of the colony, is termed the ſhort-day ſeaſon. During this, Mr. Lepper having been informed that between the rivers Patamaca and Upper Cormootibo, a village of negroes had been diſcovered by the rangers ſome time before; he determined with his ſmall party, which was only a detachment from the Pata⯑maca poſt, to ſally through the woods and attack them. But the rebels being apprized of his intentions by their ſpies, which they conſtantly employ, immediately marched out to receive him; in his way they laid themſelves in am⯑buſh, near the borders of a deep marſh, through which the ſoldiers were to paſs to the rebel ſettlement. No ſooner had the unfortunate men got into the ſwamp and up to their arm-pits, than their black enemies ruſhed out from under cover, and ſhot them dead at their leiſure in the water, [114] while they were unable to return the fire more than once, their ſituation preventing them from re-loading their muſquets. Their gallant commander, being imprudently diſtinguiſhed by a gold-laced hat, was ſhot through the head in the firſt onſet. The few that ſcrambled out of the marſh upon the banks were immediately put to death in the moſt barbarous manner, except five or ſix, who were taken priſoners and carried alive to the ſettle⯑ment of the rebels. The melancholy fate of theſe un⯑fortunate men, I ſhall, in a proper place, deſcribe, as I had it ſince from thoſe that were eye-witneſſes of it.

The intelligence had ſcarcely reached Paramaribo, than the whole town was in a tumult; ſome parties were ſo ve⯑hement that they were ready to tear the governor and council to pieces, for having diſmiſſed Colonel Fourgeoud with his regiment; while others ingenuouſly declared, that if we were intended for no further uſe than we had hitherto been, our company might without regret be diſ⯑penſed with. All this could not but be exceedingly gal⯑ling to our officers, who wiſhed nothing more than to be employed on actual ſervice for the advantage of the colony. On the other ſide, moſt bitter lampoons were ſpread through the town againſt the governor and his council; libels of ſuch a black and inflammatory nature, that no leſs than a thouſand gold ducats were offered as a reward for the diſcovery of their author, with a promiſe of concealing the name of the informer if he required it: but the whole was to no purpoſe, and neither author nor [115] informer made their appearance; the general clamour however ſtill continuing, the governor and council were forced a third time to petition us to remain in Surinam, and to protect the diſtracted colony. To this petition we once more condeſcended to liſten, and the ſhips were actually a third time put out of commiſſion.

We, however, ſtill continued doing nothing, to the un⯑ſpeakable ſurprize of every perſon concerned: the only part on duty, hitherto, having conſiſted of a ſubaltern's guard at the head-quarters, to protect the chief, his co⯑lours, his ſtore-houſes, pigs and poultry, which guard regularly mounted every day at half paſt four o'clock, and another on board the tranſports, until the proviſions had been ſtowed on ſhore in the magazines. This, a few field-days excepted, when the ſoldiers were drilled for pomp alone in a burning ſun till they fainted, comprehend⯑ed the whole of our military manoeuvres. But I perceive the reader is already impatient for ſome information re⯑ſpecting theſe two extraordinary men, who, from their inveteracy and oppoſition to each other, as well as from other cauſes, were the authors of theſe unaccountable and fluctuating proceedings; and the outlines of theſe two characters may perhaps aſſiſt in unravelling the myſtery.

As the ingredients of flattery or fear make but a ſmall part of that man's compoſition who preſumes to give them, and who pretends perfectly to have known both, [116] the reader may depend on having them painted in their true original colours, however ſtrong the ſhades.

Governor Nepſeu was ſaid to be rather a man of ſenſe than of learning, and was wholly indebted to his art and addreſs, for having riſen to his preſent dignity from ſweeping the hall of the court-houſe. By the ſame means he was enabled, from nothing, to accumulate a fortune, by ſome computed at no leſs than eight thouſand pounds ſterling annually, and to command reſpect from all ranks of people, no perſon ever daring to attack him but at a diſtance. His deportment was affable, but iron⯑ical, without ever loſing the command of his temper, which gave him the appearance of a man of faſhion, and rendered his influence almoſt unbounded. He was generally known by the appellation of Reynard, and was moſt certainly a fox of too much artifice to be run down by all the hounds in the colony.

Colonel Fourgeoud was almoſt exactly the reverſe of this portrait. He was impetuous, paſſionate, ſelf-ſuffi⯑cient, and revengeful: he was not cruel to individuals, but was a tyrant to the generality, and cauſed the death of hundreds by his ſordid avarice and oppreſſion. With all this he was partial, ungrateful, and confuſed; but a moſt indefatigable man in bearing hardſhips and in braving dangers, not exceeded by Columbus himſelf, which, like a true buccaneer, he ſuſtained with the moſt heroic courage, patience, and perſeverance. Though un⯑conquerably [117] harſh and ſevere to his officers, he was however not wanting in affability to the private ſoldiers. He had read, but had no education to aſſiſt him in digeſting what he read. In ſhort, few men could talk better, but on moſt occaſions few could act worſe.

Such were the characters of our commanders, while the oppoſition of two ſuch men to each other could not fail to produce unhappineſs to the troops, and ope⯑rated as a ſufficient cauſe for the fluctuating ſtate of political affairs in this dejected colony.

As we ſtill continued totally inactive, I am neceſſarily deprived of the pleaſure of relating any of our hero's warlike atchievements.—To relieve the ſameneſs of the narrative, I therefore take the liberty of deſcribing one of his favourites.—This was no other than a bird called the toucan, and in Surinam banarabeck or cojacai, either from its bill having ſome reſemblance to that fruit, or from its being accuſtomed to feed on it, and perhaps from both. This animal the colonel kept hopping tame amongſt his poultry.

The toucan is not larger than a tame pigeon, and yet its beak is no leſs than ſix inches in length, if not more. It is ſhaped like a jackdaw, carrying its tail almoſt per⯑pendicular, except when it flies: its colour is black, ex⯑cept a little white under the throat and breaſt, which is bordered with red in the form of a creſcent reverſed, and a few feathers above and under its tail, ſome white and ſome crimſon. The head is large, with a blueiſh ring [118] round the eyes, of which the iris is yellow, and its aſh⯑coloured toes are much like thoſe of a parrot. Its re⯑markable beak deſerves the moſt particular attention, which is ſerrated, and of a ſize utterly diſproportioned to its body. This beak, however, which is arched, is as thin as parchment, and conſequently very light; it is yellow on the top, and on the ſides of a beautiful deep orange, incloſing a tongue which bears a ſtrong reſemblance to a feather. The toucan feeds on fruit, eſpecially pepper, and is very domeſtic.

I ſhall here alſo take the opportunity to deſcribe an⯑other tame bird, which I ſaw with pleaſure at the houſe of Mr. Lolkens, and which I take to be what we call the fly-catcher; they denominate it in this country ſun⯑fowlo, becauſe when it extends its wings, which it fre⯑quently does, there appears, on the interior part of each wing, the moſt beautiful repreſentation of a ſun. This bird is about the ſize of a woodcock, and of a golden colour, but ſpeckled; its legs are very long, and alſo its ſlender bill, which is perfectly ſtrait, and very pointed. With this it darts at the flies while they creep, with ſuch wonderful dexterity and quickneſs, that it never miſſes the object, which ſeems to conſtitute its principal food; and this property renders it both uſeful and entertaining. This bird might, with ſome degree of propriety, be ſtyled the perpetual motion, its body making a continual movement, and its tail keeping time like the pendulum of a clock.

[119]Having deſcribed theſe two contraſts in appearance, I muſt add, that neither they, nor any of thoſe birds in Guiana which are remarkable for their beautiful plumage, ever ſing with any degree of melody, three or four per⯑haps excepted, whoſe notes are ſweet, but not varied. Of theſe I ſhall ſpeak at a proper opportunity.

One bird more I ſhall only mention in this place, which may be conſidered as the rival of the mock-bird, viz. the Caribbean wren. This bird, which is called by the Su⯑rinam coloniſts Gado fowlo, or the bird of God, probably from its familiarity, inoffenſiveneſs, and its delightful muſic, is rather larger than the Engliſh wren, which in its plumage it much reſembles; it frequently perches upon the window-ſhutters with the familiarity of the robin. From its enchanting warbling, it has been ho⯑noured by many with the name of the South American nightingale.—But to proceed with my narrative.

On the 21ſt died Mr. Renard, one of our beſt ſurgeons, who was buried the ſame afternoon, a proceſs quite ne⯑ceſſary in this hot country, where putrefaction ſo in⯑ſtantaneouſly takes place, and more eſpecially when the [120] patient dies of a putrid fever, which is in this country extremely frequent. This dreadful diſeaſe firſt appears by bilious vomiting, lowneſs of ſpirits, and a yellowiſh caſt of the countenance and eyes; and unleſs proper re⯑medies be immediately applied, the diſtemper becomes fatal, and certain death in a few days is the conſequence. The belly-hatty, or dry-gripes, by ſome compared to the Devonſhire cholic, is alſo a common complaint in this country, and not only cauſes excruciating pains, but is exceedingly dangerous. This alſo had now attacked a great number of our people. As to the cauſes of this diſorder I can give no account. The prevailing ſymptom is an obſtinate coſtiveneſs, which they endeavour to re⯑move by a quantity of caſtor oil taken internally, and alſo injected by the rectum.

It was, indeed, lamentable to obſerve the ſtate to which we were already reduced, from a corps of the fineſt, healthieſt young men that ever ſailed from Europe, with blooming freſh complexions, now changed to the ſallow colour of a drum-head. It was no alleviation of the calamity to reflect, that all this waſte of life and health had been hitherto to no purpoſe; though ſome perſons choſe to report, that the whole was no more than a po⯑litical ſcheme to have another regiment added to the war⯑eſtabliſhment in Holland, as Colonel De Salve's marines had been before: but to this others gave but very little credit.

Of the hoſpitality of the country at leaſt we could not [121] complain, ſince this was actually one of the principal ſources of our misfortunes, and we were likely in a few months to be careſſed to death by the civilities of the men, and the kindneſs of the ladies: a circumſtance which rendered Surinam a real Capua to theſe brave fellows.

On the 27th of June, the gentleman-like Lieutenant-Colonel Baron de Gerſdorph died, much regretted indeed by every perſon; while the grim King of Terrors, conſci⯑entiouſly beginning at the head of the corps with the field officers, could not fail to afford ſome conſolation to the inferior gentry who ſucceeded to their places, by the appointment of Colonel Fourgeoud, the commander in chief, who himſelf exhibited as yet no ſymptoms of mor⯑tality. Major Becquer was now made lieutenant-colonel, and a Captain Rockaph advanced to the rank of major.

The European animals that live in this country are no leſs debilitated and diminutive than the human ſpecies. The oxen, for inſtance, are very ſmall ^*, and their beef not near ſo delicate as it is in Europe, owing probably to their perpetual perſpiration, and the coarſeneſs of the graſs on which they feed, which is not ſo good as that of the ſalt marſhes in Somerſetſhire. On the banks of the Oronoque the oxen run wild, and are ſold by the Spa⯑niards for two dollars per head. A ſingle piece of ready-roaſted [122] beef is often ſent from Europe to Guiana as a moſt valuable and delicate preſent. The manner of pre⯑ſerving the meat for this long voyage, when roaſted, is by putting it in a block-tin box or canniſter; then filling up the empty ſpace with gravy or dripping till it is perfectly covered over; after which the box muſt be made faſt and ſoldered round about, ſo that neither air nor water can penetrate: by this means I was told it may be with ſafety carried round the globe.

The ſheep in this country are ſo ſmall that, when ſkinned, they ſeem not larger than young lambs in Whitechapel market; they have no horns nor wool, but ſtrait hair, and are to an European but very indifferent eating: the more ſo, ſince all beef, mutton, &c. muſt be conſumed the ſame day that it is killed, which cauſes it to eat though, while keeping it longer expoſes it to putrefaction. Neither of theſe animals are natural to Guiana: the breed has been imported from the Old Continent. So alſo was the breed of the hog, but with far better ſucceſs; for theſe animals, in my opinion, thrive better in South America than in Europe. The hogs here are large, fat, good, and plentiful; as in Eng⯑land, they feed on almoſt every thing that is eatable, and on the eſtates are often fattened with green pine⯑apples, a fruit which grows ſpontaneouſly in this climate, and of which they are exceedingly fond. As for the poultry, nothing can thrive better; the common fowls are here as good and as plenty as in any country, but [123] ſmaller, and their eggs differ in ſhape, being more ſharp⯑pointed. A ſmaller ſpecies of the dunghill kind, with rumpled inverted feathers, ſeems natural to Guiana, be⯑ing reared in the inland parts of the country by the Indians or natives. The turkeys are very fine, and ſo are the geeſe, but the ducks are excellent, being of the large Muſcovy ſpecies, with crimſon pearls betwixt the beak and the head: theſe are here juicy, fat, and in great plenty.

After the various delays we had experienced, the reader will be ſurprized to learn that the hour of action at laſt arrived, and all the officers and men were ordered to be ready at a minute's warning to ſet out on actual ſervice, though our little corps was already melted down from five hundred and thirty able men to about three-fourths of that number, by death and ſickneſs, the hoſ⯑pital being crouded by invalids of every kind. The loſs of ſo large a proportion of men was ſupplied in a man⯑ner that will appear extraordinary to a European.

There were two negroes, one called Okera, the other Gowſary, two deſperadoes, who had both been rebel cap⯑tains in the colony of Berbice, and who, for taking Atta their chief, and delivering him to the governor of that ſettlement, had received their pardon. By theſe two men the moſt inhuman murders had been committed on the Europeans in the year 1762, when the revolt was in the above colony. Theſe were now admitted as private [124] ſoldiers in our regiment, and were Colonel Fourgeoud's greateſt favourites.

Before we left Paramaribo, I had an opportunity of ſeeing two very extraordinary animals of the aquatic kind; the one was in Mr. Roux's cabinet of curioſities, and is called in the colony jackee, in Latin, rana piſcatrix. This fiſh is about eight or ten inches long, without ſcales, exceeding fat and delicate, as I can teſtify by ex⯑perience, and is found in all narrow creeks and marſhy places. But what is extremely remarkable is, that this creature, however incredible it may appear, abſolutely changes to a perfect frog, but not from a frog to a fiſh, as Merian, Zeba, and ſome random hiſtorians (among whom I am ſorry to name Weſtley) have been pleaſed to aſſert; and of this truth I was at this time fully ſatisfied, by ſeeing the above animal diffected, and ſuſpended in a bottle with ſpirits; when the two hinder legs of a very ſmall frog made their appearance, growing inſide from that part of the back to which uſually the inteſtines are fixed. I nevertheleſs humbly preſume to ſuppoſe, in this caſe, that the jackee is neither more nor leſs than a kind of tadpole, which grows to a large ſize before it undergoes the uſual transformation.

The other animal I ſaw at the houſe of my friend Kennedy: this is what Dr. Bancroft calls the torporific, and others the electrical eel, and which Dr. Firmyn ſuppoſes to poſſeſs the ſame qualities with the torpedo. [125] This wonderful animal is of a lead-blue colour, formed in a great meaſure like an eel, with one large fin that runs below from head to tail, not unlike the keel of a ſhip. It lives only in freſh water: its length is called by ſome three feet, and by others is aſſerted to be not leſs than four or five times as much ^*. When this animal is touched by the hand, or any rod of metal or hard wood, it communicates a ſhock, the impulſe of which produces the ſame effect as electricity; and Dr. Firmyn has even aſſured me, that the ſhock of this electrical eel has been communicated to him through the bodies of eight or ten people, who ſtood hand in hand for the purpoſe of trying the experiment.

For my own part, all that I can ſay concerning this animal is, that I ſaw it in a tub full of water, where it appeared to be about two feet long; that I threw off my coat, and having turned up my ſhirt-ſleeves, tried about twenty different times to graſp it with my hand, but all without effect, receiving juſt as many electrical ſhocks, which I felt even to the top of my ſhoulder, to the great entertainment of Mr. Kennedy, to whom I loſt a ſmall wager on the occaſion. The electrical eel ſwims forward or backward at pleaſure, it may be eaten with the greateſt ſafety, and is even by many people thought delicious.

It has been ſaid, that this animal muſt be touched with both hands before it gives the ſhock, but this I muſt [126] take the liberty of contradicting, having experienced the contrary effect: it is alſo alledged, that they have been found in Surinam above twenty feet long, but one of that length never yet came within the ſcope of my ob⯑ſervation; nor have I ever heard of any perſon being killed by them, according to the account which is given by the ſame author, Alexander Gardon, M. D. F. R. S. in a letter to John Ellis, Eſq. dated Charleſtown, South Carolina, Auguſt 14th, 1774.

It is a painful circumſtance, that the narrative of my travels muſt ſo frequently prove the record of cruelty and barbarity: but once for all I muſt declare, that I ſtate theſe facts merely in the hope that it may, in ſome mode or other, operate for their future prevention. Before my departure, I was informed of a moſt ſhocking inſtance of depravity, which had juſt occurred. A Jeweſs, im⯑pelled by a groundleſs jealouſy, (for ſuch her huſband made it appear) put an end to the life of a young and beautiful Quadroon girl, by the infernal means of plunging into her body a red-hot poker. But what is moſt incredible, and what indeed will ſcarcely be be⯑lieved in a civilized country, is, that for this moſt dia⯑bolical crime the murdereſs was only baniſhed to the Jew-Savannah, a village which I ſhall afterwards de⯑ſcribe, and condemned in a trifling fine to the fiſcal or town-clerk of the colony.

Another young negro woman, having her ancles chain⯑ed ſo cloſe together that ſhe could ſcarcely move her [127] feet, was knocked down with a cane by a Jew, and beaten till the blood ſtreamed out of her head, her arms, and her naked ſides. So accuſtomed, indeed, are the people of this country to tyranny and inſolence, that a third Iſraelite had the impudence to ſtrike one of my ſoldiers, for having made water againſt his garden-fence. On this miſcreant I took revenge for the whole fraternity, by wreſting the offending weapon out of his hand, which I inſtantly broke into a thouſand pieces on his guilty naked pate.

I nevertheleſs was juſt enough to flog another man out of the regiment, for picking a Jew's pocket: and, to their credit be it mentioned, that ſo jealous are the Dutch ſoldiers of what they call a point of honour, that were a thief to be known, and kept in the ranks, the whole regiment would lay down their arms. This etiquette is of great utility, and would be no bad practice to be introduced into ſome other armies, where a thief is too often accounted as good as another, if he is ſo for⯑tunate as to be ſix feet high.

About this time Colonel Fourgeoud iſſued the following orders, viz. that in caſe it ever happened that two officers, or under-officers, of equal rank, the one of the European the other of the Society corps, ſhould meet on any mili⯑tary duty, the firſt ſhould always take the command, in⯑dependent of ſeniority, unleſs the latter bore a higher commiſſion.

[128]We now ſeriouſly prepared for victory or death, on board the wooden walls of the Colony, which conſiſted of half a dozen crazy old ſugar barges, ſuch as are uſed by the colliers in the Thames, being only roofed over with boards, which gave them the appearance of ſo many coffins; and how well they deſerved this name, I am afraid will too ſoon appear by the number of men they buried.

On the firſt of July were diſpatched for the river Come⯑wina, one captain, two ſubalterns, one ſerjeant, two corpo⯑rals, and eighteen men. Of this captain, I cannot help mentioning a very ſingular circumſtance—the firſt day we landed in this colony, having entered the lodging on which he was billetted, his landlady declared ſhe ſhould ever pride herſelf in ſhewing all the civility in her power to either marines or naval officers, as ſhe owed her life to one of them, who had ſome years before picked her up in an open boat with ſeveral others, after they had been toſſed about ſixteen days without either compaſs, ſail, or proviſions, a little ſea-biſcuit and water excepted, on the Atlantic ocean. To avoid circumlocution, this very gen⯑tleman, whoſe name was Tulling Van Older Barnevelt, proved to be the individual officer who had ſaved her from the jaws of death, as he at that time belonged to the navy, being a lieutenant of a Dutch man of war.

This ſame day we alſo diſpatched another barge with two ſubalterns, one ſerjeant, one corporal, and fourteen [129] men, commanded by Lieutenant Count Randwyck, to the river Pirica; and in the evening, having entertained ſome ſelect friends in my houſe, I bade farewell to my Joanna, to whoſe care I left my all; and herſelf to the protection of her mother and aunt, with my directions for putting her to ſchool until my return: after which, I at laſt marched on board, with four ſubalterns, two ſer⯑jeants, three corporals, and thirty-two men under my command, to be divided into two barges, and bound for the upper part of the river Cottica.—

The above barges were all armed with ſwivels, blun⯑derbuſſes, &c. and provided with allowance for one month: their orders were (that which went to the Jews Savannah excepted) to cruize up and down the upper parts of the rivers, each barge having a pilot, and rowed by negro ſlaves, ten of which were on board of each for the purpoſe, and which made my complement, including my black boy Quaco, exactly ſixty-five, thirty-five of which embarked with myſelf. With this ſhip's company was I now ſtowed in my hen-coop; while on board of my lieutenant's barge the crew conſiſted of twenty-nine only, and conſequently were leſs cowded

[130]I muſt take notice that from our firſt landing in Surinam till this time our private men were paid in ſilver coin, which the captains had propoſed to exchange for card money, at the rate of ten per cent. gain for them; by which the poor fellows would have benefited between two and three hundred pounds ſterling per annum, to buy refreſhment: but Colonel Fourgeoud inſiſted they ſhould continue to receive their little pittance in coin, which in ſmall ſums was of no more value than paper; and I thought unaccountably hard, ſince this was hurting the whole, without profit to one ſingle individual. One thing more I muſt remark, which is, that all the officers who were now proceeding upon duty continued to pay at the meſs, which coſt each captain at the rate of forty pounds; but for which, in his barge, he was to re⯑ceive in proviſions after the rate of ten pounds (thus he loſt thirty pounds; and theſe proviſions were ſalt beef, pork, and peaſe) on an equal footing with the private ſoldiers, a few bottles of wine excepted. But certainly ſome greater indulgence was due, and I muſt ſay neceſſary, to officers, who were going to be ſtationed where abſolutely no kind of refreſhment was to be had, being ſurrounded by the moſt horrid and impe⯑netrable woods, beyond the hearing of a cannon-ſhot from any port or plantation whatever. This was not the caſe with the other barges, who were ſtationed in the midſt of peace and plenty, being within view of the moſt beautiful eſtates. We were indeed pitied [131] by all ranks without exception; who foreſeeing our approaching calamities, crouded my barge with the beſt commodities they had to preſent, which they inſiſted upon my accepting. But the reader will have a better idea of the liberality of my benefactors from the following liſt, than from any encomiums which I could paſs upon it:

• 24 Bottles of beſt claret,
• 12 Ditto of Madeira,
• 12 Ditto of Engliſh porter,
• 12 Ditto of Engliſh cyder,
• 12 Ditto of Jamaica rum,
• 2 Large loaves of white ſugar,
• 2 Gallons of brandy,
• 6 Bottles of muſcadel,
• 2 Gallons of lemon-juice,
• 2 Gallons of ground coffee,
• 2 Large Weſtphalia hams,
• 2 Salted bullocks tongues,
• 1 Bottle of Durham muſtard,
• 6 Dozen of ſpermaceti candles.

From this ſpecimen the reader will eaſily perceive, that if ſome of the inhabitants of the colony of Su⯑rinam ſhew themſelves the diſgrace of the creation, by their cruelties and brutality, others, by their hoſpitality and ſocial feelings, approve themſelves an ornament to the human ſpecies.—With this inſtance of virtue and generoſity, I therefore conclude this chapter; and truſt I ſhall ever be found more ready to record the good actions of my fellow-creatures, than to remark their defects.

CHAP. VII. Armed Barges are ſent up to defend the Rivers—Deſcrip⯑tion of the Fortreſs New Amſterdam—A Cruiſe in the upper Parts of Rio Cottica and Patamaca—Great Mortality among the Troops—View of the Military Poſt at Devil's Harwar.

CHAP. VII.ON the third of July, 1773, at four o'clock in the morning, the fleet caſt off from their moorings, and with the ebb tide rowed down as far as the fortreſs New Amſterdam, where, being wind and tide bound, we dropped anchor off the battery.

It may not be improper, in this place, to deſcribe the dreſs of our marines, which was blue turned up with ſcarlet, ſhort jackets, and leather caps. They carried a muſquet, fabre, and piſtols; a large wallet or knapſack acroſs one ſhoulder, and their hammocks ſlung over the other. While in the woods, they wore trowſers and check ſhirts, with ſhort linen frocks, as moſt adapted to the climate.

Having now time and opportunity, I viſited the fortreſs called New Amſterdam.

This fortification was began in the year 1734, and finiſhed in 1747. It is built in the form of a regular pen⯑tagon, with five baſtions, being about three Engliſh miles in circumference, ſurrounded by a broad foſſe, which is ſupplied from the river, and defended by a co⯑vert way, well paliſadoed. Its foundations are a kind of rocky ground; and its principal ſtrength by water a large bank of mud off the point, ſupported by a ſtrong battery of cannon, which prevents even flat-bottomed veſſels from making any approach in that quarter; and by croſſing the fire of the guns with the oppoſite re⯑doubts, Leyden and Purmerent, it protects the entry of both the rivers, Surinam and Comewina, as I have ſaid before: it has, beſides, powder-magazines and victualling-offices, and is well provided with all the other neceſſary buildings for the uſe of a ſtrong garriſon. There are even a corn-windmill, and a ciſtern which will hold [134] above a thouſand hogſheads of water. This in fact is no more than neceſſary; ſince, according to my opinion, it will take the whole army of Surinam to defend ſo large an extent for any length of time. Adjoining to the for⯑treſs is alſo a large ſpot of ground, well ſtocked with plantains, yams, &c. in order to feed the Society ſlaves, which are kept here, at the colony's expence, to work at the fortifications, under the inſpection of a proper overſeer.

In this fort is generally ſtationed a ſmall garriſon, com⯑manded by an officer of the artillery, which obliges all veſſels whatever to bring-to, ſhew their colours, and ſalute them with ſeven guns each, the compliment being an⯑ſwered with three guns from the battery, and the hoiſt⯑ing of a flag on the ramparts. I ſhall only add, that this fortreſs is, on the north-eaſt ſide, ſurrounded with bogs and impenetrable buſhes, and that the ſpot was, from theſe circumſtances, formerly called the Tyger's Hole.

Having deſcribed fort New Amſterdam, I cannot leave it without taking notice of ſome very remarkable fiſh, which are always ſeen in great quantities near this town, and which have actually four eyes, ſwimming conſtantly with two above and two under the water. Theſe fiſhes are about the ſize of a ſmelt, and ſwim in ſhoals with incredible velocity; they ſeem principally to delight in blackiſh water, are accounted no bad eating, and are called coot-eye by the inhabitants of the colony.

[135]This evening my ſentinel being inſulted by a row⯑boat, which damned him, and ſpoke of the whole crew in the moſt opprobrious terms, I immediately manned the canoe, and gave chace; but by the help of hoiſting a ſmall ſail, and the intervention of a dark night, the rogue, who kept courſe towards Baram's Point, had the good fortune to eſcape my reſentment.

On the fourth of July, in the morning, we weighed anchor; and having doubled the Cape, rowed with the flood till we arrived before Elizabeth's Hope, a beautiful coffee plantation, where the proprietor, Mr. Klynhams, inviting us on ſhore, ſhewed us every civility in his power, and loaded my barge with refreſhing fruits, ve⯑getables, &c. He told us that he pitied our ſituation from his heart, and foretold the miſeries we were going to encounter, the rainy ſeaſon being juſt at hand, or in⯑deed having already commenced, by frequent ſhowers, accompanied with loud claps of thunder. ‘"As for the enemy," ſaid he, "you may depend on not ſeeing one ſingle ſoul of them; they know better than to make their appearance openly, while they may have a chance of ſeeing you from under cover: thus, Sir, take care to be upon your guard—but the climate, the climate will murder you all. However," continued he, "this ſhews the zeal of your commander, who will rather ſee you killed, than ſee you eat the bread of idleneſs at Paramaribo."’ —This pleaſant harangue he accompa⯑nied with a ſqueeze by the hand. We then took our [136] leave, while the beautiful Mrs. Dutry, his daughter, ſhed tears at our departure.—This evening we anchored be⯑fore the Matapaca Creek.

I here created my two barges men of war, and named them the Charon and the Cerberus, by which names I ſhall diſtinguiſh them during the reſt of the voyage; though the Sudden Death and Wilful Murder were much more applicable, as will be ſeen. We now continued rowing up the river Cottica, having paſſed, ſince we entered Rio Comewina, ſome moſt enchantingly beautiful eſtates of coffee and ſugar, which line the banks of both theſe ri⯑vers, at the diſtance of one or two miles from each other.

My crew having walked and dreſt their dinner aſhore on the plantation l'Avanture, we anchored, on the even⯑ing of the 5th, before Rio Pirica.

On the following day we rowed ſtill further up the river Cottica, and went on ſhore on the eſtate Alia. At all the above plantations we were moſt hoſpitably re⯑ceived, but we met with fewer plantations as the river grew narrower.

On the 7th we continued our courſe, and having walked aſhore on the eſtate Bockkeſtyne, being the laſt plantation up the river Cottica on the right, except one or two ſmall eſtates in Patamaca, at night we caſt anchor at the mouth of Coopman's Creek. This day the Charon was on fire, but happily it was ſoon extinguiſhed.

On the 8th, we again kept rowing upwards, and at eleven o'clock A. M. caſt anchor off the fort Slans Wel⯑veren, [137] which was guarded by the troops of the Society. Here I ſtepped on ſhore, with my officers, to wait on Captain Orzinga, the commander, and delivered three of my ſick men into his hoſpital; where I beheld ſuch a ſpectacle of miſery and wretchedneſs as baffles all imagi⯑nation: this place having been formerly called Devil's Harwar, on account of its intolerable unhealthineſs—a name by which alone I ſhall again diſtinguiſh it, as much more ſuitable than that of Slans Welveren, which ſignifies the welfare of the nation.

Here I ſaw a few of the wounded wretches, who had eſcaped from the engagement in which Lieutenant Lep⯑per, with ſo many men, had been killed; and one of them told me the particulars of his own miraculous eſcape:— ‘"I was ſhot, Sir," ſaid he, "with a muſquet-bullet in my breaſt; and to reſiſt or eſcape being impoſſible, as the only means left me to ſave my life I threw myſelf down among the mortally wounded, and the dead, without moving hand or foot. Here in the evening the rebel chief, ſurveying his conqueſt, ordered one of his captains to begin inſtantly to cut off the heads of the ſlain, in order to carry them home to their village, as trophies of their victory: this captain, having al⯑ready chopped off that of Lieutenant Lepper, and one or two more, ſaid to his friend, Sonde go ſleeby, caba mekewe liby den tara dogo tay tamara; The ſun is juſt going to ſleep, we muſt leave thoſe other dogs till to⯑morrow. [138] Upon ſaying which (continued the ſoldier) as I lay on my bleeding breaſt, with my face reſting on my left arm, he, dropping his hatchet into my ſhoulder, made the fatal wound you ſee, of which I ſhall perhaps no more recover.—I however lay quite ſtill. They went away, carrying along with them the mangled heads of my comrades, and five or ſix priſoners alive, with their hands tied behind their backs, of whom I never ſince have heard. When all was quiet, and it was very dark, I found means, on my hands and feet, to creep out from among the carnage, and get under cover in the foreſt, where I met another of our ſoldiers, who was leſs wounded than myſelf; with whom, after ten days wandering, in torment and deſpair, without bandages, not knowing which way to proceed, and only one ſingle loaf of black bread for our ſubſiſtence, we at laſt arrived at the military poſt of Patamaca, emaciated, and our putrefied wounds full of live worms."’

I gave the miſerable creature half-a-crown; and hav⯑ing agreed with Captain Orzinga upon the ſignals, we left this peſt-houſe, and ſtepping on board my man of war, rowed up till we arrived before a creek, called Bar⯑bacoba, where we once more came to an anchor.

On the following day we continued to row farther up the river, till we came before the Cormoetibo Creek, where we moored the fleet, as being my head [139] ſtation, by Colonel Fourgeoud's command. Here we ſaw nothing but water, wood, and clouds; no trace of hu⯑manity, and conſequently the place had a moſt diſmal, ſolitary appearance.

On the 10th I detached the Cerberus to her ſtation, viz. Upper Patamaca; for which place ſhe rowed imme⯑diately, with a long liſt of paroles, according to my or⯑ders, but which were never of any ſervice.

We now tried to cook the victuals on board; our fur⯑nace was a large tub filled with earth, and we ſucceeded, at the expence of having almoſt ſcalded one of my men to death, and at the hazard of ſetting the barge once more on fire. As we had no ſurgeon along with us, this office fell to my lot; and, by the help of a ſmall cheſt of medicines, I performed ſo well, that in a few days the ſcalded marine recovered.

To prevent, however, a ſimilar accident again, I ſought an opening in the creek above-named, which having found not very far from the mouth, I ordered my negroes to build a ſhed, and my men to dreſs their victuals below it, placing ſentinels around them to prevent a ſurprize, and in the evening we returned to our ſtation. This cooking we continued to perform every day, until the fourteenth, when we rowed down to Barbacoba.

Here we built another ſhed on the 15th, for the ſame purpoſe; and then, the rain already beating through my decks, we rowed down to Devil's Harwar for repair, where I put one of my negroes ſick in the hoſpital.

[140]On the 16th, I got my deck caulked and payed, and ſent an account of our arrival to Colonel Fourgeoud.

On the 17th, we returned to Cormoetibo Creek, having loſt an anchor among the roots of the mangrove-trees that on both ſides line the banks of all the rivers in the colony. Theſe trees are of two ſpecies, the red and the white, but the former is that of which I now ſpeak: it riſes from a number of roots that ſhew themſelves above ground for ſeveral feet before they are joined to⯑gether, and form the trunk, which is both large and tall; the bark is grey on the outſide, but the inſide is red, and uſed for tanning leather. The wood is reddiſh, hard, and good for building and other purpoſes; but the moſt remarkable property of this tree is, that from its extended branches, and even its trunk, deſcend thouſands of ligneous ſhoots, like the ropes of a ſhip, which drop⯑ping to the earth, take root and again re-aſcend, form⯑ing for a great circumference an impenetrable thicket, while, like ſo many props, they keep the tree ſteady in all weathers. The white mangrove is found moſtly in places more diſtant from the water.

This evening my ſentinel, when it was very dark, called out that he ſaw a negro, with a lighted tobacco-pipe, croſs the Cormoetibo Creek in a canoe. We loſt no time in leaping out of our hammocks; but were not a little mortified, when one of my ſlaves declared it was no more than a fire-fly on the wing—which actually was the caſe.

[141]Theſe inſects are above an inch long, with a round patch under the belly, of a tranſparent greeniſh colour, which in the dark gives a light like a candle: its eyes are alſo very luminous, and by the light of a couple of theſe flies one may ſee very well to read ſmall print. There is another ſpecies, which is ſmaller, and only to be obſerved when they fly elevated, at which time they appear like the intermitting ſparks of fire emitted from the forge of a blackſmith.

On the 18th, having nothing elſe to do, I ſhot a bird, which is here called a tigri-fowlo, or tiger-bird, but which I take to be of the heron ſpecies; it is about the ſize of a heron, but of a reddiſh colour, covered over with regular black ſpots, from which it has derived its name: its bill, which is long and ſtrait, as alſo the legs and toes, are of a pale green colour, and ſeem to indicate that it lives upon fiſh: the neck is alſo long, from which hangs down a kind of heavy feathers. On the head, which is ſmall, it has a roundiſh black ſpot, and its eyes are a beautiful yellow.

By a water-patrole from the Cerberus I received intel⯑ligence this evening, that the men began to be ſickly; and on the following day I was informed, that on the ſpot where we had dreſſed our victuals, in the Cormoetibo Creek, and which is on the rebel ſide of the river, a ſtrong detachment had lately been murdered by the enemy. I therefore ordered the ſhed to be burnt to the ground, and the meat to be dreſſed on board the barges. [142] Here all the elements now ſeemed to unite in oppoſing us; the water pouring down like a deluge, the heavy rains forced themſelves fore and aft into the veſſel, where they ſet every thing afloat; the air was infeſted with myriads of muſquitoes, which, from ſun-ſet to ſun⯑riſing, conſtantly kept us company, and prevented us from getting any ſleep, and left us in the morning be⯑ſmeared all over with blood, and full of blotches. The ſmoak of the fire and tobacco, which we burnt to annoy them, was enough to choak us; and not a foot-ſtep of land could we find, where we might cook our ſalt pro⯑viſions in ſafety. To all this miſery may be added, that diſcord broke out between the marines and the negroes, with whom, as promiſes or threats had as yet no weight, I was obliged to have recourſe to other means. I tied up the ringleaders of both parties; and after ordering the firſt to be well flogged, and the latter to be horſe⯑whipped for half an hour, after due ſuſpence and expec⯑tation, I pardoned them all without one laſh. This had equally the effect of the puniſhment, and peace was perfectly re-eſtabliſhed; but to prevent approaching diſ⯑eaſe was totally out of my power. Not all the golden rules in Doctor Armſtrong's beautiful poem upon health could avail in this ſituation.

We rowed down on the 20th, till we arrived before the Caſepoere Creek, in hopes of meeting ſome relief, but were equally uncomfortable. So very thick were the muſquitoes now, that by clapping my two hands to⯑gether, [143] I have actually killed to the number of thirty-eight at one ſtroke.

In rowing down to Barbacoeba, we ſaw one or two beautiful ſnakes ſwim acroſs the river. In the courſe of our progreſs we occaſionally met with a little relief, by ſtepping aſhore under the ſhade. I now had recourſe to the advice of an old negro. — ‘"Caramaca," ſaid I, "what methods do you take to preſerve your health?"’ —‘"Swim every day twice or thrice, Sir," ſaid he, "in the river. This, Maſara, not only ſerves for exerciſe where I cannot walk, but keeps my ſkin clean and cool; and the pores being open, I enjoy a free perſpiration. Without this, by imperceptible filth, the pores are ſhut, the juices ſtagnate, and diſeaſe muſt inevitably follow."’ Having recompenſed the old gentleman with a dram, I inſtantly ſtripped and plunged headlong into the river. I had, however, no ſooner taken this leap, than he called to me for God's ſake to come on board; which having done with much aſtoniſhment, he reminded me of the alligators, as well as of a fiſh which is here called pery.—‘"Both theſe, Sir," ſaid he, "are exceed⯑ingly dangerous, but by following my directions you will run no hazard. You may ſwim entirely naked, only take care that you conſtantly keep in motion; for the moment you are quiet, you run the riſk of their ſnapping off a limb, or being dragged to the bottom."’

[144]Having mentioned the alligator, I ſhall take the li⯑berty to offer to the reader (though he cannot but have met with ſome account of this creature in reading different voyages) ſome particulars which I have myſelf obſerved, or of which I have been informed on the beſt authority.

The difference between the above animal and the cro⯑codile (which is alſo found in Surinam) conſiſts not merely in the name, but in the ſhape and in the nature alſo, the latter being longer and more ſlender in pro⯑portion, and not ſo ferocious; the alligator or cayman (as called by the natives and negroes) is beſides more frequently met with than the crocodile, which partly may be the cauſe of its being ſuppoſed to be more deſtructive. I ſhall only add, that in Aſia there is a conſiderable difference to be found upon a nice examination between the above two reptiles, where they are alſo larger than they are in any parts of America.

Had it not been for an accident, theſe creatures would never have been known by any other name than that of crocodile: for had the firſt navigators ſeen any thing more reſembling their form than a lizard, they would have adopted that which the Indians called them by, viz. [146] the cayman; but the Spaniſh ſailors remarking their great reſemblance to that little reptile, they called the firſt of them which they ſaw lagarto, or lizard. When our countrymen arrived, and heard that name, they called the creature a-lagarto, whence is derived the word alligato, or alligator.

The great advantage of ſuch repoſitories of Natural Hiſtory as the Britiſh Muſeum is, that they enable the lover of nature and truth to be ſatisfied by his own eyes of the extraordinary and almoſt incredible productions of nature. In the above-named collection may be ſeen a crocodile, differing in ſome particulars, but chiefly in its dimenſions, from the creatures of the ſame name in other parts of India. Though ſo numerous in Bengal, I never heard upon good authority of one much larger than this, which meaſures above twenty-one feet. It was taken in the river Indus, but not till it had received on many parts of its body ſeveral three-pound balls, many of which could not penetrate, or produce the leaſt effect againſt his ſcales.

As I cannot ſo eaſily produce my voucher, I muſt pledge my veracity for another ſpecimen, which I have myſelf ſeen; which proves to me that there have been ſome of this ſpecies of more than twice the ſize of that which may be meaſured in the Muſeum.

At Maeſtricht, in 1781, I ſaw the head of a crocodile petrified, which had been dug out of Mount Saint Pierre: [147] the body of which, by calculation, muſt have meaſured above ſixty feet in length.—Query, when, or how, did this animal come there? Yet there with aſtoniſhment I beheld it, in the poſſeſſion of a prieſt, who ſince ſent it to Paris as a very great curioſity.

In Guiana there are ſaid to be lizards of the ſize of five or ſix feet; but that ſpecies which is here called the iguana, and by the Indians the wayamaca, is ſeldom above three feet long. From the head to the extremity of the tail, it is covered over with ſmall ſcales, reflecting very brilliant colours in the ſun; the back and legs are of a dark blue, the ſides and belly of a yellowiſh kind of green, as alſo the bag or looſe ſkin which hangs under its throat. It is ſpotted in many parts with brown and black, and its eyes are a beautiful pale red, while the claws are of a deep cheſnut colour.

This lizard, like the alligator, has its back and tail indented, both which are formed into a ſharp edge. It lays its eggs in the ſand, and is often ſeen among the ſhrubs and plants, where the Indians ſhoot it with their bows and arrows. Theſe people eſteem its fleſh, which is very white, as a great delicacy; it is ſold dear at Para⯑maribo, and bought as a dainty by many of the white inhabitants. This creature's bite is extremely painful, but ſeldom attended with bad conſequences.

But to return to my negro Caramaca, I acknow⯑ledge his account at firſt diſcouraged me from the [148] plan of daily bathing for health; but finding by fol⯑lowing his direction that the dangers he repreſented were to be avoided, I reſolved to follow it, and derived great benefit from the practice as long as I remained in the colony. This negro alſo adviſed me to walk bare-footed and thinly dreſſed. ‘"Now is the ſeaſon, Maſſera," ſaid he, "to uſe your feet to become hard, by walking on the ſmooth boards of the veſſel; the time may come when you will be obliged to do ſo for want of ſhoes, in the midſt of thorns and briers, as I have ſeen ſome others. Cuſtom," ſaid he, "Maſſera, is ſecond nature: our feet were all made alike. Do ſo as I adviſe you; and in the end you will thank old Caramaca. As for being thinly dreſſed," continued the negro, "a ſhirt and trowſers is fully ſufficient; which not only ſaves trouble and expence, but the body wants air, as well as it does water: ſo bathe in both when you have the opportunity."’ — From that moment I followed his counſels, to which, beſides being cleanly and cool, I in a great meaſure aſcribe the preſervation of my life. I now frequently thought on Paramaribo, where I enjoyed all the delicacies of life; while here I was forced to have recourſe to many expedients much worſe than any ſavage; yet ſhould I not have repined had any perſon profited by our ſufferings.—But I am forgetting the articles of war, viz. implicitly to obey, and aſk no queſtions.

[149]Having, on the 22d, ſent my ſerjeant and one man ſick to the hoſpital at Devil's Harwar, we now rowed again to the head ſtation before Cormoetibo Creek.

Here one of my negroes caught ſome fiſh, amongſt which was the torporific eel already deſcribed, which he dreſſed and eat with his companions; the others were the pery and que-quee: the pery was that mentioned by the old ſlave as dangerouſly rapacious. This fiſh is ſome⯑times near two feet long, of a flattiſh make, ſcaly, and of a blueiſh colour; the mouth large, and thick ſet with ſharp teeth, which are ſo ſtrong, and the pery ſo vora⯑cious, that it frequently ſnaps off the feet of ducks when ſwimming, nay even the toes, the fingers, and the breaſts of women. The que-quee may be called a fiſh in armour, being covered over from head to tail with brown coloured moveable rings, ſliding the one over the other, and joined like thoſe of a lobſter, which ſerve for its de⯑fence in place of ſcales. This laſt is from ſix to ten inches long, with a large head and of a roundiſh ſhape. Both the pery and the que-quee are very good eating.—But I muſt for ſome time lay aſide the deſcription, and return to my journal.

The 23d, being the day appointed by Captain Orzinga and myſelf for the trial of the ſignals, at twelve o'clock preciſely the whole number of blunderbuſſes and ſwivels were fired at Devil's Harwar on board the Charon, and on board the Cerberus ſtill ſtationed at Patamaca; which proved to be to no purpoſe, no perſon on board either of [150] the veſſels having been able to hear the report of the guns fired by the other. During this, however, I met with a ſmall accident, by firing myſelf one of the blun⯑derbuſſes, which I placed like a muſquet againſt my ſhoulder; when I received ſuch a ſtroke by its rebound⯑ing as threw me backward over a large hogſhead of beef, and had nearly diſlocated my right arm. This however it ſeems was owing to my ignorance of the man⯑ner of uſing the blunderbuſs, as I have ſince been informed that all ſuch weapons ought to be fired under the hand, eſpecially when heavy charged; and then by ſwinging round the body ſuddenly, the force of the rebound is broken, and the effect ſcarcely ſenſible. I inſert this only to ſhew in what manner heavy-loaded muſcatoons ought always to be fired; eſpecially ſince, without any aim, the execution from their wide mouth is almoſt equally fatal.

On the 26th, by a canoe that came down from Pata⯑maca, I received intelligence that the Cerberus was in danger of being ſurpriſed by the enemy, who had been diſcovered hovering round about her; and the part of the river where ſhe was moored being very narrow, I conſidered her ſituation as critical. I therefore imme⯑diately rowed the Charon up before the Pinneburgh Creek; and having manned the yawl, as being the moſt expeditious, went myſelf, with ſix men, to their aſſiſt⯑ance: but was agreeably ſurpriſed at finding the whole to be a falſe alarm. In the evening we returned back to [151] our ſtation. In rowing down I was aſtoniſhed at being hailed by a human voice, which begged me for God's ſake to ſtep on ſhore. This I did, with two of my men; when I was accoſted by a poor old negro woman, im⯑ploring me to afford her ſome aſſiſtance. It ſeems ſhe was the property of a Jew, to whom belonged the ſpot of ground where I found her, and where the poor crea⯑ture lived quite alone, in a hut not larger than a dog-kennel, ſurrounded by a wilderneſs, with only a few plantain-trees, yams, and caſſava, for her ſupport. She was no longer of uſe to work on the great eſtate, and was baniſhed here only to ſupport her maſter's right to the poſſeſſion, ſince this ſpot had been ruined by the re⯑bels. Having left with her a piece of ſalt beef, ſome barley, and a bottle of rum, I took my leave, when ſhe offered me in return one of her cats: but this I could not accept, for by this token, I mean upon the information of the cats, my negro rowers firmly inſiſted that ſhe muſt be a witch; which evinces that this ſuperſtition is not confined to Europe.

In this creek, the banks of which on both ſides are co⯑vered with mangrove-trees, thorns, and briers, we found floating on the ſurface of the water a kind of large white nut, which ſeemed to have dropped of themſelves by ripeneſs from the ſhell. They are ſweet, criſp, and exceedingly good eating; but I neglected to inquire from what tree they had fallen. A kind of water ſhrub, called the mocco-mocco, is here alſo to be found in great [152] quantities. It grows about ſix or eight feet high, thick at bottom, jointed and prickly all the way to the top, where it is very ſmall, and divided into three or four large ſmooth oval leaves, which poſſeſs almoſt the quality of bliſtering by their violent adheſion to the ſkin.

As we approached the Charon in the evening, I found my ſentinel faſt aſleep, which enraged me ſo much, that having quietly entered on board the barge, I fired my piſtol cloſe to his ear, juſt over his head, aſſuring him that I would the next time blow it through his brains: the whole crew flew to their arms, and the poor fellow had nearly leaped into the water. But however it might be neceſſary to threaten in this manner, at a poſt where a ſurprize might be fatal, it would have been ex⯑ceſſive cruelty to have executed it in ſuch a ſituation, where the bite of the muſquitoes rendered it impoſſible to reckon upon ſleep at ſtated times; and thus the inter⯑ruption of it at one time made the approach of it un⯑avoidable at another.

Of theſe animals there are two ſpecies in Guiana, viz. the Ai and the Unan; but in Surinam diſtinguiſhed by the names of the Sicapo and Dago luyaree, or the Sheep and the Dog Sloth, on account of their hair; that of the firſt being buſhy, and of a dirty grey, while the other is lank and reddiſh-coloured. This laſt has alſo but two claws on each foot, and the head is leſs round than the former. Both theſe creatures, by forming themſelves in a clew, have often more the appearance of excreſcences in the bark, than that of animals feeding upon the fo⯑liage, [154] which frequently prevents them from being diſco⯑vered by the natives and negroes, who devour their fleſh with avidity.

Now came down from Patamaca, on the 28th, Lieute⯑nant Stromer, the commander of the Cerberus, in a burn⯑ing fever, and ſcorched by the ſun in an open canoe, drinking cold water from the river as his only relief. In this ſituation, a Jew ſoldier, of the Society poſt La Ro⯑chelle, accompanied him, with the account that the rebels had actually paſſed the creek two days before, one mile above the laſt eſtate, as had been firſt reported, viz. marching from eaſt to weſt.—He at the ſame time deli⯑vered to me a negro woman, with a ſucking infant, who had formerly been ſtolen by the rebels, and had now found means to make her eſcape. From below I received alſo the news, that Major Medlar had ſent to town from the Jew Savannah two dried hands of the enemy, killed by the rangers; that an officer with ten men and ſome proviſions were landed at Devil's Harwar, there to be under my command; and that one of my marines at that place was dead. The ſame diſpatches brought an order for me to look out for a dry ſpot, and, if poſſible, to build a temporary ſtorehouſe.

I immediately detached my lieutenant, Mr. Hamer, to take the command of the Cerberus, and having weighed anchor, rowed down till I arrived before the Caſepory Creek, where we paſſed ſuch a night as no pen can deſcribe: — The ſick groaned, the Jew pray⯑ed aloud, the ſoldiers ſwore, the negroes intreated, [155] the women ſung, the child ſqueaked, the fire ſmoked, the rains poured down, and the whole veſſel ſtunk to ſuch a degree, that I began to think myſelf but little better off than the unfortunate perſons who were confined in the black hole at Calcutta. At ſix o'clock the next morning, however, the joyful ſun broke through the clouds, and I dropped down with the Charon before De⯑vil's Harwar.

On the 29th, I delivered my ſick officer and five ſick men, beſides my other paſſengers, for whom I had done all that was in my power, but that was very little; and having ſtowed the newly-arrived proviſions in a proper place, I once more returned to my dreadful ſtation, where I came to an anchor on the firſt of Auguſt.

The following day, between the ſhowers, we ſaw great numbers of monkies, of which I ſhot one, and having had no freſh meat for a long time, I ordered it to be dreſſed, and eat it with a good appetite. We were at this time in a ſhocking ſituation, not only wanting re⯑freſhment; but the men's cloaths and hammocks were rotting from day to day, not only from their being al⯑moſt conſtantly wet, but being alſo compoſed of the very worſt materials ſent from Holland.

On the third, I received the account that Lieutenant Stromer was dead at Devil's Harwar.

On the fourth, we dropped down before the place, to bury him directly, in the hope of doing it with decency, but we were diſappointed; for having contrived to make [156] a coffin of old boards, the corpſe dropped through it be⯑fore it reached the grave, and exhibited a ſhocking ſpec⯑tacle: we nevertheleſs found means to go through the reſt of the interment with ſome decorum, having co⯑vered it over with a hammock by way of a pall; then fired three vollies with all the troops that had ſtrength to carry arms. This being over, I regaled the officers with a glaſs of wine, and once more took a fare⯑well of Devil's Harwar.

On the ſixth, having firſt written to Colonel Fourgeoud, to acquaint him that the rebels had paſſed above La Rochelle, and that I had found a ſpot for a magazine at Barbacoeba, I informed him alſo of the death of my lieutenant, Mr. Stromer; and recommended my ſerjeant, who had been an officer of huſſars, for advancement.

To give the reader ſome idea of this ſpot called Devil's Harwar, I will here take the opportunity to deſcribe it.

This place was formerly a plantation, but is now en⯑tirely occupied by the military, who keep here a poſt, to defend the upper parts of the river Cottica. The ſoil is elevated and dry, which makes it the more remark⯑able that it ſhould be ſo extremely unwholeſome, yet ſuch it certainly is: and here hundreds of ſoldiers have been buried. It lies on the right ſide of the river as you go upwards, and had formerly a path of communication with the river Pirica, on which were a few military guards; but this is now little frequented, and quite over⯑grown.

[157]The buildings on Devil's Harwar are all made of the pina or manicole-tree; which tree, and the manner of uſing it for houſes, &c. I ſhall afterwards attempt to deſcribe: but now muſt content myſelf with only ſaying, that on this poſt the buildings conſiſt of a dwelling-houſe for the commanding-officer, with four very good rooms; an⯑other for the ſubalterns; a good lodge for the private ſoldiers; and an hoſpital for the ſick, which is large and roomy: but this is no more than is neceſſary, as it never is without inhabitants. There is alſo a powder and vic⯑tualling magazine, proper kitchens, a bake-houſe, &c. be⯑ſides a well with freſh water. The Society troops feed a flock of ſheep, pigs, and poultry at this place, for the uſe only of the hoſpital: here was alſo at this time a cow, which had been allotted for the rangers after Boeccow was taken, but the feaſt had not been kept at this place. She had now a calf, and afforded milk for the officers to their tea, &c. but for us poor fellows in the barges there was nothing at all of the kind. I may add, that ſome of the officers had alſo little gardens here, which afforded them ſallad, &c.

The circumſtance which renders Devil's Harwar ſo un⯑healthy, in my opinion, is the myriads of muſquitoes that prevent the people from reſt, and the multitudes of chigoes or ſand-fleas which abound in that ſtation.

On the ſeventh, I arrived again at Cormoetibo Creek, where I reſolved to make a landing on the ſouth ſhore at all hazards, for my own ſoldiers to cook their beef [158] and barley; concluding it as well to be ſhot by the enemy at once, as to be gradually conſumed to death on board the Charon. It was, however, a difficult taſk to find the ſmalleſt ſpot for the purpoſe, the whole of that ſhore being ſo very marſhy, and over-grown with every kind of underwood, that we could ſcarcely put our new project in execution; till at laſt, my negroes having made a temporary kind of bridge, to ſtep from the yawl upon a ſmall ſpeck of dry ground, and having formed a ſlight ſhed of manicole-leaves to keep off the rain, we found means to keep in a fire, and were infinitely more comfortable than we were on board the Charon. Our danger in this ſituation, however, was certainly greater than in our former ſtation; ſince an old rebel ſettlement was not very far from this place, which was called Pinneburgh, from a neighbouring creek; though others alledge that it obtained this name from the ſharp pins ſtuck in the ground, like crow-feet, or cheveux de frize, with which the rebels had formerly fortified and defended it. Notwithſtanding this village had been de⯑moliſhed, it was well known that the rebels ſtill fre⯑quently viſited the ſpot, to pick up ſome of the yams and caſadas (which the ground continued, in its uncultivated ſtate, to produce) for a temporary ſubſiſtence. I was in⯑deed almoſt abſolutely convinced that the rebels, who had lately paſſed above La Rochelle in Patamaca, were at this moment encamped at the above ſpot Pinneburgh, and ready to commit ſome depredations on the eſtates on [159] the river Cottica or Pirica, if not to attack ourſelves; on this account I always kept double ſentinels round the landing-place, and gave orders that no men ſhould be allowed to ſpeak or make any kind of noiſe while on that ſpot, in order that we might hear the ſmalleſt ruſtling of a leaf, and ſo obviate our danger by vigilance and alacrity.

On the 8th my other officer Macdonald fell ſick, but refuſed to be ſent to Devil's Harwar, as he would not ſuffer me to be left quite by myſelf.

I have ſaid that we had no ſurgeon, but carried with us a parcel of medicines, which conſiſted of emetics, cathartics, and powders, of which I knew not the proper uſe. At their deſire, however, I daily diſtributed them to the men, who, loading their ſtomachs with heavy ſalt proviſions, and uſing no exerciſe, had ſometimes oc⯑caſion for art to aſſiſt nature. But theſe briny meals of pork and beef, Colonel Fourgeoud inſiſted were much more wholeſome food in a tropical country than freſh proviſions; for, by a moſt curious theory, he aſſerted that the latter corrupted in the ſtomach by the heat, whereas the others underwent a proper digeſtion. Un⯑fortunately for us, there were but few on board either the Cerberus or the Charon, whoſe ſtomachs were in a ſtate to digeſt ſuch food. I had alſo ſome plaiſters on board the barge, but theſe were ſoon expended by the run⯑ning ulcers, with which the whole crew was covered; and this was eaſily accounted for, ſince in this climate, [160] where the air is impregnated with myriads of inviſible animalcula, the ſmalleſt ſcratch immediately becomes a running ſore. The beſt antidote and cure for ſuch com⯑plaints in this country is lemon or lime acid, but this we had not. The next beſt mode of treatment is never to expoſe an open wound, or even the ſmalleſt ſcratch, to the air; but the inſtant they are received, to cover them with grey paper wetted with ſpirits, or any kind of moiſture, ſo that it may ſtick to the ſkin. For my own part, no man could enjoy a better ſtate of health than I continued to enjoy, wearing nothing but my long trowſers, and checked ſhirt looſe at the collar and turned up in the ſleeves. Nay, even when the ſun was not too hot, I ſtripped all together, and twice every day continued to plunge into the water: by theſe means I was always cool and clean; I alſo daily uſed a cheering glaſs of wine, having firſt hung it a few fathoms under water, which rendered it much more cool and pleaſant.

During all theſe hardſhips, I muſt not forget the high gratification which was afforded us one day by a few marcuſas that we found in this place, which had been left there ſtanding ever ſince the eſtate, many years ago, had been deſtroyed. There was indeed but one ſingle old tree, I ſhould rather ſay a ſhrub, for the plant which bears them falls more properly under that deſcription. This delicious fruit is of an oval form, and of an orange or golden colour; the bloſſom reſembling the paſſion-flower. They are commonly larger, but ſome leſs than [161] a hen's egg, and are broken open as one would break an egg; they are then found to incloſe an aſh-coloured ſucculent jelly, full of ſmall ſeeds. This is ſipped out of the ſhell, being ſweet mixed with acid, of an ex⯑quiſite flavour, and ſo cool that it reminds one of ice marmalade.

Here we remarked a variety of beautiful butterflies, particularly ſome of an azure blue, which are exceeding⯑ly large, and between the ſhowers ſkimmed and hovered amongſt the green boughs, to which their ultramarine hue, brightened by the ſun, bore the moſt enchanting contraſt: but as I could not catch one of them while I ſtaid here, I muſt defer the farther deſcription to another part of the work.

This evening we heard the ſound of a drum, which we could ſuppoſe to be no other than that of the rebels; nevertheleſs we determined to continue dreſſing our vic⯑tuals aſhore, ſtill keeping on our guard, according to the advice of Mr. Klynhams.

On the 9th Mr. Macdonald was much worſe; however, on ſeeing me receive a letter from Colonel Fourgeoud, he ſeemed to revive, as we all did, expecting now to be relieved from our horrid ſituation. But what was our mortification, at reading that we were ſtill to continue on this forlorn ſtation! This letter was accompanied by a preſent of fiſh-hooks and tackle, to make up for the deficiency of other refreſhments; and, indeed, of ſalt [162] proviſions, which began daily to get both worſe and leſs— ‘Timeo Danaeos et dona ferentes.’

The receipt of ſuch unwelcome intelligence made the whole crew declare they were ſacrificed for no manner of purpoſe; while the negroes ſighed, pro⯑nouncing the words, Ah! poty backera! Oh! poor Euro⯑peans! By the diſtribution however of a few tamarinds, oranges, lemons, and Madeira wine, which were by this opportunity ſent me by my beſt friend at Paramaribo, I found means to impart, not only to my officers, but alſo to my drooping ſoldiers, ſome relief. But this cheering ſun-ſhine could not laſt long: and the day following we were as much diſtreſſed as ever, when I had once more recourſe to the nimble inhabitants of the foreſt, and brought down two monkies with my gun from the top of the mangroves, where they were ſporting in flocks conſiſting of ſome hundreds.

On the 11th, I ſent two men ſick to the hoſpital, and the ſame evening we again heard the drums. On the following day, at noon, we were diſturbed by a hurri⯑cane; the Charon broke looſe from her anchors, and was driven aſhore, her upper works being terribly damaged by the ſtumps of trees, &c. that hung over the river, while the water from the clouds broke in upon us like a torrent, and I expected no leſs than a ſhipwreck.

[163]On the 15th the other officer, Lieutenant Baron Owen, came down ſick from the Cerberus, and at his requeſt I ventured to ſend him down to Paramaribo. I now received another letter from Colonel Fourgeoud, with a little money for the men to purchaſe refreſhments, where nothing was to be met with: but not a word in⯑timating that we were to be relieved.

On the 20th I received a report, that the Cerberus, having only four private men left, had retired to the poſt at La Rochelle; and, on the 21ſt, I ſent two of my men to her aſſiſtance, and ordered her back to her former ſtation.

I now was myſelf at laſt attacked with a fever, and upon the whole felt myſelf in a truly diſtreſſed condi⯑tion; deprived by ſickneſs of my two only officers, and my ſerjeant. My men upon the three ſtations (viz. the two barges and Devil's Harwar together) melted down to fifteen, from the number of forty-two, without a ſur⯑geon, or refreſhment, ſurrounded with a black foreſt, and expoſed to the mercy of relentleſs enemies; who muſt be formidable indeed, ſhould they be informed by any means of our defenceleſs ſituation. The remaining few were, with truth, declaring they were doomed to deſtruction; inſomuch, that they could with difficulty be prevented from mutiny, and from proceeding down the river Cottica with the Charon againſt my orders.

For my own part, I was not altogether free from un⯑eaſineſs. In fact, a few troops from all quarters ought [164] to have marched againſt the enemy, when they croſſed the Patamaca Creek; that is, from La Rochelle, Devil's Harwar, and the river Pirica; when, being aſſailed at once from three quarters, the rebels might have been, if not entirely routed, at leaſt ſeverely puniſhed for their preſumption: not to ſpeak of the happy effect which ſuch a check muſt have had in ſaving the lives and pro⯑perty of thoſe victims, who, after ſuch incurſions, are generally devoted to their rage.

On the 23d I felt myſelf rather better; and between the fits of the fever ſhot a couple of large black monkies to make ſome broth, to ſupply the want of freſh provi⯑ſions: but as the deſtruction of one of theſe animals was attended with ſuch circumſtances, as for ever after had almoſt deterred me from going a monkey-hunting, I muſt beg leave to relate them as they happened:—Seeing me on the ſide of the river in the canoe, the creature made a halt from ſkipping after his companions, and being perched on a branch that hung over the water, examined me with attention, and the ſtrongeſt marks of curioſity: no doubt, taking me for a giant of his own ſpecies; while he chattered prodigiouſly, and kept dancing and ſhaking the bough on which he reſted with incredible ſtrength and agility. At this time I laid my piece to my ſhoulder, and brought him down from the tree into the ſtream;—but may I never again be a witneſs to ſuch a ſcene! The miſerable animal was not dead, but mortally wounded. I ſeized him by the tail, and taking it in both [165] my hands to end his torment, I ſwung him round, and hit his head againſt the ſide of the canoe; but the poor creature ſtill continued alive, and looking at me in the moſt affecting manner that can be conceived, I knew no other means to end this murder, than to hold him under water till he was drowned, while my heart felt ſick on his account: for his dying little eyes ſtill continued to follow me with ſeeming reproach, till their light gra⯑dually forſook them, and the wretched animal expired. I felt ſo much on this occaſion, that I could neither taſte of him nor his companion, when they were dreſſed, though I ſaw that they afforded to ſome others a deli⯑cious repaſt.

The monkies, I am told, have ſometimes two young ones ſucking, like the human ſpecies. I have been a wit⯑neſs how theſe animals towards ſun-ſet aſcend to the tops of the palm-trees, ſome of which are above one hundred feet in heighth, where they ſleep ſafe in the large diverging branches. The keeſee-keeſee is ſuch a beautiful and delicate fond creature, that it is by many people kept as a favourite, when it wears a ſilver chain. Beſides its mimic drolleries, it is remarkable for its good-nature and chirruping voice, which pronounces peeteeco peeteeco without intermiſſion. They are eaſily tamed, and are taken by means of a ſtrong glue made by the Indians, which is ſomething like our European bird-lime.

The other ſpecies, of the ſhooting of which I have juſt given the horrid account, were called by my negroes monkee-monkee. The only facts which I can relate farther of them is, that they are in ſize between the two former deſcribed, and all over black. One circumſtance I ought [168] not to omit, which is very remarkable, viz. that one morning I ſaw from my barge a monkey of this kind come down to the water's edge, rinſing his mouth, and appearing to clean his teeth with one of his fingers: he was firſt diſcovered by one of the ſlaves, who pointed him out to my great amuſement.

Here I ſhall end the ſubject for the preſent, after add⯑ing that the above animals are ſociable, and that they are very tenacious of life, as I have ſhewn. It is almoſt ſuperfluous to mention, that the uſual diſtinction between what are called monkies and apes, conſiſts in this, that the firſt have all tails, of which the latter are diveſted; but never having met with i [...] Guiana any of the latter deſcription, I believe them more to be the inhabitants of Aſia and Africa, than of the part of the new world diſ⯑tinguiſhed by the name of South America. The monkies are often miſchievous near the plantations, where they commit depredations on the ſugar-canes, &c. yet of this I but one time have been a witneſs.

As I am ſpeaking of the animals found in this part of the country, I muſt not omit the otters here, called ta⯑vous, which in the Cormoetibo Creek frequently attract⯑ed our attention by their diſagreeable noiſe: as they are amphibious, they live moſtly on fiſh; they are about three feet in length, grey-coloured, and all over ſpotted with white; their legs are ſhort, they are web-footed, and armed with five claws; the head is round, the noſe beſet with whiſkers like a cat; the eyes are ſmall, and [169] placed above the ears; the tail is very ſhort. This ani⯑mal moves aukwardly upon land, but in the rivers pro⯑ceeds with great velocity. In Guiana it is ſaid there is another ſpecies of otters, which are much larger, but theſe I never ſaw.

Notwithſtanding the favourable appearances of the preceding day, I was, on the 24th, exceedingly ill in⯑deed, not being able to ſit up in my hammock, under which the black boy Quaco now lay, crying for his maſ⯑ter, and on the following day the poor lad himſelf fell ſick; at the ſame time I was alſo obliged to ſend three men in a fever to Devil's Harwar. As misfortunes often croud together, I received, at this fatal period, the me⯑lancholy account that the officer, Mr. Owen, was alſo dead, having expired on his paſſage downwards at the eſtate Alica, where he was buried. My enſign, Mr. Cottenburgh, who had ſince gone to Paramaribo, died next; and for myſelf no better was now to be expected. In the height of a burning fever I now lay, forſaken by all my officers and men, without a friend to comfort me, and without aſſiſtance of any kind, except what the poor remaining negro ſlaves could afford me, by boil⯑ing a little water to make ſome tea. In this ſituation the reader may judge of the conſolation which was afforded me, the very evening when theſe accumulated misfor⯑tunes ſeemed to threaten our extinction, by the receipt of an order from the Colonel, to come down with both the barges to Devil's Harwar, where I was again to take poſt [170] on ſhore, and relieve Captain Orzinga, of the Society ſer⯑vice, who with his men was to proceed to La Rochelle in Patamaca, to ſtrengthen the troops already there. Ill as I was, this had ſuch a powerful effect on my ſpirits, that I immediately ordered the Cerberus down to the mouth of the Cormoetibo Creek, where ſhe joined me that evening.

On the 26th, we bid farewel to this deſtructive place; and having weighed anchor, rowed down as far as Barbacoeba, during which time a circumſtance happen⯑ed, which will probably prove more entertaining than the repeated accounts of ſickneſs and deaths.

As I was reſting in my hammock, between the pa⯑roxyſms of my fever, about half way between Cormoe⯑tibo and Barbacoeba, while the Charon was floating down, the ſentinel called to me that he had ſeen and challenged ſomething black and moving in the bruſh⯑wood on the beach, which gave no anſwer; but which, from its ſize, he concluded muſt be a man. I immedi⯑ately dropped anchor; and having manned the canoe, ill as I was, I ſtepped into it, and rowed up to the place mentioned by the ſentinel. Here we all ſtepped aſhore to reconnoitre, as I ſuſpected it to be no other than a re⯑bel ſpy, or a ſtraggling party detached by the enemy; but one of my ſlaves, of the name of David, declared it was no negro, but a large amphibious ſnake, which could not be far from the beach, and I might have an oppor⯑tunity of ſhooting it if I pleaſed. To this, however, I [171] had not the leaſt inclination, from the uncommon ſize of the creature, from my weakneſs, and the difficulty of get⯑ting through the thicket, which ſeemed impenetrable to the water's edge; and therefore ordered all of them to return on board. The negro then aſked me liberty to ſtep forward and ſhoot it himſelf, aſſuring me it could not be at any great diſtance, and warranting me againſt all danger. This declaration inſpired me with ſo much pride and emulation, that I determined to take his firſt advice, and kill it myſelf; provided he would point it out to me, and be reſponſible for the hazard, by ſtanding at my ſide, from which I ſwore that if he dared to move, I ſhould level the piece at himſelf, and blow out his own brains.

To this the negro cheerfully agreed; and having loaded my gun with a ball-cartridge, we proceeded; David cut⯑ting a path with a bill-hook, and a marine following, with three more loaded firelocks to keep in readineſs. We had not gone above twenty yards through mud and water, the negro looking every way with an uncommon degree of vivacity and attention; when ſtarting behind me, he called out, "Me ſee ſnakee!" and in effect there lay the animal, rolled up under the fallen leaves and rubbiſh of the trees; and ſo well covered, that it was ſome time before I diſ⯑tinctly perceived the head of this monſter, diſtant from me not above ſixteen feet, moving its forked tongue, while its eyes, from their uncommon brightneſs, ap⯑peared to emit ſparks of fire. I now, reſting my piece [172] upon a branch, for the purpoſe of taking a ſurer aim, fired; but miſſing the head, the ball went through the body, when the animal ſtruck round, and with ſuch aſtoniſhing force as to cut away all the underwood around him with the facility of a ſcythe mowing graſs; and by flouncing his tail, cauſed the mud and dirt to fly over our heads to a conſiderable diſtance. Of this proceeding however we were not torpid ſpectators, but took to our heels, and crouded into the canoe. The negro now in⯑treated me to renew the charge, aſſuring me the ſnake would be quiet in a few minutes, and at any rate perſiſt⯑ing in the aſſertion that he was neither able nor inclined to purſue us; which opinion he ſupported by walking before me, till I ſhould be ready to fire. And thus I again undertook to make the trial, eſpecially as he ſaid that his firſt ſtarting backwards had only proceeded from a deſire to make room for me. I now found the ſnake a little re⯑moved from his former ſtation, but very quiet, with his head as before, lying out among the fallen leaves, rotten bark, and old moſs. I fired at it immediately, but with no better ſucceſs than the other time: and now, being but ſlightly wounded, he ſent up ſuch a cloud of duſt and dirt, as I never ſaw but in a whirlwind, and made us once more ſuddenly retreat to our canoe; where now, being heartily tired of the exploit, I gave orders to row towards the barge: but David ſtill intreating me to permit him to kill the animal, I was, by his perſuaſions, induced to make a third and laſt attempt, in company with him. [173] Thus, having once more diſcovered the ſnake, we diſ⯑charged both our pieces at once, and with this good effect, that he was now by one of us ſhot through the head. David, who was made completely happy by this ſucceſs⯑ful concluſion, ran leaping with joy, and loſt no time in bringing the boat-rope, in order to drag him down to the canoe; but this again proved not a very eaſy under⯑taking, ſince the creature, notwithſtanding its being mor⯑tally wounded, ſtill continued to wreath and twiſt about, in ſuch a manner as rendered it dangerous for any perſon to approach him. The negro, however, having made a running nooſe on the rope, and after ſome fruitleſs at⯑tempts to make an approach, threw it over his head with much dexterity; and now, all taking hold of the rope, we dragged him to the beach, and tied him to the ſtern of the canoe, to take him in tow. Being ſtill alive, he kept ſwimming like an eel; and I having no reliſh for ſuch a ſhip-mate on board, whoſe length (notwithſtanding to my aſtoniſhment all the negroes declared it to be but a young one come to about its half growth) I found upon meaſuring it to be twenty-two feet and ſome inches; and its thickneſs about that of my black boy Quaco, who might then be about twelve years old, and round whoſe waiſt I ſince meaſured the creature's ſkin.

Of this ſpecies ſeveral ſkins are preſerved in the Bri⯑tiſh and Mr. Parkinſon's Muſeums. It is called by Mr. Weſtley Lyboija, and Boa in the Britiſh Encyclopoedia, to which publication I refer the reader for a perfect ac⯑count, and an excellent engraving, of this wonderful creature, which in the colony of Surinam is called Aboma. Its length, when full grown, is ſaid to be ſometimes forty feet, and more than four feet in circumference; its colour is a greeniſh black on the back; a fine browniſh yellow on the ſides, and a dirty white under the belly: the back and ſides being ſpotted with irregular black rings, with a pure white in the middle. Its head is broad and flat, ſmall in proportion to the body, with a large mouth, and a double row of teeth: it has two bright prominent eyes; is covered all over with ſcales, ſome about the ſize of a ſhilling; and under the body, near the tail, armed with two ſtrong claws like cock-ſpurs, to help it in ſeizing its prey. It is an amphibious animal, that is, it delights in low and marſhy places, where it lies coiled up like a rope, and concealed under moſs, rotten timber, and dried leaves, to ſeize its prey by ſurprize, which from its immenſe bulk it is not active enough to purſue. When hungry, it will devour any animal that comes within its reach, and is indifferent whether it is a ſloth, a wild boar, a ſtag, or even a tiger; round which [176] having twiſted itſelf by the help of its claws, ſo that the creature cannot eſcape, it breaks, by its irreſiſtible force, every bone in the animal's body, which it then covers over with a kind of ſlime or ſlaver from its mouth, to make it ſlide; and at laſt gradually ſucks it in, till it diſ⯑appears: after this, the aboma cannot ſhift its ſituation, on account of the great knob or knot which the ſwal⯑lowed prey occaſions in that part of the body where it reſts till it is digeſted; for till then it would hinder the ſnake from ſliding along the ground. During that time the aboma wants no other ſubſiſtence. I have been told of negroes being devoured by this animal, and am diſpoſed to credit the account; for ſhould they chance to come within its reach when hungry, it would as certainly ſeize them as any other animal. I do not apprehend that its fleſh, which is very white, and looks like that of fiſh, is in any reſpect pernicious to the ſtomach. I ſhould have had no objection to the negroes eating it till it was conſumed, had I not obſerved a kind of diſſatisfaction among the remaining marines, who would not have been pleaſed with my giving the ne⯑groes the uſe of the kettle to boil it. The bite of this ſnake is ſaid not to be venomous; nor do I believe it bites at all from any other impulſe than hunger.

I ſhall only add, that having nailed its ſkin on the bot⯑tom of the canoe, and dried it in the ſun, ſprinkling it over with wood-aſhes to prevent it from corruption, I [177] ſent it to a friend at Paramaribo, whence it was ſince ſent to Holland as a curioſity.

However extraordinary this account may appear to many readers, let them peruſe the narrative which is re⯑lated by a gentleman in the iſland of Ceylon, who ſaw a tiger killed there by a ſnake he calls the anacunda, but in a quite different manner, and their wonder will ceaſe. I muſt add, however, that this gentleman's relation is ſo very marvellous, that, notwithſtanding what I have ex⯑perienced, I muſt confeſs it very greatly ſtaggered my faith ^*.

This buſineſs being ended, I alſo made an end of the cruiſe, by dropping down before the Society poſt Devil's Harwar, in order the next day to aſſume the command.

CHAP. VIII. Three Eſtates burnt, and the Inhabitants murdered by the Rebels—Real Picture of Miſery and Diſtreſs—Specimen of a March through the Woods of Surinam — Colonel Fourgeoud and the remaining Troops leave Para⯑maribo.

CHAP. VIII.ON the 27th of Auguſt I relieved Captain Orzinga with his men, and took the command of Devil's Harwar, having been on board the Charon exactly fifty-ſix days, in the moſt wretched condition that can be de⯑ſcribed: but I hoped now to get the better of my com⯑plaint by the help of a few refreſhments, ſuch as milk, &c. which could not be obtained in our former ſituation. The Society troops (above one hundred in number) being to ſet off next day with my empty barges to La Rochelle, in Patamaca, I reviewed my marines, when I found I had left out of five officers but two, who were both ſick, the three others being dead; I had alſo only one ſerjeant, two corporals, and fifteen privates, out of fifty-four healthy men, who embarked with me on the 2d day of laſt July. This army was not more than ſufficient to defend the hoſpital, (which was crouded with ſick) the ammu⯑nition and victualling magazine, &c. on a ſpot where lately had been kept three hundred ſoldiers, particularly [179] while the enemy were certainly lurking not far off: in conſideration of which, the Society Captain reinforced me with twenty of his men. The next evening he en⯑tertained me and my two ſubalterns with a ſupper of freſh meat, both roaſt and boiled, to our great comfort and ſurprize; but which, to my unſpeakable mortifica⯑tion, proved to be the individual poor cow with her calf, on whom we had built all our hopes for a little relief. It appeared that one of his ſentinels, as concerted between them, had ſhot it by a wilful miſtake. Thus did Captain Orzinga, for the ſake of a momentary gratification, de⯑prive us all of that laſting comfort on which we had ſo much depended, and of which we had ſo much need, being altogether emaciated for want of wholeſome and nutritive food.

On the morning of the 28th the Society troops rowed to Patamaca, when, examining the twenty ſoldiers they had left me, they proved to be the refuſe of the whole, part with agues, wounds, ruptures, and rotten limbs, and moſt of them next day were obliged to enter the hoſpital.

On the 29th, having baſtonaded my late pilot for ſtealing from the ſoldiers, I diſpatched the information to Colonel Fourgeoud, that I had taken poſt, and ac⯑quainting him with my weak ſituation, requeſted a proper reinforcement. In the evening two of my men died.

All things now being regulated and ſettled, I thanked Heaven in the expectation of getting ſome reſt, being [180] ſtill extremely weak; and with theſe cheering hopes re⯑tired at ten o'clock at night to my hammock; but this tranquillity was again of ſhort duration, for having ſcarcely cloſed my eyes I was awaked by my ſerjeant, and the following letter put into my hand, ſent by an expreſs from the captain of the militia, or bargers in Cottica.

Conſcious of my defenceleſs ſituation, I immediately ſtarted up; and the expreſs who brought the letter hav⯑ing ſpread the news the moment of his landing, there was no neceſſity for beating to arms, ſince not only the few ſoldiers who were well, but the whole hoſpital burſt out; and ſeveral of them, in ſpite of my oppoſition, crawling on their hands and feet to their arms, dropped dead upon the ſpot.—May I never behold ſuch another ſcene [181] of miſery and diſtreſs! Lame, blind, ſick, and wounded, in the hope of preſerving a wretched exiſtence, ruſhed upon certain death! They could only, in a word, be compared to the diſtreſſed army and navy at Cartha⯑gena, commanded by the Britiſh Admiral Vernon, whom Thomſon deſcribes—

For my own part, I was in a very weakly condition indeed; however, we continued to lie all night on our arms, during which I preſſed the meſſenger to ſtay, in order to add one to our miſerable number, being deter⯑mined to ſell our lives as dearly as poſſible. But no enemy appearing in the morning, we buried the dead in their hammocks, not having a board to make a coffin on the whole poſt. In this ſituation I loſt all patience, and had the audacity to write to my commander, that (be⯑ſides what had happened) my laſt men ſtood upon the brink of the grave, from hardſhips and for want of being properly ſupported; the very waiters of the hoſpital having deſerted on the moment of my arrival here, and gone to Paramaribo. Our whole number, indeed, was [182] now melted down to twelve men, who were to protect twelve buildings, and that with no more than two very ſmall cheſts of ammunition, and no retreat for the ſick, as the barges were gone to Patamaca, and the laſt canoe diſpatched with my letter to Colonel Fourgeoud; for I had ſet adrift that belonging to the expreſs, who was a book-keeper of a neighbouring plantation, in order to prevent him or any other from making their eſcape. In this ſituation, I was now obliged to convert the ſlaves into ſoldiers: theſe I armed with a hatchet, not daring to truſt them with a firelock. For this whole night we again watched under arms, and in the morning found two more of our little party dead on the ground.

I now began really to think we were all devoted to deſtruction, while the men, regardleſs of all order (ſelf-preſervation excepted) threw out the moſt bitter invec⯑tives againſt their perſecutor, Fourgeoud, which I could not prevent; nor can I help remarking the generalſhip of the rebel negroes, who had kept lying quiet till the removal of the Society troops from Devil's Harwar, and ſeized the very firſt day of their departure, convinced of its being guarded only by my ſick and emaciated ſoldiers, in order to commit their depredations on the Cottica eſtates. They well knew that my force was not ſuffi⯑cient to purſue them, nay, hardly to ſtand in my own defence: all this, however, was but according to my expectation; while, on the contrary, had my ſtrength been ſufficient, they could never have eſ⯑caped [183] at leaſt from being cut off in their retreat, eſpecially if the troops in Rio Perica had acted con⯑jointly with thoſe in Cottica, by patroling the path between the two rivers, acroſs which the rebels were twice unavoidably obliged to paſs.

On the 1ſt of September we waited once more till morning, and then buried another of my poor men; while I yet cannot conceive how any one was able to ſurvive ſuch a ſeries of toil, in ſuch a debilitated ſtate, and in a tropical climate; yet ſome did, though few. At length, being perſuaded that the rebels muſt have paſt the Cordon, without having thought proper to pay us a viſit on their retreat, I determined to let the remaining few watch no longer, but permit them to die a natural death. At laſt, in the evening, when all was too late, there came down by water from the poſt La Rochelle to our aſſiſt⯑ance, one officer and ten men.—I having had but nine left to do the duty at the time of their arrival.

On the 2d another man died; and I once more reviewed my forces, which now amounted exactly to ſeven marines, the few ſcarecrows of the Society excepted; however, the chance of being maſſacred by the rebels was at this time over, thanks alone to their puſillanimity, or rather their hurry!

I now received a letter from Colonel Fourgeoud, con⯑doling with me on the loſs of ſo many good officers, ac⯑quainting me that I was to be reinforced; and that on my recommendation my ſerjeant, Mr. Cubanns, was ap⯑pointed [184] an enſign; which gave me pleaſure, and took place at a very ſuitable time, ſince this day my poor En⯑ſign Macdonald was ſent down very ſick to Paramaribo. I anſwered to all this, that I was obliged to him; adding, that while I remained without reinforcement, I could not be accountable for what conſequences might happen, in a place where I was left to defend a whole river with none but ſick people; and even theſe without ſuffi⯑cient ammunition, and hourly expiring for want of proper medicines, or a ſurgeon to attend them, there being none here but one or two ſurgeon's mates belong⯑ing to the troops of the Society, who could do little more than occaſionally draw blood, and cut off a beard or a corn.

On the 4th we buried another of my marines, and on the following day another died; and I had not one now remaining who was not ill, or who was not rendered un⯑ſerviceable, by his feet being ſwelled with the inſects called chigoes: theſe poor men were moſtly Germans, who had been accuſtomed to a healthy climate in their own country. I began now to be reconciled to putting my laſt man under ground, and almoſt wiſhing to leap into the grave after him myſelf; when a barge arrived from Paramaribo with the proper reinforcement, ammu⯑nition, proviſions, medicines, a ſurgeon, and an order from my chief to trace out the track of the rebels im⯑mediately, on the former path of communication called the Cordon, between Cottica and Perica, and to write him [185] the reſult of my diſcoveries; he intimated alſo that he intended to keep his magazines at Devil's Harwar, and that I was not to make uſe of the ſpot I had found out for that purpoſe at Barbacoeba Creek.

On the 6th I prepared to march myſelf, having re⯑covered a little ſtrength, on the grand project of diſ⯑covery, and then placed the ammunition in the ma⯑gazine.

As the manner of marching in this country is ſo very different from that in Europe, I ſhall, before we ſet out, endeavour briefly to deſcribe the nature of theſe expedi⯑tions.

In the firſt place, in Surinam no ſuch thing is prac⯑ticable as three or even two ranks; thus there is no marching by diviſions or platoons; — but the whole party being dreſſed in one rank, face to the right, and every man follows his leader, the negro ſlaves inter⯑ſperſed between the men, in order to guard their perſons as well as what they carry; and this manner of march⯑ing is called Indian file. With a detachment of ſixty men, conſiſting of one captain, two ſubalterns, two ſerjeants, four corporals, one ſurgeon, and fifty pri⯑vates, twenty negro ſlaves at leaſt ought to be employed, for the uſe of whom their maſters are paid at the rate of two ſhillings ſterling a day by the colony; and this is a much greater expence than waggons and horſes would be, which in this country cannot be employed for mili⯑tary ſervice.

[186]The manner of interſperſing them amongſt the troops is as follows: The foremoſt are generally two negroes, with bill-hooks to cut a way, ſo as to make a practicable path, with one corporal and two men to reconnoitre the front, and, in caſe of neceſſity, to give the alarm; and then one ſubaltern, ſix privates, and a corporal, form the van. Then follows, at ſome diſtance, the corps in two diviſions; in the firſt, one captain, one corporal, twelve privates, one ſurgeon, and two negroes to carry the powder; in the ſecond, is one ſerjeant and twelve pri⯑vates; and then again follows, at ſome diſtance, the rear guard, conſiſting of one ſubaltern, one ſerjeant, one corporal, and eighteen privates, with ſixteen negroes to carry the medicines, beef, bread, ſpades, axes, rum, &c.; the ſick alſo are carried. The three laſt of all being one corporal and two men at a diſtance, to give the alarm in caſe of an attack, as the others had orders to do in the front, which ends the train.

I had now indeed found the neſt, but the birds were flown. We continued our march till eight o'clock, when we arrived at the Society poſt Scribo, in Perica, in a moſt ſhocking condition, having waded through water and mire above our hips, climbed over heaps of fallen trees, and crept underneath on our bellies. This, how⯑ever, was not the worſt, for our fleſh was terribly mangled and torn by the thorns, and ſtung by the Patat lice, ants, and waſſy-waſſy, or wild bees. This laſt is an inſect not larger than an Engliſh blue-bottle fly, and is of a black colour, quite different from our bees; they are never kept in hives, but ſwarm wild in the foreſt, where they build in hollow trees or between the branches; their neſts being ſometimes as large as an inflated cow's blad⯑der, to which they bear no bad reſemblance, both in colour and ſmoothneſs, except in being leſs regularly oval; from theſe abodes (when the neſt or the branches are inad⯑vertently touched) thouſands of warriors ſally forth; and this little flying army is extremely formidable, pitching always by inſtinct on the eyes, lips and hair, whence they cannot eaſily be diſlodged; their ſtings generally cauſe a fever, and ſwell the parts ſo very much that they occaſion blindneſs for ſeveral hours; their honey [188] is of a dark-brown colour, and ſo is their wax, but gummy, being both of little value.

The worſt of our ſufferings, however, was the fatigue of marching in a burning ſun, and the laſt two hours in total darkneſs, holding each other by the hand; and having left ten men behind, ſome with agues, ſome ſtung blind, and ſome with their feet full of chigoes. Being in the moſt hoſpitable manner received at Scribo by the commanding officer, I went to my hammock very ill of a fever.

On the following morning I felt myſelf better for my night's reſt; but neither myſelf nor my men were able to march back, wherefore the other captain ſent a ſmall party of his ſoldiers to pick up the poor marines I had loſt the day before, and of whom they brought with them ſeven, carried in hammocks tied to poles, each by two negroes, the other three having ſcrambled back to Devil's Harwar.

During our ſtay here I wrote a letter to Colonel Four⯑geoud, couched in ſuch terms as few people in their full ſenſes would do to their commanders, viz. that I had found the path; that if I had had ſupport in time I might have cut off the enemy's retreat, inſtead of finding their foot-ſteps only; but that now all was too late, and the party all knocked up to no purpoſe. This letter, I have been ſince told, incenſed him, as it is eaſy to ſuppoſe, in the higheſt degree. Being ſufficiently refreſhed to renew my march, we left Scribo on the 9th, at four o'clock in [189] the morning, and at four o'clock P. M. arrived, after indeſcribable ſufferings, at Devil's Harwar, covered over with mud and blood, and our legs and thighs cut and torn by the thorns and branches; moſt of the men being without ſhoes and ſtockings of neceſſity, while I, who had gone this march in the ſame condition from choice, had abſolutely ſuffered the leaſt of the whole party, by having inured myſelf gradually to walk barefooted on the barges.

At Devil's Harwar, I now found Lieutenant Colonel Weſterloo and a quarter-maſter arrived to take the com⯑mand, his troops not being expected till the next day. I was by this circumſtance, however, made exceedingly happy, hoping at laſt to meet with ſome relief; and having ceded him my written orders, the magazine, hoſpital, &c. &c. I ſtripped and plunged into the river to waſh myſelf and take a ſwim, by which (being before much over-heated) I found myſelf greatly refreſhed, as well as by receiving a quantity of fine fruit, Jamaica rum, wine and ſugar, from Joanna;—but how did my blood chill, when the quarter-maſter told me, as a ſecret, that my ſerjeant, one Fowler, having firſt got drunk with my wine, offered violence to this poor woman; and that he was to be at Devil's Harwar next day, when I ſhould ſee the marks of her juſt reſentment on his face!

The reader will, I truſt, excuſe my violence, when I [190] tell him, that I vowed immediate deſtruction to the villain: and having ordered a negro to cut twelve bamboo canes, I retired like a perſon deprived of his ſenſes, determined to puniſh him according to his ſuppoſed crime.

On the 10th there arrived two ſubalterns, with a ſe⯑cond barge full of men, ammunition, medicine, and pro⯑viſions, which having marched into quarters and ſtowed, I ſent for the hapleſs Fowler, whoſe face being in three places wounded, I locked him up in a room, and, with⯑out aſking one queſtion, broke ſix of the bamboos over his head, till he eſcaped all bloody out at the window, and my reſentment gradually abated. He certainly had ſuffered much, but nothing equal to what were my ſenſations, at being ſtill further informed, that Colonel Fourgeoud had ſeized all my effects, which he had ſealed and locked up in an empty ſtore⯑room, in expectation of my deceaſe, which, according to all appearances, might be looked for; while my houſe was given to another, by which means I could not procure ſo much as a clean ſhirt to relieve me from my diſgraceful tatters: nevertheleſs, by the hope of going down myſelf, my ſpirits were ſupported. The other news, of more importance, was, that the hero in perſon, with moſt of the troops, had at laſt left Parama⯑ribo; that he had quartered them partly at Devil's Harwar, in Rio Cottica, the eſtate Bellaiz, in Rio Pe⯑rica, [191] and at the eſtates Charenbeck, and Cravaſſibo, in Rio Commewina; whence, conjunctly with the troops of the Society and the Rangers, he intended to move in queſt of the rebels; that he had alſo ordered all the barges to be relieved at laſt, and their remaining troops to reinforce the above-mentioned poſts, which I muſt re⯑mark was a very wiſe and well-planned regulation.

From Patamaca we were informed, that the rebels, on their repaſſing the river above La Rochelle, had again deſtroyed a ſmall eſtate, and murdered its proprietor, a Mr. Nyboor.

It was either about this time, or very ſhortly after, that an overſeer eſcaped by the aſſiſtance of a negro boy, who, deſiring him to leap into a canoe, and lie down flat upon his belly, leaped himſelf into the water, where, by ſwim⯑ming with one hand, and guiding the canoe with the other, he ferried his maſter ſafe over the creek Pata⯑maca, through a ſhower of muſquet bullets, the rebels firing upon them all the while, but without execution; however, for this material piece of ſervice, he was re⯑compenſed the week after with three hundred laſhes by the ſame maſter, only for having forgotten to open one of the ſluices or flood-gates.—On this act of inhumanity I ſhall make no comment, but proceed to my own miſer⯑able ſituation. Having remonſtrated with Lieutenant Colonel Weſterloo on the ſtate of my health, which diſabled me from joining the corps on their march, [192] I requeſted that I might be removed to Paramaribo for the chance of recovery; but this he peremptorily refuſed to allow me, by Colonel Fourgeoud's expreſs command. The refuſal of ſo reaſonable a requeſt made me almoſt diſtracted, and agitated my ſpirits ſo much, that on the morning of the 12th, determined to exchange my wretched exiſtence one way or other, I inſiſted on being immediately removed, or wiſhed for death, which the ſurgeons declared muſt be the conſequence ſoon, if I was not permitted to go down, and in the meanwhile I vowed that I ſhould attribute my deceaſe to their unprecedented barbarity. A conſultation was now held on the ſubject; and at laſt, not without great difficulties, a boat was ordered to row me down to Paramaribo, but no white ſervant was permitted to attend me. Thus leaving the Lieutenant Colonel em⯑ployed in fortifying Devil's Harwar with palliſadoes, where now alſo was a numerous garriſon, I at twelve o'clock at noon walked to the water-ſide, ſupported by a negro, on whoſe ſhoulder I reſted, till I at length ſtepped into the boat, followed by my black boy Quaco, and finally left the diabolical ſpot where I had buried ſo many brave fellows.

On the 14th, having rowed day and night, at two o'clock in the morning, we arrived at the town, ex⯑tremely ill indeed; where, having no reſidence of my own, I was hoſpitably received at the houſe of a Mr. [193] De La Marre, a merchant, this gentleman not only re⯑ceived me, but immediately ſent a ſervant for poor Joanna, who was at her mother's, and another for a phyſician to attend me, as my weak and hopeleſs con⯑dition now required every aſſiſtance that the town of Paramaribo could afford.

CHAP. IX. Some Diſeaſes peculiar to the Climate—Group of Negroes newly imported going to be ſold—Reflections on the Slave Trade—The Voyage from Africa—Manner of ſelling them in the Colony—Deſcription of a Cotton Plantation.

CHAP. IX.SEPTEMBER 15th, I found myſelf in an ele⯑gant and well-furniſhed apartment, encouraged by the hopes given by the phyſician, careſſed by my friends, and ſupported by the care and attention of my incompa⯑rable Mulatto.

A Captain Brant having at this time the command in Colonel Fourgeoud's abſence, he ſent, the morning after my arrival, my trunks and baggage, which had been ſealed up; but on looking into them, I found I had ene⯑mies at home as well as abroad; ſince moſt of my ſhirts, books, &c. were gnawed to duſt by the blatta or cock⯑roach, called cakreluce in Surinam: nay, even my ſhoes were deſtroyed, of which I had brought with me twelve pairs new from Europe, as they were extremely dear and bad in this country.

This inſect, which is of the beetle kind, is here one inch and ſometimes two inches long, oval, flat, and of a dark reddiſh colour. By getting through the locks of cheſts or boxes, it not only depoſits its eggs there, but commits its ravages on linen, cloth, ſilk, or any thing that [195] comes in its way; by getting alſo into the victuals and drink of every kind, it renders them extremely loathſome, for it leaves the moſt nauſeous ſmell, worſe indeed than that of a bug. As moſt Weſt-India veſſels (eſpecially thoſe loaded with ſugar) bring them home in great quan⯑tities, I ſhall ſay nothing more concerning them, only that they are ſeldom ſeen to fly, but creep very faſt; and that the beſt, and I think the only way to keep the boxes free from them is, to place them on four empty wine bottles kept free from duſt, which, by their ſmoothneſs, prevent the inſects aſcending to get through the key-holes, or even the ſmalleſt openings in the bottoms; but this precaution had been neglected by my good friend Colonel Fourgeoud. I found, however, linen ſufficient for preſent uſe, and by the induſtry of Joanna I was ſoon provided with a new ſtock. None can conceive the comfort I felt in being properly dreſſed and ſhifted; my mental faculties were recruiting apace, and I felt with gratitude the bleſſing of a ſtrong conſtitution; but poor Macdonald was ſtill ill at Mr. Kennedy's, who had hu⯑manely afforded him an aſylum on his return from Devil's Harwar.

Having now time, I inquired concerning Fowler's con⯑duct; when, to my infinite ſurprize, I was informed that he had indeed got drunk, as was reported to me, by which he had fallen amongſt the bottles and cut his face, but that he never had attempted the ſmalleſt rudeneſs: ſo much indeed was his conduct the reverſe of what [196] had been reported, that his inebriety had proceeded from his reſentment at ſeeing both me and Joanna ill treated, and my property tranſported away againſt his inclina⯑tion. I was now extremely chagrined at my paſt con⯑duct, and was gently reproved by the cauſe of it, to whom I promiſed to be Fowler's friend for ever after— and I kept my word. My fever was now much abated, but I was infeſted with another diſorder peculiar to this climate, and which I am afraid I ſhall but indifferently deſcribe: it is called in Surinam the ring-worm, and conſiſts of long ſcarlet irregular ſpots, particularly on the under parts of the body, which increaſe in magnitude from day to day, unleſs prevented by timely applica⯑tion. Thoſe ſpots are ſurrounded with a kind of hard callous border, and are as troubleſome by their itching as the prickly heat, or the ſting of the muſquitoes; and ſo very infectious is this complaint, that if any perſon ſeats himſelf by chance on a chair immediately after an⯑other who has the diſorder, he is almoſt certain to be infected with it: it is, I believe, very difficult to get rid of; but the beſt cure is to rub the ſpots with a compoſi⯑tion of refined ſalt-petre, benzoin, flower of brimſtone, and white mercury, mixed with freſh butter or hog's⯑lard. The numerous inconveniencies to which the inha⯑bitants of this climate are expoſed, are almoſt incon⯑ceivable.

On the 26th I had a relapſe, and was twice bled in one day. I was alſo this morning viſited by poor Mr. Hena⯑man, [197] a young volunteer I have not before mentioned, who looked like a ghoſt, and was left ſick at Paramaribo to manage for himſelf.

On the 2d of October I was a little better, and was ex⯑alted from living like a ſavage, to the temporary command of a few troops left at Paramaribo, Captain Brant being ordered to join Fourgeoud in Rio Comewina; when the colours, regiment's caſh, &c. were tranſmitted to my own lodging, and a ſentinel placed before my door.

The firſt exerciſe I made of my power was to diſcharge the ſour wine, which had been bought for the ſick offi⯑cers as well as the men, whom I ſupplied, from the mo⯑ney now in my poſſeſſion, with good wholeſome claret; but I was ſorry not to be able alſo to exchange the ſalt beef, pork, and peaſe, that were left at the hoſpital, for freſh proviſions. This ſtep was however particularly forbidden by the commander; while the butter, cheeſe, and tobacco were taken away, for which they got one quart of oil amongſt ten, and their bread reduced to two pounds each man for a whole week. As to the officers, they were left to ſhift for themſelves, or ſubmit to the ſame allowance, notwithſtanding they kept on paying their quota to a regimental meſs, which now no longer exiſted.

On the 3d, I took the air for the firſt time on horſe⯑back, in company with Mr. Henaman, though we could not ride above three Engliſh miles diſtance out of town, on a ſpecies of gravel that leads to the Wanica Path, which I have already mentioned as communicating with [198] the river Seramica, and as the only paſſable road in the colony. During this little ride, which (on account of the dry ſeaſon being commenced) we took at ſix o'clock in the morning, we obſerved a great number of thoſe large and elegant birds, known by the name of macaws, but in Surinam called ravens, from their proportion to the parrots, which may be looked upon as a kind of tropical crows.

The macaws are divided into different ſpecies, of which I ſhall only deſcribe two, wiſhing to ſay nothing for which I have not competent authority, as I am ſorry to obſerve too many authors have done, among whom are men of genius and learning: ſome indeed may have erred from ignorance or wrong information, but num⯑bers for the gratification of vanity have, I fear, been guilty of impoſing on the too credulous public.

The blue and yellow macaw is as large as a barn-door fowl, with ſhort legs and a crooked bill, like that of the common parrot; the former dark coloured, with four black claws, two before and two behind; the latter alſo black, the upper mandible alone moveable. Its tail is like a wedge, and conſiſts of a few very long and ſtrait feathers. The back of this bird, from the head (the top of which is a ſea-green) to the extremity of the tail, is a moſt beautiful azure blue, and, underneath, its whole body is of a pale orange colour; round its eyes it is per⯑fectly white, interſperſed with black rings, compoſed of very ſmall feathers.

This evening arrived ſick, from the head-quarters at the eſtate Crawaſibo in Comewina, Colonel Texier, the commanding officer of the Society troops. This gentle⯑man had intended to have marched conjunctly with Colonel Fourgeoud through the woods, in queſt of the rebels; but his conſtitution, already weak, not being able to ſupport the regimen of the commander in chief, and to live only on ſalt proviſions, had begun to flag from the beginning, till he was ſent home to Paramaribo, in this drooping condition.

On the ſixth of October the fever had left me, and the ring-worms began to abate; but the miſery and hard⯑ſhips [200] which I had ſo lately undergone ſtill had an effect upon my conſtitution, and enormous boils broke out on my left thigh, which entirely prevented me from walk⯑ing. My phyſician, however, ordering me daily to take the air, I had an opportunity this day of waiting on his excellency the Governor of the colony, by the help of my friend Kennedy's chaiſe; and as I returned homeward, I ſtopped the carriage at the water-ſide, to behold a group of human beings, who had ſtrongly attracted my attention. This group I ſhall circumſtantially endea⯑vour to deſcribe. They were a drove of newly-im⯑ported negroes, men and women, with a few children, who were juſt landed from on board a Guinea ſhip that lay at anchor in the roads, to be ſold for ſlaves. The whole party was ſuch a ſet of ſcarcely animated automa⯑tons, ſuch a reſurrection of ſkin and bones, as forcibly reminded me of the laſt trumpet. Theſe objects ap⯑peared that moment to be riſen from the grave, or eſcaped from Surgeon's Hall; and I confeſs I can give no better deſcription of them, than by comparing them to walk⯑ing ſkeletons covered over with a piece of tanned leather.

[201]Before theſe wretches, which might be in all about ſixty in number, walked a ſailor, and another followed behind with a bamboo-rattan; the one ſerving as a ſhep⯑herd to lead them along, and the other as his dog to worry them occaſionally, ſhould any one lag behind, or wander away from the flock. At the ſame time, how⯑ever, equity demands the acknowledgment, that inſtead of all thoſe horrid and dejected countenances which are deſcribed in pamphlets and news-papers, I perceived not one ſingle downcaſt look amongſt them all; and I muſt add, that the puniſhment of the bamboo was inflicted with the utmoſt moderation by the ſailor who brought up the rear.

Having viewed this ſad aſſemblage of my fellow-crea⯑tures with amazement, I drove home to my lodgings in a ſtate of perfect humiliation; where I noted down, as I could learn it from the beſt authority, both white and black, what is really the fate of theſe people, from the laſt moment of their liberty in Africa, to the preſent pe⯑riod of their ſlavery in America: and this I ſhall en⯑deavour to relate, preceded by a few of my own unbiaſſed ſentiments upon the Slave Trade, which has lately been the object of both public and private inveſtigation; and this, I truſt, I ſhall do with that candour and impartiality which not only every gentleman, but every man, ſhould think it neceſſary to be poſſeſſed of.

It has been ſaid, Will you, for the ſake of drinking rum, [202] and ſweetening your coffee with ſugar, perſevere in the moſt unjuſt and execrable barbarity?—To this it is an⯑ſwered, Take care, leſt, under the enthuſiaſm of hu⯑manity, you do not, at the expence of your neighbour, and perhaps of your country, inconſiderately give up your advantages, without the leaſt chance of benefiting or improving the condition of thoſe, whom I moſt heartily join with you in calling our brethren.

After ſo many volumes which, within a few years, have been written on this ſubject, it may appear great pre⯑ſumption in me to offer my poor opinion: but I have made it a rule, among the various ſubjects I have mentioned, to dwell on thoſe only to which I have been an eye-wit⯑neſs; and which I am convinced there are few others in this country that have ſeen and ſo accurately obſerved. I have ſeen the moſt cruel tortures inflicted, for ſubmit⯑ting to the deſire of a huſband, or for refuſing the ſame to a libidinous maſter, and more frequently a raſcally over⯑ſeer: nay, even on the moſt innocent, from the falſe ac⯑cuſations of a luſtful woman, prompted alone by jealouſy. I have ſeen in other places, negro ſlaves as well treated as the moſt favoured ſervants in England; and as I have ſeen ſome ſailors, ſoldiers, and apprentices, moſt tyran⯑nically treated when under the command of ill-tempered deſpots, I muſt pronounce the condition of ſuch not to be envied even by negroes. If, therefore, ſo much depends on the diſpoſition or humour of thoſe who are exerciſing a [203] permanent or a temporary power, we muſt duly con⯑ſider, before we haſtily judge the whole from partial in⯑formation.

Cruelty is too often exerciſed in our plantations; but if not ſo ſhockingly to human nature as in other coun⯑tries, what are we doing by a ſudden emancipation, but turning the poor creatures over to more cruel maſters? The quantum of ſugar, &c. will be had, and muſt be pro⯑vided by negroes, natives of Africa, who alone are born to endure labour under a vertical ſun.

The national character of theſe people, as I have re⯑marked it, where they are as free to act by their own will and diſpoſition as in Africa, is perfectly ſavage; the twenty thouſand Ouca and Seramica free negroes have lived ſe⯑parated, and under no controul of Europeans, for a num⯑ber of years, and yet I have never ſeen any marks of civilization, order, or government among them, but, on the contrary, many examples of ungovernable paſſion, debauchery, and indolence.

I love the African negroes, and have ſhewn how ſin⯑cerely I have felt for them on many occaſions; and what⯑ever wrong conſtruction may be put on what I have ſaid on this ſubject, I wiſh, from the bottom of my heart, that my words could be ſubmitted to the conſideration of that reſpectable body the Britiſh parliament; and ſo far be regarded, as to prevent the fatal deciſion of a total abolition of ſlavery till 1800, or the beginning of next [204] century. For if ſuch a meaſure ſhould be raſhly en⯑forced, I take the liberty to propheſy, that thouſands and thouſands, both white and black, may repent, and more be ruined by it, when the evil can no more be redreſſed.

From what I have learned by inquiry, from perſons well informed on the ſubject, it clearly appears, that numbers of the negroes offered for ſale have been taken in battles, and made priſoners of war; while many others have been ſcandalouſly kidnapped, and ſome others tranſported for offences, &c.; of all which I ſhall produce a few examples in future.

Theſe groups of people are marched from every in⯑land part, to the factories erected by different nations upon the coaſt, where they are ſold, or more properly ſpeaking, bartered, like the other productions of their country, viz. gold, elephants teeth, &c. to the Europeans, for bars of iron, fire-arms, carpenters tools, cheſts, linens, hats, knives, glaſſes, tobacco, ſpirits, &c. Next they are embarked for exportation, during which time they, without contradiction, feel all the pangs that mental or corporeal miſery can inflict. Being torn from their coun⯑try and deareſt connections, ſtowed hundreds together in a dark ſtinking hold, the ſexes being ſeparated; while the men are kept in chains to prevent an inſurrection. In this manner are they floated over turbulent ſeas, not cer⯑tain what is to be their deſtiny, and generally fed during [205] the paſſage with horſe-beans and oil for their whole ſubſiſt⯑ence. But theſe ſufferings are often alleviated with better food by the more humane: ſo far, that none or few of the cargo die during the paſſage, and the whole crew ar⯑rive healthy in the Weſt Indies. I even remember one inſtance, where the captain, mate, and moſt of the ſailors, having expired at ſea, ſo that the remaining few could not work the ſhip without the negroes aſſiſt⯑ance, yet theſe laſt having been well treated, helped at laſt to run the veſſel on ſhore, by which means they not only ſaved many lives, but tamely and even chear⯑fully allowed themſelves to be fetched and ſold to any perſon who would pleaſe to buy them.—Having made theſe reflections, I ſhall now briefly proceed with the manner in which the ſlaves are diſpoſed of.

No ſooner is a Guinea-ſhip arrived, than all the ſlaves are led upon deck, where they are refreſhed with pure air, plantains, bananas, oranges, &c. and being properly cleaned, waſhed, and their hair ſhaved in different figures of ſtars, half-moons, &c. which they generally do the one to the other, (having no razors) by the help of a broken bottle and without ſoap. After this operation, one part of them is ſent aſhore for ſale, decorated with pieces of cotton to ſerve as fig-leaves, arm-bands, beads, &c. being all the captain's property; while the others ſpend the day in dancing, hallooing, and clapping hands on board the veſſel.

[206]Having ſufficiently deſcribed their figures after land⯑ing, we now may ſuppoſe them walking along the water-ſide, and through the ſtreets, where every planter picks out that number which he ſtands in need of, to ſupply thoſe loſt by death or deſertion, and begins to make a bargain with the captain. Good negroes are ge⯑nerally valued at from fifty to a hundred pounds each. Amongſt theſe, ſhould a woman chance to be pregnant, her price is augmented accordingly, for which reaſon I have known the captain of a Dutch Guinea veſſel, who acknowledged himſelf to be the father, take advantage, with a brutality ſcarcely credited in the ſtory of Inkle and Yarico, of doubling the value, by ſelling his own off⯑ſpring to the beſt bidder; for which however he was highly cenſured by his companions.

The next circumſtance that takes place before the bar⯑gain is ſtruck, is to cauſe the negroes for ſale, one after another, to mount on a hogſhead or a table, where they are viſited by a ſurgeon, who obliges them to make all the different geſtures, with arms and legs, of a Merry-Andrew upon the ſtage, to prove their ſoundneſs or un⯑ſoundneſs; after which they are adopted by the buyer, or rejected, as he finds them fit for his purpoſe, or other⯑wiſe. If he keeps them, the money is paid down; and the new-bought negroes are immediately branded on the breaſt or the thick part of the ſhoulder, by a ſtamp made of ſilver, with the initial letters of the new maſter's name, [207] as we mark furniture or any thing elſe to authenticate them properly. Theſe hot letters, which are about the ſize of a ſix-pence, occaſion not that pain which may be imagined, and the bliſters being rubbed directly with a little freſh butter, are perfectly well in the ſpace of two or three days. No ſooner is this ceremony over, and a new name given to the newly-bought ſlave, than he or ſhe is delivered to an old one of the ſame ſex, and ſent to the eſtate, where each is properly kept clean by his guar⯑dian, inſtructed and well fed, without working, for the ſpace of ſix weeks; during which period, from living ſkeletons, they become plump and fat, with a beautiful clean ſkin, till it is disfigured by the inhuman flogging of ſome raſcally proprietor, or rather his overſeer.

Here I muſt leave them for ſome time, and continue my narrative, after obſerving that the negroes are com⯑poſed of different nations or caſts, ſuch as the

• Abo,
• Conia,
• Blitay,
• Coromantin,
• Congo,
• Gango,
• Konare,
• Riemba,
• Loango,
• N. Zoko,
• Nago,
• Papa,
• Pombo,
• Wanway,
• &c. &c.

With moſt of which I have found means to get acquaint⯑ed, and of which I ſhall ſpeak more amply in another place of this narrative.

On the 10th, the ſurgeon having lanced my thigh, I ſcrambled out once more, to witneſs the ſelling of ſlaves [208] to the beſt bidder. After what has been related, the reader may form ſome judgment of my ſurprize and con⯑fuſion, when I found among them my ineſtimable Joanna; the ſugar-eſtate Fauconberg, with its whole ſtock, being this day ſold by an execution, for the benefit of the creditors of its late poſſeſſor, Mr. D. B. who had fled.

I now felt all the horrors of the damn'd. I bewailed again and again my unlucky fortune, that did not enable me to become her proprietor myſelf, and in my mind I continually painted her enſuing dreadful ſituation. I fancied I ſaw her tortured, inſulted, and bowing under the weight of her chains, calling aloud, but in vain, for my aſſiſtance. I was miſerable, and indeed nearly deprived of all my faculties, till reſtored by the aſſurances of my friend, Mr. Lolkens, who providentially was appointed to continue adminiſtrator of the eſtate during the abſence of its new poſſeſſors, Meſſrs. Paſſelege and ſon, at Am⯑ſterdam, who bought it and its dependants for only four thouſand pounds.

No ſooner was he confirmed in his appointment, than this diſintereſted and ſteady friend brought Joanna to my preſence; and pledged himſelf, that in every ſer⯑vice which he could render to myſelf or her, and which he had now more in his power than ever, no efforts on his ſide ſhould be wanting. This promiſe I deſired him to keep in remembrance, and accordingly he ever ſince moſt nobly perſevered.

[209]Being informed that Colonel Fourgeoud had left Craw⯑aſſibo eſtate, and entered the woods juſt above the plan⯑tation Clarenbeck, on his way to the Wana Creek, to try if he could fall in with the rebels, I requeſted, by a let⯑ter, that I might join him there as ſoon as I ſhould be recovered, and having ſhipped off for the laſt-men⯑tioned eſtate medicines and ſuch ſurgeons of ours as had been left at Paramaribo, I employed Mr. Greber, the ſurgeon of the Society, on my own authority, and at the regiment's expence, to attend the ſick officers and ſol⯑diers, who were left in town, deſtitute of caſh, and now without aſſiſtance. At the ſame time I alſo ordered to be purchaſed two more ankers of the beſt claret for their ſupport. Thus was I determined properly to avail myſelf of my command, which at beſt could but laſt a few days longer.

This evening my friend De La Mara took his depar⯑ture, with his twenty-five free mulattoes, for the river Surinam; he being a captain of the militia, and they be⯑ing infinitely preferable to the European ſcarecrows.

I was ſo far recovered as to be able to ride out every morning, when the following ludicrous adventure hap⯑pened to me on the road that leads to Wanica. In this place a Mr. Van de Velde, boaſting how faſt his horſe could gallop, propoſed to me to run a race; to which I agreed, allowing him the ſtart at twenty paces diſtance. The ſtart indeed he had, but did not long retain his ad⯑vantage, [210] for my Engliſh horſe paſſing him with the ra⯑pidity of a cannon-ſhot, his galloway ſprung, rider and all, through a hedge of thick limes, and left poor Mr. Van de Velde, not like Doctor Slop, in the dirt, but like Abſalom, hanging among the branches.

The horſes in Surinam are little better or larger than aſſes (except thoſe which are brought from North Ame⯑rica or Holland, the latter of which are generally em⯑ployed for carriages) yet they are uſeful in the ſugar-mills, where a number of mules are alſo employed. Theſe laſt are brought over from Barbary, and ſometimes ſold as high as fifty guineas. None of theſe animals are indigenous to Guiana; but, as many other animals have been imported, and become the inhabitants of the cli⯑mate, to ſave unneceſſary repetition I here give the fol⯑lowing liſt of ſuch quadrupeds as are not natives of the new continent:

• The Elephant,
• Hipopotamus,
• The Rhinoceros,
• Cameleopard,
• Camel,
• Dromedary,
• Lion,
• Tiger,
• Panther,
• Sheep,
• Hog,
• Goat,
• Dog,
• Badger,
• Sable,
• Stoat or Ermine,
• Hyaena,
• Jackall,
• Wild Goat,
• Rabbit,
• Small Guinea Stag,
• Ferret,
• Rat,
• Mouſe,
• Fat Squirrel,
• Garden Squirrel,
• Marmot,
• [211]Horſe,
• Aſs,
• Zebra,
• Ox,
• Buffalo,
• Genett,
• Civet,
• Cat,
• Antelope,
• Chamois Goat,
• Ichneumon,
• Jerboa,
• Maki; and ſeveral kinds of Monkies.

Should the number on this liſt ſeem rather great, I in that caſe refer to the celebrated Count de Buffon, whence it was extracted.

On the 18th arrived ſick from Devil's Harwar Enſign Mathew, one of the officers by whom I had been re⯑lieved; and the ſame day he was followed by his com⯑mander and friend, Colonel Weſterloo, ſupported by two ſoldiers. They had ridiculed me for complaining, after a confinement of ſo many weeks on board the barges; while theſe gentlemen had been out but a few days and always on ſhore, the latter of them having attempted to accompany the old Colonel Fourgeoud to Wana (whom he had joined at La Rochelle in Patamaca) but was com⯑pletely unfitted for proceeding by his very firſt entry into the woods. I was at dinner with a Mr. Day, when I ſaw him paſs by a miſerable ſpectacle, and chuſing to forget what had paſſed at Devil's Harwar, and in reality having a regard for this gentleman, I ſtarted up imme⯑diately, and got him a coach, in which I accompanied him to his lodgings, where, having placed a centinel be⯑fore his chamber-door to keep out the rabble, I ſent for [212] a Doctor Van Dam, as well as a Doctor Riſſam, an Ame⯑rican, to attend him, forbidding all other communication, that of an old negro woman, his man ſervant, and a black boy excepted, and by theſe means I apparently preſerved his life.

On the 20th, Lieutenant Count de Randwyk came down alſo indiſpoſed with Enſign Coene, and at laſt my poor old ſhipmate Lieutenant Hamer, who had been kept at Devil's Harwar near four months, till, overcome by diſeaſe, he obtained leave to be tranſported to Parama⯑ribo.

On the 22d, the governor ſent me a cotton twig, which I copied; and as I cannot have a better opportunity, I will now proceed to a deſcription of that uſeful plant, which has only been cultivated in Surinam from about the year 1735, but not with advantage till about the years 1750 or 1752. There are ſeveral ſpecies of the cotton-tree, but I ſhall confine myſelf to that which is the moſt common and the moſt uſeful in this colony. This ſpecies of cotton, which grows upon a tree about ſix or eight feet high, bears before it is a year old, and pro⯑duces two crops annually, each of about twenty ounces in weight; the leaves are ſomething like thoſe of the vine, of a bright green, and the fibres of a cinnamon colour. The cotton-balls, ſome of which are as large as a ſmall hen's egg, and divided in three parts, grow on a very long ſtalk, and in a triangular pod, which is firſt [213] produced by a yellow flower, and when ripe opens of itſelf, and diſcloſes the globular contents as white as flakes of ſnow; in the middle of theſe are contained ſmall black ſeeds, formed not unlike thoſe that are uſually found in grapes. The cotton will proſper in any of the tropical ſoils, and produces a good profit if the crops are not ſpoiled by a too long rainy ſeaſon, being cultivated with very little trouble and expence: all indeed that is required is, to plant the ſeeds at a little diſtance from each other, when each ſeed, as I have ſaid, produces the firſt year it is put in the ground. The ſeparation of the ſeeds from the pulp, is the work of one man only, by the help of a machine made for the purpoſe; after which the cot⯑ton has undergone all the neceſſary proceſs, and is put in bales of between three and four hundred pounds weight each for tranſportation, which bales ought to be well moiſtened at the time of ſtowing it, to prevent the cotton from ſticking to the canvas. In the year before my ar⯑rival in Surinam, near three thouſand bales of cotton were exported from this colony to Amſterdam and Rot⯑terdam alone, which produced about forty thouſand pounds ſterling. The beſt eſtates make twenty-five thouſand pounds weight. The average prices have been from eight pence to twenty-two pence per pound. The raw material is ſpun in the Weſt Indies by a rock and ſpindle, and extremely fine, when by the negro girls it is knit into ſtockings, &c. one pair of which are [214] ſometimes ſold for the price of a Portugueſe joe, or ſome⯑times for two guineas. The Indians or natives of Gui⯑ana make very good hammocks of cotton, which they barter with the inhabitants at Paramaribo for other com⯑modities.—In the annexed plate A is the twig itſelf, B the pod, C the cotton-ball, and D the ſeed, but on a ſmaller ſcale than nature. I ſhould here alſo deſcribe the coffee, cacao, ſugar, and indigo plantations, but muſt reſerve them till another occaſion, having made it a rule to ſpeak of things only as they occur, which is more pleaſant to myſelf, and better adapted to diverſify my narrative.

Indeed the colours, the caſh, and the ſick ſoldiers were nearly of equal uſe in Surinam, the firſt never having been diſplayed except at our landing, the ſecond inviſible to all except to Colonel Fourgeoud, and the third dying away one after another.

CHAP. X. Colonel Fourgeoud marches to the Wana Creek—Haraſſes the Enemy—Account of the Manicole Tree, with its va⯑rious Uſes—March to the Mouth of Cormoetibo River— Some Rebels taken—Shocking Treatment of a wounded captive Negro.

CHAP. X.ON the 25th of October, being ready to proceed upon my ſecond campaign, I repaired to the water-ſide at ſix o'clock in the evening; where, inſtead of a tent boat, I found a greaſy yawl, with a few drunken Dutch ſailors, to row me to an eſtate in the river Come⯑wina, whence they were going to bring their captain back to Paramaribo, and from which place I might, if I pleaſed, beg the reſt of my paſſage upwards, or manage for myſelf in the beſt manner I was able. I had already one foot in the boat, when, reflecting that I was going voluntarily on a hazardous expedition, without orders, and only from a deſire to ſerve an ungrateful people, I repented, and ſtepped back upon the ſhore, where, poſi⯑tively declaring I would not move in their defence till I ſhould be decently tranſported, ſhould the whole colony be on fire, I was ſeconded by all the Engliſh and Ame⯑ricans in the town, and a general tumult took place. The Dutch exclaimed againſt the expence of a tent-boat [217] which would coſt them thirty ſhillings, when they could have the other for nothing; while the others de⯑clared they were a ſet of mean and parſimonious wretches, who deſerved not the ſmalleſt protection from Colonel Fourgeoud's troops. A mob collected, and a riot enſued, before Mr. Hardegen's tavern, at the water-ſide, while hats, wigs, bottles, and glaſſes, flew out at his windows. The magiſtrates were next ſent for, but to no purpoſe: and the fighting continued in the ſtreet till ten o'clock at night, when I with my friends fairly kept the field, having knocked down ſeveral ſailors, planters, Jews, and overſeers, and loſt one of my piſtols, which I threw after the rabble in a paſſion; nor would it have ended here, had not my friend Mr. Kennedy, who was member of the Court of Policy, and two or three more gentlemen whom he brought with him, found means to appeaſe the diſputants, by declaring I had been very ill treated, and ſhould have a proper boat the next day.

Having now ſlept and refreſhed myſelf a few hours, I was waited on by four American captains, viz. Captain Timmons of the Harmony, Captain Lewis of the Peggy, Captain Bogard of the Olive Branch, and Captain Minet of the America, who inſiſted on my refuſing any veſſel whatever from the colony this time, and offering to ſend me up in one of their own boats, manned by their own ſailors only, to which each would equally contribute. I can aver, that notwithſtanding the threatening rupture between Great Britain and her Colonies, which ſeemed [218] then upon the eve of breaking out into open violence, nothing could ſurpaſs the warm and cordial friendſhip which theſe gentlemen poſſeſſed, not only for me, but for every individual that bore a Britiſh name, or had any connexion with that iſland; profeſſing, that they ſtill retained the greateſt regard for every thing in Bri⯑tain, but its adminiſtration. I accepted of their very polite propoſal; after which, having received a letter from Mr. Kennedy, to be delivered to one of the militia captains, a Mr. N. Reeder, in the river Comewina, with orders to ſend me farther up in a proper tent-boat; and having arranged matters in ſuch a manner at home, that neither Colonel Fourgeoud nor the cock-roaches could injure me, I ſhook hands with my Mulatta, and at ſix in the evening repaired once more to the water-ſide, eſ⯑corted by my Engliſh and American friends, where, hav⯑ing drank a bowl of punch, we ſeparated. I then departed for my ſtation, they having hoiſted the colours on board all their veſſels in the road, and at the boat's going off ſaluted me with three cheers, to my great ſatisfaction, and the mortification of the gaping multitude by which we were ſurrounded. We ſoon rowed beyond the view of Paramaribo.

Being arrived at the fortreſs of New Amſterdam, we were obliged to ſtop for the return of the tide, to row up the river Comewina. In this interval, I was genteelly entertained with a ſupper by the Society officers quar⯑tered there; but at twelve o'clock we got aboard, and [219] having rowed all night, I breakfaſted with Captain Macneyl, who was one of General Spork's captains in 1751; after which we once more ſet out, and arrived at the plantation Charlottenburgh, where I delivered Mr. Kennedy's letter to Mr. Reeder, who promiſed next morn⯑ing to aſſiſt me. So much incenſed was I at the uſage I had met with at Paramaribo, and ſo well pleaſed with the Engliſh ſailors, that I ordered the tars a dinner of twelve roaſted ducks, and gave them thirty-ſix bottles of claret, being my whole ſtock, beſides a guinea. When the tide ebbed they took their leave, and rowed down to their veſſels, as well pleaſed, and as drunk as wine or ſtrong ſpirits could make them.

I now purſued my voyage upwards as far as the eſtate Mondeſir; afterwards, having viewed the ruins of the three eſtates, Zuzingheyd, Peru, and L'Eſperance, which had been burnt when I commanded at Devil's Harwar, I arrived at Lepair. Here one of the overſeers gave me an account of his miraculous eſcape from the rebels, which I ſhall relate in his own words.—"The rebels, Sir," ſaid he, "had already ſurrounded the dwelling-houſe in which I was, before I knew of their being in the plantation, and were employed in ſetting fire to the four corners of it, ſo that to run out of doors was ruſh⯑ing on certain death. In this dilemma I fled to the garret, where I laid myſelf flat upon one of the beams, in hopes of their diſperſing ſoon, and that I might effect [220] my eſcape before the building ſhould be burnt down; but in this I was diſappointed, as they ſtill remained; and at the ſame time the flames encreaſed ſo faſt, that the heat became inſupportable in the place where I was, and I had no other alternative left, than to be burnt to death, or to leap from a high garret window into the midſt of my exaſperated enemies. This laſt meaſure, how⯑ever, I reſolved upon, and had not only the good fortune to light unhurt upon my feet, but to eſcape without a wound, from among ſo many men armed with ſabres and bill-hooks. I flew to the river-ſide, into which I plunged headlong; however, not being able to ſwim, I immediately ſunk to the bottom; but (ſaid he) I ſtill kept my full preſence of mind, and while they con⯑cluded me to be drowned, found means, by the help of the moco-moco and mangrove roots, to bring myſelf not only under cover of the impending verdure, but juſt ſo far above water with my lips as to continue in a ſtate of reſpiration till all was over. Having killed every other perſon, the rebels departed, and I was taken up by a boat from my very perilous ſituation."

On the 30th I arrived at Devil's Harwar, and the ſuc⯑ceeding day rowed up the Cormoetibo Creek; where, having tied the boat to a tree which overſpread it with thick branches, we quietly lay down to ſleep during the night; myſelf and Quaco in the boat upon the benches, and the negroes under the ſeats, except thoſe whom I [221] ordered alternately to keep watch, and awake me if they heard the leaſt ruſtling in the woods, forbidding them all abſolutely to ſpeak or make any noiſe, leſt the rebels, who were hovering on both ſides of the Creek, might hear and ſurprize us. As for myſelf, who was the only white perſon amongſt them all, I was confident I ſhould not, in ſuch a caſe, eſcape their fury. After theſe pre⯑cautions, we all lay down and ſlept ſoundly, from nine o'clock till about three in the morning, at which time Quaco and myſelf were both ſuddenly thrown down from our benches, by the boat all at once heeling upon one ſide, while all the negroes leaped overboard into the water. I inſtantly cocked my piſtol, and jumping up, aſked aloud what was the matter? poſitively deter⯑mined to defend myſelf to the laſt extremity, rather than be taken alive by ſo relentleſs an enemy. For the ſpace of a few ſeconds I obtained no anſwer, when again the boat ſuddenly rectifying itſelf (by the motion of which I was thrown off my feet) one of the ſwimming negroes called out, "Maſera, da wan ſea-cow;" and to my great happi⯑neſs it proved to be no other than the manati, or ſea-cow, which is called in Cayenne the lamentyn. By the account of the negroes it had ſlept under the boat, which, by the creature's awaking, had been lifted up and thrown upon one ſide, and again replaced when the manati made its eſcape from underneath it. I did not ſo much as ſee the creature, nor indeed hardly had the negro, owing to the darkneſs of the night, which laſted ſome hours [222] after; but during that time we had no further inclina⯑tion to reſt. At laſt the ſun's bright beams began to dart through the trees and gild the foliage; on which we caſt off from our moorings, and continued rowing up Cormoetibo Creek (which was now very narrow) till near noon, when we diſcovered a ſmoak, and at laſt came to the mouth of the Wana Creek, which runs into the Marawina, and which was the place of rendezvous, where however the troops were not yet arrived; and oppoſite to which were encamped a few of the rangers, to guard the proviſions that were waiting the arrival of Colonel Fourgeoud and his party from Craw⯑aſſibo, and laſt from Patamaca.

One of the rangers having killed a tattu or armadillo, called in Surinam capaſce, I ſhall embrace this opportu⯑nity of deſcribing it.—This animal is with propriety ſometimes ſtiled a hog-in-armour; its head and ears being much like thoſe of a roaſting pig, and its whole body covered over with hard ſhells like ſhields, ſliding in moveable rings, like thoſe of the quee-quee fiſh already mentioned, the one over the other, except on the ſhoulders and the rump, which are covered ſomething like turtle, with one ſolid maſs of immoveable bone, called by ſome a cuiraſs and a helmet. Of this crea⯑ture there are many ſpecies in Guiana, the largeſt being from the ſnout to the tip of the tail above three feet in length, of a reddiſh colour, and marked all over with hexangular figures. Its eyes are ſmall, the [223] tail long and thick at the root, and tapering gradually like a carrot towards the point, and is covered over like the body with moveable rings. This animal has four ſhort legs with four toes, armed with two claws on the fore-feet, and five on thoſe behind. The ar⯑madillo walks generally during the night, being ſeldom ſeen through the day, and ſleeps in burrows under ground, which it makes with great facility, and in which it ſticks ſo faſt that the ſtrongeſt man cannot draw it out, though he were to pull its tail with both hands. When attacked or terrified, it forms itſelf into a round ball like a hedge-hog, making its cuiraſs and helmet meet together, in which are encloſed its head, feet, and whole body. This creature feeds on roots, inſects, fruits, birds, &c. and when dreſſed appeared to me a tolerably good diſh, though in general by Europeans it is accounted no great delicacy; the Indians are, however, extremely fond of it.

I ſhall, in this place, alſo take the opportunity of men⯑tioning the Guiana porcupine, which is frequently called here the adjora. This animal, which is from its muzzle to the root of the tail ſometimes three feet in length, is covered with hard prickles, the feet, the face, and part of its tail excepted. Theſe prickles are about three inches long, yellow at the root, a dark cheſnut colour in the middle, and white at the points; they are extremely ſharp, highly poliſhed, and moveable, ſerving for the creature's defence, which, when irritated, it dreſſes in [224] array, and makes a formidable appearance before its ad⯑verſary; at other times theſe prickles lie flat on its back, ſomething like the briſtles of a hog. The head of the porcupine is of a roundiſh make, and joined to the body by a remarkably thick ſhort neck; its eyes are large, bright, and placed under the ears, which are very ſmall and round; it never bites. On each ſide of its noſe it has long whiſkers, very like the otter or the cat; its feet are ſhaped much like thoſe of a monkey, which aſſiſt it in climbing trees to ſeek for its food, in which its long tapering tail is alſo very ſerviceable, which, like a fifth limb, it twiſts about the branches, and which near the extremity is covered over with hair like the face, the under part near the tip only excepted, which is per⯑fectly callous and black, as are alſo the inſide of all its feet. The hedge-hog of this country is, I think, little different from that of the old continent, being about eight or ten inches in length, covered over with pale yellow prickles, but with hair on the face and under the belly, which is rather ſofter and longer than in the hedge⯑hog of Europe. It has dark brown ſpots like eye-brows over its eyes, and no ears but auditory holes, and five toes with bended claws on each foot; its tail is very ſhort, and its defence conſiſts in forming itſelf into a round ball in the manner of the armadillo. Its food conſiſts of fruit, roots, vegetables, inſects, &c. and its fleſh is not diſ⯑eſteemed by the Indians or natives of the country.

At length the wiſhed-for hour arrived; and being ap⯑prized of Colonel Fourgeoud's approach, I went half a mile from the camp to meet him, acquainting him that I was come pour participer de la gloire, and to ſerve un⯑der his immediate command, which he having anſwered with a bow, I returned it, and we marched together to the rangers' camp.

The occurrences in this march were the troops tak⯑ing from the enemy three villages, particularly one called the Rice Country, on account of the great quan⯑tity of rice which was found there, ſome ripe and ſome in full bloſſom, which we totally deſtroyed, after put⯑ting the rebels to flight. Theſe were commanded by one Bonny, a relentleſs Mulatto, who was born in the fo⯑reſt, and was quite unconnected with Baron's party, which had lately been driven from Boucou. We further learn⯑ed that they had found ſeven human ſkulls ſtuck upon ſtakes, under which lay mouldering the bodies above ground, and part of the garments, (as may be ſeen in the annexed plate) and which proved them to be the remains of the unfortunate Lieutenant Lepper, with ſix of his unhappy men, moſt of whom being taken alive, had one by one been ſtripped naked by the rebel negroes at the arrival in their village, and (for the recreation of their wives and children) by Bonny's orders flogged to death. [228] This information we got from a rebel woman, who had been made a priſoner by Fourgeoud on his march through the above village or rice condre, and whom we treated with every kindneſs.

This inhuman conduct in Bonny was directly oppoſite to that of Baron, who, notwithſtanding all his threats and menaces, it was well known had ſent back to Para⯑maribo different ſoldiers, whom he might have killed. He even aſſiſted in concealing them from his enraged accomplices, and furniſhed them with proviſions, per⯑fectly ſenſible that they were not the cauſe of the diſ⯑turbance. But not a ranger, as I have ſaid before, that had the misfortune to fall into his hands could eſcape his ungovernable fury.

On further converſation, we found that the whole party, being nearly ſtarved, had conjunctly called out for bread, as it was known that there was plenty in the boxes, but that it had been kept back three days, and rice ſerved out in its ſtead. To ſuppreſs this kind of mutiny, the offi⯑cers had ruſhed in amongſt the men with cocked piſtols and drawn ſwords, and indiſcriminately laying hold of the firſt in their way, had unluckily ſeized a poor man named Shmidt, whom, notwithſtanding all the others averred to be innocent, they had, for an example to the reſt, baſto⯑naded between two corporals, till the blood guſhed out of his mouth like a fountain;—and thus ended the re⯑volt. One of the conductors, named Mangol, diſdaining at all to ſerve under Colonel Fourgeoud's command, had left him without aſking his conſent, after which he [229] forſook the ſervice entirely. Theſe were the particulars of the march in both columns, from Crawaſſibo in Come⯑wina to the Wana Creek.

Whilſt I was now about noon reſting in my hammock very contentedly, I was accoſted by my friend Lieutenant Campbell, who acquainted me, with tears in his eyes, that the evening before Colonel Fourgeoud had given to the officers of the Surinam Society, not only of that brave and gallant corps the Scots brigade in the Dutch ſervice, but of the Britiſh in general, the moſt unmerited cha⯑racter that could be invented. I immediately ſtarted up; and having got Campbell's information confirmed, went to Fourgeoud, and aſked him in public the cauſe of this unmanly ſlander. He replied with a ſtare, that his obſervations only regarded my petticoat-trowſers, which I wore for coolneſs and conveniency, as many Bri⯑tiſh ſeamen do, and which he had never ſeen on the mountains of Switzerland. But as to the reſt of what was ſaid reſpecting us, he laid it totally to the charge of Mr. Stoelman, captain of the Cottica militia, who was ab⯑ſent. Thus I could only anſwer by denouncing, in the ſe⯑vereſt terms, vengeance upon this aſſaſſin of our reputa⯑tion; and after promiſing to transform my ſhort trowſers into long ones, we coolly ſeparated.

An hour however after this, I received a ſudden order to croſs the Cormoetibo River, and be henceforth under the command of Major Rughcop, who was with his party [230] or column at this time encamped on the ſouth-ſide at the mouth of Wana Creek. ‘"Force is indeed the ruling principle in military affairs,"’ ſays a certain author; and, upon the whole, could the ingenious advice given to a commander in chief, as publiſhed in a late pamphlet, have been read by Colonel Fourgeoud, I muſt have ima⯑gined he had ſtudied it, ſentence after ſentence, ſince no⯑thing could better correſpond with his general character.

Being arrived in Major Rughcop's camp, and having got a couple of negroes to ſerve me, the next meaſure was to build a hut, or, more properly ſpeaking, a ſhed over my hammock, to keep me free from the rain and the ſun, which was done within the ſpace of one hour. As theſe huts are of very material and of general uſe in tropical marches and campaigns, where no tents can be pitched, and where (as I have ſeen, ſo many thouſands of theſe temporary erections) I will deſcribe the manner in which they are conſtructed, being not only extremely curious, but very uſeful on different occaſions—curious, becauſe neither hammers nor nails, nor indeed any kind of carpenter's tools are required; a ſtrong cutlaſs or bill-hook being all that is wanted,—and uſeful, as they are inſtantly raiſed, and form not only laſting, but the moſt delightful and convenient habitations, with even two ſto⯑ries, one above the other, if required.—For theſe erections not more than two articles are wanting; the firſt the manicole, by the French called latanie, and here paraſalla, [231] or the pine-tree; and the ſecond the nebees, called by the French liannes, by the Spaniards bejucos, and in Surinam tay-tay.

The manicole-tree, which is of the palm-tree ſpecies, is moſtly found in marſhy places, and is always a proof of a rich and luxurious ſoil. It is about the thickneſs of a man's thigh, very ſtrait, and grows to the height of from thirty to fifty feet from the ground: the trunk, which is jointed at the diſtance of two or three feet, is of a light-brown colour, hard externally for the thick⯑neſs of half an inch, but pithy, like the Engliſh elder, and good for nothing within, except near the top, where the wood becomes green, and incloſes a delicious kind of white fruit, called cabbage, and which, being peculiar to all the palm-trees, I ſhall on another occaſion amply deſcribe. On the top of all this the manicole-tree ſpreads in beautiful green boughs, with leaves hanging ſtrait downwards like ſilk ribbons, which form a kind of umbrella. The manner of uſing it for building huts or cottages, is by cutting the trunk in pieces of as many feet long as you wiſh to have the partition high; for inſtance, ſeven feet, which pieces are next ſplit into ſmall boards, the breadth of a man's hand, and diveſted of their pithy ſubſtance, and then they are ſit for immedi⯑ate uſe. Having cut and prepared as many of theſe laths as you wanted to ſurround the dwelling, nothing remains but to laſh them in a perpendicular poſition and cloſe to each other to two croſs bars of the ſame tree fixed to [232] the corner poſts, and the whole is cut and ſhaped with the bill-hook alone, and tied together by the nebees or tay-tay, which I think have derived their name from our verb to tie, ſince the Engliſh had poſſeſſion of the co⯑lony. The nebees are a kind of ligneous ropes of all ſizes, both as to length and thickneſs, that grow in the woods, and climb up along the trees in all directions: they are ſo plentiful and wonderfully diſperſed, that, like the ligneous cordage of the mangrove, they make the foreſt appear like a large fleet at anchor, killing many of the trees by mere compreſſion, and entwining them⯑ſelves with each other to the thickneſs of a ſhip's cable, without any kind of foliage, which gives them ſome⯑times a wonderful appearance, particularly when aſcend⯑ing lofty trunks in a ſpiral manner to the top, from which they next hang down to the earth, take root, and re-aſcend. Sometimes the thin nebees are ſo cloſely in⯑terwoven, that they have the appearance of fiſhing nets, and game cannot get through them. Theſe nebees are exceedingly tough, and may be uſed for mooring large veſſels to the ſhore. Having only to add, that ſome of the ſpecies are poiſonous, eſpecially thoſe that are flat, grooved, or angular, I ſhall proceed to the roofing of the cottage.

This is done by the green boughs or branches of the ſame manicole-tree that made the walls, and in the fol⯑lowing manner: each bough, which I can compare to nothing ſo well as to the ſhape of a feather, and which [233] is as large as a man, muſt be ſplit from the top to the bottom in two equal parts, as you would ſplit a pen, when a number of theſe half boughs are tied together by their own verdure, and form a bunch; you next take theſe bunches, and tie them with nebees one above an⯑other upon the roof of your cottage, as thick as you pleaſe, and in ſuch a manner that the verdure, which looks like the mane of a horſe, hangs downwards. This covering, which at firſt is green, but ſoon takes the co⯑lour of the Engliſh reed-thatching, is very beautiful, laſting and cloſe, and finiſhes your houſe, as I have ſaid, without the help of a hammer or nails; the doors and windows, tables, ſeats, &c. are made in the ſame manner, ſo are the incloſures for gardens, or other places for keeping cattle; and by this conveniency it is that the rebel negroes never want good houſes, which, if burnt to aſhes one day, are again perfectly rebuilt the next, though they never rebuild them exactly in the places where they have once been diſcovered by Europeans. The Indians, inſtead of the manicoles, generally cover their wigwams with tas or with trooly, of which I ſhall ſpeak on another occaſion. I ought not to forget, that the ſeeds of theſe trees are contained in a ſpatha, near the top, of thirty or forty knotty fibres, forming a ſpecies of broom, for which they are uſed throughout the colony; thus, while the manicole ſupplies the materials for a houſe, it affords alſo the means of keeping it clean. This tree produces alſo the cabbage, which, as I have [234] ſaid, is found in all the other palm-trees, &c. The hut that I now lay under was not built in the convenient man⯑ner above deſcribed; it was not requiſite, for the ſhort time we generally continued in one place: my habitation conſiſted only of a roof or cover without any walls. The manner of erecting theſe little ſheds, which every private ſoldier builds for himſelf, is ſimply by planting four forked poles in the ground, at ſuch a diſtance that a hammock can conveniently hang between them; next, to reſt two ſhort poles, ſtrong enough to ſupport the weight of the body in the above forks, the one at the head and the other at the feet, to which are faſtened the clews of the hammock. On the other extremities of theſe are laid two long ſticks, and on them again two ſhort ones, and thus alternately two long and two ſhort, all which dimi⯑niſh by degrees. When the whole is finiſhed, the top muſt be covered with branches from the manicole, exactly as they grow, without either ſplitting or tying them, and as thick as the ſeaſon may require.

When this temporary fabric is completely finiſhed, it will not only keep dry both the inhabitants and their boxes, but (by the help of the nebees) fuzees, ſwords, piſ⯑tols, &c. may be ſuſpended from the rafters. As I have been deſcribing the manicole, I am induced alſo to men⯑tion the cocoa-nut tree, as I think it reſembles that more than any of the palm ſpecies. This tree, which is ſo much celebrated, as affording to man food, clothing, ſhelter, &c. poſſeſſes not, in my opinion, all thoſe qualities, [235] but ſtill is well worthy of notice. It grows like the for⯑mer, in a tall jointed trunk, ſometimes from ſixty to above eighty feet high, and is thick in proportion, but ſeldom perpendicularly ſtraight: its bark is of a grey colour; the wood is hard without, but pithy within, like the elder in Great Britain; its branches are larger, and of a deeper green, than thoſe of the manicole-tree, but are equally divided, with pinnated leaves on both ſides, which in the other I compared to green ribbons; but they neither hang ſo ſtraight downwards, nor are the branches regu⯑larly arched, which gives them the appearance of large feathers, and they ſpring up at the top, in proportion as they fade and go off at the bottom: the cocoa-tree alſo produces a cabbage at its ſummit, but is too valuable to be cut down for the ſake of a prize ſo inadequate to the loſs of its other produce. It bears the nuts when ſix or eight years old, after which period it is never ſeen with⯑out them; they grow uſually ſix or eight on one ſtalk, which diverges from the heart of the tree; they are the ſize of a man's head, but more conical. The nut, it is well known, when diveſted of its huſk, is exceedingly hard, and requires a hammer to break it, or to be ſawed through the middle to procure the nouriſhment it affords; when young, this conſiſts of a white liquid, which I can com⯑pare to nothing better than to milk and water mixed with ſugar, and which is an exceedingly cool and agreeable beverage; but at a riper period this is formed into a criſp kernel, which adheres cloſe to the inſide of the ſhell [236] for about half an inch thick, while it remains perfectly hollow within. This kernel, which has a fine flavour, and taſtes like the liquid, is good eating, as moſt of my readers have probably experienced.

In the plate annexed, A, is the manicole-tree; B, the trunk ſplit into laths; C, the nebees to tie them together; D, the leaf ſplit from the top downwards; and E, the ſame tied into bunches; F, is the cocoa-nut tree; G, the figure of one of its branches; H, the cocoa-nut in the green huſk; and I, the ſame diveſted of that outer ſubſtance.

On the 9th of November both columns met, and en⯑camped together on the north ſide of the Wana Creek, near its mouth, where it runs into the Cormoetibo, plac⯑ing advanced guards at both creeks, at one mile diſtance from it; and this very evening I took the opportunity of acquainting Colonel Fourgeoud, that I had nearly cut off the head of his beloved countryman in a duel (well knowing he muſt be informed of it by others); which treſpaſs he was not only pleaſed graciouſly to pardon, but to tell me with a ſmile that I was a brave garçon, but in thoſe ſmiles I put no more truſt than I would in the tears of a crocodile.

My doubts of his friendſhip were ſoon confirmed, ſince my only true friend, Campbell, going down ſick to Devil's Harwar, he would not ſo much as allow the boat or pon⯑kee to wait till I had finiſhed a letter, directed to Joanna, [240] for ſome clean linen; however, a ranger (of which corps I by this time was become a remarkable favourite) found means to enable me to overtake this poor young man in a corialla or ſmall canoe, compoſed of one ſingle piece of timber; when, ſhaking hands with Campbell, we ſepa⯑rated with tears, and I never ſaw him more, for he died in a few days after. Colonel Fourgeoud now being de⯑termined to ſcour the north banks of the Cormoetibo, we broke up in two columns, viz. his own firſt, and that of Major Rughcop, to which laſt I ſtill belonged, follow⯑ing; we left behind a ſtrong guard, with the proviſions for the ſick. Before we ſet out, I ſhall ſpecify the ſub⯑ſtance of our orders to be obſerved on a march, as iſſued ſince by the chief on the 15th of Auguſt 1774 at Cara⯑vaſſibo, and which, though nine months after this date, (being rather late) are ſo judicious, that they do infinite honour to his Adjutant Captain Van Giurike, who had the principal ſhare in their compoſition: in

• Article I. Quietneſs and ſobriety was ſtrongly recom⯑mended.
• Article II. On pain of death none to fire without re⯑ceiving orders.
• Article III. Alſo death to whoever quits or loſes his arms.
• Article IV. The ſame puniſhment for thoſe who dare to plunder while they are engaging the enemy.
• Article V. An officer and ſerjeant to inſpect the diſtri⯑bution of the victuals at all times; and
• [241]Article VI. Each officer to be limited in the number of his black attendants.

The other orders were, ‘"That in caſe our marines marched in two or three diviſions or columns, they were to mark the trees with a ſabre or bill-hook, to give intelligence to each other where they had paſſed, in the manner noticed on Plate XX. where A, B, and C, denote the marks cut by our firſt, ſecond, and third diviſion or column, and D, E, and F, the marks made by the ſeveral diviſions or columns of the troops of the Surinam ſociety; which marks were to be cut in ſuch trees only as were on the left ſide in marching. Alſo when the troops marched over ſandy deſarts, heaths, or ſavannahs, they were occaſionally to drop ſmall twigs or reeds, tied together in the form of a croſs: and in each camp, on the troops leaving it, were to be left a bottle and blank paper; but if any thing particular ſhould happen, the ſame to be ſpecified thereon. In caſe of the troops being attacked on a march, a ſmall entrenchment was to be formed of the baggage-boxes, at the back of which the negro ſlaves were to lie flat on the ground; and this entrenchment to be defended by the rear-guard only, while the other troops had orders not to linger on the defenſive, but vigorouſly, with bayonets fixed, to ruſh in upon the enemy's fire; never⯑theleſs humanely giving quarter to all ſuch as ſhould be taken alive, or ſurrender themſelves to the troops."’ Theſe were the ſtated rules of our future military con⯑duct; but for the preſent I beg leave to obſerve, that [242] every thing was in the moſt unaccountable hurry and confuſion. In this way, however, we proceeded, keeping our courſe toward the mouth of the Cormoetibo Creek, each officer provided with a pocket compaſs, by which we were to ſteer, like ſailors, through a dark wood, where nothing is to be ſeen but the heavens, as at ſea nothing appears but clouds and water: thus thoſe who were ac⯑quainted with navigation were the beſt qualified for marching, and ran the leaſt hazard of loſing themſelves in a black unbounded foreſt. But thoſe wretches who moſt deſervedly attracted my pity, were the miſerable ne⯑gro ſlaves, who were bending under their loads; whoſe heads, on which they carry all burthens, bore the bald marks of their ſervitude;—they were driven forward like oxen, and condemned to ſubſiſt on half allowance, while they performed double drudgery. In ſhort, to increaſe our misfortune, though in the dry ſeaſon, the rains began to pour down from the heavens like a torrent, continuing all night: during this deluge (according to Colonel Four⯑geoud's order) we were all ordered to encamp without huts or other covering of any kind, ſlinging our ham⯑mocks between two trees, under which, upon two ſmall forked ſticks, were placed our fire-arms, as the only me⯑thod of keeping the priming-powder dry in the pan; above this piece of architecture did I hang, like Mahomet betwixt the two loadſtones, with thy ſabre and piſtols in my boſom, and, in ſpite of wind and weather, fell moſt profoundly aſleep.

On the 14th, at five o'clock in the morning, I was [243] awaked by the ſound of Up! up! up! when the rain ſtill continuing, the half of the officers and men were ſick, and I roſe from my hammock ſoaked as in a waſh-tub; having ſecured the lock of my firelock, in imitation of the rangers, with a piece of the bark of a palm-tree, and ſwallowing a dram, with a piece of dry ruſk biſcuit, for my breakfaſt, we again marched on. But I ought not to forget mentioning the negroes, who had the whole night ſlept in the water on the ground, and yet were in better health than any of the Europeans. Had we now been at⯑tacked by the enemy, we muſt inevitably have been all cut to pieces, being diſabled from reſiſting with our fire⯑arms, in which not only the priming but even many of the cartridges were completely wet; this might have been prevented by having caſed and waxed down our arms, as is practiſed by the buccaneers of America; but theſe were trifles not to be thought of: one thing, how⯑ever, now happened which threatened to be no trifle, and that was, that the proviſions were gone, and thoſe we expected to meet us in the creek not arrived, having by ſome miſtake been neglected. By this accident we were now reduced, officers and men without exception, to ſubſiſt on one ruſk biſcuit and water for our allowance for twenty-four hours, to keep us from ſtarving ^*: while it is to be remarked, that Monſieur Laurant, our hero's [244] French valet-de-chambre, who had charge of the provi⯑ſion, was blown down to Baram's point, and another time ſunk with all the proviſions; which produced the imper⯑tinent remark from ſome of the ſoldiers, that the devil had miſtaken him for his maſter. In the midſt how⯑ever of this diſtreſs, we were again preſented by one of the rangers with a large bird, called here booſſy-calcoo, being a ſpecies of wild turkey; of this fortunate acqui⯑ſition it was reſolved in the evening to make broth, each throwing a piece of his ruſk biſcuit into the kettle, and (ſtanding round the fire) beginning to ladle away as ſoon as the broth began to boil, which had another virtue, viz. notwithſtanding its being put over at ſix o'clock in the evening, at twelve o'clock at midnight the kettle was juſt as full as the firſt moment we had begun ſupper, though the broth was rather weaker I muſt acknow⯑ledge, the heavy rain having daſhed into it without in⯑termiſſion. During this ſevere ſtorm we were as deſti⯑tute of huts as the night before, but I availed myſelf once more of my Engliſh petticoat trowſers, which, looſening from my middle, I hung about my ſhoulders, and con⯑tinuing to turn round before the fire (like a fowl roaſting on a ſtring) I paſſed the hours with rather more com⯑fort than my miſerable coughing companions. All I can ſay of the bird above mentioned is, that I thought it differed little from the common turkeys, which here frequently weigh above twenty pounds.

The largeſt bird in Guiana is there called tuyew, and by [245] others emu. It is a middle ſpecies between the oſtrich and the caſſowary, as I was told, for I never ſaw one in the country: it is ſaid to be about ſix feet high, from the top of the head to the ground; its head is ſmall, its bill flat, the neck and limbs long, the body round, without a tail, and of a whitiſh grey colour; its thighs are remark⯑ably thick and ſtrong, and it has three toes on each foot, while the oſtrich has but two. This bird, it is ſaid, can⯑not fly at all, but runs very ſwiftly; and, like the oſtrich, aſſiſts its motion with its wings: it is moſtly found near the upper parts of the rivers Marawina and Seramica. When ſpeaking about birds, notwithſtanding few of them ſing here with any degree of melody, for which the beauty of their plumage is thought by ſome to com⯑penſate; I was, during this march, ſo much charmed with two in particular, that I was induced to put their ſweet notes to muſic. Thoſe of the firſt

• Rather quick [...]
• The ſecond ſlow [...]

Theſe notes they ſung ſo true, ſo ſoft, and to ſuch proper time, that in any other place I ſhould have been inclined to believe they were the performance of a human artiſt upon his flute. As I never ſaw either of thoſe birds but imperfectly and at a diſtance, I can ſay nothing more concerning them, than that they are frequently heard in marſhy ſituations.

[246]On the ſucceeding morning we marched again through very heavy rains, which by this time had ſwelled the water ſo high in the woods that it reached above our knees, and prevented us from croſſing a ſmall creek in our way, without the help of a temporary bridge.

I prevailed therefore on the rangers, with the help of a few ſlaves, to erect one, which they did in the ſpace of forty minutes, by cutting down a ſtraight tree, which fell directly acroſs the creek, to this they alſo made a kind of railing; but ſtill with this our commander Rughcop, whoſe temper was ſoured by miſery, and whoſe conſtitu⯑tion was already broken by hardſhips, was not pleaſed. He paid the rangers for their pains with oaths and re⯑proaches, who, with a ſmile of contempt, left him ſwear⯑ing, and croſſed the creek, ſome by ſwimming, and others by climbing up a tree whoſe branches hung over it, from which they dropped down on the oppoſite ſhore; in this I followed their example: and here we ſtopped till the arrival of the poor trembling and debilitated Major Rughcop, with two-thirds of his troops as ſick as himſelf.

I ſtill continued in perfect health, but I was much ſtung by different inſects, and torn by a thouſand thorns or maccaws, particularly one ſpecies, which are ſtrong black prickles of ſeveral inches long, that break ſhort in the wound; they project like the back of a porcupine, on a kind of low or dwarf palm-tree, called the cocareeta, whoſe large branches diverge from the earth like the fire of a fuſee from a bomb. Another inconvenience to [247] be met with throughout all the low and marſhy places in the foreſt, is a kind of roots called matakee, and more vulgarly trumpets, on account of the form, reſembling the windings of that inſtrument, which riſe above ground like nebees, three or four feet high, continuing thus to an almoſt endleſs length, and ſo thick that, like our brambles, no dog can get through them; over theſe matakees it is extremely difficult to walk, as they every moment catch hold of the feet, and frequently trip up the body, unleſs at every footſtep care is taken to ſtep clear over them, which for ſhort-limbed men is an ab⯑ſolute impoſſibility. With this inconvenience we were troubled throughout the whole march; but we had no opportunity of falling in with any kind of good roots, ve⯑getables, or fruits for food, except a few maripas, which are a ſpecies of nuts that grow on a tall palm-tree, and are very much like the aweyza that I have already deſcribed, only larger, and leſs of an orange colour, the ſtone and kernel being exactly the ſame.

We marched again with better weather, and arrived before noon at Jeruſalem, near the mouth of Cormoetibo Creek, where I had formerly halted during my cruiſe. Here Colonel Fourgeoud, with his drooping ſoldiers, was arrived juſt before us; and here we made our appear⯑ance, in ſuch a ſhocking ſituation as will ſcarcely admit of deſcription. It is ſufficient to ſay, that the whole little army was exhauſted by famine and fatigue, a very ſmall number excepted; while ſeveral, unable to walk at [248] all, had been carried upon poles by negro ſlaves in their hammocks: and during all this time we had diſcovered nothing. One thing is to be conſidered, that while the old gentleman himſelf went through all the above⯑men⯑tioned hardſhips, (to which he ſeemed as invulnerable as a machine of iron or braſs) we had the leſs reaſon to complain of bad uſage. In ſhort, having as uſual plunged in the river, to waſh off the mire and blood occaſioned by the ſcratches, and having taken a refreſhing ſwim, I looked round for my negroes to erect a comfortable hut; but in this I was diſappointed, as they were employed by Mr. Rughcop to build his kitchen, although he had as yet nothing to dreſs in it. This piece of unpoliteneſs I for once overlooked; and the rangers having made me a nice bed of manicole-branches on the ground, (there being no trees in the place to ſling a hammock) and having lighted a blazing fire by the ſide of it, I lay quietly down next to them on my green mattreſs, where, in a clear moonſhine night and no rain, I fell ſound aſleep. But about two hours before day-break I awaked, when the fire was out, the moon was down, and I almoſt dead with the cold dew and the damp that exhaled from the earth, being ſo ſtiff and benumbed that I had ſcarcely ſtrength to crawl on hands and feet, and awake one of my ſable companions; he, however, having kindled a new fire, I recruited ſo as at ſix o'clock to be able to riſe, but with ſuch excruciating pain in one of my ſides that I could not avoid groaning aloud; but to prevent Fourgeoud [249] and the others from hearing, I hid myſelf in the ſkirts of the wood; the pain however ſtill augmenting, I ſoon was prevented from breathing without the greateſt difficulty, and at laſt fell down behind the rotten trunk of an old cab⯑bage-tree. In this ſituation I was diſcovered by one of the negro ſlaves who was going to cut rafters, and who, ſuppoſing me dead, ran inſtantly back, and alarmed the whole camp. I was taken up and carried in a hammock, by the care of a Captain Medler, under proper cover, and one of the Society ſurgeons inſtantly ſent for to attend me. By this time I was ſurrounded by ſpectators, and the pain in my ſide became ſo acute, that, like one in the hydro⯑phobia, I tore my ſhirt with my teeth, and bit whatever chanced to come near me; till being rubbed by a warm hand on my ſide with a kind of ointment, the complaint ſuddenly vaniſhed like a dream, and I felt myſelf com⯑pletely recovered.

To prevent a relapſe, however, the firſt uſe that I made of my ſtrength was to cut a cudgel, with which I ſwore to murder the Berbice ruffian, Geuſary, who had the management of the ſlaves, if he did not inſtantaneouſly employ them to build for me a comfortable hut, let who would order the contrary, my life being the deareſt thing I had to regard; and following him cloſe at his heels, with my cudgel clubbed upon my ſhoulder, I had the ſatis⯑faction to be well houſed in the ſpace of two hours. I muſt not omit, that Colonel Fourgeoud, during the criſis [250] of my illneſs, had made me an offer of being tranſported to Devil's Harwar; but this I refuſed.

On the 18th the news arrived, that poor Campbell died on the preceding day; and now Major Rughcop him⯑ſelf was ſent down extremely ill, being the eleventh ſick officer during this ſhort campaign. Being now almoſt ſtarving for want of proviſions, we were moſt opportunely ſupplied by a quantity of fiſh, particularly the jackee, already deſcribed as changing to a frog; and the warappa, which is of the ſame ſize, and equally good, both being very rich and fat; theſe fiſh were ſo plentiful in the marſhes, where they were left by the retreating waters, that our negroes caught many with their hands, but moſtly by ſtriking at hazard in the mud with their bill-hooks and ſabres; after which, graſping with their fingers, they brought up pieces and half fiſhes in great abundance. Another fiſh they alſo caught in the creek, called coemma-coemma, which is from one to three feet long, exceedingly ſweet, but not near ſo delicious as the jackee, or warappa, which two laſt the negroes generally ſmoak-dry or barbacue, and which I was glad to eat without either bread or ſalt. The barbacuing conſiſts in laying the fiſh upon twigs of wood above the fire, where, by the ſmoak, they dry to a conſiſtency that gives them no diſagreeable taſte, and will preſerve them for ſeveral weeks together: thus prepared, they require no further dreſſing.

[251]On the 20th we detached a captain, with twenty pri⯑vates and twenty rangers, to reconnoitre the demoliſhed village of Boucou: on the following day Major Rughcop died; and now Colonel Fourgeoud reſolved to march him⯑ſelf to Boucou, leaving me the command of four hun⯑dred men, white and black, two hundred of whom were ſick in their hammocks; but of that number I tranſported thirty to die at Devil's Harwar, while I ſent ſixty rangers with leave down to Paramaribo. Theſe latter went away declaring, that Fourgeoud's operations were only calculated to murder his own troops inſtead of the enemy's. Such is the nature of the negroes, that where they know no⯑thing is likely to be done, they will not march; it is in⯑deed extremely difficult to maintain proper diſcipline among them, and when they expect to ſee the enemy, nothing can poſſibly keep them back. It is amazing to obſerve, with what ſkill one negro diſcovers the haunts of another: while an European diſcerns not the ſmalleſt veſtige of a man's foot in the foreſt, the roving eye of the negro-ranger catches the broken ſprig, and faded leaf trod flat, without ever miſſing it; but when he finds the marks of the enemy being near, he can then no longer be reſtrained. This undoubtedly is inconſiſtent with modern tactics, but indicates that ſpirit of liberty, which in antient times alone completed the valiant ſoldier; and ſuch was at this time the native and natural ſpirit of a people, who had but yeſterday been ſlaves.

[252]On the evening of the 21ſt, I availed myſelf once more of being commandant, by ſending two barges for provi⯑ſions, the one to La Rochelle and the other to Devil's Harwar, which laſt brought back a box with Boſton biſ⯑cuit, ſent me from Paramaribo.

On this day two ſlaves were put in confinement, accuſed of having taken pork from the magazine; and I was ad⯑dreſſed by the troops to inflict an exemplary puniſhment, the common ſoldiers deſpiſing the negro ſlaves, as in their imagination greatly below themſelves, and ſtupidly con⯑ſidering them as the cauſes of their diſtreſs. Having found a large piece of pork in their cuſtody, yet having no proof that was ſufficient to eſtabliſh the theft, I found myſelf greatly at a loſs to diſtribute juſtice with ſatis⯑faction to both parties; the Europeans unmercifully ac⯑cuſing, and the poor ſlaves vindicating their ſtarved companions in ſuch a clamorous ſtyle, that the whole camp was in an uproar. The firſt perſiſted that the latter had ſtolen it, and the others that they had ſaved it from their allowance, to take to their families. Affect⯑ing, therefore, the ſtile of a deſpotic prince, I ordered firſt a ring to be formed of the plaintiffs, and next the priſoners to be let within it. I then, with a ſtern and loud voice, commanded a block and a hatchet to be brought. It was with heart-felt ſatisfaction that I found this ſolemn apparatus, and the apprehenſion that we might commit a raſh and criminal action, ſoon diſpelled every feeling of [253] reſentment in the ſoldiers, and I was implored by the very accuſers to ſhew mercy. Obdurately ſtopping my ear, however, to all intreaty from either ſide, I made a ſtrong negro ſlave take up the hatchet, and inſtantly chop the pork into three equal pieces; when, giving one ſhare to the proſecutors, another to the malefactors, and the third to the executioner for having ſo well done his duty, the farce was ended to general ſatisfaction, and I heard no more of robberies or complaints.

On the 24th in the evening, two officers of the Suri⯑nam Society troops arrived from Devil's Harwar, reco⯑vered from their late indiſpoſition. One of them, calling himſelf Le Baron de Z—b—h, and being infected with the eſprit de corps, on his arrival ſeemed determined to eſpouſe Captain Meyland's cauſe, abruptly alledging, that I had diſgraced him by epithets unbecoming his dignity. I was amazed, and being conſcious of my innocence, en⯑deavoured to explain the matter in a friendly manner, in which I was ſeconded by a Mr. Rulagh, one of my offi⯑cers; but the German, inſtead of being appeaſed, grew more outrageous, and plainly told me that he inſiſted on ſatisfaction. I never had leſs inclination to battle in all my life, I therefore left him without a reply, and walked towards my hut in the moſt gloomy mood imagina⯑ble. It was not long, however, before I felt my indig⯑nation ſuddenly re-kindle, when, armed with my ſabre and piſtols, I returned, fully determined to end the quar⯑rel in the moon-ſhine. But now, finding the Baron re⯑tired to his hammock, I diſpatched Mr. Rulagh with a [254] ſummons, deſiring he would tell him, that if he did not inſtantly turn out to fight me, I ſhould come in, cut down the clews of his hammock with my knife, and treat him as I thought his pride and inſolence deſerved. Upon this appeared a figure that will never be effaced from my memory.

The Baron was more than the middle ſize, extremely thin and ſallow, his meagre viſage ornamented with a pair of enormous red whiſkers under the noſe, while a white queue near three feet long adorned his graceful back. He was in his under-waiſtcoat, and walked on ſtocking ſoles, which were black ſilk, darned with white worſted; theſe hanging down upon his heels, diſcovered his miſerable ſpindle ſhanks; while on his head he wore a ſtriped worſted night-cap of all colours, alſo in many holes; and over his breech his valour was diſplayed by his colours, which hung out, but the blazon of which I muſt not attempt to deſcribe. Such was the figure that now, with all humiliation, offered to give me a buſs, and intreated my forgiveneſs, pretending not to have under⯑ſtood me; which laſt I having granted with a loud laugh and a dram of brandy, he faced about, and by the quick ſtep re-entered his den.

On the 26th Colonel Fourgeoud, with his party, re⯑turned from his trip to Boucou, having ſurrounded three ſtraggling rebel negroes unarmed, as they were cutting a cabbage-tree for their ſubſiſtence. While one of them, called Paſſup, had eſcaped, another was taken alive, and a third, with his thigh ſhot to ſhivers by a ſlug cartridge, [255] was firſt laſhed hands and feet, and thus carried by two negroes on a pole, in the manner of a hog or a beer-barrel, bearing all the weight of his body upon his ſhattered limbs, which were dropping with blood, with⯑out a plaiſter or a bandage to cover the wounds, and with his head hanging downwards all the time; in which man⯑ner the unhappy youth, for he had not the appearance of being twenty, had been brought through thick and thin for above ſix miles diſtance from the camp, while he might juſt as well have been carried in one of the ſpare hammocks of the ſoldiers. I was ſhocked and ſurpriſed at this act of barbarity in Fourgeoud, whom I never had obſerved to be cruel in his cooler moments to an indivi⯑dual; indeed I muſt do him the juſtice to ſay, quite the reverſe, unleſs he was oppoſed, as I muſt own he ſome⯑times was by me; but on this occaſion he was ſo flat⯑tered with this trophy of victory, that every ſpark of feeling and humanity was extinct. The body being laid on a table, I implored one of the ſurgeons, called Pino, to dreſs his wounds; on which, that he might ſeem to do ſomething, he put juſt as many round patches as the ſlugs had made holes, declaring he could never recover, and ſinging Dragons pour boire during the operation.— Poor negro! what muſt have been his feelings! The fever increaſing, he begged for ſom [...] water, which I gave him myſelf clean out of my hat, when he ſaid, "Thank ye, me Maſera," ſighed, and, to my inexpreſſible ſatisfac⯑tion, [256] inſtantly expired. His companion, called September, was more fortunate, for Fourgeoud, in hopes of making ſome diſcoveries, regaled and treated him with more diſ⯑tinction than he did any of his officers; while Septem⯑ber, looking as wild as a fox newly caught, was put in the ſtocks during the night; and his companion was in⯑terred by the negro ſlaves, with thoſe marks of commiſe⯑ration which his unhappy fate demanded from every human being. According to their cuſtom, they ſpread his grave with the green boughs of the palm-trees, and offered a part of their ſcanty allowance by way of liba⯑tion. The following day Mr. Stoelman, the militia cap⯑tain, being arrived, to ſtay one day only in the camp, I took the opportunity to remind Colonel Fourgeoud of what he had told me concerning his unbecoming inſinua⯑tions, which I begged him now to repeat in that gentle⯑man's hearing, as I was determined to have this matter cleared up, and to obtain that ſatisfaction to which I thought myſelf entitled. But the gallant Colonel was not eaſily brought to proof.—He now imputed all the blame to Major Rughcop, who was dead, and requeſted of me to ſay nothing more about it. I left him with contempt, and ſhook hands with my ſuppoſed adverſary; and then, to his inexpreſſible ſurprize, told him all that had hap⯑pened. The conſequence was, that in leſs than two hours the captain quitted Fourgeoud and Jeruſalem in diſguſt, and was followed by the remaining rangers.

[257]On the 29th, Captain de Borgnes was made major in Rughcop's place; but no new ſubalterns were created, Fourgeoud declaring he had no more materials to fabri⯑cate them with: which in part might be true amongſt the ſerjeants; but two brave youths, both gentlemen's ſons, who had entered as volunteers, and gone through every danger and fatigue, remained unnoticed in the ranks, the one named Sheffer, the other Meyer;—ſuch ever was, and ever will be, too frequently, the conſequence of wanting friends and fortune.

CHAP. XI. The Troops march back to the Wana Creek—The Rebels paſs near the Camp—Purſued without Succeſs—Great Diſtreſs for Want of Water—Mineral Mountains—The Troops arrive at La Rochelle, in Patamaca.

CHAP. XI.ON the 30th of November, 1773, the whole of the troops broke up together, and leaving Jeruſalem, we once more marched back to the Wana Creek, but did not keep exactly the track that had brought us thither: Colonel Fourgeoud, however, revoking his former or⯑ders, now allowed his remaining party to ſling their hammocks under cover, of which indeed he, at this criſis, condeſcended to ſet them the example; thus were we at leaſt more comfortably lodged, but, I am ſorry to add, not more comfortably victualled, while the old gentleman himſelf wanted for nothing that was good.

We continued our march for three days ſucceſſively, with good weather; but I was every night awaked out of my ſound ſleep by a ſentinel, who was ſent by the colonel's orders to diſturb me, with a charge of having whiſtled or ſpoke.

On the 3d we arrived once more at the Wana Creek. Here, after a fatiguing march, I flattered myſelf with the hope of recruiting my exhauſted ſtrength and ſpirits by a quiet night's reſt; but was once more awoken, though [259] ſo ſound was my ſleep, that the ſentinel was obliged to ſhake me three or four times by the ſhoulder. I then ſtarted up, denying the charge; but Fourgeoud himſelf, ſitting upright in his hammock, now ſwore, in a tremen⯑dous voice, that he was determined to hang and quarter whoever ſhould dare to diſobey his orders, the dark and gloomy woods reſounding with his bellowing threats. A deadly ſilence ſucceeded this ſtorm throughout the camp, till I happened to break it, by burſting out into an im⯑moderate fit of laughter, in which I was inſtantly accom⯑panied by ſo many others, that he began to roar like thunder, without being able to diſtinguiſh one perſon's voice from another. In this muſic he was ſeconded by a large toad, called here the pipa, to which monſter he ac⯑tually gave ſhelter in his hut, and which kept croaking every night, with ſuch a voice as could only be exceeded by Fourgeoud himſelf, or by that of his countryman, a Swiſſerland bear. Morpheus I now invoked to befriend me again, but to no purpoſe, ſuch was the impreſſion which theſe ſeveral roarings had left on my mind;—and in this gloomy temper I ſhall deſcribe this hateful gloomy animal, the colonel's dear companion, viz. the pipa, the largeſt of all the toads in South America, if not in the world.

The pipa is an animal ſuppoſed by ſome to partake of both the nature of the frog and the toad. It is the moſt hideous of all creatures upon earth, covered over with a dark brown ſcrophulous ſkin, very uneven, and marked with irregular black ſpots; the hinder feet of the crea⯑ture [260] are webbed, and the toes longer than thoſe before: thus it can both ſwim and leap like a frog, in which it differs from other toads. Its ſize is often larger than a common duck when plucked and pinioned; and its croaking, which takes place generally in the night, in⯑conceivably loud. But what is moſt remarkable in this monſter, is the manner of its propagation: the young ones being hatched till they become tadpoles, in a kind of watery cells on the back of the mother, in which the embrio's exiſtence firſt commences; for on the back ſhe is impregnated by the male, and thence iſſues this moſt extraordinary birth.

Toads are not venomous, as is generally imagined, and are even tameable: as, for inſtance, Mr. Awcott fed one for many years, and Colonel Fourgeoud kept his as a do⯑meſtic favourite during the whole time of our campaign at Wana Creek; indeed I myſelf have ſince lodged a tame frog. That the laſt mentioned animals are eatable as far as their thighs, I alſo know by experience: but their taſte is extremely inſipid.

To return at once to my hammock and journal.—The croaking of this pipa; the hammering of another, which produces a loud and conſtant ſound of tuck, tuck, tuck, from ſun-ſet to ſun-riſe; the howling of the baboons; the hiſſ⯑ing of the ſnakes, tigers, &c.; to which add the growling of Fourgeoud, and ſometimes heavy rains into the bargain, made the night very uncomfortable and gloomy indeed. The riſing ſun, however, diſpelled my reſentment; and having taken a ſound nap during the day, I was as well [261] after it, and as well pleaſed, as the foreſt of Guiana could make me.

On the morning of the 4th, I diſcovered a couple of fine poweſas on the branches of a high tree near the camp, and requeſted liberty from the chief to ſhoot one of them, which however was bluntly refuſed me, on pretence that the enemy might hear the report of my muſquet, though by the way, if it be not a ſoleciſm ſo to expreſs myſelf, they knew better where we were than we did ourſelves. A little after, however, a large ſnake appearing on the top of another tree, it was ordered to be ſhot immediately, whether from fear or antipathy I know not. On the diſcharge of the muſquet the animal fell to the ground, quite alive, and ſlided inſtantly into a thicket near the magazine. Upon this occaſion I had an opportunity of remarking the uncommon intrepidity of a ſoldier, who creeping in after the reptile, brought it out from among the brambles, ſuperſtitiouſly pretending that he was invulnerable to its bite. However this may be, the ſnake, which was above ſix feet long, erected its head and half its body ſucceſſively to attack him, and he as often knocked it down with his fiſt, and at laſt with his ſabre ſevered it in two pieces, which ended the battle; for doing which he was regaled by Fourgeoud with a dram of rum.

On the 6th I received ſix gallons of rum from Para⯑maribo, four of which I gave as a preſent to Fourgeoud.

About ſix in the evening two of our ſlaves, who had been out to cut manicoles, brought intelligence that a gang of rebels had paſſed not above a mile from the camp, headed by a Captain Arico, with whom they had ſpoken on the banks of the Cormoetibo Creek, but could not tell which way they ſteered their courſe, ſo much had they been terrified. On this information we received orders to purſue them by break of day; and the next morning, at five o'clock, all was ready, and we again broke up, leaving a detachment with the ſtores, and re⯑paired to the ſpot whence the intelligence proceeded. Here we ſaw a large palm or mawriſee tree ^*, floating in the river, and moored to the oppoſite ſhore by a nebee, which plainly indicated that Arico, with his men, had croſſed the creek, which they do by riding aſtride on the floating trunk, the one behind the other, in which man⯑ner they are ferried over, (ſometimes with women and children) by thoſe who are the beſt ſwimmers.

Notwithſtanding this plain evidence, the faith of our colonel, Fourgeoud, now began to waver, and he averred that it was no more than a ſtratagem of the rebels, who, he ſaid, had come from the place to which we ſuppoſed [264] them gone, and who had only tied the tree acroſs the river to deceive us.

To this opinion neither myſelf nor the other officers could ſubſcribe; but no arguments would prevail with him, and we marched directly from them, viz. eaſt, in⯑ſtead of croſſing and purſuing them weſt, as the rangers would certainly have done: thus we kept on till it was near dark, though the bread was forgotten, and the whole day not a drop of water to be obtained, marching through high ſandy heaths or ſavannahs. After inclining a little to the right, we were juſt upon the point of making a camp, when a negro called out that we were come to the Wana Creek. This in my ears was a wel⯑come ſound; and giving him a calebaſh, and the beſt part of a bottle of my rum, I deſired him to run to the creek, and make me ſome grog, and this he did; but the poor fellow, never having made grog before, poured in all the ſpirits and but very little water, doubtleſs think⯑ing, that the ſtronger it was the better; which beverage I ſwallowed to the bottom, without taking time to taſte it, and I became inſtantly ſo much intoxicated that I could hardly keep my feet.

On the 9th we found ourſelves returned to our old camp, from a fruitleſs cruiſe, when Colonel Fourgeoud ſet the cap⯑tive negro September at liberty, who followed like a ſhep⯑herd's dog attending a flock; but our commander in chief was indefatigable, and not only croſſed and reconnoitred the weſt ſide of the creek himſelf, but filling our knapſacks, [265] we the next morning ſet out in the ſame track we had kept the eighth, he ſtill perſiſting that he ſhould overtake the enemy. Having thus marched till towards dark, we altered our courſe, and paſſed the night in an old camp of the rebel negroes, having again paſſed the whole day without water.

The following day we ſtill proceeded, but neither ene⯑mies nor water were to be found: the men and officers now began to be extremely faint, and ſome were already carried in their hammocks. It was by this time indeed inſufferably hot, being in the very heart of the dry ſea⯑ſon. In this dilemma we dug a hole ſix feet deep, in the bottom of which a ball cartridge being fired, a little moiſture began to trickle forth, but ſo ſlow and ſo black, that it proved not to be of the leaſt uſe.

We ſtill marched on, and encamped in an old weedy field, where the rebels ſome time before had cultivated plantations. During the night it was truly affecting to hear the poor ſoldiers lament for want of drink, but to no purpoſe; for in ſpite of all this miſery, Fourgeoud ſtill perſiſted in going forward even the third day, build⯑ing his hopes on meeting with ſome creek or rivulet to alleviate this general diſtreſs. In this he was however miſtaken; for having again, on the 12th, marched over burning ſands till about noon, he dropped down himſelf, amongſt a number of others, a miſerable ſpectacle, for want of means to ſlake their raging and intolerable thirſt. It was happy that in this ſituation we were not at⯑tacked [266] by the negroes, as it muſt have been impoſſible to make any reſiſtance, the ground being ſtrewed with diſtreſſed objects that appeared to be all of them in raging fevers. Deſpair now ſeemed to be impreſſed even upon Fourgeoud's countenance, as he lay proſtrate on the earth, with his lips and tongue parched black; and in this con⯑dition, though ſo little deſerving of it, he again attracted my pity.

During all this, ſome of the ſoldiers ſtill devoured ſalt pork, while others crept on all fours and licked the ſcanty drops of dew from the fallen leaves that lay ſcattered on the ground. I now experienced the kindneſs of which a negro is capable when he is well treated by his maſter, being preſented by one attending me with a large cali⯑baſh of as good water as ever I drank in my life; and this he met with, after unſpeakable difficulty, in the leaves of a few wild pine-apple plants, from which it was extracted in the following manner:

The plant is held in one hand, and a ſabre in the other, when at one blow it is ſevered from the root, through the thick under parts of the leaves. It is then held over a cup or calibaſh, and the water flows pure, cool, and to the quantity ſometimes of a quart from each plant. This water has been caught in the time of the rains by the channeled leaves of the plant, and con⯑veyed to their proper reſervoir. Some other negroes found means to relieve themſelves from the water-withy, but this was not ſufficient to aſſiſt the dying troops. [267] The water-withy is a kind of very thick nebee of the vine ſpecies, which grows only in very ſandy places, this being ſlaſhed with the ſabre in long pieces, and ſuddenly held to the mouth, produces a limpid ſtream, and affords a pleaſing, cool, and healthy beverage, of great ſervice in the parching foreſts of Guiana.

As Providence had graciouſly ſent me this ſupply, I could not for my ſoul reſiſt the impulſe of ſharing my re⯑lief with poor Fourgeoud, whoſe age and natural infirmi⯑ties pleaded greatly in his favour; and who, being now re⯑freſhed, ſaw himſelf at laſt obliged to return, without any further hope of overtaking the enemy. But ſo exhauſted was the party, that many were carried on long poles in their hammocks by the ſlaves.

As his laſt reſource, our commander now detached the Berbicean negro, Gauſarie, by himſelf, to try if he could bring him any intelligence while we continued our retreat. As we returned by our former footſteps, and of conſe⯑quence approached the pit we had dug yeſterday, I was convinced that by this time it muſt contain clear water. I therefore diſpatched my boy Quaco to the front, to fill one of my gallon bottles before it ſhould be changed to a puddle, and this he did; but being met on his return by Colonel Fourgeoud, he with the butt end of his gun relentleſsly knocked the bottle to pieces, and doubling his pace, placed two ſentinels at the pit, with orders to preſerve the water all for himſelf and his favourites, But at this moment ſubordination being extinguiſhed, [268] the two protectors were forced headlong into the pit, fol⯑lowed by ſeveral others, who all fought to come at the water, which being now changed to a perfect mire, was good for nothing. Having ſlung our hammocks in an old rebel camp, a dram of kill-devil was diſtributed to each without diſtinction; but, as I never uſed this fluid, I offered my ſhare to my faithful negro who had given me the water: this being obſerved by old Fourgeoud, he or⯑dered it to be ſnatched out of the poor man's hand, and returned into the earthen jar; telling me, ‘"I muſt either drink it myſelf, or have none."’ I was exceedingly ex⯑aſperated at this mark of ingratitude, and finding means to procure that very evening a whole bottle, I gave it to the ſlave.

Near midnight, accidentally good water was diſcovered —Good God! what joyful news!—how ſweet the taſte! ſurpaſſing any wine; and ſuch as I ſhall ever gratefully remember!—Now all drank heartily, and Fourgeoud or⯑dered a warm ſupper to be boiled for himſelf, but not ſo much as a fire to be lighted for any other perſon, for⯑bidding even the cutting of a ſtick; thus were we forced to eat our ſalt beef and pork raw. However, having tied my ſmall allowance to a ſtring, I hung it quietly over the ſide of his kettle, to have it dreſſed; but his black cook chancing to drop a log of wood upon another in his eager⯑neſs to aſſiſt me, alarmed the hero, when I was obliged to drop my luncheon into the kettle, and take to my heels.

The old gentleman now inſiſting that ſome perſon had [269] cut ſticks againſt his orders, I quietly ſtepped up to his hammock in the dark, to undeceive him, and ſoftly aſ⯑ſured him that the whole camp was faſt aſleep; when he, on pretence of not knowing me, ſuddenly gave a loud roar, and with both his hands caught hold of me by the hair of the head. I eſcaped, and got fairly under cover, while he called, "Fire at him! fire at him!" to the infi⯑nite amuſement of the whole camp, who lay in their hammocks convulſed with laughter. Having found out Quaco, I inſtantly ſent him back to bring my luncheon; and ſuch was his diligence, that he actually brought me back a piece of beef at leaſt ten times as large as what I had left, with which I had once more the ſatisfaction to regale the poor ſlaves: and thus ended this horrid day.

The 13th we once more returned to the Wana Creek, fatigued beyond the power of deſcription with theſe fruitleſs ſufferings.

Here the old gentleman regaled his friends with my rum in my preſence, and without offering me a ſingle drop. Here alſo I found a letter from the iſland of Cey⯑lon in the Eaſt Indies, where my friend and relation, Mr. Arnoldus De Ly, being governor of Poind-de-Gale and Maturee, I was invited to come and find my fortune ready made, but which for the preſent my evil ſtars prevented my accepting, as it would have been diſho⯑nourable to leave the ſervice at this juncture.

[270]The following day the negro Gauſarie returned from his expedition, reporting that he had diſcovered nothing.

Captain Fredericy, who had marched on the 20th ult. with forty men, white and black, from Jeruſalem, not having been heard of ſince, it was apprehended he had met with ſome dreadful accident, and, in conſequence, on the 15th, two captains, two ſubalterns, and fifty men, were diſpatched to the river Marawina for ſome intel⯑ligence.

The poſt at the Marawina, which is called Vreden⯑burgh, conſiſts of houſes ſurrounded with paliſades in a kind of ſquare, which are all built of the manicole-tree, with which the woods of Guiana ſo much abound. On the outer ſide are a guard and four ſentinels, and the fort itſelf is defended by ſeveral cannon. It is ſituated in an opening, on the banks of the river, where is placed a large flag, and where the garriſon communicates with the French poſt on the oppoſite ſhore, both being ſituated at but little diſtance from the mouth of the Marawina. To give the beſt idea of this ſpot, I ſhall preſent the reader with a view of it, as alſo of our ſituation at the Wana Creek, which, however beautiful on paper, was a dreadful poſt to many unfortunate ſufferers.

In the annexed Drawing, three camps are diſtinctly ex⯑hibited; thoſe of Colonel Fourgeoud and of the de⯑ceaſed Major Rughcop, on both ſides of the Wana Creek, and that which was lately the rangers, directly op⯑poſite to its mouth.

[271]The barges, &c. were ordered on the ſame day to bring up proviſions, and take down the ſick; but at this very time the whole camp was attacked by that dread⯑ful diſtemper the bloody flux, which is both infectious and epidemical, and daily carried numbers to their grave. An emetic, or ſome other medicine, adminiſtered at ran⯑dom, were the only relief in our power, as there was not a proper ſurgeon on the ſpot, all of them being engaged at the hoſpitals in Comewina and in Paramaribo.

The poor ſlaves were peculiarly unhappy, who, as I have ſtated, having but half allowance, lived for months on the produce of the cabbage-tree, ſeeds, roots, wild ber⯑ries, &c. and to this circumſtance may be attributed the firſt introduction of this dangerous diſeaſe into the camp. So ſtarved indeed were theſe wretched negroes, that they tied ropes or nebees about their naked bodies, which is a practice of the Indians when their abdomens are ſhrunk with hunger, as they find by experience, or at leaſt fancy, that the pain occaſioned by want of food is relieved by the compreſſion. I, however, with a few others, eſcaped the infection, but I was laid up with a miſerable bad cold and ſwelled foot; which diſeaſe is called the conſaca, and is not unlike our chilblains in Europe, as it occa⯑ſions a very great itching, particularly between the toes, whence iſſues a watery fluid.

The negroes are very ſubject to this complaint, which they cure by applying the ſkin of a lemon or lime, made as hot as they can bear it.

[272]I have frequently had occaſion to mention our provi⯑ſions, viz. ſalt beef, pork, ruſk, biſcuit, and water, for our allowance, which were dealt out regularly every five or ſix days; the two former having perhaps made the tour of the world, after leaving Ireland, and were even ſo green, ſo ſlimy, ſo ſtinking, and ſometimes ſo full of worms, that at other times they would not have re⯑mained upon my ſtomach; but I have not deſcribed our furniture. This, however, will not occupy much time, as it conſiſted only of a ſquare box or cheſt for each offi⯑cer, to carry his linen, freſh proviſions, and ſpirits, when he had either. Theſe boxes ſerved not only as cup-boards, but as chairs and tables in the camp. On a march they were carried on the head of a negro: I muſt obſerve, moreover, that we had no light after ſix o'clock in the evening, that of the moon excepted, when all was ſolemn and melancholy beyond deſcription.

I had not ſo much as a trencher, baſon, ſpoon, or fork: for the firſt and ſecond I made a negro's calibaſh ſerve me; a fork I wanted not, and a ſpoon but ſeldom: inſtead of that article, therefore, I uſed a folded leaf, agreeably to the practice of the ſlaves; and as for a knife, each perſon carried one in his pocket. I at laſt con⯑trived to make a lamp by breaking a bottle; in which having melted ſome pork, it produced a quantity of oil, and a ſlip of my ſhirt ſerved for a wick. Neceſſity is proverbially ingenious, and in ſuch a ſituation every nicety is forgotten. Indeed, could I now have had what [273] formerly I left upon my plate, I ſhould have ardently thanked God for it.

When ſpeaking of ingenuity, I ought not to forget a number of pretty baſkets which were made by the negroes in the camp, and which, they having taught me to conſtruct, I alſo made to amuſe myſelf, and ſent them as preſents to ſeveral friends at Paramaribo. Theſe baſkets were compoſed of a kind of ſtrong ligneous cord that is found in the bark of the cabbage-tree, and, as Dr. Ban⯑croft expreſſes it, conſiſts of a web-like plexus, which is divided croſs-wiſe in long, hard, poliſhed threads, brown and as tough as whalebone. Theſe threads are drawn from it, and the filaments or fibres are made uſe of as withies are uſed in England. For holding fiſh at ombre or quadrille, nothing can be better or more beautiful; but thoſe that are large for holding fruit, vegetables, &c. are quite different, and made of a kind of bulruſh, called warimbo, which is firſt ſplit and deprived of its pithy ſubſtance: the thin nebees make alſo no bad baſkets. The negroes here beſides made curious nets, and even hammocks, of the ſilk graſs plant.

This is a ſpecies of wild aloe that grows in the woods: the leaves are indented and prickly, and contain longi⯑tudinally very ſtrong and ſmall white fibres, which are bruiſed and beaten to hemp. With this we made ropes ſtronger than any in Europe. Theſe would anſwer perfectly for the rigging of ſhips and other purpoſes, had it not been diſcovered that they are ſooner liable to rot [274] in the wet. This kind of hemp is ſo very much like white ſilk, that the importation is forbidden in many countries, to prevent impoſition by ſelling it for the ſame; and the fraud is more difficult to be detected when it is art⯑fully mixed with ſilk. By the Indians this plant is called curetta, and in Surinam vulgarly Indian ſoap, as it con⯑tains a ſaponaceous, pulpy ſubſtance, which anſwers for waſhing as common ſoap, and is employed for that pur⯑poſe by the negroes and many others. Another plant much reſembling this, is by the black people termed baboon knifee, as it ſometimes cuts through the ſkin to the very bone, of which I myſelf had ſome proofs in this wilderneſs, but without any ill conſequence.

In the manner I have already related the time was ſpent during this period, in which the whole camp was deſtitute of ſtockings, ſhoes, hats, &c. Colonel Fourgeoud walked a whole day barefooted himſelf to furniſh an ex⯑ample of patience and perſeverance, and to keep the few remaining troops from murmuring. In this reſpect I had fairly the advantage of all the company, my ſkin be⯑ing (the ſwelled foot or conſaca, and a few ſcratches ex⯑cepted) perfectly whole from my habit of walking thus, while not a ſound limb was to be found among the reſt, whoſe legs in general were broken out in dreadful ulcers, with a diſcharge of pus. I have already in part accounted for this inconvenience, and ſhall ſtill farther account for it, by obſerving, that while the ſtockings and ſhoes of theſe unhappy people remained, they were ne⯑ver [275] off the feet of many wearers, who, after marching through water, mud, and mire, in this filthy condition, reſted during the night in their hammocks, where, in fair weather, before morning this filth was dried upon their limbs, and in conſequence cauſed an itching and redneſs on the ſkin, which by ſcratching broke out in many places; theſe wounds ſoon became ſcrophulous, and ended in open ſores and ulcers, which, from the want of care and proper application, often changed to mortification and intolerable ſwellings, by which ſome loſt their limbs, and others even their lives when they were not ſaved by amputation. Such were the cauſes, and ſuch the effects of the evils we had to ſtruggle with; but they were far from the whole of our wretchedneſs, and might be called only the precurſors of what we had ſtill to undergo.

At this time a compliment of a fine ham and a dozen of port-wine being ſent me by Captain Van Coeverden, I gave all in a preſent to poor Fourgeoud, who was ema⯑ciated with fatigue, except four bottles which I drank with the other officers; and next day, the 29th, I had the honour to be ordered on a patrol with Colonel des Borgnes and forty privates once more, to try if we could not take the negroes who had croſſed the creek three weeks before.

Having dropped down the river with a barge, in which we lay all night, we landed the following morning, and marched N. E.; after which, being without a compaſs, we ſoon loſt our way, and having croſſed a large ſand-ſavanna, [276] ſlung our hammocks in the ſkirts of a thick and obſcure wood. On the 31ſt we again ſet out the ſame courſe, in hopes of meeting with the marks of ſome for⯑mer path cut upon the trees by ſome of our troops; but were miſtaken, for having got into a marſh, where we waded till noon up to our chins, at the hazard of be⯑ing drowned, we ſaw ourſelves under the neceſſity of returning the ſame way we came, perfectly ſoaked and in rags; and after a forced march encamped once more on the banks of Cormoetibo Creek, in ſuch a heavy ſhower of rain during the whole night as I did ſeldom remem⯑ber, which cauſed ſo much confuſion and hurry, each ſtriving to build his ſhed, and get under cover firſt, that I got a broken head, but perſevering was one of the firſt in ſlinging my hammock; above which ſpreading green boughs, and under which having lighted a comfortable fire, I fell moſt profoundly aſleep in the middle of the ſmoke, which ſaved me from the ſtings of the muſqui⯑toes.

While ſpeaking of inſects, I ought not to forget that this evening one of the negro ſlaves who had been look⯑ing for dry wood, preſented me, to my great ſurprize, with a beetle no leſs than three or four inches in length, and above two in breadth, called in Surinam the rhinoce⯑ros, on account of its proboſcis or horn, which is hooked, forked, and thick as a gooſe-quill; on the head it has many hard poliſhed knobs; the limbs are ſix; the wings are large, and the whole animal is perfectly black, be⯑ing the largeſt of all the beetle kind in America.

[275]In Guiana is alſo another ſpecies of theſe inſects, called the cerf-volant, or flying hart, from its extuberances re⯑ſembling the horns of a ſtag: both theſe beetles fly with an uncommon buzzing noiſe, and are ſo ſtrong, that but very few birds dare to attack them. One of the greateſt plagues however we met with in the foreſt, was a fly as large as a common bee the ſtings of which were almoſt equally powerful; the negroes call it the cow-fly; this I can beſt I think compare to what is called the hippoboſ⯑cus or hore-fly in Great Britain.

Having ſlept moſt ſoundly for ſix or ſeven hours, in ſpite of the rains, the ſmoke, the muſquitoes, and my broken head, I turned out perfectly refreſhed at five, and at ſix we commenced the year 1774, by marching up along the banks of the Cormoetibo till mid-day, when we ar⯑rived once more at the grand encampment at the mouth of the Wana Creek, from, as uſual, a fruitleſs cruize.

On the 3d, to our joy returned alſo Captain Fredericy, with his party, bringing in a captive negro in chains, call⯑ed Cupido; and relating that a poor ſoldier of the So⯑ciety troops, on receiving his pardon, when on his knees to be ſhot, was gone out of his ſenſes.

Colonel Fourgeoud being finally determined to break up this campaign, ſent out a party of ſixty men to cruize on the way to Patamaca before him.

I now waſhed my ſhirt, the laſt I had, in the Wana Creek (but was obliged to keep ſwimming till it was dried by the ſun) my letter, ſent for linen, having never reach⯑ed [276] Paramaribo, and what I had brought with me being torn to rags.

On the 4th of January, at ſix o'clock in the morn⯑ing, all were ready to decamp. Thus having ſent down the barges with the ſick to Devil's Harwar, we at laſt croſſed Cormoetibo Creek, and marched firſt directly ſouth for Patamaca, over ſteep mountains covered with ſtones and impregnated with minerals. This again con⯑tradicts Dr. Bancroft's obſervations, theſe mountains not being above twenty miles from the ocean, though he aſſerts that no hill is to be found at near fifty miles from the ſea. In the evening we encamped at the foot of a high hill, where we found a ſmall rivulet of good water, and a number of manicole-trees, the two chief requiſites. It is curious, and indeed beautiful, to be⯑hold, in the ſpace of an hour, a green town ſpring up as it were from nothing, and a little after all the fires light⯑ed, on which the men are boiling their hard fare, while others are employed in drying their cloaths; though, as I have ſtated, this laſt was by no means a general rule, the greater number preferring to let them rot on their bodies.

This night, however, the whole camp was diſturbed by a diuretic complaint, occaſioned by drinking the water we found here, which indeed was very pure, but was ſo impregnated with minerals, that it taſted almoſt like that of Bath or the German Spa. This is a circumſtance which I think indicates that theſe mountains contain [277] metals, if the Dutch would go to the expence of ſearch⯑ing in their bowels.

On the 5th we marched the ſame courſe again over mountains and dales, ſome of which were ſo exceſſively ſteep that one or two of the ſlaves, not being able to aſcend them loaded, threw down their burdens, and de⯑ſerted, not to the enemy, but found their way to their maſters eſtates, where they were pardoned; while others tumbled down, burthen and all, from top to bottom.

This evening we found our quarters ready-made, and lodged in the wigwams or huts that were left ſtanding when the rice country was deſtroyed, and Bonny with his men put to flight; in that where I lay I found a very curious piece of candle, which the rebels had left be⯑hind, compoſed of bees-wax and the heart of a bulruſh.

Bonny's own houſe, where Fourgeoud lodged, was a perfect curioſity, having four pretty little rooms, and a ſhed or piazza incloſed with neat manicole paliſades.

The whole corps appearing on the 6th exceſſively fa⯑tigued, Fourgeoud ordered a general day of reſt, only de⯑taching Captain Fredericy with ſix men, as he knew the country beſt, to reconnoitre the banks of the Claas Creek, a water that iſſued from near this place in the upper parts of Rio Cottica. They were hardly marched when the eye of our chief by chance falling on me, he ordered me inſtantly to follow alone, and return with a report of what I could diſcover on the other ſide the creek. I overtook the party ſoon, when after a ſhort march we [278] were in water up to our very arm-pits; Fredericy now ordered a retreat, but deſiring him to wait for me, I took off all my cloaths, and with only my ſabre in my teeth, ſwam by myſelf acroſs the Creek, where having ranged the oppoſite ſhore, and finding nothing, I again ſwam back, after which we all returned to the camp.

At noon, making my report to Colonel Fourgeoud, he was aſtoniſhed indeed at this deſperate action, which in fact he had not expected; but I was not leſs amazed when he took me by the hand, entertaining me with a bottle of wine, and ordering Monſieur Laurant to ſet ſome bacon-ham before me, to find, however incredible it may appear, that the one was actually ſour, and the other creeping with live worms; while my own pro⯑viſions, now his, which were freſh, were withheld me. This meanneſs ſo much exaſperated me, that, ſtarting up, I left Fourgeoud, his valet, his wine, and his reptiles, with that contempt which they deſerved, alleviating my hunger with a piece of dry ruſk biſcuit and a barbacued fiſh, called warappa, which I got from a negro.

This evening we encamped near the Patamaca Creek, where the poor negro woman cried bitterly, and ſcat⯑tered ſome victuals and water at the root of a tree by way of libation, as being the ſpot where her huſband was [280] interred, who had been ſhot in ſome former ſkirmiſh by the Europeans.

Here Captain Fredericy and myſelf, walking without the ſkirts of the camp in a ſandy ſavannah, diſcovered the freſh footſteps of a large tiger with her young, at which time they are extremely ferocious: we thought it prudent therefore to make a ſudden retreat. I mea⯑ſured the diameter of the dam's claws printed in the ſand, which were nearly of the dimenſions of an ordi⯑nary pewter-plate.

Having marched a few hours longer the ſucceed⯑ing morning, we at laſt arrived at the Society poſt La Rochelle in Patamaca; ſuch a diſplay of meagre, ſtarved, black, burnt, and ragged tatterdemallions, and moſtly without ſhoes or hats, as I think were never before be⯑held in any country. They could be compared to no⯑thing but a gang of gypſies, while their leader was not unlike Bampfield Moore Carew, and myſelf at beſt like the forlorn Cruſoe in his worſt condition, with my only check ſhirt and the one-half of my trowſers, the reſt being torn away. Here we found a ſet of poor wretches ready to enter the woods which we had juſt left, and deſ⯑tined to undergo in the ſame manner the ſevereſt miſery that ever was inflicted on ſublunary beings. I have al⯑ready mentioned the prickly heat, ring-worm, dry gripes, putrid fevers, biles, conſaca, and bloody flux, to which human nature is expoſed in this climate; alſo the muſ⯑quitoes, Patat and Scrapat lice, chigoes, cock-roaches, [281] ants, horſe-flies, wild-bees, and bats, beſides the thorns, briers, the alligators, and peree in the rivers; to which if we add the howling of the tigers, the hiſſing of ſer⯑pents, and the growling of Fourgeoud, the dry ſandy ſa⯑vannas, unfordable marſhes, burning hot days, cold and damp nights, heavy rains, and ſhort allowance, the reader may be aſtoniſhed how any perſon was able to ſurvive the trial. Notwithſtanding this black catalogue, I ſolemnly declare I have omitted many other calamities that we ſuffered, as I wiſh to avoid prolixity, though per⯑haps I have been already too often guilty of it. I might have mentioned indeed lethargies, dropſies, &c. &c. be⯑ſides the many ſmall ſnakes, lizards, ſcorpions, locuſts, buſh-ſpiders, buſh-worms, and centipedes, nay, even flying lice, with which the traveller is perpetually tor⯑mented, and by which he is conſtantly in danger of being ſtung; but the deſcription of which curſed com⯑pany I muſt defer to another opportunity.

The reader may form ſome conception of the famiſhed ſtate in which we came hither, when I inform him, that the moment of our arrival, obſerving a negro woman ſupping on plantain broth from a callibaſh, I gave her half-a-crown, and ſnatching the baſon from her hands, I devoured the contents with a greater reliſh than I have ever taſted any delicacy before or ſince during my whole exiſtence. I now obſerved to Colonel Fourgeoud, how pitiable it was, not to regale his remaining ſoldiers with vegetables and freſh beef or mutton, beſides providing [282] them with hats, ſtockings, ſhoes, &c.; but he replied, that Hannibal had loſt his army at Capua by too much indulgence. In ſhort, he quoted not only Hannibal but Horace for his example, according to the advice given in a certain pamphlet, ‘Ibit eo quo vis qui Zonam perdidit;’ and appeared fully convinced, that no perſons will behave ſo deſperately in action as thoſe who are tired of their lives.

On the 11th, the other party which had left Wana the day before ourſelves, arrived, having, according to cuſ⯑tom, neither taken nor ſeen any thing.

On the 12th, one of the rebels with his wife came to La Rochelle, and ſurrendered themſelves voluntarily to the commander in chief. This day Fourgeoud acquaint⯑ed me now himſelf, that I was at liberty to go and refit at Paramaribo when I thought proper. This propoſal I gladly accepted, and that moment prepared for my de⯑parture, with ſome other officers, leaving behind us him⯑ſelf and a band of ſuch ſcare-crows as would have diſ⯑graced the garden or field of any farmer in England. Among theſe was a Society captain, named Larcher, who declared to me he never combed, waſhed, ſhaved, or ſhifted, or even put off his boots, till all was rotted from his body. At laſt arrived the happy hour, when, taking leave of my tattered companions, I and five more, with a [283] tent-boat and ſix oars, rowed ſtrait down for Paramaribo, ſtill in good health and in a flow of ſpirits, and at the very ſummit of contentment.

At Devil's Harwar I met a cargo of tea, coffee, biſcuit, butter, ſugar, lemons, rum, and twenty bottles of claret, ſent me by my friends, directed to La Rochelle, which I again, notwithſtanding the barbarous uſage that I had ſo lately met with, gave all in a preſent to poor Fourgeoud, twelve bottles of wine excepted, which we drank in the barge to the healths of our wives and miſtreſſes; nor could I help pitying Colonel Fourgeoud, whoſe age (he being about ſixty) and indefatigable exertions claimed the attention of the moſt indifferent: for during this trip, though but few rebels were taken, he had certainly ſcour⯑ed the foreſt from the river Comewina to the mouth of the Wana Creek, diſperſed the enemy, and demoliſhed their habitations, fields, and gardens, and thus cut them off from all proſpect of ſupport.

On the evening of the 13th, we ſupped at the eſtate Mondeſire, and thence kept rowing down all night and day, ſhouting and ſinging till the 15th at noon, when, the tide ſerving, we went on ſhore at the fortreſs Amſter⯑dam; whence croſſing the river, we arrived before Mr. De Lamar's door at Paramaribo. I ſtept aſhore among a croud of friends, who all flocked round to ſee and to welcome me to town.

I next ſent for my ineſtimable Joanna, who burſt [284] into tears the moment ſhe beheld me, not only for joy at my ſtill exiſting (for it had been reported that I was no more) but alſo from ſeeing my very diſtreſſed ſitua⯑tion.—Thus ended my ſecond campaign, and with this I put an end to the chapter.

CHAP. XII. Deſcription of the town of Paramaribo and Fort Zelandia— Colonel Fourgeoud's march to the river Marawina—A Captain wounded—Some Privates ſhot—Strange Execu⯑tion in the Capital—Account of Fort Somelſdyk—Of the Hope in Rio Comewina.

Paramaribo is a very lively place, the ſtreets being ge⯑nerally crouded with planters, ſailors, ſoldiers, Jews, Indians, and Negroes, while the river is covered with canoes, barges, &c. conſtantly paſſing and repaſſing, like the wherries on the Thames, often accompanied with bands of muſic; the ſhipping alſo in the road adorned with their different flags, guns firing, &c.; not to men⯑tion the many groupes of boys and girls playing in the water, altogether form a pleaſing appearance; and ſuch gaiety and variety of objects ſerve, in ſome meaſure, to compenſate for the many inconveniencies of the climate. Their carriages and dreſs are truly magnificent; ſilk em⯑broidery, Genoa velvets, diamonds, gold and ſilver lace, being daily worn, and even the maſters of trading ſhips appear with buttons and buckles of ſolid gold. They are equally expenſive at their tables, where every thing that can be called delicate is produced at any price, and ſerved up in plate and china of the neweſt faſhion, and [290] moſt exquiſite workmanſhip. But nothing diſplays the luxury of the inhabitants of Surinam, more than the number of ſlaves by whom they are attended, often twenty or thirty in one family. White ſervants are ſeldom to be met with in this colony.

The current money, as I have already ſtated, are ſtamped cards of different value, from five ſhillings to fifty pounds: gold and ſilver is ſo ſcarce, that the exchange premium for ſpecie is often above ten per cent. A baſe Dantzic coin called a bit, value ſomething leſs than ſixpence, is alſo current in Surinam. Engliſh and Portugueſe coin are ſometimes met with, but moſtly uſed as ornaments by the Mulatto, Samboe, Quaderoon, and Negro girls. The Negro ſlaves never receive any paper money, for as they cannot read they do not underſtand its value; be⯑ſides in their hands it would be liable to many acci⯑dents, from fire or children, and particularly from the rats, when it becomes a little greaſy.

This town is well ſupplied with proviſions, viz. but⯑cher's meat, fowls, fiſh and veniſon. Vegetables in par⯑ticular the country abounds with; beſides the luxuries peculiar to this climate, they import whatever Europe, Africa, and Aſia can afford. Proviſions, however, are ex⯑ceſſively dear in general, eſpecially thoſe imported, which are moſtly ſold by the Jews and maſters of ſhips. The firſt enjoy extraordinary privileges in this colony; the latter erect temporary warehouſes for the purpoſe of trade, during the time their ſhips are loading with the [291] productions of the climate. Wheat flour is ſold from four pence to one ſhilling per pound; butter two ſhil⯑ling's; butcher's meat never under one ſhilling, and often at one ſhilling and ſix pence; ducks and fowls from three to four ſhillings a couple. A ſingle turkey has coſt me one guinea and a half; eggs are ſold at the rate of five, and European potatoes twelve for ſix pence. Wine three ſhillings a bottle. Jamaica rum a crown a gallon. Fiſh and vegetables are cheap, and fruit almoſt for nothing. My black boy, Quaco, has often brought me forty oranges for ſix pence, and half a dozen pine-apples for the ſame price; while limes and tamarinds may be had for gathering. Houſe-rent is exceſſively high. A ſmall room unfurniſhed coſts three or four guineas a month; and a houſe with two apartments on a floor, lets for one hundred guineas yearly. Shoes ſell for half-a-guinea a pair; and a ſuit of cloaths, with ſilver binding, has coſt me twenty guineas.

The wood with which the houſes are generally built deſerves alſo to be noticed, viz. the Wana, and the Cuppy. The Wana is a light durable timber of a coarſe grain, and does not take the beſt poliſh; it is of a very pale red, ap⯑proaching mahogany, and moſtly uſed for doors and cup-boards, alſo for boats and barges. This tree grows to a conſiderable height^*.

[292]The Cuppy-tree reſembles the wild cheſnut, is hard, knotty, and durable; it is ſawed into boards, and uſed to encloſe the houſes for fences, inſtead of brick and ſtone walls; the timber is of a brown colour, and takes a good poliſh.

For a better idea of this town, I ſhall refer the reader to the annexed plan; and proceed to give ſome further account of its inhabitants.

The whites or Europeans in this colony, and who re⯑ſide principally in town, are computed at five thouſand, including the garriſon. The negro ſlaves at about ſeventy-five thouſand. The military mount guard every morning at eight o'clock, in the fortreſs; but the ſafety of the town is entruſted to the burghers or militia, who keep watch during the night. At ſix o'clock in the morning, and the ſame hour in the evening, the morning and evening guns are fired by the commanding ſhip in the harbour; at the evening ſignal, all the flags are inſtantly lowered on board the different veſſels; their bells are ſet a ringing, whilſt the drums and fifes beat the tattoo through the town. The watch is then ſet, and no negro of either ſex is allowed to appear in the ſtreets or on the river, without a proper paſs ſigned by his owner; without this he is taken up, and infallibly flogged the next morning. At ten at night, a band of black drums beat the burgher, or militia retreat, through the ſtreets of Paramaribo.

[293]At this time the ladies begin to make their appearance, who are particularly fond of a tête-à-tête by moon-light, when they entertain with Sherbet, Sangaree ^*, and wine and water; beſides the moſt unreſerved and unequivocal converſation concerning themſelves, as well as the pecu⯑liar qualifications of their huſbands, and the ſituation of their female ſlaves, whom they propoſe the acceptance of to the gentlemen they converſe with at ſo much per week, according to their own eſtimation. Sometimes placing half a dozen of them in a row, the lady ſays, "Sir, this is a callebaſee, that is a maid, and this is not"— thus are they not only unreſerved in their converſation, but alſo profuſe in their encomiums upon ſuch gentle⯑men as have the honour of their inſtructive company, and whoſe perſon or figure meets with their appro⯑bation.

They are alſo rigid diſciplinarians, as the backs of their poor ſlaves, male and female, ſufficiently teſtify. Thus every country has its cuſtoms, and from theſe cuſtoms exceptions are to be made; for I have known ladies in Surinam, whoſe delicacy and polite converſation would have graced the firſt circles in Europe. Beſides the amuſements of feaſting, dancing, riding, and cards, they have a ſmall theatre, where the inhabitants of faſhion act plays for their own amuſement, and that of their friends. As they are elegant in their dreſs, ſo they [294] keep their houſes extremely clean. They uſe the fineſt linen, exquiſitely well waſhed with Caſtile ſoap; its white⯑neſs can only be compared to mountain ſnow, and would make the beſt bleached linen in Europe appear like canvaſs. Their parlour floors are always ſcoured with ſour oranges cut through the middle, which gives the houſe an agreeable fragrance: the Negro girls taking one half in each hand, keep ſinging aloud while they rub the boards. Such is the town, and ſuch are the inhabi⯑tants of Paramaribo, the capital of Surinam; and the character will apply to the natives of all the Dutch ſettle⯑ments in the Weſt Indies. But to return to my narrative. Being once more reconciled to ſhoes, I viſited Colonel Weſterloo on board a Weſt-India ſhip, bound for Holland. This gentleman, who had relieved me at Devil's Harwar when I was ill, was now himſelf in a moſt miſerable con⯑dition, having loſt the uſe of his limbs. In this debili⯑tated ſtate, it was doubtful whether any thing but the air of his native country would recover him. Several officers were now under the neceſſity of ſelling their effects to procure a ſubſiſtence, not being able either to procure their pay or allowance from Fourgeoud. I felt this hard uſage the leſs, from the kindneſs I experienced from my numerous friends.

On the 28th of January, as I was walking in the morn⯑ing by the river ſide, I ſaw a fiſh brought aſhore, that deſerves to be mentioned for its ſize and goodneſs, being [295] ſometimes near two hundred pounds weight ^*. It is here called grow-muneck, or grey friar, and is ſaid to be of the cod genus, to which it bears ſome reſemblance in ſhape and colour, the back being a dark olive brown, and the belly white; it was ſoon cut up into large ſlices, ſeveral of which I purchaſed, and ſent as preſents to my friends; as it was, in my opinion, even ſuperior to turbot. It is an inhabitant of the ſea, but is ſometimes to be met with in the rivers. The negroes here are the only fiſher⯑men, and are regularly trained up to this profeſſion by their maſters, who make them pay a certain ſum weekly. If they are expert and induſtrious, they ſoon acquire money for themſelves, and ſome even become rich; but, on the contrary, if they are indolent, and do not fulfil their weekly engagements, they are certain to be puniſhed very ſeverely.

This cuſtom is alſo common to many other trades, and by perſeverance and ſobriety they are actually enabled to live happily. Thus I have known ſlaves in Surinam, who have bought ſlaves for their own uſe. Some purchaſe their freedom from their maſters, whilſt others keep their money, preferring to be the ſlave of an indulgent maſter; being, ſo long as they continue ſlaves, free from all duties and taxes, which, in caſe of manumiſſion, they become liable to. A particular inſtance of this kind was a negro blackſmith, named Joſeph, who being offered his [296] liberty upon account of his long and faithful ſervices, poſitively refuſed it, chuſing rather to be the ſlave of a worthy maſter. This man had ſeveral ſlaves of his own, kept a decent houſe, with handſome furniture, and ſome plate; and when viſited by his humane maſter or miſtreſs, entertained them with Sangaree, port or claret. I muſt, however, acknowledge this to be a very ſingular inſtance; and obſerve, that although a few live comfortably at Pa⯑ramaribo, the greateſt number are wretched, particularly thoſe governed by a lady, who have many weals to ſhow, but not the ſmalleſt indulgence to boaſt of.

Among the ſlaves, thoſe of the claſs called Quaderoons are in general much reſpected for their affinity to Eu⯑ropeans; a Quaderoon being the offspring of a white and a mulatto, and they are very numerous in this colony.

Here one not only meets with the white, the black, and olive, but with

Theſe boys are generally placed out to ſome good trade, ſuch as cabinet-makers, ſilverſmiths, or jewellers; whilſt the girls are employed as waiting-women, and taught the arts of ſewing, knitting, and embroidery, to perfection: they are generally handſome, and take much pride in the neatneſs and elegance of their dreſs.

[297]To give the reader a more lively idea of theſe people, I ſhall deſcribe the figure and dreſs of a Quaderoon girl, as they uſually appear in this colony. They are moſtly tall, ſtraight, and gracefully formed; rather more ſlender than the Mulattoes, and never go naked above the waiſt, like the former. Their dreſs commonly conſiſts of a ſattin petticoat, covered with flowered gauze; a cloſe ſhort jacket, made of beſt India chintz or ſilk, laced before, and ſhewing about an hand-breadth of a fine muſlin ſhift between the jacket and the petticoat. As for ſtock⯑ings and ſhoes, the ſlaves in this country never wear them. Their heads are adorned with a fine bunch of black hair in ſhort natural ringlets; they wear a black or white beaver hat, with a feather, or a gold loop and button: their neck, arms, and ancles are ornamented with chains, bracelets, gold medals, and beads. All theſe fine women have European huſbands, to the no ſmall mortification of the fair Creolians; yet ſhould it be known that an European female had an intercourſe with a ſlave of any denomination, ſhe is for ever deteſted, and the ſlave loſes his life without mercy.—Such are the deſpotic laws of men in Dutch Guiana over the weaker ſex.

But to change the ſubject.—The tyranny of our com⯑mander, Colonel Fourgeoud, ſeemed daily to increaſe. Lieutenant Count Runtwick, who was to proceed for Holland with Colonel Weſterloo, being ſick, was ordered to remain in Surinam, for having only ſaid that he had [298] been ill treated by him. As a ſpecimen of his juſtice, I will only obſerve, that all the officers had now ſubſiſted a whole year upon a private ſoldier's allowance of ſalt proviſions, a few weeks at Paramaribo only excepted. This accommodation coſt me thirty pounds; but I have already mentioned he kept back our money, and why ſhould he not our allowance alſo, it not being the part of a good ſoldier to inquire after trifles?

On the 1ſt of February we, however, received notice that henceforth we ſhould pay nothing, provided we could faſt; but that if we could not, ten pounds yearly was to be the ne plus ultra of the expences for our ſalt beef and pork.

On the 2d I received intelligence that Lieutenant Co⯑lonel Becquer, ſcorning any longer to partake of Four⯑geoud's bounty, had ſuddenly given up the ghoſt, by which in rotation I became poſſeſſed of his vacant company. This was ſome compenſation for ſo much trouble and fa⯑tigue. But to counterbalance this good fortune, a certain lady, whoſe huſband had ſhewn me extraordinary civili⯑ties, now made me an offer, which I could not with honour accept; beſides, I had been ſworn at Highgate. But per⯑ſiſting in my refuſal of her favours and golden preſents, I at laſt felt the effects of a woman's hatred and revenge. Her huſband, who had lately been ſo much my friend, and whoſe honour I, in this inſtance, ſo much reſpected, was ſuddenly perverted into a bitter enemy. I bore their frowns with reſignation, conſcious of my own recti⯑tude, [299] in not committing a treſpaſs of which too many others would have made a boaſt. Shortly after, how⯑ever, this gentleman again became my friend, even more than before this affair happened, having been perfectly undeceived.

On the 6th, a poor drummer of the Society brought me a preſent of ſome alligato, or more properly avogato pears and oranges, for having ſupported him, he ſaid, in Holland againſt my ſervant, who had knocked him down. This trait of gratitude afforded me more pleaſure than the coolneſs of my late friend had given me pain.—The avogato pear grows on a tree above forty feet high, and not unlike a walnut-tree: the fruit, which is about the ſize and colour of a large pear, viz. a pale green, is the moſt exquiſite, in my opinion, of any in the colony, or even in the world; the inſide is yellow, and the kernel is incloſed in a ſoft rind like a cheſnut. The pulp is ſo ſalubrious and nutritious, that it is often called the ve⯑getable marrow, and is frequently eaten with pepper and ſalt: nor can I compare it to any thing ſo well as a peach, melting in the mouth in the ſame manner, not ſo ſweet indeed, but incomparably more delicious.

The oranges in Surinam are of three different ſpecies; the ſour, the bitter, and the ſweet, all being originally imported from Spain or Portugal. The ſour oranges are an excellent cure for ſores and running ulcers, ſo com⯑mon in this climate, but painful in the operation; for which reaſon they are only uſed for the negroes, who it [300] is ſuppoſed may bear any thing. The bitter are only uſed for preſerving: the ſweet, which have a luſcious taſte and exquiſite flavour, may be eaten freely, without any pernicious effects, which is not the caſe with that kind called the China apples, which I ſhall afterwards deſcribe. The trees that bear all theſe ſpecies are truly beautiful, and never without fragrant bloſſoms or fruit throughout the year.

On the 16th, the news arrived that Colonel Fourgeoud, with the remaining troops, having marched from La Rochelle, had been attacked by the rebels; and amongſt others Captain Fredericy, marching in the front, had been ſhot through both thighs. This brave officer, clapping both his hands on the wounds, and ſitting in water up to his breaſt to conceal the bleeding, and prevent his misfortune from diſcouraging the troops, remained in this ſituation until the ſurgeon had dreſſed them, when he was carried in his hammock by two negroes.

Nothing, indeed, could exceed the zeal which both this officer, and Fourgeoud's adjutant, Captain Vangew⯑rike, ſhewed during the whole expedition; continually upon ſervice, whether their conſtitutions could bear it or not. But honour was the only advantage they derived from a five years aſſiduous and extraordinary attendance. In my opinion, Colonel Fourgeoud never recompenſed them according to their merit; while he treated the ſubalterns, and even ſome field officers, worſe than ever I did my corporals.

[301]I now made another offer to join him in the woods; but inſtead of permiſſion, he ſent me orders to haſten to L'Eſperance, in Engliſh the Hope eſtate, as I ſhall hence⯑forth call it, ſituated in the upper part of Rio Comewina, there to take the command of the whole river during his abſence; which being new to me, I repaired to this poſt with the greater ſatisfaction.

Having provided myſelf with a compleat camp-equi⯑page, and purchaſed proviſions, I was ſoon ready to de⯑part for my new ſtation. But before I leave Paramaribo, I muſt remark, that during my ſtay there no leſs than nine negroes had each a leg cut off, for running away from their maſters. This puniſhment is a part of the Surinam adminiſtration of juſtice, and is performed at the deſire of the proprietor, and was executed by a Mr. Greuber, the ſurgeon of the hoſpital. During this in⯑human operation, the poor ſufferers very deliberately ſmoaked their pipe of tobacco. For this ſervice the ſur⯑geon received about ſix pounds a limb: but, notwith⯑ſtanding his great abilities, four of them died immediate⯑ly after the operation. A fifth deſtroyed himſelf, by plucking away the bandages and bleeding to death during the night. Theſe amputated negroes are common in this colony, and are employed in rowing the boats and barges of their maſters. Others are ſeen deprived of an arm; and this is the forfeit for daring to raiſe it againſt an European.

I embarked on the 17th of February for the Hope, in [302] the river Comewina, on board a decent tent-boat rowed by ſix negroes, having once more bid adieu to my be⯑loved Joanna. In the evening I paſſed the Sporkſgift eſtate, in the Matapica Creek; the next day I arrived at Arentruſt in Comewina, having paſſed the Orelana Creek and the fortreſs Somelſdyk, which is about ſixteen miles above Fort Amſterdam, and forms the ſeparation between that and the river Cottica, commanding the two oppoſite ſhores by the fire of its cannon. This fortreſs was built in the year 1684 by Governor Somelſdyk, whoſe name it ſtill bears. It is built in the form of a pentagon, having five baſtions mounted with artillery; it has a foſſe, and is well provided with military ſtores: though it is not large, it is well defended, eſpecially by its low and marſhy ſituation. Not far above this, to the right, is a fine creek, called Comete-Wana.

On the 19th, about noon, I reached the Hope; having found this river ſtill more charming than the river Cot⯑tica, both being bordered with beautiful eſtates of coffee and ſugar, the firſt of which abounds principally near its mouth. About half way up both theſe rivers are alſo in each a Proteſtant church, where the plantation people reſort to hear divine worſhip: the expence of the par⯑ſon, &c. being paid by the planters.

The eſtate L'Eſperance, or the Hope, where I now took the command, is a valuable ſugar-plantation, ſituated on the left ſide of the Comewina, at the mouth of a rivulet called Bottle Creek, and almoſt oppoſite to another creek [303] called Caſſivinica: the Bottle Creek communicating with the Comewina and Pirica, as the Wana Creek does with Cormoetibo and Rio-Comewina.

Here the troops were lodged in temporary houſes built with the manicole-tree; but the ſituation was ſo low and marſhy as at ſpring-tides to be entirely under water. The officers were all crowded in one apartment of the ſame conſtruction; while the planter's fine houſe, which might have been ſerviceable for the pleaſure and health of theſe gentlemen, was made uſe of by nobody but the overſeer of the eſtate.

About a cannon-ſhot higher up the river is the eſtate Clarenbeek; where I went, on the 22d, to examine the ſtate of the hoſpital, and where I found the troops more diſagreeably quartered than at the Hope, owing chiefly to the amazing number of rats with which this place was infeſted, deſtroying the men's clothes and proviſions, and running over their faces by dozens as they lay in their hammocks. The only mode of remedying this horrid inconvenience, was to break holes in the bottoms of quart bottles, and then ſtring them like beads upon the laſhings of each hammock, both at head and foot: when this was properly done, their poliſh rendered it impoſſible for the rats to reach the canvas.

Here the crowded hoſpital afforded a melancholy ſpec⯑tacle, by the miſerable objects it preſented. Humanity ſuffers ſo much from ſuch ſcenes, that I felt myſelf happy upon my return to the Hope. My orders here were [304] much the ſame as they had been at Cottica, viz. to pro⯑tect the eſtates from the enemy: the parole or watch-word was regularly ſent me by Colonel Fourgeoud. One of the Berbice negro captains, before mentioned, named Ackeraw, here diſcovered an old decrepid ſlave called Paulus, belonging to this eſtate, to be his brother. He acknowledged him with cordial affection, and treated him with much kindneſs: the ſcene of their meeting was of courſe very intereſting. In my walks round this planta⯑tion, I had an opportunity of obſerving ſeveral curious birds, which I ſhall now embrace the opportunity to deſcribe.

The queeſe-queedee, ſo called on account of its note, is about the ſize of a thruſh, and of a brown colour, except the breaſt and belly, which are of a beautiful yellow: it is very miſchievous, and an unwelcome gueſt upon the plantations. The wild pigeons are alſo common here. I ſhot one that was very large, and reſembling what is called the ring-tail pigeon of Jamaica. Its back and ſides were of an aſh colour; the tail a lead colour; the belly white; the neck reflecting a changeable green and purple; the iris and feet of this pigeon were red. I have alſo ſeen the dwarf pigeons here walking in pairs. They are about the ſize of an Engliſh ſparrow, and rather of a lighter colour. I take theſe to be the picui-nima of Marcgrave. The eyes were bright, with a yellow iris, and upon the whole theſe diminutive creatures are very pretty. They are called ſteen-duyfie by the Dutch, be⯑cauſe [305] they are frequently found amongſt ſtones and gravel. ^* Turtles are alſo found in Guiana, but ſeldom near the plantations, as they delight chiefly in the deepeſt receſſes of the foreſt. They build their neſts in trees of the thickeſt foliage, where I have found them, and even ſtroked them with my hand, without their attempt⯑ing to fly away. They are little different from thoſe in Europe in point of colour, but rather leſs, and their wings of a more conſiderable length than thoſe of any other dove or pigeon whatever.

I became daily more charmed with my ſituation; I was at liberty to breathe freely, and my proſpects of future contentment promiſed amply to compenſate for my paſt hardſhips and mortifications. Reſpected as the prince of the river; careſſed by the neighbouring planters, who plentifully ſupplied me with preſents of game, fiſh, fruit, and vegetables, I was ſcarcely the ſame man, and had very few wiſhes unſatisfied.

One day (the 5th of March) during my reſidence here, I was ſurpriſed by the waving of a white handkerchief from a tent-boat that was rowing up the river; when, to augment my happineſs, it unexpectedly proved to be my Mulatto, accompanied by her aunt, who now pre⯑ferred Fauconberg eſtate, four miles above the Hope, to reſiding in the town; and to this plantation I immedi⯑ately accompanied them.

[306]Here Joanna introduced me to a venerable old ſlave, her grandfather, who made me a preſent of half a dozen fowls. He was grey-headed and blind, but had been com⯑fortably ſupported for many years through the kind at⯑tention of his numerous offspring. He told me he was born in Africa, where he had once been more reſpected than any of his Surinam maſters ever were in their country.

It will no doubt appear ſurpriſing to many of my readers to find me mention this female ſlave ſo often, and with ſo much reſpect; but I cannot ſpeak with indif⯑ference of an object ſo deſerving of attention, and whoſe affectionate attachment alone counter-balanced all my other misfortunes. Her virtue, youth, and beauty gain⯑ed more and more my eſteem; while the lowneſs of her birth and condition, inſtead of diminiſhing, ſerved to increaſe my affection.—What can I ſay farther upon this ſubject?—Nothing; but content myſelf with the conſo⯑lation given by Horace to Phocius, the Roman ſoldier:

On the 6th of March I returned to the Hope, loaded with fowls, aubergines, brocoli, agoma, and a few Su⯑rinam cherries. The aubergines are a ſpecies of fruit which grows in the ſhape of a cucumber; they are of a purple colour without, and white within; they are cut in ſlices and eaten like ſallad, ſometimes ſtewed: they are very good and wholeſome. The leaves of the tree which bears this fruit are large and green, covered with a purple-coloured down. The agoma is a bitteriſh ve⯑getable: the brocoli as in Europe, but ſcarce. The cher⯑ries are ribbed, very ſour, and unleſs very ripe fit only for preſerving.

On the prince of Orange's anniverſary, the 8th of March, I invited ſome company to drink his health, [308] whilſt Colonel Fourgeoud kept ſcouring the buſhes; but the ſum of his operations amounted only to having ſome of his men ſhot by the negroes, ſome loſt in the woods; whilſt the rebel Cupido eſcaped with all his chains. Of two men he ſent me for the hoſpital at Clarenbeek, one was terribly cut by the rebels.

I received a preſent of a haunch of veniſon on the 17th from a Mr. D'Onis; and one of my ſlaves preſented me with a lizard called ſapagala, which is leſs in ſize and leſs agreeable food than the iguana, which I have already deſcribed, and which the Indians call wayamaka. Of this laſt dainty I did not partake, but gave it to the overſeer, while with the veniſon I entertained all my of⯑ficers.

On the 21ſt, having viſited Mr. and Mrs. Lolkens at Fauconberg, we, after dinner, walked to a brick-ma⯑nufactory, called Appe-cappe, which lies in the neigh⯑bourhood, and belongs to Governor Nepveu; where they make as good brick, and as expeditiouſly, as in Europe. It is alſo a profitable buſineſs, not being common in Surinam. This I only relate as a proof of the abundant advantages of this country; where, moreover, the wood for burning the bricks may be had for cutting, if the inhabitants chuſe to be induſtrious. We were here, how⯑ever, ſo peſtered with clouds of inſects, called monpeira, that I was glad to take my leave, and return to the Hope. The monpeira are the ſmalleſt kind of gnats, but equally troubleſome with the larger ſpecies called muſquitoes. They fly ſo thick and cloſe together, that they appear like a cloud of black ſmoke: they are ſo ſmall that [310] numbers of them ſtick in the eyes, whence they cannot be extracted without pain, and even danger.

I always viſited by water, having at the Hope an ele⯑gant tent-boat, with half a dozen negroes at my com⯑mand, who alſo ſhot and fiſhed for me. Upon the whole, I was here ſo happy and ſo much reſpected, that I could almoſt have engaged never more to change my ſituation.

CHAP. XIII. A Sugar Plantation deſcribed—Domeſtic Happineſs in a Cottage—Further Account of Fourgeoud's Operations— Dreadful Cruelties inflicted by ſome Overſeers—Inſtance of Reſentment in a Rebel Negro Captain.

I HAVE already ſaid that I was happy at the Hope;CHAP. XIII. but how was my felicity augmented, when Mr. and Mrs. Lolkens came to viſit me one evening, and not only gave me the addreſs of Meſſrs. Paſſalage and Son at Am⯑ſterdam, the new proprietors of my Mulatto, but even deſired me to take her to the Hope, where ſhe would be more agreeably ſituated than either at Fauconberg or Paramaribo. This deſire was unqueſtionably moſt rea⯑dily complied with by me; and I immediately ſet my ſlaves to work, to build a houſe of manicole-trees for her reception.

In the mean time I wrote the following letter to Meſſrs. Paſſalage and Son.

This letter was accompanied by another from my friend Lolkens, who much cheared my proſpects by the aſſurance of ſucceſs.

Having diſpatched theſe letters to Holland, I had now the opportunity of obſerving the whole proceſs of a ſu⯑gar-plantation; of which I ſhall endeavour to give an ac⯑curate deſcription.

The buildings uſually conſiſt of an elegant dwelling-houſe for the planter, outhouſes for the overſeer and book-keeper, beſides a carpenter's lodge, kitchens, ſtore-houſes, and ſtables, if the ſugar-mills be wrought by horſes or mules; but on the Hope theſe are not requi⯑ſite, as the wheels move by water, ſtored in canals during the ſpring-tide by means of ſluices, which being open⯑ed at low water pour out like a deluge, and ſet the ma⯑chinery in motion. A ſugar-mill is built at the expence [313] of four thouſand, nay ſometimes ſeven or eight thou⯑ſand pounds.

A particular deſcription of its conſtruction might be too tedious. I ſhall only obſerve, that the large water-wheel moves perpendicularly, and correſponds with an⯑other large wheel placed in an horizontal direction, and this again acts upon three cylinders or rollers of caſt-iron, ſupported underneath by a ſtrong beam, ſo cloſe together that when the whole is in motion, they draw in and ſqueeze as thin as paper whatever comes between them. In this manner the ſugar-cane is bruiſed, to ſepa⯑rate the juice or liquor from the traſh.

Thoſe mills that are wrought by cattle are conſtructed upon the ſame principles, only the horſes or mules an⯑ſwer the purpoſe of the horizontal wheel, by dragging round a large lever. If the water-mills work the faſteſt, and be the cheapeſt, yet as they muſt wait for the tides, they can only work part of the day; whereas the cattle-mills are always ready whenever the proprietor finds it convenient to uſe them. Adjoining to the mill-houſe is a large apartment, alſo built of brick, in which are fixed the coppers or large cauldrons to boil the liquid ſugar. Theſe are uſually five in number; oppoſite to theſe are the coolers, which are large ſquare flat-bottomed wooden veſſels, into which the ſugar is put from the cauldrons to cool before it is put into hogſheads, which are placed near the coolers upon ſtrong channeled rafters, that re⯑ceive [314] the melaſſes as it drops from the ſugar, and convey it into a ſquare ciſtern placed underneath to receive it. The diſtillery joins this apartment, where the droſs or ſcum of the boiling ſugar is converted into a kind of rum, mentioned before, and known by the name of kill-devil. Every eſtate in Surinam keeps a tent-boat and ſeveral other craft, for the conveyance of their produce; they have alſo a covered dock, to keep them dry and re⯑pair them.

The ſugar eſtates in this colony contain five or ſix hundred acres; the parts for cultivation being divided into ſquares, where pieces of cane, about one foot long, are ſtuck into the ground in an oblique poſition, in rows ſtraight and parallel. They uſually plant them in the rainy ſeaſon, when the earth is well ſoaked and rich. The ſhoots that ſpring from theſe joints are about twelve or ſixteen months in arriving at maturity, when they become yellow, and of the thickneſs of a German flute, and from ſix to ten feet in height, and jointed, forming a very beautiful appearance, with pale green leaves like thoſe of a leek, but longer and denticulated, and which hang down as the crop becomes ready for cutting. The principal buſineſs of the ſlaves during the growth of the canes is pulling up the weeds, which would otherwiſe impoveriſh them.

But to give the reader a clearer idea of the ſugar-cane, which is ſuppoſed to be a native of Guiana, I refer him to the annexed plate, where he may view it in the dif⯑ferent ſtages, though on a ſmaller ſcale than nature; A being its firſt appearance above the ground; B the cane come to half maturity; C the ſame with drooping leaves, when fully ripe; D a piece cut off at one end, and broken off at the other.

We ſhall now examine its progreſs through the mill: here it is bruiſed between the three cylinders or rollers through which it paſſes twice, once it enters, and once it returns, when it is changed to traſh, and its pithy ſubſtance into liquid, which is conducted as extracted, through a grooved beam, from the mill to the boiling-houſe, where it is received into a kind of wooden ciſtern.

So very dangerous is the work of thoſe negroes who attend the rollers, that ſhould one of their fingers be caught between them, which frequently happens through inadvertency, the whole arm is inſtantly ſhattered to pieces, if not part of the body. A hatchet is generally kept ready to chop off the limb, before the working of the mill can be ſtopped. Another danger is, that ſhould a poor ſlave dare to taſte that ſugar which he produces by the ſweat of his brow, he runs the riſk of receiving [316] ſome hundred laſhes, or having all his teeth knocked out by the overſeer.—Such are the hardſhips and dangers to which the ſugar-making negroes are expoſed.

From the above wooden ciſtern the liquor is let into the firſt copper cauldron, filtering through a grating to keep back the traſh that may have eſcaped from the mill; here, having boiled ſome time, and been ſcummed, it is put into the next cauldron, and ſo on till in the fifth or laſt it is brought to a proper thickneſs or conſiſtency to be admitted into the coolers: a few pounds of lime and allum are thrown into the cauldrons to make it gra⯑nulate; thus it is boiled gradually ſtronger and ſtronger, until it reaches the laſt cauldron. When it is put into the wooden coolers the ſugar is well ſtirred, and ſcattered equally throughout the veſſels; when cold it has a frozen appearance, being candied, of a brown glazed conſiſt⯑ency, not unlike pieces of high poliſhed walnut-tree. From the coolers it is put into the hogſheads, which, upon an average, will hold one thouſand pounds weight of ſugar; there it ſettles, and through the crevices and ſmall holes made in the bottoms it is purged of all its liquid contents, which are called melaſſes, and, as I have ſaid, are received in an under-ground ciſtern. This is the laſt operation, after which the ſugar is fit for expor⯑tation to Europe, where it is refined and caſt into loaves. I ſhall only farther obſerve, that the larger the grain the better the ſugar, and that no ſoil can be more proper for its cultivation than Guiana, the richneſs of which is in⯑exhauſtible, [317] and produces upon an average three or four hogſheads per acre. In 1771, no leſs than twenty-four thouſand hogſheads were exported to Amſterdam and Rotterdam only, which, valued at ſix pounds per hogſ⯑head, though it has ſometimes ſold for double, returned a ſum of near one hundred and fifty thouſand pounds ſterling, beſides the vaſt quantity of melaſſes and kill-devil; the firſt computed at ſeven thouſand hogſheads, and ſold to the North Americans for twenty-five thou⯑ſand pounds; the ſecond, which is diſtilled in Surinam, and uſed chiefly by the negroes, valued at as much more, which produces no leſs than two hundred thouſand pounds per annum ^*.

The kill-devil is alſo drank by ſome of the planters, but too much by the common ſoldiers and ſailors, and, when new, acts as a ſlow pernicious poiſon upon an Eu⯑ropean conſtitution. On the contrary, it never hurts the negroes, but is even neceſſary and wholeſome, eſpecially in the rainy ſeaſons, when they are ſometimes indulged with a ſingle dram per day by their maſters, though this cuſtom is far from being general. There is no part of this ſalutary plant uſeleſs; the chaff refuſe, and leaves of the cane, being uſed for manure and fuel. All the eſtates are cloſely ſurrounded by the uncultivated fo⯑reſt, whence the herds of wild deer often commit very great ravages, when the pieces being ſurrounded by [318] armed negroes, and dogs ſet in to diſperſe them, they are frequently ſhot. From what I have ſaid upon this ſub⯑ject alone, the reader may form an idea of the riches with which this country abounds; which, nevertheleſs, did not ſeem to ſtimulate its enemies during the late war to attempt the poſſeſſion of it: but I muſt ſay, I doubt whether Surinam, in the hands of any other nation than the Dutch, would not ceaſe to be of its preſent conſe⯑quence, the Hollanders being indiſputably the moſt pa⯑tient, perſevering, induſtrious people that inhabit the globe.

Notwithſtanding, however, the immenſe wealth that the Weſt Indies in general afford, it will ever be my opi⯑nion that the Europeans might live as comfortably, if not more healthily, without them; the want of ſugar, coffee, cotton, cacao, indigo, rum, and Brazil wood, might be amply ſupplied by honey, milk, wool, Geneva, ale, Eng⯑liſh herbs, Britiſh oak, &c.

And now once more to reſume my narrative:—I have already mentioned that my ſlaves were employed in pre⯑paring an houſe for the reception of my beſt friend, which was about ſix days in completing. It conſiſted of a par⯑lour, which alſo ſerved for a dining-room; a bed-chamber, where I alſo ſtowed my baggage; a piazza or ſhed to ſit under before the door; a ſmall kitchen detached from the houſe, and a poultry-houſe, the whole ſituated on a ſpot by itſelf, commanding an enchanting proſpect on every ſide, and ſurrounded with paling to keep off the [319] cattle. My tables, ſtools, and benches, being all compoſed of manicole boards, the doors and windows were guarded with ingenious wooden locks and keys, that were pre⯑ſented me by a negro, and were the work of his own hands. My houſe being thus far finiſhed and furniſh⯑ed, my next care was to lay in a ſtock of proviſions from Paramaribo, viz. a barrel of flour, another of ſalted mackarel, which in this country are delicious, they are imported from North America; hams, pickled ſauſages, Boſton biſcuit; alſo wine, Jamaica rum, tea, ſugar, a box of ſpermaceti candles; alſo two charming foreign ſheep and a hog, ſent me by Mr. Kennedy from his eſtate Vrie⯑dyk, beſides two dozen of fine fowls and ducks preſented me by Lucretia, my Joanna's aunt; while fruit, vegeta⯑bles, fiſh, and veniſon, flowed upon me from every quar⯑ter as uſual.

On the 1ſt of April 1774, Joanna came down the river in the Fauconberg tent-boat, rowed by eight negroes, and arrived at the Hope: I communicated to her imme⯑diately the contents of my letter to Holland, which ſhe received with that gratitude and modeſty in her looks which ſpoke more forcibly than any reply. I introduced her to her new habitation, where the plantation ſlaves, in token of reſpect, immediately brought her preſents of ca⯑ſada, yams, bananas, and plantains, and never two people were more completely happy. Free like the roes in the foreſt, and diſencumbered of every care and ceremony, we breathed the pureſt ether in our walks, and refreſhed [320] our limbs in the limpid ſtream: health and good ſpirits were now again my portion, while my partner flouriſhed in youth and beauty, the envy and admiration of all the colony.

Colonel Fourgeoud now intending to quit the woods, and encamp at Magdenberg, a poſt near the ſource of the Comewina, I ſent a large barge with proviſions, eſ⯑corted by an officer and twenty men, to that place; and upon reviewing my remaining marines, they did not amount to twenty men, beſides a ſmall detachment at Calis, near the mouth of Caſſivinica Creek. Higher up the ſame creek, at an eſtate called Cupy, were alſo poſted an officer and a few ſoldiers.

On the morning of the 4th, I was witneſs to a very wonderful battle between two ſnakes, the one about three feet long, the other no more than fourteen inches; when, after a ſevere conteſt of near half an hour, during which time the many wreathings and twiſtings were truly curious, the largeſt gradually ſhifting his gripe, at length caught the ſmalleſt by the head, and abſolutely ſwallowed him alive.

My negro boy about this time throwing out ſome red-hot embers, I was ſurprized to ſee the frogs eat them with avidity, without receiving any viſible damage from the fire, which moſt probably they had miſtaken for the fire-fly. I ſaw another frog in the ſugar-mill, feaſting upon a regiment of ants, which are here very numerous, licking them up with his tongue as they marched be⯑fore [321] him. Another of theſe animals ſlept every day upon one of the beams of my cottage, which it regularly left every night; this was called yombo-yombo by the ne⯑groes, from its great power in leaping: it is very ſmall, almoſt flat, a fine yellow, with black and ſcarlet ſpecks: it is frequently found in the upper ſtories of houſes, where it arrives by climbing up the walls. We thought it a pretty little animal, and would allow nobody to hurt it.

On the morning of the 8th, between ſix and ſeven o'clock, whilſt we were interring one of my ſerjeants, we heard the report of ſeveral minute guns towards the river Pirica; in conſequence of which, I immediately detached an officer and twelve men to give aſſiſtance. They returned next day with an account that the rebels had attacked the eſtate of Kortenduur, where, having pillaged ſome powder, the plantation ſlaves being armed by their maſter, had bravely beaten them back before my aſſiſtance could be of uſe.

A ſmall detachment from Colonel Fourgeoud at Wana Creek arrived at the Hope on the 11th, with September, the negro priſoner, who related that the rebels had ſpoken to Fourgeoud, and even laughed at him, having over⯑heard him giving his orders, viz. not to fire on them, but to take them alive: and that amongſt thoſe loſt in the woods was the unlucky Schmidt, who had lately been ſo unmercifully beaten, and of which he had never yet recovered.

About the 13th, the ſpring floods broke down the [322] dams, and laid our whole poſt under water, except the ſpot where I had pitched my cabin, which remained dry, but unfortunately by this accident the officers and men were up to the knees in water. My worthy friend Mr. Heneman, the volunteer, arrived at this time from Colonel Fourgeoud's camp at Wana Creek, with a barge full of men and ammunition; he was now entered a lieu⯑tenant in my company: he informed us, that the re⯑maining troops were marching for Magdenberg in Upper Comewina, there to go into quarters. This poor young man was much emaciated with miſery and fatigue, I therefore introduced him at his firſt landing to the care of Joanna, who was a moſt incomparable nurſe, and under whoſe care he felt himſelf extremely happy.

On the 14th, Colonel Fourgeoud with his troops being arrived at Magdenberg, the officers and privates of the Society, and the rangers to the amount of near two hun⯑dred men, were ſent down in barges to be ſtationed on different parts of the river Pirica. Some landed at the Hope to refreſh, and behaved ſo very diſorderly, as to ob⯑lige me and my officers to knock them down by half do⯑zens, to keep the peace till they departed the ſame day, after which I diſpatched a tent-boat and eight oars to row the commander in chief with ſome of his favourites to Paramaribo, from which place he at laſt permitted the much-injured Count Rantwick to ſail for Holland.

On the 16th, the greateſt part of the ſheep belonging to this eſtate were unfortunately poiſoned by eating duncane, but mine, amongſt ſome others, luckily eſcaped. [323] I am ſorry to ſay I have not particularly examined the duncane, as it is called by the negroes. All that I can ſay is, that it is a ſhrub with a large green leaf, ſome⯑thing like that of the Engliſh dock; it grows ſponta⯑neouſly in low and marſhy places, and is inſtant death to whatever animal eats of its leaves; the ſlaves therefore ſhould be obliged carefully to root it out from the graſs ſavannas or meadows where cattle graze, ſince ſheep and bullocks are ſaid to be remarkably fond of it, though contrary to nature, as moſt animals know, it is ſaid, in⯑ſtinctively how to diſtinguiſh their food from their poiſon. But the ſheep in queſtion not being the natural inhabi⯑tants of Guiana, may for that reaſon be admitted as an exception to this general rule. This baneful plant had inadvertently been permitted to grow in a negro's gar⯑den, to which the ſheep got acceſs by breaking down the fence, which occaſioned this unpleaſant cataſtrophe.

In this garden I ſaw ſeveral other roots and plants that deſerve to be noticed. The yameſy, or yam, a well-known root in the Weſt Indies, delights in a fat ſoil; this grows in Surinam ſometimes to the weight of two or three ſcore pounds, and an acre will produce an aſtoniſhing quantity ^*; its taſte is very agreeable, either boiled or roaſted, eaſy of digeſtion, and very wholeſome. The inſide is of a whitiſh colour, without it is of a deep pur⯑ple approaching towards black; its ſhape is very irre⯑gular. [324] The yams are cultivated by cutting them in pieces like potatoes; they are planted a few feet diſtant from each other, and in about ſix or eight months they arrive at maturity; they are known to be fit for uſe when the top or leaves begin to loſe their verdure, till then they are of a deep green colour, and creep along the ground like ivy, with ligneous ſhoots. The yam is amongſt the principal food of the ſlaves throughout the Weſt Indies, and is alone ſufficient to ſupply the want of bread; alſo being capable of preſervation for almoſt a year, it is often tranſported, and uſed upon long voyages, and frequently brought to England. Another ſmall root I found here, known in Surinam by the name of naapjes, and which is eaten in the ſame manner as the yams, but is infinitely more delicious; both the one and the other ſerve here for food, as potatoes, carrots, or parſnips do in England.

The maize or Indian corn, which I alſo ſaw in this gar⯑den, grows on high perpendicular ſtalks, with long pale green leaves; the grain is of a ſhining yellow colour, as large as marrow-peas, and cloſely ſet together, round ears that are the ſize of the largeſt European carrot. This grain is cultivated in great quantities in Surinam; it is not only uſed for their poultry and cattle of every ſpecies, but is alſo ground into meal, of which the Creoles make ex⯑cellent puddings and cakes, which are of a nouriſhing quality. With this they ſometimes eat the young pods of the ocro, or althea plant, which grows upon a very ſmall [325] ſhrub, with oblong leaves, and which when boiled, as Dr. Bancroft expreſſes it, are of a mucilaginous, ſlimy, and lubricative texture, which ropy or glutinous quality, however diſguſting in appearance, makes a very rich ſauce when properly ſeaſoned with Cayenne pepper.

The ſame evening that proved ſo fatal to the ſheep, as I was walking out with my gun, as uſual, I ſhot a bird called here the ſubacoo; it is a ſpecies of the grey-heron, its bill and legs of a greeniſh black, and very long, the laſt appearing as if jointed by large ſcales of a hard and horny ſubſtance, and the claws on each middle toe are denticulated. This bird, though apparently the ſize of a common fowl, was ſo very light, that an Engliſh houſe-pigeon would have eaſily counterbalanced it; when dreſſed we found it to have a fiſhy flavour.

I have for ſome time been happily ſilent upon the ſubject of cruelty; and ſorry I am, at a time when all ap⯑peared harmonious and peaceable, to be under the ne⯑ceſſity of relating ſome inſtances, which I am confident muſt inſpire the moſt unfeeling reader with horror and reſentment. The firſt object which attracted my com⯑paſſion during a viſit to a neighbouring eſtate, was a beautiful Samboe girl of about eighteen, tied up by both arms to a tree, as naked as ſhe came into the world, and lacerated in ſuch a ſhocking manner by the whips of two negro-drivers, that ſhe was from her neck to her ancles literally dyed over with blood. It was after ſhe had re⯑ceived two hundred laſhes that I perceived her, with her [326] head hanging downwards, a moſt affecting ſpectacle. When, turning to the overſeer, I implored that ſhe might be immediately unbound, ſince ſhe had undergone the whole of ſo ſevere a puniſhment; but the ſhort anſwer which I obtained was, that to prevent all ſtrangers from interfering with his government, he had made an unal⯑terable rule, in that caſe, always to double the puniſh⯑ment, which he inſtantaneouſly began to put in execu⯑tion: I endeavoured to ſtop him, but in vain, he declar⯑ing the delay ſhould not alter his determination, but make him take vengeance with double intereſt. Thus I had no other remedy but to run to my boat, and leave the deteſtable monſter, like a beaſt of prey, to enjoy his bloody feaſt, till he was glutted. From that day I de⯑termined to break off all communication with overſeers, and could not refrain from bitter imprecations againſt the whole relentleſs fraternity. Upon inveſtigating the cauſe of this matchleſs barbarity, I was credibly inform⯑ed, that her only crime conſiſted in firmly refuſing to ſubmit to the loathſome embraces of her deteſtable exe⯑cutioner. Prompted by his jealouſy and revenge, he called this the puniſhment of diſobedience, and ſhe was thus flead alive. Not having hitherto introduced the Samboe caſt, I take this opportunity, by here repreſent⯑ing the miſerable young woman as I found her to the attention of the ſympathizing reader.

At my return to the Hope, I was accoſted by Mr. Ebber, the overſeer of that eſtate, who with a woeful countenance informed me he had juſt been fined in the ſum of twelve hundred florins, about one hundred guineas, for having exerciſed the like cruelty on a male ſlave; with this difference, that the victim had died dur⯑ing the execution. In anſwer to his complaint, ſo far from giving him conſolation, I told him his diſtreſs gave me inexpreſſible ſatisfaction.

The particulars of this murder were as follow: during the time that Captain Tulling commanded here, which was a little time before I came to the Hope, it happened that a fugitive negro belonging to this eſtate had been taken upon an adjoining plantation, and ſent home, guard⯑ed by two armed ſlaves, to Mr. Ebber; which fugitive, during the time Ebber was reading the letter that accom⯑panied him, found means to ſpring aſide, and again eſcaped into the foreſt. This incenſed the overſeer ſo much, that he inſtantly took revenge upon the two poor ſlaves that had brought him, tying them up in the car⯑penter's lodge. He continued flogging them ſo unmer⯑cifully, that Captain Tulling thought proper to interfere, and beg for mercy; but, as in my caſe, his interference produced the oppoſite effect: the clang of the whip, mixed with their diſmal cries, were heard to continue [328] for above an hour after, until one of them expired under the cruel laſh, which put an end to the inhuman ca⯑taſtrophe. A law-ſuit was inſtantly commenced againſt Ebber for aſſaſſination. He was convicted, but condemn⯑ed to no other puniſhment than to pay the afore-mentioned hundred guineas, which price of blood is always divided between the fiſcal and the proprietor of the deceaſed ſlave; it being a rule in Surinam, that by paying a fine of five hundred florins, not quite fifty pounds per head, any proprietor is at liberty to kill as many of his own negroes as he pleaſes; but if he kills thoſe of his neigh⯑bour, he is alſo to pay him for the loſs of his ſlave, the crime being firſt ſubſtantiated, which is very difficult in this country, where no ſlave's evidence can be admitted. Such is the legiſlature of Dutch Guiana, in regard to negroes. The above-mentioned Ebber was peculiarly tyrannical; he tormented a boy of about fourteen called Cadetty, for the ſpace of a whole year, by flogging him every day for one month; tying him down flat on his back, with his feet in the ſtocks, for another; putting an iron triangle ^* or pot-hook round his neck for a third, which prevented him from running away among the woods, or even from ſleeping, except in an upright or ſitting poſture; chaining him to the landing-place, night and day, to a dog's kennel, with orders to bark at every boat or canoe that paſſed for a fourth month; and ſo [329] on, varying his puniſhment monthly, until the youth became inſenſible, walking crooked, and almoſt de⯑generated into a brute. This wretch was, however, very proud of his handſomeſt ſlaves, and for fear of diſ⯑figuring their ſkins, he has ſometimes let them off with twenty laſhes, when, for their robberies and crimes, they had deſerved the gallows. Such is the ſtate of public and private juſtice in Surinam. The wretch Ebber left the Hope upon this occaſion; and his humane ſucceſſor, a Mr. Blenderman, commenced his reign by flogging every ſlave belonging to the eſtate, male and female, for hav⯑ing over-ſlept their time in the morning about fifteen minutes.

The reader will, no doubt, imagine, that ſuch cruel⯑ties were unparalleled; but this is not the caſe, they were even exceeded, and by a female too.

A Mrs. S—Ik—r going to her eſtate in a tent-barge, a negro woman, with her ſucking infant, happened to be paſſengers, and were ſeated on the bow or fore-part of the boat. The child crying, from pain perhaps, or ſome other reaſon, could not be huſhed; Mrs. S—Ik—r, offended with the cries of this innocent little creature, ordered the mother to bring it aft, and deliver it into her hands; then, in the preſence of the diſtracted parent, ſhe imme⯑diately thruſt it out at one of the tilt-windows, where ſhe held it under water until it was drowned, and then let it go. The fond mother, in a ſtate of deſperation, [330] inſtantly leapt overboard into the ſtream, where floated her beloved offspring, in conjunction with which ſhe was determined to finiſh her miſerable exiſtence. In this, however, ſhe was prevented by the exertions of the negroes who rowed the boat, and was puniſhed by her miſtreſs with three or four hundred laſhes for her daring temerity.

Colonel Fourgeoud moved on the 20th, with all his troops, from Magdenberg, in order to eſtabliſh his head-quarters nearer the infirmary. His army being in a very ſickly condition, he fixed upon the eſtate called New Roſenback, ſituated between the Hope and the hoſpital, for his encampment. Thither I immediately repaired, to pay my reſpects to the chief; when I ſaw the remainder of his miſerable army landed, and received a further detail of the campaign. I have already mentioned Captain Fredericy's being wounded; one man loſt by neglect, and another cut and diſarmed; the captives running away, chains and all; the hero ſcoffed at, and ridiculed by his ſable enemies:—I ſhall now add, that a ſick marine was left to die or recover by himſelf; and that one of the ſlaves, by bad uſage, had his arm broke. The captive negro woman was alſo gone, never more to return to her conqueror, conſiderably increaſed in ſize from her connection with the troops, and likely to pre⯑ſent a new recruit to her duſky monarch. Theſe were the particulars of the laſt campaign. But I muſt mention [331] the humanity of a poor ſlave, who, at every hazard, deſerted Fourgeoud to attend the dying marine; and having performed the laſt ſad office of friendſhip, re⯑turned to receive his puniſhment, but to his infinite ſurprize was pardoned.

In juſtice to Colonel Fourgeoud I muſt ſay, that upon ſuch expeditions, and in ſuch a climate, many of theſe accidents cannot be prevented; and that while he killed his troops by ſcores, without making captures on the enemy, he nevertheleſs did the colony conſiderable ſer⯑vice, by diſturbing, hunting, and haraſſing the rebels, and deſtroying their fields and proviſions. For, it is certain, no negro will ever return to ſettle in thoſe haunts from which he has been once expelled. Colonel Fourgeoud's partaking perſonally in every danger and fatigue at his age, muſt make ſome amends for the other faults that ſtained his character, and may even ſerve, in ſome meaſure, to eſtabliſh his reputation as a man of pa⯑tience and fortitude. It would give me infinitely more pleaſure to write nothing but in his praiſe; but truth, and the general benefit of mankind, requires, that whilſt I diſplay his good qualities I alſo point out his failings, as they may ſerve to correct others, and by theſe means even his vices may be rendered uſeful. What could be more ridiculous, than paying his troops with ſilver at Paramaribo, where paper was juſt as good? and now, while in the rivers, giving them cards, for which they [332] could not procure a yam or a bunch of plantains, while he had whole cheſts of ſpecie in his poſſeſſion? But his object was to gain a profit of ten per cent. on the pay of the whole regiment, and for this he was juſtly blamed by the corps in general.

On the 21ſt, ſeveral officers came to viſit me at the Hope, whom I entertained with a fiſh dinner—amongſt which were the kawiry, the lamper, and macrely-fiſy, all which I ſhall briefly deſcribe. The kawiry is a ſmall fiſh without ſcales, the head is large, with two long antennae or whiſkers projecting from the upper jaw, and is very plentiful in the rivers. The lamper is a ſpecies of the lampern, that are caught in the Thames: thoſe of Surinam are not large, but very fat, of a round ſhape, ſlimy or glutinous; its colour a blueiſh green with yellow ſpots, except the belly, which is white; this fiſh, like the ſalmon, frequents both the ſea and the rivers. The macrely-fiſy reſembles a mackarel, whence it has its name, only its colour is more blueiſh, and not near ſo ſplendid.

We were very happy, and my gueſts perfectly ſatisfied with their entertainment. But on the morning of the 22d my poor Joanna, who had been our cook, was attacked with a violent fever; ſhe deſired to be removed to Fau⯑conberg, there to be attended by one of her female re⯑lations, which I complied with. But on the evening of the 25th ſhe was ſo extremely ill, that I determined to [333] viſit her myſelf, but as privately as poſſible, as Four⯑geoud was to viſit me at the Hope the next day; for his ſatirical jokes upon ſuch an occaſion I could very well diſpenſe with; and I knew the moſt laudable motives were no protection againſt the ungovernable ſallies of his temper.

However difficult the undertaking, as I had to paſs cloſe to his poſt, I like another Leander was determined to croſs the Helleſpont; of which having informed my friend Heneman, I ſet out about eleven at night in my own barge, when coming oppoſite New Roſenback, I heard Fourgeoud's voice very diſtinctly, as he walked on the beach with ſome other officers, and immediately the boat was hailed by a ſentinel, and ordered to come aſhore. I now thought all was over; but, perſiſting to the laſt, I told the negroes to anſwer Killeſlyn Nova, the name of an adjoining plantation, and thus got leave to proceed unmoleſted. Soon after I arrived ſafe at Fau⯑conberg, and found my deareſt friend much better.

But on the 26th, in the morning, miſtaking the day-light for moon-ſhine, I overſlept myſelf, and knew not how to return to the Hope, as my barge and negroes could now not paſs without being well known to the Co⯑lonel. Delay was uſeleſs; ſo out I ſet, truſting entirely to the ingenuity of my ſlaves, who put me aſhore juſt be⯑fore we came in ſight of the head-quarters; when one of them eſcorted me through the woods, and I arrived [334] ſafe at the Hope. But here my barge ſoon followed under a guard, and all my poor ſlaves priſoners, with an order from Fourgeoud for me to flog every one of them, as they had been apprehended without a paſs, while their excuſe was that they had been out a fiſhing for their Maſſera.

Their fidelity to me upon this occaſion was truly aſto⯑niſhing, as they all declared they would have preferred being cut in pieces, rather than betray the ſecrets of ſo good a maſter. However, the danger was ſoon over, as I confirmed what they had ſaid, and added, that the fiſh were intended to regale the hero; after which I made a donation of two gallons of rum among my ſable privy-counſellors. This paſſage, however trifling, may ſerve as a ſample not only of European weakneſs, but of African firmneſs and reſolution.

Notwithſtanding my preparation, ſtill Colonel Four⯑geoud did not viſit me on the 27th, but the next morning Joanna arrived, accompanied by a ſtout black, who was her uncle, and whoſe arm was decorated with a ſilver band, on which were engraved theſe words: ‘"True to the Europeans."’ This man, who was named Cojo, having voluntarily fought againſt the rebels, before his companions, by the inhuman treatment of Mr. D. B. and his overſeer, had been forced to join them. From theſe he related to us the following remarkable ſtory, having a little girl, called Tamera, by the hand:— ‘"This child's father," ſaid he, "is one whoſe name is Jolly [335] Coeur, the firſt captain belonging to Baron's men, and, not without cauſe, one of the fierceſt rebels in the foreſt, which he has lately ſhewn on the neighbouring eſtate of New Roſenback, where your colonel now commands. On that eſtate one Schults, a Jew, being the manager at that time, who formerly was the manager of Faucon⯑berg, the rebels ſuddenly appeared, and took poſſeſ⯑ſion of the whole plantation. Having tied the hands of Schults, and plundered the houſe, they next began to feaſting and dancing, before they thought proper to end his miſerable exiſtence. In this deplorable ſituation now lay the victim, only waiting Baron's ſignal for death, when his eyes chancing to catch the above captain's, Jolly Coeur, he addreſſed him nearly in the following words: —'O Jolly Coeur, now remember Mr. Schults, who was once your deputy-maſter; remember the dainties I gave you from my own table, when you were only a child, and my favourite, my darling, among ſo many others: re⯑member this, and now ſpare my life by your powerful interceſſion.'—The reply of Jolly Coeur was memorable: —I remember it perfectly well: 'But you, O tyrant, re⯑collect how you raviſhed my poor mother, and flogged my father for coming to her aſſiſtance. Recollect, that the ſhameful act was perpetrated in my infant preſence —Recollect this—then die by my hands, and next be damn'd.'—Saying this, he ſevered his head from his body with a hatchet at one blow; with which having played [336] at bowls upon the beach, he next cut the ſkin with a knife from his back, which he ſpread over one of the cannon to keep the priming dry."’ —Thus ended the hiſ⯑tory of Mr. Schults; when Cojo, with young Tamera, departed, and left me to go, with an increaſed impatience, to receive the news, that I ſoon was to expect from Am⯑ſterdam, viz. when the deſerving Joanna ſhould be free from the villainy of ſuch peſts of human nature.

On the 28th, Colonel Fourgeoud arrived about ten o'clock with one of his officers, and with the very devil painted in his countenance, which alarmed me much. I, however, inſtantly introduced him to my cottage, where he no ſooner ſaw my mate, than the clouds (like a vapour by the ſun) were diſpelled from his gloomy forehead: and I muſt confeſs, that I never ſaw him behave with more civility.

[337]Having entertained him in the beſt manner we were able, and now related the ſtory of the Helleſpont, he laughed heartily at the ſtratagem, and giving us both a ſhake by the hand departed to New Roſenback, in good-humour and perfectly contented.—From all the preceding circumſtances, the above Chapter may be ſtiled the golden age of my Weſt India expedition.

CHAP. XIV. Colonel Fourgeoud at Paramaribo—Example of Ignorance in a Surgeon—Of Virtue in a Slave—Of Ferocity in a Commander—The Troops re-enter the Woods—Account of Loango Dancing—Uncommon Proof of Fidelity in a Negro.

CHAP. XIV.HAVING delayed his departure to the 29th of April, Colonel Fourgeoud now finally rowed down for Paramaribo, accompanied by a few of his officers, to refreſh themſelves; of which, in truth, they had great need, while an armed barge kept floating up and down the river, and while the remaining emaciated troops (which were melted down to a very ſmall number, and unfit, till recruited in their conſtitutions, for any further military ſervice) greatly required ſome reſt. Juſt before the chief's departure, he ſent me (who now commanded the river) the following very curious inſtructions, which, as a proof of his generalſhip, I cannot help inſerting: Amongſt others, ‘"to aſk the planters if the rebels were come to their eſtates, in which caſe to attack and drive them away; but not to follow them, unleſs I was ſure that I certainly ſhould conquer them, and for any miſ⯑carriage I ſhould be called to an account;"’ which is, in plain Engliſh, that ‘"if I attacked the enemy without [339] ſucceſs, I muſt be puniſhed; and if I did not attack them at all, I was to be called to account for neglect of duty."’ However judicious the other articles I had received, I could not help thinking the above ſo very abſurd, that I immediately returned them back by an officer, and had the good fortune (at my requeſt) to get them changed into common ſenſe.

How happy was I at this time in particular, who wanted for nothing, and who had ſuch an agreeable partner con⯑ſtantly near me, whoſe ſweet converſation was divine muſic to my ears, and whoſe preſence baniſhed every languor and hardſhip from my mind!

One day, ſtraying with me through a watery ſavanna, I ſhot a bird, which I found to be the ſpur-winged water-hen of Edwards. This beautiful creature is ſuppoſed to be of the plover kind, with the body about the ſize of a pigeon, being of a deep cinnamon colour, between red and a very rich orange; the neck and belly are perfectly black, the larger feathers of the wings of a bright yellow, and armed on each pinion with a ſhort and ſharp horny ſpur, which it uſes for its defence, as game-cocks uſe theirs in England. It has no tail; its bill is near two inches in length; its legs are long, and, as well as the bill, are of a yellowiſh green colour; its toes, eſpecially the hinder ones, are of a remarkable length, and ſeem calculated to ſupport its weight in the mud, where it is moſt frequently ſeen, if not wading in the water to ſeek its food. Theſe birds, like plovers, never ſwim; they have [340] a ſcarlet creſt and ſmall pearls (like thoſe of the Muſcovy duck) ſeparating the bill from the eyes; they are always ſeen in pairs, and when they fly produce an agreeable whiſtling from their throats. The ſpur-winged water⯑hen, on account of its great beauty, reminded me of another fine bird I lately ſaw upon one of the neighbour⯑ing eſtates, but which I had forgotten to mention: this was the Guiana curlew, here called flamingo, from its great reſemblance to the famous bird of that name, ſeen in Canada and many parts of North and South America, and which is ſuppoſed to be of the crane kind, with its body as large as that of an European ſwan. This bird, however, is only the ſize of a ſmall heron; it has no tail, but a very long neck, and long limbs, with four toes: the head is ſmall, and the bill alſo long, round, and arched. The flamingo lays always two eggs, which, when hatched, the chickens appear black, next grey, then white, as they come nearer maturity; and, finally, the whole bird becomes a bright ſcarlet or crimſon, ſome not lighter than the colour of blood. They live in ſo⯑ciety like the ſtorks, and moſtly on the banks of rivers, or near the ſea, where they are ſeen in ſuch amazing flocks, that the ſands ſeem dyed with vermilion; theſe birds, when young, are accounted very good eating, and are ſo tame, that on the plantations they are frequently ſeen walking and feeding among the poultry, though fiſh and animal food they generally prefer.

[341]Thus I daily found ſome new object to deſcribe, and ſpent the moſt agreeable hours, conſtantly accompanied by my young mulatto, upon this Elyſian plantation—but alas! all at once, in the midſt of my hopes, my truly halcyon days were blaſted, and I was almoſt plunged into deſpair, by receiving the fatal news of the death of Mr. Paſſalage at Amſterdam, to whom I had written to obtain my mulatto's manumiſſion; and what muſt certainly re⯑double my diſtreſs, was the ſituation in which ſhe proved to be, promiſing fair to become a mother in the ſpace of a few months. It was now that I ſaw a thouſand horrors intrude all at once upon my dejected ſpirits; not only my friend but my offspring to be a ſlave, and a ſlave under ſuch a government!—Mr. Paſſalage, on whom I relied, dead —the whole eſtate going to be ſold to a new maſter—I could not bear it, and was totally diſtracted; nay, muſt have died of grief, had not the mildneſs of her temper ſup⯑ported me, by ſuggeſting the flattering hopes that Lol⯑kens would ſtill be our friend. In the midſt of theſe reflections, on the evening of the 4th, we heard the report of ſeveral alarm-guns towards the North Eaſt, on which, by day-break next morning, I ſent a detachment to Rio-Pirica, which returned about noon with the ac⯑count of the rebels attacking the eſtate Merſeille, in the river Cottica; but that they had been beaten back by the plantation ſlaves, as they had before by thoſe of Korten⯑duur. The other news was, that they had ill treated a party of poor Indians, ſuſpecting them to have aſſiſted [342] the eſtates in making their defence; alſo that at Parama⯑ribo, an inſurrection was diſcovered among the negroes, who had determined to join the rebels, after firſt having maſſacred all the inhabitants; that, however, they were detected, and the ringleaders executed.

On the morning of the 6th, we again heard ſeveral muſquet-ſhot in the woods, which apprehending to be ſome European party that had loſt their way, I made my ſentinel anſwer the ſignals of diſtreſs, by firing his piece alternately with theirs, ſhot for ſhot, to which I added two drums, that kept beating for ſeveral hours without intermiſſion, when the report of their fire-arms gradu⯑ally approached nearer and nearer: and now at length appeared a Society ſerjeant and ſix privates that belonged to Reedwyk in Pirica, and had been loſt in the foreſt for three days, nearly ſtarved, without hammocks, meat, or drink, excepting water. Having refreſhed them in the beſt manner I was able, they all recovered to my very great ſatisfaction, though one of them remained perfectly blind for ſeveral hours, with the ſting of a kind of waſps, which are known in this country by the name of ma⯑robonſo; of which the only thing that I can ſay is, that they are extremely large, live in hollow trees, are the ſtrongeſt of the bee kind, and ſting ſo violently, that the pain is excruciating, and always occaſions a fever.

Having, on the 12th, ſwam twice acroſs the river Cot⯑tica, which is above half a mile broad, I came home in a ſhiver, and next day had an intermitting fever: by ab⯑ſtaining, [343] however, from animal food, and uſing plenty of acid with my drink, I had no doubt of getting well in a few days; the more ſo, as tamarinds grew here in profuſion.

Indeed, on the 16th, I was almoſt perfectly recovered, (weakneſs excepted) when about ten in the morning, as I was ſitting with Joanna before my cottage, I had an un⯑expected viſit from a Mr. Steger, who happened to be one of our ſurgeons. After having felt my pulſe, and ex⯑amined my tongue, he declared without ceremony that I ſhould be dead before the morrow, unleſs without fur⯑ther delay I made uſe of his preſcription. I acknowledge the ſentence ſtaggered me ſo much that, though at other times I never uſed medicines at all, I inſtantly ſwallowed the doſe, which he had prepared for me in a tumbler, without heſitation, but almoſt as inſtantly I dropped down on the ground.

In this manner I lay till the 20th, being four days be⯑fore I came to my ſenſes, when I found myſelf ſtretched on a mattraſs in my little houſe, with poor Joanna ſitting by me alone, and bathed in tears, who begged of me at that time to aſk no queſtions, for fear of hurting my ſpirits, but who next day related to me the diſmal tranſ⯑action, viz. that the moment I fell, four ſtrong negroes had taken me up, and by her direction placed me where I now was; that the ſurgeon having put bliſters on ſe⯑veral parts of my body, had finally declared that I was dead, and had ſuddenly left the plantation, when a grave [344] and coffin were ordered for my burial on the 17th, which ſhe had prevented by dropping upon her knees to im⯑plore a delay; that ſhe had diſpatched a black to her aunt at Fauconberg for wine-vinegar, and a bottle of old Rheniſh, with the firſt of which ſhe had conſtantly bathed my temples, wriſts, and feet, by keeping without intermiſſion five wet hankerchiefs tied about them, while with a tea-ſpoon ſhe had found means to make me ſwal⯑low a few drops of the wine mulled; that I had lain motionleſs during all that time; while ſhe had day and night, by the help of Quacoo and an old negro, attended me, ſtill hoping for my recovery: for which ſhe now thanked her God. To all this I could only anſwer by the tear of ſympathy that ſtarted from my eyes, and a feeble ſqueeze of my hand.

I had, however, the good fortune to recover, but ſo ſlowly that, notwithſtanding the great care that was taken of me by that excellent young woman, (to whom alone I owed my life) it was the 15th of June before I could walk by myſelf, during all which time I was carried on a ſpecies of chair by two negroes, ſupported on two poles like a ſedan, and fed like an infant, being ſo lame and enervated that I was not able to bring my hand to my mouth; while poor Joanna (who had ſuffered too much on my account) was for ſeveral days following very ill herſelf.

Great was the change from what I had been but ſo ſhortly before—then the moſt healthy and moſt happy [345] in body and mind, and now depreſſed to the loweſt ebb, in my conſtitution and my ſpirits. My friend Heneman, who viſited me every day, at this time told me that upon information he had diſcovered the medicine which had ſo nearly killed me to be only tartar-emetick and ipeca⯑cuanha, but in too great a quantity, viz. four grains of the firſt, mixed with forty grains of the latter; the ſurgeon having meaſured my conſtitution by my ſize, which is above ſix feet. I was ſo much incenſed at this piece of ſtupidity, that on the 4th of June, having drank his Britannic Majeſty's health in a rummer of Madeira, and the fatal ſurgeon coming to make me a bow, he no ſooner put his foot on the landing-place, where I was ſit⯑ting in my palanquin or chair for air, than, having pre⯑viouſly clubbed one of the poles that carried me, upon my ſhoulder, I let it fall upon his guilty pericranium, my ſtrength being as yet too feeble to aim a blow. The poor fellow no ſooner felt the weight of the pole, than forgetting the reſt of his compliments, he ſkipped back into his boat with all expedition, with which he decamped as faſt as the negroes could row him, to our no ſmall en⯑tertainment, who ſaluted him with three cheers.

About this time, while the troops were doing nothing, two of the braveſt men in the colony, with the rangers, entered the woods, viz. Captain Fredericy, and the militia captain, Stoelman; they killed three or four of the re⯑bels, and took a few more priſoners, who had been ſtarv⯑ing for want of ſubſiſtence ever ſince Fourgeoud had ran⯑ſacked [346] the ſurrounding foreſt, and deſtroyed their fields. In the creek Patamaca, alſo two rebel negroes, attempt⯑ing to plunder Mr. Winey's plantation, were ſhot by his ſlaves, who ſent their right hands barbacued to Para⯑maribo.

Being ſtill ſo weak that I was unfit for any duty, even at the Hope, I now ſurrendered the command of that poſt to the next officer in rank: and expecting that a change of air would be beneficial to me, with the previ⯑ous knowledge of Colonel Fourgeoud, I went on a viſit to a neighbouring eſtate, called Egmond, where the planter, Monſieur de Cachelieu, a French gentleman, had given me a moſt hearty invitation, with Joanna, my boy Quaco, and a white ſervant. At this place I was extreme⯑ly comfortable, and nothing could be better calculated for my ſpeedy recovery than this Frenchman's hoſpitality and good-humour. How inconſiſtent with this was his in⯑juſtice and ſeverity to his ſlaves! For inſtance, two young negroes, who well deſerved a flogging, by breaking in and robbing their maſter's ſtore-houſe, came off with a few laſhes; while two old ones, for a trifling diſpute, were each condemned to receive no leſs than three hundred.

On my aſking the cauſe of this partiality, I was an⯑ſwered by Monſ. de Cachelieu, that the young ones had ſtill a very good ſkin, and might do much work; whereas the old ones had long been disfigured, worn out, and almoſt unfit for any ſervice; nay, that killing them al⯑together would be a benefit to the eſtate.—At Arentruſt, [347] a few plantations lower down, ſome days before, a poor negro was ſent with a letter from his proprietor to the manager there—this laſt, not liking the contents, gave the meſſenger four hundred laſhes, telling the innocent man, at the ſame time, to carry that for the anſwer to his maſter.

But to return to my French hoſt, (who was, in this alone excepted, as polite, hoſpitable, and well-bred a man as ever I would wiſh to converſe with) I muſt men⯑tion ſome particulars of his remarkable oeconomy, viz. a Weſt-India rabbit, called in Surinam coney coney, and by the Indians puccarara, but properly the agouti, I ſaw one day come roaſted to the table. Of this, he and I eat one quarter. Next day it made its appearance a la crapodine, that is, with ſalt and pepper on the gridiron. The third day the remaining half entered in the form of a French fricaſee; and a fourth, the laſt quarter was converted into what I call meagre ſoup.

This I relate as a fact; and though the planter, his overſeer, his dog, and his two cats, could not weigh fourteen ſtone amongſt them all, no family in Surinam could be more healthy or contented.—As an inſtance of abſtemiouſneſs, the overſeer, Mr. Bodewyn, declared that he never had fought a battle, ſired a muſquet, mount⯑ed a horſe, or taken any illicit freedom; though he ac⯑knowledged he was every day dreſſed and ſhaved by the ſoft hand of a young negro female.

Nothing could be better than the oranges and china [348] apples that I found on this eſtate.—The firſt I have al⯑ready deſcribed; and, though often confounded with the latter, it is a very diſtinct fruit upon the whole. The china apples, or civil oranges, as they are uſually called, differ in this from the other oranges, that they are more lucid, and of a more ſavoury taſte; that the ſhell is ſmoother, thin⯑ner, and not ſo deep coloured; and particularly, that while the oranges may be eaten in any quantity, without per⯑nicious conſequences, the immoderate uſe of the china apples is by long experience in this colony found to pro⯑duce very dangerous effects. This fruit being here much the ſame as that which comes from Liſbon, it is ſuppoſed to have been imported at firſt (as was the other) by the Portugueſe or the Spaniards; and it may well be con⯑ceived, that in thoſe countries, where it drops ripe from the trees in golden cluſters, it muſt be incomparably more delicious than it can ever be taſted in Great Britain, being ſent thither green, after which it indeed becomes orange, but can never arrive to its proper ſtate of matu⯑rity. As for the fine fragrance that is diffuſed through all this colony, by the continued groves of orange-bloſ⯑ſoms and odoriferous fruits that it produces, it can be more eaſily conceived than deſcribed. I alſo found ſome fine lemons on this eſtate, which however are here thick ſhelled, but very large. There are alſo a ſpecies of ſweet ones, which are ſmaller, and which have, in my opinion, a very inſipid taſte.

Having mentioned Monſ. de Cachelieu's fine fruit, I [349] ought not to forget his excellent French wines, which were perfectly unadulterated and truly delicious, parti⯑cularly his muſcadell. But in ſpite of all theſe good things, I ſtill continued a valetudinarian, being oppreſſed with weakneſs and indigeſtion. Thus, in hopes that ex⯑erciſe on horſeback might do me good, I determined to take leave of my hoſpitable French friend, and aſk leave of abſence to go for ſome time to Paramaribo.

In conſequence, on the 9th, Colonel Fourgeoud arriv⯑ing in the river at the eſtate Crawaſſibo, and expecting ſoon to renew his manoeuvres, I, on the 10th, wrote him a letter for the above purpoſe, and alſo for above ſix months pay, which was due to me. I was anſwered, on the 12th, not only with a negative to both my requeſts, which had been granted to other officers, but in ſo truly impertinent a ſtyle, as I could not, even from himſelf, have expected—ſuch as calling in queſtion my zeal, though he knew I was ſick; and refuſing me my own money, or even the proper remedies and means of recovering. This incenſed me ſo much, that I wrote him a ſecond letter, to let him know I was incapable of doing or aſking any thing unbecoming my character, but on the contrary (ill as I was) ready to give him no ſuch proofs of my honour as ſhould leave him no farther room to doubt of it, ſhould he be pleaſed to put it to the proof. This epiſtle, weak and unfit as I was for ſer⯑vice, I followed in perſon two days after, with my French [350] friend Cachelieu for my companion and voucher, who gave me the uſe of his tilt-barge with eight oars for the purpoſe.

On our arrival I expected to ſee Fourgeoud raging with reſentment, that he would put me under an arreſt, and aſk an explanation of our laſt correſpondence. But I dreaded not the worſt that he could do, after the many trials to ruin me which he had already put in execution, and death itſelf was almoſt preferable to his cruelty.

Monſieur de Cachelieu and I, however, were both diſ⯑appointed. He not only took us politely by the hand, but ſolicited us to dine with him, as if nothing had hap⯑pened. But this affectation I deſpiſed, and refuſed to ac⯑cept of his invitation with contempt, in which I was followed by the French planter. When, in my turn, I enquired for the cauſe of his refuſing my requeſt, and ſending me ſo ſtrange a letter, this was the anſwer— That thirty or forty of the Ouca negroes, who were our allies by treaty, had deceived him, in doing nothing while they had been in the woods, and during the time he had been at Paramaribo: that he was in conſequence determined to puſh on the war with double vigour; on which account he had not only forbidden me to go to town, but had ſince ordered even all the ſick officers to come up and to follow the enemy, while they had ſtrength or breath remaining, not ſo much as leaving one at Paramaribo to guard the colours and the re⯑giment's cheſt, which had both been left to the care of [351] a quarter-maſter.—This, indeed, was literally the fact; but to this he might ſafely, and without hurting his conſcience, have added, the inveteracy of his diſpoſition, with which he had determined to perſecute me and ſome others to annihilation. I ought to mention, that it was not till about this time that he iſſued orders to be obſerved on a march, and that previous to this every thing was performed in perfect hurry and confuſion, which indeed even afterwards was too frequently the caſe.

Having now been near two months on the eſtate Eg⯑mond, where I could not recover, and not being permitted to go to Paramaribo, I preferred returning back again to take the command at the Hope; where having entertained Monſieur de Cachelieu in the beſt manner I was able, this gentleman in the evening returned to his plantation.

At the Hope I found my friend Mr. Heneman (who was now made a captain) very ſick, with ſeveral others. All theſe, as well as myſelf, were left without a ſurgeon, medicines, or money; while, as I ſtated before, the many hogſheads of wine ſent from Amſterdam, together with ſcores of kegs containing preſerved vegetables, and other freſh proviſions, were forever kept inviſible from the poor, emaciated, and languiſhing troops, for whom they had certainly been intended by that city. I indeed here made one more attempt to recover our property, but to no purpoſe; money, medicines, wine, and refreſhments, were all kept back. Thus did we continue to pine and loſe ſtrength, inſtead of gaining it. I mean the greateſt part [352] of us: as for myſelf, I had the leaſt cauſe to complain, be⯑ing well attended by Joanna and my ſervants, who the next day all arrived from Egmond at the Hope, beſides receiving preſents, which were as uſual ſent me from all quarters. One additional inconvenience I however felt— my feet were infeſted with chigoes, which I partly im⯑pute to having, during my illneſs, worn ſtockings and ſhoes while at the good Frenchman's eſtate Egmond. Of this troubleſome inſect I have already made ſome mention, as being extremely numerous at Devil's Harwar, but now ſhall circumſtantially deſcribe it.

The chigoe is a kind of ſmall ſand-flea, that gets in between the ſkin and the fleſh without its being felt, and generally under the nails of the toes; where, while it feeds, it keeps growing till it becomes the ſize of a large pea, cauſing no further pain than a diſagreeable itching; in proceſs of time it appears in the form of a ſmall bladder, in which are depoſited thouſands of eggs or nits, and which, if it breaks, produce ſo many young chigoes, that in courſe of time create running ulcers, which are often of very dangerous conſequence to the patient: ſo much ſo, indeed, that I have known a ſol⯑dier, the ſoles of whoſe feet were obliged to be cut away with a razor, before he could recover; and ſome men have loſt their limbs by amputation—nay even their lives, by having neglected in time to root out theſe abo⯑minable vermin. The moment, therefore, that one per⯑ceives a kind of itching and redneſs more than uſual [353] about the feet, it is time to begin extracting the chigoe that occaſions it: this is done with a ſharp-pointed needle, at which operation the black girls are extremely dexterous, taking every care not to occaſion unneceſſary pain, and to prevent the chigoo or bladder from breaking in the wound. The cure is to put tobacco-aſhes in the orifice, by which in a little time it is perfectly healed. Being at this time, as I have juſt mentioned, infeſted with the chigoes, Joanna with her needle picked twenty-three of theſe inſects out of my left foot; which being all hatched under the nails, cauſed, as may be imagined, the moſt ter⯑rible torment, but which I bore without flinching, with the reſolution of an African negro. Theſe are the inſects called niquas by the Spaniards at Carthagena.

On the 21ſt I received a letter from the commander in chief, not an anſwer to my laſt, but orders to ſend him up to the eſtate Crawaſſibo (which was at preſent his head-quarters) all the proviſions, kettles, axes, &c. that could be ſpared from the Hope, as he was preparing to re-enter the woods. I accordingly diſpatched them the next day: but the ſupply of victuals was not great; for a whole barge, with beef and pork, bound for the Hope, had been ſhipwrecked in the river.

On the 25th Mr. Steger, the ſurgeon who had ſo nearly poiſoned me that I could not yet get the better of the effects of his ignorance, was diſcharged from the re⯑giment, as incapable of his profeſſion. Still, notwith⯑ſtanding my unſettled ſtate of health, as ſeveral officers [354] were going to join Fourgeoud about this time, and weak as I was, I intreated once more to be one of the party. But on the morning of the 26th, his adjutant, with another ſur⯑geon, viſiting all the troops that were in Comewina, I was deemed totally incapable of ſupporting the fatigue: in⯑deed ſo much ſo, that relapſing on the 29th, I was even glad to be ſuperſeded in the command of the river by the major, Mr. Medlar, who arrived at the Hope this day for that purpoſe. Nevertheleſs I was condemned to linger at this place, while one month at Paramaribo might have perfectly recovered me.—I had now nothing to do but to continue my drawings, for which the above gentleman at that time offered me one hundred crowns, but my deſire was, if poſſible, to complete the collection; and when I had the ſtrength, I walked round the plan⯑tation with my gun. Amongſt others, I ſhot, on the 3d of September, a ſmall bird, called kibry-fowlo, on ac⯑count of its continuing in a manner conſtantly under co⯑ver. It was about the ſize of a thruſh, and very much the colour of a quail, which it alſo exactly reſembled in ſhape, but the limbs were rather longer, and the bill was ex⯑tremely ſharp-pointed. This bird is very ſeldom ſeen on the wing, but runs incredibly faſt through the graſs and ſavannas, where it hides itſelf the inſtant it is per⯑ceived. When dreſſed, it was as fat as a lump of butter, and as delicious as an European ortolan.

On the 11th of September, Fourgeoud at laſt broke up from Crawaſſibo, and, with all the able troops he could [355] collect (which were now not much more than one hundred) he again marched into the foreſt after the enemy; having previouſly taken away the poſt from the Jew Savannah, which he placed at the forſaken eſtate Oranjebo, in the very upper parts of Rio Comewina, leaving the river Surinam to take care of itſelf.

On the morning of the 29th, we again heard the report of ſeveral guns toward the river Cottica, where it ſince appeared the rebels were a ſecond time beaten back from [358] the plantation Merſeille, by the fidelity and bravery of the ſlaves belonging to that eſtate.

On the 8th of the ſucceeding month, we received the news, that Colonel Fourgeoud, having diſcovered and de⯑ſtroyed ſome fields belonging to the enemy (who had again kept up a diſtant converſation with him) and hav⯑ing found the mangled remains of poor Schmidt, who had been murdered by the rebels, as I related above, was once more come with his troops to Magdenberg, where he encamped till the eleventh. He then re-entered the foreſt, previouſly ſending to the Hope the ſick, and with them a young officer under an arreſt, in order to be tried for not being able to undergo the fatigues as well as himſelf. In other words, having been ordered to watch two days and two nights, the youth had proved unequal to the taſk, and had dropt aſleep under arms, as he was ſitting on the ground. The climate indeed was ſuch that even without theſe trials nature was often over⯑come.

The preſervation of Fourgeoud's vigour hitherto may, in a great meaſure, be attributed to his continually drinking a medicine he called tiſan, in large full baſons, which had a moſt nauſeous taſte, and was compoſed of the jeſuits bark, cream of tartar, and ſtick-liquorice, boil⯑ed together, which he drank as hot as he could bear it, and to which having accuſtomed his conſtitution, he could not do without it. In this, however, he was fol⯑lowed [359] by none of the reſt, as they were apprehenſive that when this ſhould once ceaſe to operate, (which it muſt at laſt) all other medicines in time of real need would be ineffectual. As for my own part, I ſtill conti⯑nued to be ſo exceedingly weak, that I almoſt deſpaired of evermore recovering; while my depreſſed ſpirits, on account of Joanna's critical and almoſt hopeleſs ſituation, greatly contributed to prevent the reſtoration of my health. Theſe alarms were not diminiſhed on the 21ſt, when, being viſited by Mr. and Mrs. Lolkens at the Hope, this gentleman told me, that the whole eſtate Fauconberg was again transferred, with its depen⯑dants, ſince the death of Mr. Paſſalage; that the new proprietor was a Mr. Lude of Amſterdam, with whom he had not the ſmalleſt intereſt; and that there was in town a general report that we had both been poiſoned. This ſentence was, however, greatly alleviated by the kindneſs of his lady, who inſiſted that my Joanna ſhould accom⯑pany her to Paramaribo immediately; where, at her own houſe, ſhe ſhould meet with every care and atten⯑tion that her ſituation could require, till perfectly reco⯑vered: for this I thanked her in the beſt manner I was able, and poor Joanna wept with gratitude. Having therefore conducted them as far as their eſtate Killeſtyn-Nova, where we dined, I took my leave of them and Joanna, and bid them all an affectionate farewell for the preſent.

At my return to the Hope, my indignation was ſcarcely [360] to be reſtrained within the bounds of prudence, when I found myſelf upbraided by my meſs-mates for taking care of my own offspring: ‘"Do as we do," ſaid they, "Stedman, and never fear. If our children are ſlaves, they are provided for; and if they die, what care we, ſhould they be d—n'd in the bargain? Therefore keep your ſighs in your own belly, and your money in your pocket, my boy, that's all."’ —I repeat this in their own language, to ſhew how much my feeling muſt have been hurt and diſguſted with fimilar conſolation.

The following morning, awaking by day-break in my hammock, the firſt thing that I ſaw, when looking up, was a ſnake about two yards long, hanging with its head downwards like a rope, and ſtraight above my face, from which he was not one foot diſtance, while his tail was twiſted round the rafters under the thatch. Obſerv⯑ing his eyes bright as ſtars, and his forked tongue in agi⯑tation, I was ſo diſtreſſed that I ſcarcely had power to avoid him, which however I did, by running out; after which, I heard a ruſtling in the dry thatch, where the negroes attempted to kill him, but in vain, he having eſ⯑caped, and thus I cannot ſay what ſpecies he belonged to. Being now by myſelf, and rather ſtartled by this unwel⯑come gueſt, I ſhut up my houſe, and lodged and meſſed with my friends the Major, Heneman, and Macdonald.

On viſiting my boxes, I now found that great depreda⯑tions had been committed by the ants, which are through⯑out all Guiana ſo very numerous, and of ſo many diffe⯑rent [361] ſpecies, that once I had a pair of new cotton ſtock⯑ings perfectly deſtroyed by them in one night only. Thoſe which frequent the eſtates are generally ſmall, but very troubleſome. The only way poſſibly to keep them from the refined ſugar, is by hanging the loaf to the ceiling on a nail, and making a ring of dry chalk around it, very thick, which crumbles down the moment the ants attempt to paſs it. I imagined that placing my ſugar-boxes in the middle of a tub, and on ſtone, ſurrounded with deep water, would have kept back this formidable enemy, but to no purpoſe: whole armies of the lighter ſort (to my aſtoniſhment) marched over the ſurface, and but a very few of them were drowned. The main body con⯑ſtantly ſcaled the rock, and in ſpite of all my efforts made their entry through the key-holes; after which, the only way to clear the garriſon is to expoſe it to a hot ſun, which the invaders cannot bear, and all march off in a few mi⯑nutes. That the ants provide for winter, as not only Dr. Bancroft and many others, but even King Solo⯑mon, reports, is found to be an error by the moſt mo⯑dern inveſtigation. In Surinam, indeed, there is no winter; but where there is, the ants lie dormant, during which torpid ſtate they want no food.

My friend Captain Van Coeverden, at this time, march⯑ing in the woods, ſuffered a much worſe depredation at Paramaribo, where not the ants, but the negro-ſlaves, had broken open his boxes, and robbed him of all his beſt effects, and near twenty guineas in money.

[362]On the 6th, a marine drowned himſelf, in one of thoſe phrenzy fevers which are ſo common in Guiana. About the ſame time another Society ſoldier was ſhot by order of a court-martial. Thus periſhed thoſe men who were ſpared by the climate or the enemy.

Having written to a Mr. Seifke, to enquire whether it was not in the power of the Governor and Council to relieve a gentleman's child from bondage, provided there was paid to its maſter ſuch a ranſom as their wiſ⯑dom ſhould judge adequate; I received for anſwer, that no money or intereſt could purchaſe its freedom, with⯑out the proprietor's conſent; ſince, according to law, it was juſt as much a ſlave as if it had been born in Africa, and imported from the coaſt of Guinea. This information now perfectly completed my miſery, and I at laſt had re⯑courſe to drinking; which temporary relief, however, only cauſed my ſpirits to flow higher, in order to make them ſink lower after its evaporation. During this con⯑flict it happened that I was invited with the Major to dine, at an eſtate called Knoppemonbo, in the Caſavinica Creek, where a Mr. De Graav, the proprietor, did every thing in his power to amuſe me, but to no purpoſe.—At laſt, ſeeing me ſeated by myſelf on a ſmall bridge that led to a grove of orange-trees, with a ſettled gloom on my countenance, he accoſted me, and taking me by the hand, to my aſto⯑niſhment, pronounced the following words:

‘"Sir, I am acquainted by Mr. Lolkens with the cauſe of your juſt diſtreſs. Heaven never left a good inten⯑tion [363] unrewarded. I have now the pleaſure to acquaint you, that Mr. Lude has choſen me for his adminiſtra⯑tor; and that from this day I ſhall pride myſelf in mak⯑ing it my buſineſs to render you any ſervice with that gentleman, as well as the virtuous Joanna, whoſe de⯑ſerving character has attracted the attention of ſo many people, while your laudable conduct redounds to your laſting honour throughout the colony."’

No angel deſcending from above could have brought me a more welcome meſſage; and no criminal under ſentence of death could have received a reprieve with greater joy. The weight of a mill-ſtone was removed from my labouring breaſt; and having made Mr. De Graav repeat his promiſe, I felt I ſhould yet be happy. Soon after this I was ſurrounded by ſeveral gentlemen and ladies, to whom my friend had communicated his gene⯑rous intentions. They congratulated me on my ſenſi⯑bility, and on having met with ſo valuable an acquaint⯑ance. All ſeemed to partake in the pleaſure that I now felt; and the day being ſpent in mirth and conviviality, I returned to the Hope, much better pleaſed than when I left it, where next day the whole company was enter⯑tained by Major Medlar; nor did we ſeparate, or ceaſe feaſting up and down the river, till the 13th, when we once more ſpent the day at Knoppemonbo.

Here Mr. De Graav, having bought ſome new ſlaves, gave a holiday to all the negroes on his eſtate; and here I had the opportunity of ſeeing the diverſions peculiar [364] to that people: but of theſe I muſt reſerve the particular account to another occaſion, and for the preſent only give a ſhort deſcription of the Loango dancing, as performed by the Loango negroes, male and female, and not by any others; which conſiſts from firſt to laſt in ſuch a ſcene of wanton and laſcivious geſtures, as nothing but a heated imagination and a conſtant practice could enable them to perform. Theſe dances, which are performed to the ſound of a drum, to which they ſtrike time by clapping of hands, may properly be conſidered as a kind of play or pantomime divided into ſo many acts, which laſts for ſome hours. But the moſt remarkable is, that during this repreſentation, the actors, inſtead of being fatigued, be⯑come more and more enlivened and animated, till they are bathed in ſweat like poſt-horſes, and their paſſions wound up to ſuch a degree, that nature being overcome, they are ready to drop into convulſions.

However indelicate the above exhibitions may be, faſhion has rendered them no more diſguſting than any other diverſions to the European and Creole ladies, who in company with the gentlemen croud about them without the leaſt reſerve, to enjoy what they call a hearty laugh; while ſuch ſcenes would change an Engliſh wo⯑man's face from white to ſcarlet.

That cuſtom and habit give a ſanction, and render fa⯑miliar, in ſome countries, many things which would be conſidered as prepoſterous in others, is an obſervation, which is more or leſs verified, in proportion to the variety [365] of places which the traveller has viſited. An officer in the India ſervice has, in a late publication, deſcribed the variety of attitudes, geſtures, looks, ſighs, expreſſions of deſire, fear, hope, trepidation, and every gradation of paſſion, which is acted by the dancing-girls in the Eaſt Indies; and yet, though theſe young women are exert⯑ing all their faculties for promoting wantonneſs in the beholders, to obtain a living, the whole race of Gentoo women are moſt remarkable for the pureſt minds of any people in the univerſe ^*.

[366]On the 14th I returned to the Hope, where I ſaw my cottage unroofed by a ſtorm; but which now expecting no more to inhabit, I permitted to go to ruin— ‘"The cloud-capt towers, the gorgeous palaces, &c. ſhall diſſolve."’ Be that as it may, I had paſſed in it the happieſt days of my whole life-time.

On the 26th Colonel Fourgeoud marched once more to the Wana Creek; but having taken the troops from the Jew Savannah, the rebels availed themſelves of their ab⯑ſence, and not only pillaged a plantation in the river Surinam, but burnt ſeveral dwellings in the Creek Caſa⯑vinica. From the above river they were bravely purſued by a feeble Society-detachment, which chanced to be there, but without ſucceſs; two ſoldiers were killed, and Mr. Negle their leader, with ſeveral others, wounded. The major now broke up the new poſt formed at Oranjebo, which he alſo diſpatched after the enemy; and having ranged a whole week in the foreſt, alſo returned without any manner of ſucceſs. Theſe frequent miſcarriages evince how difficult it is for European troops to carry on a war in the foreſts of South America.

The 30th of this month being the anniverſary of St. An⯑drew, and now finding myſelf in excellent ſpirits, I roaſted a whole ſheep, with which I entertained all the officers on the Hope, as well as with a couple of gallons of good Jamaica rum in punch, which we drank to the healths of all our friends on the old continent. This feſtivity I [367] repeated on December the 4th, on receiving the tidings that my Joanna was delivered of a ſtrong and beautiful boy. That very morning I diſpatched another letter to Mr. Lude at Amſterdam, to obtain her manumiſſion, couched much in the ſame terms as that which I had written to his predeceſſor Mr. Paſſalage, only praying for diſpatch, as I was now uncertain how much longer the expedition was to laſt; in which requeſt I was again ſeconded by my new friend Mr. De Graav, as I had been before by Mr. Lolkens; after which I entertained the ſick with a dozen of old Rheniſh, received from the former gentleman, which had been in his cellar from one thou⯑ſand ſeven hundred and twenty-ſix.

Walking round the plantation the morning of the 10th with my gun, I found the whole of the ſlaves on the eſtate in a mutiny, on account of the cruel uſage inflicted by the managers: happily for all parties the interference of the military ſoon ended this matter to mutual ſatisfac⯑tion. Theſe frequent diſturbances, which I have at dif⯑ferent times mentioned, plainly indicate the inclination of the negroes to break out in an open rebellion; and this would certainly have been more often attempted, had they not been awed by the troops. The ſame morning I brought home two birds, the one called toreman, the other a ſpecies of graſs-ſnipe. The toreman, or hana⯑quaw, is a ſhining black bird, as large as a pullet, with grey legs, and a bill of a dark brown colour; it is very good eating, and eaſily diſcovered in the trees (where it [368] perches on the higheſt branches) by its note repeating diſtinctly the word hanaquaw, hanaquaw, at the approach of any perſon in the foreſt; which has alſo occaſioned the name of toreman, and which ſignifies, in the negro lan⯑guage of Surinam, a tale-bearer or a ſpy; on this ac⯑count the rebels in particular have an invincible hatred againſt it.

The graſs-ſnipe is ſomething leſs than a woodcock, of a beautiful ſilver-grey colour, and in ſhape much like the ſnipes of Europe. This bird is moſtly found in the wet ſavannahs; it is very plump, and exquiſitely deli⯑cate food.

On the 11th the eſtate Rectwyk in Pirica was attacked, but the enemy was beaten back by the military.

Colonel Fourgeoud being now again arrived at Mag⯑denberg, and I at laſt, being perfectly recovered, after ſeven months illneſs, I ventured to propoſe, by another letter to the commander, that I might accompany him on his future excurſions in the woods, or go for ſome time to Paramaribo; but neither the one or the other requeſt was yet granted. In this ſituation I wrote a letter to town, to inform my poor friend that I was well, with which I went to the river ſide to look out for a boat, and towards noon hailed the tent-barge belonging to Fauconberg, which was rowing with the overſeer to Paramaribo. This was, unfortunately, a new ſuperin⯑tendant; and not knowing me, he refuſed to come aſhore for the meſſage. However, ſeeing the negroes reſt upon [369] their oars, I took the letter in my teeth, and leaped in⯑ſtantly into the river to diſpatch it, knowing they would put me again on terra-firma. Having thus ſwam with the ſtream, in my ſhirt and trowſers, till I came within two oars length of the boat, I held up the letter in my hand, and called out, ‘"Who the devil are you, that re⯑fuſe to take on board a piece of paper?"’ When, being anſwered in French, ‘"Je ſuis Jean Bearnee, payſan de Guaſcogne, à votre ſervice,"’ I had the mortification to ſee them pull away without a poſſibility of overtaking them, or returning. In this diſtreſs I had now nothing left but to periſh, it being impoſſible to ſwim againſt the ſtream, eſpecially as I was incumbered with my clothes. I ſtruggled, however, but ſunk twice to the bottom in the attempt; and muſt inevitably have been drowned, had I not caught hold of a projecting paleing that was erected in the river for the purpoſe of catching fiſh. To this I remained ſticking faſt; when a Dutch carpenter, who ob⯑ſerved me from the top of the ſugar-mill, called out, that the Engliſh captain was trying to kill himſelf. On this news a dozen ſtout negroes immediately leapt into the river, and having dragged me ſafe aſhore (under the direction of my good friend Medlar, who was inclined to believe the re⯑port) lifted me upon their ſhoulders to carry me home. The diſappointment, the danger, the anger, vexation, and ſhame (for there was no contradicting them) had by this time wound up my paſſions to ſuch a height, and made ſuch an impreſſion on my ſpirits, that I became perfectly [370] mad, and had almoſt perpetrated the act of which I was accuſed; ſince, on croſſing over a ſmall bridge, I actually gave a ſudden twiſt, and, from their ſhoulders, threw myſelf with a jerk headlong over the baluſtrades once more into the water. Here a ſecond time I was picked up by the negroes; and now the ſuſpicion being con⯑firmed that I intended ſuicide, I was put to my ham⯑mock, with two ſentinels appointed to guard me during the night, while ſeveral of my friends were ſhedding tears around me. Having, however, drank ſome mulled wine, I enjoyed a ſound nap till morning; when appear⯑ing calm and perfectly compoſed, my words, to my great joy, began to gain credit, and the apprehenſions of my companions were diſpelled.—Such was the danger to which I was expoſed by the unkind and inhoſpitable behaviour of this Frenchman, who nearly obliterated the memory of this tranſaction by his many ſucceeding in⯑ſtances of unprecedented brutality. The following day, however, by one of my negroes and a ſmall canoe, I ſent my letter to Paramaribo. Seeing now about noon a melaſſes-boat at anchor before the Hope, in which was broiling in the ſun an Engliſh ſoldier and two negroes, I made the firſt come aſhore, and entertained the poor fellow with a bowl of punch and a good meal of eggs and bacon, to his great ſurprize, he not having expected this kindneſs, or to be accoſted in his own country lan⯑guage at this place. What were this man's grateful ac⯑knowledgments, whoſe name was Charles Macdonald, will be ſeen in the ſequel of my work.

[371]A melaſſes-boat is a barge rowed by two oars, which fetches this commodity in large hogſheads from the ſugar plantations, and delivers it on board the Engliſh-American veſſels for exportation, to be diſtilled into rum in the iſlands; for which they pay the Dutch, on an average, three guineas per hogſhead.

On the 16th another officer arrived from our hero un⯑der an arreſt (the firſt was a Mr. Geelguin, and this was a Mr. Neys), for the crime of contending with the free negro Goaſary for a bunch of plantains. Both theſe young men were afterwards ſent to Europe by Four⯑geoud, in expectation that they would be broke by a court-martial; but, after a very ſhort confinement, they were honourably acquitted, to the joy of the whole corps, and the mortification of this hectoring Swiſs. Such was the inveteracy of this old gentleman, who had not the ſmalleſt conſideration for the foibles of youth; and who conſtantly ſaw the mote in the eye of his neighbour, over⯑looking the beam that appeared ſo conſpicuouſly in his own. As I have been ſpeaking of plantains, I ſhall take this occaſion to give ſome account of a production, which, in fact, I ought to have deſcribed long before.

This is rather a plant than a tree, as the trunk has nei⯑ther wood nor bark, but conſiſts of a ſtamen enwrapped by green vaſcular huſks, ſucceeding each other in the man⯑ner of an onion, and above ten inches in diameter. Theſe huſks riſe alternately about fourteen feet diſtance from the ground, and form not in branches, but in leaves, that [372] ſpread like an umbrella, about twelve or fourteen in num⯑ber, ſo as to cover the talleſt perſon. They are of a ſhining ſea-green till they fade, and hang down in tatters, as their places are ſupplied by the young ones. From the centre of all this there grows a ſtrong ſtalk, about three feet long, and bending downwards by the weight of a purple ſpatha, ſomething like a calf's heart; and on this ſtalk grows the fruit called plantains, in the ſhape of cucumbers, and above one hundred in number, which is uſually called a bunch. Each tree, or plant, bears but one of theſe bunches at a time. When it is cut down, it is ſpeedily ſupplied by the young ſhoots, which ſpring from its bulbous root, and which in the ſpace of ten months time are ready to undergo the ſame operation. It requires a rich nouriſhing ſoil to make it proſper, with⯑out which it never arrives at proper maturity. This fruit being diveſted of its tegument when green, has in the in⯑ſide a pale yellow farinaceous ſubſtance, and ſupplies (as I have already intimated) the want of bread, when either boiled or roaſted: it has an agreeable taſte, and is very wholeſome; when the ſhell becomes yellow the in⯑ſide is ſoft, and then may be eaten raw, having much the taſte of a very ripe pear; but when arrived at that degree of maturity it is only uſed by way of deſſert.

I now, obtaining my friend Medlar's concurrence, took a trip on the 18th to Paramaribo; where I found my boy bathing in Madeira wine and water^*, while his mother was happy, and perfectly recovered. Having ſeen them well, and preſented Joanna with a gold medal, that my father had given my mother on the day of my birth, alſo thanked Mrs. Lolkens for her very great kindneſs, I immediately returned to the Hope, where I arrived on the 22d.

The poor negro whom I had ſent before me with a letter had been leſs fortunate than I was, having his canoe overſet in the middle of the river Surinam, by the roughneſs of the water. With great addreſs, however, he kept himſelf in an erect poſture (for this man could not ſwim), and by the buoyancy and reſiſtance of the boat [374] againſt his feet, he was enabled juſt to keep his head above the water, while the weight of his body kept the ſunk canoe from moving. In this precarious attitude, he was picked up by a man-of-war's boat; who, taking away the canoe for their trouble, put him on ſhore at Parama⯑ribo. He kept the letter, however ſurpriſing, ſtill in his mouth, and being eager to deliver it, he accidentally ran into a wrong houſe; where, being taken for a thief (for refuſing to let them read it), he was tied up to receive four hundred laſhes; but, fortunately, was reprieved by the interceſſion of an Engliſh merchant of the name of Gordon, who was my particular friend, and knew the negro. Thus did the poor fellow eſcape drowning, and being flogged, either of which he would have undergone, ſooner than diſcloſe what he called the ſecrets of his maſera.—Query, How many Europeans are poſſeſſed of equal fidelity and fortitude?

Having lately mentioned the mode of catching fiſh by means of a projecting paleing, it will probably not be diſ⯑agreeable to the reader to have ſome account of it, parti⯑cularly as on many different occaſions it helped me to a comfortable dinner. It conſiſts ſimply of a kind of ſquare encloſure, that juts out into the river, ſurrounded by long paliſadoes of the manicole-tree, tied very cloſe together by nebees. In this fence is a large door, which is left open with the flood, and ſhut at high water, to prevent the en⯑cloſed fiſh from eſcaping; and by this ſimple contrivance the negroes and Indians frequently catch very large [375] quantities. Amongſt thoſe taken lately, were the logo-logo and matuary. The firſt is a ſpecies of eel, and is ſometimes two feet long, and very thick; dark blue on the back and ſides, but whitiſh on the belly: it is ex⯑tremely fat, and very good eating. The other is a ſmall ſweet fiſh without ſcales; but one thing very remarkable is, that in Surinam moſt fiſhes, the moment they are out of the water, begin to make a noiſe, not unlike the grunt⯑ing of a ſmall pig: and that fiſh have hearing (after many doubts and diſputes) has of late been clearly de⯑monſtrated by the moſt able inquirers into the hiſtory of nature ^*.

Having on the 23d dined at the eſtate Knoppemonbo, I will alſo mention two birds, which attracted my particular attention. The one on account of the very great pecu⯑liarity of its neſt; it is called in this country lipee-banana, as ſuppoſed to feed much on the ripe bananas. Whether this is the mock-bird of Dr. Bancroft, I know not, but in ſome particulars it approaches his deſcription.

Theſe birds that I ſpeak of had taken poſſeſſion of a large tree near the water-ſide, which the negroes told me they had frequented undiſturbed for many years; they were at leaſt above two hundred in number, about the ſize of Engliſh thruſhes, ſome were a ſhining black, with the tails and part of the wings of a bright crimſon; the others were alſo black, but their tails and wings of a fine yellow colour. The firſt I was informed were the [376] males, and the latter the females of the ſame ſpecies: they indeed whiſtled a variety of notes, but neither had that melody or imitation of other ſongſters, which is ſo gene⯑rally aſcribed to the mock-bird, and which, beſides, I never heard mentioned in Surinam. Theſe birds had their neſts (above threeſcore in number) fixed to the extremity of the branches, where they were dangling in the wind, reſembling egg-nets ſtuffed with hay, of which, indeed, they were built; and about the middle of them there was a ſmall hole, at which the birds enter and go out. The bottom is built wide, and perfectly round; there they lay their eggs, and hatch their young ones, while the ſpiral roof protects them from birds of prey, and from the weather. But what is of more conſequence, the monkeys, which are ſo numerous in this country, are, by ſuch a ſituation, prevented from deſtroying them, ſince the branches or twigs from which they depend, though ſtrong enough to ſupport the neſts, and what is in them, are too weak to bear the load of more weighty invaders; and, for greater ſecurity, I may add, they are moſtly built depending over water.—(See the neſts in Plate XLV.) The other bird which I ſhot in returning home, was the Surinam falcon or hawk. Its ſize and ſhape was like thoſe of the ſame ſpecies in England: its colour light brown, variegated on the breaſt and tail with ſpecks of red, black, and yellow; its tongue was cloven, its eyes remark⯑ably bright, its legs a citron colour, and its talons armed with long and ſharp-pointed claws. This bird is exceed⯑ingly [377] deſtructive to the plantations, committing great ravages amongſt the poultry, &c.

But I muſt once more return to the operations of our commander in chief, who having reſted a few days at Magdenberg, again marched, on Chriſtmas-day, with the remaining handful of his men, to the Jew Savan⯑nah, whence he returned (having ſeen nothing) back to Magdenberg, with the new title of being himſelf the wandering Jew. This did not prevent me and Major Medlar from renewing our ſolicitations to ac⯑company him in his expeditions; but we were ſtill pre⯑vented by his going to town, where about this time a freſh ſupply of troops was hourly expected to arrive from Europe. At laſt, however, he gave me leave to follow him, with ſome other officers who were actually in want, at a time when fifteen hogſheads of fine claret, and fifteen thouſand florins in ſpecie, were waiting his commands at Paramaribo.

CHAP. XV. Deſcription of the Indians, Aborigines of Guiana—Their Food—Arms—Ornaments—Employments—Diverſions— Paſſions—Religion—Marriages—Funerals, &c.—Of the Caribbee Indians in particular—Their Trade with the Europeans.

CHAP. XV.ON the 18th of January 1774, I at laſt bid farewell to the Hope, of which I am convinced the reader by this time is as tired as I have been. Thence rowing down, I ſlept at the eſtate Arentluſt, and next day dined at the beautiful plantation Catwyk. In this place I had nearly ended all my travels; for Mr. Goetzee, the owner, having lent me one of his horſes to ride round the eſtate, the animal and I both at once diſappeared: a wooden bridge over which we paſſed being rotten, the part under us gave way, and we dropped through into the canal. With much exertion however (being alone) I got aſhore, and having run to call ſome negroes, the horſe, which ſtuck in the mud, was (though with great difficulty) extricated.

In the evening I rowed to Paramaribo with the ebb tide, which gave me an opportunity of ſeeing the man⯑groves that line the banks of the river Surinam full of oyſters, ſtuck in the branches like fruit, from the water's edge up to high-water mark. Theſe oyſters attaching [379] themſelves to trees as they do to rocks, has given riſe to the vulgar error that they grow, or vegetate like fruit; but it is not more extraordinary that they ſhould ſtick on any one ſubſtance than on another, for many ſpecies of ſhell-fiſh are as commonly found to adhere to ſhips' bottoms as to rocks. Theſe oyſters, which at ſome diſ⯑tance look like muſhrooms, are, indeed, very ſmall and trifling; for one hundred are not comparable to one dozen that come from Colcheſter. In Surinam are alſo a kind of muſcles, but theſe are ſo ſmall and inſipid, that they are ſcarcely worthy of mention.

The day after my arrival I viſited the governor: as alſo Mr. Kennedy, Mrs. Lolkens, Mrs. De Melley, &c. who all congratulated me on my acquaintance with Mr. De Graav, and highly honoured me, and approved of what I had done for my Mulatto and her infant.

On the 22d, our few remaining troops being moſtly at Paramaribo, a Mr. Van Eys gave an entertainment to the whole corps.

On the 25th a great number of Indians, or natives, ar⯑rived at Paramaribo; which afforded me an opportunity of ſeeing and deſcribing this people, who are the aborigines of the country. Theſe Indians, who appear the happieſt creatures under the ſun, are divided into many caſts or tribes, ſuch as the

• Caribbees,
• Accawaus,
• Worrows,
• Arrowouks,
• Taiiras, and
• Piannacotaus;

[380] beſides which, there are many others whoſe manners are unknown to us. All theſe tribes of Indians are in gene⯑ral of a copper-colour; while the negroes of Africa, that live under the ſame degree of latitude, are perfectly black. This, however inconceivable it may appear, is eaſily ac⯑counted for, when one conſiders, firſt, that the American In⯑dians in Guiana are conſtantly refreſhed by the cooling ſea breeze, or eaſterly wind, that blows between the tropics; and that thoſe who dwell in Terra-Firma and Peru, on the Weſt coaſt, enjoy that ſame eaſterly breeze, ſtill kept cool by the great chain of inland mountains over which it paſſes, and which have their ſummits perpetually covered with ſnow. While the inhabitants of Africa, ſouth of the river Senegal, get the ſame eaſt wind rather heated than cooled, by the prodigious quantity of inland, hot, ſandy deſerts over which it paſſes.

For my part I muſt ſay, with Socrates, that this kind of poverty is alone the trueſt kind of riches; as thoſe who want leaſt approach neareſt to the gods, who want no⯑thing. [382] This naturally leads me to the ſpeech of an In⯑dian, in reply to a ſermon preached by a Swediſh miniſter at an Indian treaty, held at Coveſtogue, of which the principal ſubſtance was as follows:

‘"Do you then really believe, that we and our fore-fathers are all, as you would teach us, condemned to ſuffer eternal torments in another world, becauſe we have not been taught your myſterious novelties? Are we not the work of God? And can the Almighty not manifeſt his will without the help of a book? If this is true, and God is juſt, then how is it conſiſtent with his juſtice to force life upon us without our conſent, and then to condemn us all to eternal damnation, becauſe we did not meet with you. No, Sir, we are convinced that the Chriſtians are more depraved in their morals than we Indians, if we may judge of their doctrines by the general badneſs of their lives."’

There cannot indeed be a more laudable undertaking, than the endeavour to engraft divine truths on the pure minds of theſe innocent people, ſo worthy of inſtruc⯑tion; but I fear, and it is too obſervable, that the words of one good man will have but little effect, when the practice of the far greater number of Moravian preachers ſettled amongſt them on the banks of the Sera⯑mica rivers, where they endeavour to convert the negroes as well as the Indians, is in direct contradiction to his life and precepts.

All the Guiana Indians believe in God as the ſupreme [383] author of every good, and never inclined to do them an injury; but they worſhip the devil, whom they call Yawahoo, to prevent his afflicting them with evil, and to whom they aſcribe pain, diſeaſe, wounds, and death; and where an Indian dies, in order to avert future fata⯑lity, the whole family, ſoon after, leave the ſpot as a place of reſidence.

The Guiana Indians are a perfectly free people, that is, they have no diviſion of land, and are without any go⯑vernment, excepting that in moſt families the oldeſt acts as captain, prieſt, and phyſician, to whom they pay a re⯑verential obedience: theſe men are called Peii or Pa⯑gayers, and, as in ſome civilized nations, live better than all others.

Polygamy is admitted among them, and ever In⯑dian is allowed to take as many wives as he can pro⯑vide for, though he generally takes but one, of whom he is extremely jealous, and whom he knocks on the head the moment he receives a decided proof of her incontinency. Theſe Indians never beat their chil⯑dren on any account whatever, nor give them any edu⯑cation, except in hunting, fiſhing, running, and ſwim⯑ming; yet they never uſe abuſive language to each other, nor ſteal; and a lye is totally unknown among them. To which I may add, that no people can be more grateful when treated with civility, of which I ſhall in future relate a remarkable inſtance: but I muſt not for⯑get that, on the other hand, they are extremely revenge⯑ful, [384] eſpecially when, as they ſuppoſe, they are injured without juſt provocation.

The only vices with which to my knowledge they are acquainted, if ſuch amongſt them they may be called, are exceſſive drinking when opportunity offers, and an un⯑accountable indolence: an Indian's only occupation, when he is not hunting or fiſhing, being to lounge in his ham⯑mock, picking his teeth, plucking the hairs from his beard, examining his face in a bit of broken looking-glaſs, &c.

The Indians in general are a very cleanly people, bath⯑ing twice or thrice every day in the river, or the ſea. They have all thick hair, which never turns grey, and the head never becomes bald; both ſexes pluck out every veſtige of hair on their bodies, that on the head only excepted: it is of a ſhining black, which the men wear ſhort, but the women very long, hanging over the back and ſhoulders to their middle; as if they had ſtudied the ſcriptures, where it is ſaid that long hair is an ornament to a woman, but a diſgrace to a man.

The Guiana Indians are neither tall, ſtrong, nor muſ⯑cular: but they are ſtraight, active, and generally in a good ſtate of health. Their faces have no expreſ⯑ſion whatever, that of a placid good-nature and con⯑tent excepted; and their features are beautifully re⯑gular, with ſmall black eyes, thin lips, and very white teeth. However, all the Guiana Indians disfigure them⯑ſelves more or leſs by the uſe of arnotta or rocow, by [385] them called coſowee, and by the Dutch orlean. The ſeeds of the arnotta being macerated in the juice of lemon, and mixed with water, and gum that exudes from the mawna tree, or with the oil of caſtor, com⯑poſes a ſcarlet paint, with which all the Indians anoint their bodies, and even the men their hair, which gives their ſkin the appearance of a boiled lobſter; they alſo rub their naked bodies with caraba or crab-oil. This, it muſt be allowed, is extremely uſeful in ſcorching cli⯑mates, where the inhabitants of both ſexes go almoſt naked. One day, laughing at a young man who came from the neighbourhood of Cayenne, he anſwered me in French, ſaying, ‘"My ſkin, ſir, is kept ſoft, too great perſpiration is prevented, and the muſquitoes do not ſting me as they do you: beſides its beauty, this is the uſe of my painting red. Now what is the rea⯑ſon of your painting white?"’ [meaning powder in the hair] ‘"You are, without any reaſon, waſting your flour, dirtying your coat, and making yourſelf look grey be⯑fore your time."’

Theſe Indians alſo make uſe of a deep purple blue, which they call tapowripa; but this is purely for or⯑nament, and is abſolutely indelible for about nine days. It is the juice of a fruit in ſize like a ſmall apple that grows on the lawna tree, and which is bruiſed and macerated in water. With this theſe people make figures on their faces, and all over their bodies, reſembling hie⯑roglyphicks, like thoſe that were a few years ſince called [386] à la Grec in Europe, and are ſtill cut in coal-grates, fenders, &c. But for a more correct idea I muſt refer the reader to the annexed plate, where the children alone are not painted. So very permanently does this paint adhere to the ſkin, that one of our officers, who could not be⯑lieve the fact, having by way of a frolic made a pair of enormous whiſkers with it on his face, was obliged, to our great amuſement, to parade Paramaribo with them for above a week, and wait till they gradually diſappeared.

The only dreſs worn by theſe Indians conſiſts of a ſlip of black or blue cotton worn by the men to cover their nakedneſs, and called camiſa; ſomething like that of the negroes. Being wound round their loins, it paſſes through between their thighs, and the ends of it, which are very long, they either throw over their ſhoulders, or negligently let them trail on the ground. For the ſame purpoſe, the women wear an apron of cotton, with party-coloured glaſs beads ſtrung upon it, which they call queiou. This covering is of no great ſize, being only about one foot in breadth by eight inches in length, ornamented with fringes, and faſtened round the waiſt with cotton ſtrings; but being heavy, though of no larger dimenſions, it anſwers all the purpoſes for which it was intended. Many alſo wear a girdle made of human hair round their waiſt, through which, before and behind, they faſten a ſquare broad piece of black cotton, but lighter, and without a train, like the camiſa of the men: both ſexes wearing theſe belts or girdles ſo low, that they [387] almoſt ſlide down over their buttocks, and make their bodies appear wonderfully long.

In the inland parts, many Indians of both ſexes go quite naked, without any covering whatever. The Indian wo⯑men alſo, by way of ornament, often cut ſmall holes in their ears and their lips, in the firſt of which they wear corks or ſmall pieces of light wood, and through their lips they ſtick thorns, and ſometimes all the pins they can lay hold of, with the heads inſide againſt the gums, and the points like a beard dangling down upon their chins. Some wear feathers through their cheeks and through their noſes, though this is but ſeldom. But the moſt unac⯑countable ornament in my opinion is, that the girls at ten or twelve years old work a kind of cotton garter round their ankles, and the ſame below the knee; which being very tight, and remaining for ever, occaſions their calves to ſwell to an enormous ſize by the time they are grown women, and gives their limbs a very odd and unnatural appearance. They alſo wear girdles, bands, and bracelets, of various coloured beads, ſhells, and fiſh⯑teeth, about their necks, acroſs their ſhoulders, or round their arms, but generally above the elbow. Upon the whole, the Indian women, naturally diſagreeable in their ſhapes, with their toes turned inwards, are ſtill leſs attractive by their ornaments. But from this gene⯑neral deſcription I muſt exempt one caſt in particular, called Arrowouks, whom I ſhall deſcribe in their proper place.

[388]The ornaments of the men conſiſt of crowns of va⯑rious coloured feathers, or a ſaſh of boars or tygers teeth acroſs one ſhoulder, as a token of their valour and acti⯑vity. The chiefs of families ſometimes wear the ſkin of a tyger, and a ſilver plate reſembling a croiſſant, called by them a caracoly; they alſo frequently have ſmall oval bits of ſilver in the cartilaginous ſeparation of their noſes, and ſometimes a green or yellow coloured ſtone. All theſe nations live in the foreſt, near rivers, and along the ſea-coaſt, where they are ſcattered in ſmall villages or hamlets. Their houſes or wigwams, which they call car⯑bets, are built as I have already deſcribed thoſe of the ne⯑groes; but inſtead of being covered with the leaves of the manicole-tree, they are covered with the leaves of rattans or jointed canes, here called tas, which grow in cluſters in all marſhy places: but they moſtly uſe troolies, which are leaves that diverge immediately from the root, and are no leſs than twenty or twenty-four feet in length, and from two to three in breadth, and this will for years ef⯑fectually exclude all inclemencies of weather.

Their furniture is very ſimple, but ſufficient for their wants, conſiſting of a few black earthen pots of their own making; a few callebaſhes or gourds; a few baſkets, called pagala; a ſtone to grind, called matta, and another to bake their caſſava bread; a fan to blow the fire; a wooden ſtool or mulee; a ſieve they call manary; a preſs to ſqueeze the wet caſſava, called matappy; and a cotton hammock or net for them to ſleep in.

[389]Beſides theſe, ſince their intercourſe with the Eu⯑ropeans, many of them are furniſhed with a hatchet and a knife, which laſt, like a dagger, the Indians always wear by their ſide. But I muſt not forget that every In⯑dian family is provided with a large boat or canoe to carry all that they poſſeſs when they travel by water, which is not unfrequent.

The only vegetables cultivated by theſe people are the yams, plantains, and bananas, already deſcribed, and particularly caſſava and manioc. This laſt is a ſhrub, which grows about three feet high, of a grey colour, and knotted; the leaves are digitated and large, and ſupported by cinnamon-coloured foot-ſtalks. Of this ſhrub there are two ſpecies, diſtinguiſhed by the appel⯑lation of the ſweet and the bitter caſſava, of which the roots alone are for uſe. Theſe are ſoft and farinaceous; and in colour, ſize, and ſhape, much reſemble European parſnips. The ſweet caſſava, roaſted in hot aſhes, like the green plantains, and eaten with butter, is an agree⯑able and healthy food, taſting much like the cheſnut. But the bitter caſſava, which when raw is the moſt fatal poiſon both to man and beaſt, is (however ſtrange it may ſeem) when prepared by fire, not only a very ſafe food, but the moſt natural bread of the Indians in this coun⯑try, as well as of ſeveral Europeans and negroes. The manner in which the Indians prepare it is firſt by grind⯑ing or grating theſe roots on the matta or rough ſtone: [390] after which they put it in a preſs, to ſeparate the juice from the meal. This preſs is a kind of long tube, made of warimbo or reeds; which being hung to a tree, and filled with ground caſſava, a heavy ſtone or log of wood is fixed to the bottom, the weight of which gradually length⯑ens the tube, which is compreſſed in proportion, and the liquid ſubſtance is ſqueezed through the plated reeds. This done, the meal is baked on a hot ſtone in thin round cakes, until it becomes brown and criſp, and then it is a whole⯑ſome food, that will keep good for half a year; yet I muſt acknowledge that the taſte, which by that proceſs becomes ſweetiſh, is at the ſame time extremely inſipid. The extracted water of this root, if not carefully prevented by the ſlaves, is ſometimes drunk by cattle and poultry on the eſtates, whom it inſtantly kills with convulſive tortures and ſwelling; yet this very liquid, if boiled with pepper, butcher's meat, &c. is frequently made uſe of for ſoup. None ſhould uſe the caſſava root for food but ſuch as are perfectly acquainted with it: many peo⯑ple having been poiſoned, to my knowledge, by uſing the one ſpecies for the other; the diſtinction between the two conſiſting chiefly in a tough ligneous fibre or cord running through the heart of the ſweet or innocent caſſava root, which the fatal or bitter has not. The acajou nuts are alſo uſed by the Indians; and they often bring them to Paramaribo, where they are called inginotto. The kernels of theſe nuts are in ſize and ſhape very like [391] lambs kidneys, and are exceedingly delicate. They grow very far inland upon high trees, which having never ſeen, I cannot deſcribe.

The other food of the Indian conſiſts of ſea and land turtle, and crabs, called ſeereeca, which laſt are ſeen in great quantities in the mud all along the coaſt of Guiana at low water. Of theſe they are extremely fond, as alſo of the river lobſters called ſaraſara, which are here in great abundance. But nothing pleaſes them ſo much as the iguana or wayamacca lizards, that I have already deſcribed: every thing they eat is ſo highly ſeaſoned with Cayenne pepper, that the mere taſting of their food excoriates the mouth of an European. They uſe little or no ſalt, but barbacue their game and fiſh in the ſmoke, which equally preſerves it from putre⯑faction; and if an Indian has neglected to provide food by hunting or fiſhing, his hunger is aſſwaged by eating the ſeeds of the green-heart or the eta tree, or of ſimilar productions of the foreſt.

Their drink conſiſts of various fluids, ſuch as the juice of the coumoo fruit. The coumoo tree is one of the ſmalleſt of the palm kind. Its ſeed grows in bunches of purple blue berries, reſembling grapes, the pulp of which thinly adheres to a round hard ſtone, about the ſize of a piſtol bullet. Theſe berries are diſ⯑ſolved and macerated in boiling water; which beverage, when mixed with ſugar and cinnamon, is frequently uſed by the fair inhabitants: it taſtes very much like cho⯑colate. [392] A drink they call piworree is a compoſition of the caſſava bread, chewed by the females, and fermented with water, when it has ſomething of the taſte of ale, and will intoxicate. It appears at firſt very extraordinary, that what has been within the teeth, mixed with the ſa⯑liva, and ſpit from the mouths of others, ſhould be drank without loathing by the people of any country: but thoſe who have read Cook's Voyages will find that this practice was ſo common in the iſlands he diſcovered, that had he not complied with it, his refuſal might have fatally offended the inhabitants. His officers, indeed, did not think it ſo neceſſary for them to comply, and therefore excuſed themſelves from the diſguſting draught. A beverage nearly of the ſame kind they compoſe from the maize, or Indian corn, which is firſt ground and baked into bread, after which it is crumbled and macerated with water till it ferments like the former, and this they call chiacoar. Another drink called caſſiree is alſo much uſed by theſe Indians, being a compoſition of yams, caſſava, ſour oranges, and ſugar or treacle, well macerated, and fermented with water. I ſhall only add, that all theſe beverages are inebriating, if uſed be⯑yond moderation, which is frequently the caſe with both males and females among the copper-coloured generation I am ſpeaking of. This is the only time when they are unruly, and when quarrels ariſe among themſelves.

In pronunciation the language of the Indians in general much reſembles the Italian, their words being ſonorous [393] and harmonious, moſtly terminating with a vowel, as may be obſerved by the few ſpecimens above. They have no calculation of time, a ſtring with ſome knots be⯑ing the only calendar they are acquainted with. Their muſical inſtruments conſiſt of a kind of flute called too-too, and made of a ſingle piece of thick reed, on which they make a ſound no better than the lowing of an ox, without either meaſure or variety.—Another inſtru⯑ment is alſo uſed by them to blow upon, called quarta (by Ovid a ſirinx; by ſome poets Pan's chaunter) and conſiſts of reeds of different lengths, that are joined to⯑gether like the pipes of an organ, but even at the top, which they hold with both hands to the lips, and which, by ſhifting from ſide to ſide, produces a warbling of clear but diſcordant ſounds, agreeable to none but themſelves; nor have I ſeen a better repreſentation of the god Pan playing on his chaunter, than a naked Indian among the verdant foliage playing upon one of thoſe reedy pipes. They alſo make flutes of the bones of their enemies, of which I have one now in my poſſeſſion. Their dancing, if ſuch it may be called, conſiſts in ſtamping on the ground, balancing on one foot, and ſtaggering round in different attitudes for many hours, as if intoxicated.

The Indians are a very ſociable people among them⯑ſelves, and frequently meet together in a large wigwam or carbet that is in every hamlet for the purpoſe, where, if they do not play or dance, they amuſe each other with fictitious ſtories, generally concerning ghoſts, witches, [394] or dreams, during which they frequently burſt out into immoderate fits of laughter. They greatly delight in bathing, which they do twice at leaſt every day, men, women, boys, and girls, promiſcuouſly together. They are all excellent ſwimmers without exception. Among theſe parties not the ſmalleſt indecency is committed, in either words or actions.

The employments of the men are, as I have ſtated, but very few, and, indeed, may be comprized in two words, hunting and fiſhing: at both of theſe exerciſes they are indiſputably more expert than any other nation what⯑ever. For the firſt they are provided with bows and arrows of their own manufacturing, the arrows being of different kinds for different purpoſes. The Indian bows are all made of the hardeſt and tougheſt kind of wood, about five or ſix feet in length, and won⯑derfully well poliſhed; and this is effected by means of a ſtone. In the middle they are wound round with cotton, and ſtrung with chords made of ſilk-graſs. The arrows are generally about four feet long, made of a very ſtraight and ſtrong kind of reed, to the end of which is fixed a thin twig about one foot long, to balance them; this is armed with a point made of ſteel or of fiſh-bone, generally barbed. Some of the Indian arrows are pointed like a lance, others are doubly and trebly barbed, and ſo contrived as to ſtick in the wound when the reedy part is pulled back. Theſe are uſed moſtly for game and fiſh; for though they be not mortal, [395] they encumber the firſt, and being buoyant bring the latter to the ſurface, till both are taken. Theſe arrows, like all others, are ſtuck with feathers ſix or ſeven inches long. Some arrows have blunted heads inſtead of points, about the ſize of a large cheſnut, like what our anceſtors called bols; with theſe they do not kill, but ſtun the macaws, parrots, and ſmall monkeys, ſo that they can take them with their hands, ſoon after which they reco⯑ver, and are ſent alive to Paramaribo. Some of the ar⯑rows for killing fiſh have the appearance of a trident, three and ſometimes five barbed ſticks being fixed to the reed inſtead of one, which enables them to ſhoot fiſh even at random. A few of the above arrows are fre⯑quently dipped in the woorara poiſon ^*, which is in⯑ſtantaneouſly fatal: but when intent on certain de⯑ſtruction, this people make uſe of another kind of arrow that is not above ten or twelve inches long, extremely thin, and made of the hard ſplinters of the palm-tree bark, having, inſtead of feathers, one end wound round with a tuft of raw cotton, ſo as to fill up a hollow tube made of reed near ſix feet in length, through which they blow them with their breath. Theſe little implements of death will carry to the diſtance of forty paces, and with ſo much certainty, that the intended [396] victims never eſcape, the points being dipped in the woorara poiſon. As an inſtance of the dreadful effects of this poiſon, I ſhall only mention a negro woman, who, during the late rebellion in Berbice, being ſlightly wounded by a poiſoned arrow, not only almoſt inſtantly expired, but her ſucking infant, though not touched by the arrow, loſt its life by taſting her milk.

Their manner of catching fiſh is much the ſame as I have deſcribed at the Hope, by incloſing the entry of ſmall creeks or ſhoal water with a paleing, ſhooting them with their trident arrows, or poiſoning the water by throwing in it the roots of hiaree ^*, in Surinam called tringee-woodo or konamee, by which they float become ſtupified, and are taken by the hand, while they float on the ſurface of the water; as boys in England, who by mixing the Coculus Indicus, or drugs of ſimilar effect, with baits which the fiſh will take, find them ſoon after riſe to the ſurface, whence, if they are not ſpeedily taken, they will recover and eſcape, the drugs only ſtupifying them for a while. Theſe are the only occupations of the men, except making their furniture, ornaments, and arms.

I muſt not forget that every Indian carries a club, which they call apootoo, for their defence. Theſe clubs are made of the heavieſt wood in the foreſt; they are [397] about eighteen inches long, flat at both ends, and ſquare, but heavier at the one end than the other. In the mid⯑dle they are thinner, and are wound about with ſtrong cotton threads, ſo as to be graſped, having a loop to ſecure them round the wriſt, as the ſword-taſſels are uſed by ſome cavalry. One blow with this club, in which is frequently fixed a ſharp ſtone, ſcatters the brains. They are uſed by the Guiana Indians like the tomahawk by the Cherokees, on which, beſides other hieroglyphical figures, they often carve the number of perſons they have ſlain in battle. The manner of fixing the ſtone in the club or apootoo is by ſticking it in the tree while it is yet growing, where it ſoon becomes ſo faſt that it cannot be forced out; after which the wood is cut, and ſhaped according to fancy.

The women are occupied in planting caſſava, plan⯑tains, and other roots, beſides yams, &c. in dreſſing the victuals, and in making earthen pots, bracelets, baſkets, or cotton hammocks. Their beſt baſkets are called pagala, and are formed of a double matting of ruſhes called warimbo, ſome white, ſome brown, be⯑tween which is a ſeparation of tas, or trooly-leaves, to keep out the wet. The covering is uſually larger and deeper than the baſket itſelf, which it altogether envelopes, and thus makes it ſtronger; the whole reſt⯑ing on two croſs pieces of wood fixed to the bottom. Their hammocks are woven, which muſt require a conſiderable portion of time and trouble, being done [398] thread after thread, traverſing the warp in the manner that a hole is darned in a ſtocking; after which they are ſtained with the juices of trees according to fancy.

The Indian girls arrive at the time of puberty before twelve years old, indeed commonly much ſooner, at which time they are married. The ceremony conſiſts ſimply in the young man's offering a quantity of game and fiſh of his own catching, which, if ſhe accepts, he next propoſes the queſtion, "Will you be my wife?" If ſhe anſwers in the affirmative, the matter is ſettled, and the nuptials celebrated in a drunken feaſt, when a houſe and furniture is provided for the young couple. Their women are delivered without any aſſiſtance, and with ſo little inconvenience or ſuffering, that they ſeem exempt from the curſe of Eve. They go about the menial ſer⯑vices for their huſbands the day after their delivery; then, however ridiculous and incredible it may appear, it is an abſolute fact, that every one of theſe gentlemen lie in their hammocks for above a month, groaning and grunting as if they had been themſelves in labour, dur⯑ing which time all the women muſt attend them with extraordinary care and the beſt food. This the Indian calls enjoying himſelf, and reſting from his labour. Moſt of theſe people eſteeming a flat forehead a mark of beauty, they compreſs the heads of their children, it is ſaid, immediately after their birth, like the Chactaws of North America.

No Indian wife eats with her huſband, but ſerves him [399] as a ſlave: for this reaſon they can take but very little care of their infants, which, nevertheleſs, are always healthy and undeformed. When they travel, they carry them in ſmall hammocks ſlung over one ſhoulder, in which ſits the child, having one leg before and the other behind the mother. For an emetic they uſe the juice of tobacco, which they ſeldom ſmoke.

When the Indians are dying, either from ſickneſs or old age, the latter of which is moſt frequently the cauſe, the devil or Yawahoo is at midnight exorciſed by the peii or prieſt, by means of rattling a calibaſh filled with ſmall ſtones, peas, and beads, accompanied by a long ſpeech. This office is hereditary, and by theſe pretended di⯑vines no animal food, as I have before ſaid, is publicly taſted, and yet on the whole they live better than all the others. When an Indian is dead, being firſt waſhed and anointed, he is buried naked, in a new cotton bag, in a ſitting attitude, his head reſting on the palms of his hands, his elbows on his knees, and all his implements of war and hunting by his ſide; during which time his relations and neighbours rend the air by their diſ⯑mal lamentations; but ſoon after, by a general drunken riot, they drown their ſorrows till the following year. This practice, by the way, bearsſome affinity to Dr. Smollet's deſcription of a burial in the Highlands of Scotland. At the expiration of the year, the body, being rotten, is dug up, and the bones diſtributed to all the friends and ac⯑quaintance, during which ceremony the former rites [400] are repeated for the laſt time, and the whole neighbour⯑hood look out for another ſettlement. Some tribes of Indians, having put their deceaſed friends in the above poſture, place them naked for a few days under water, where the bones being picked clean by the piree and other fiſh, the ſkeleton is dried in the ſun, and hung up to the ceiling of their houſes or wigwams; and this is done as the ſtrongeſt inſtance of their great regard for their departed friend.

When theſe Indians travel by land, their canoe, which is made of a large tree hollowed by means of fire, is al⯑ways carried along with them to tranſport their luggage acroſs ſwamps, creeks, and rivers; it is, like themſelves, all over beſmeared with arnotta. If they travel in the rivers, they generally paddle againſt the tide, to have a better opportunity of ſhooting ſuch game as they ſee in the trees or on the banks; whereas, if they went with the current, the rapidity of the ſtream would often make them run paſt it. When travelling on the coaſt, it fre⯑quently happens that theſe canoes ſhip a ſea which fills them, but no ſuch thing as a ſhipwreck is heard of: both ſexes immediately leaping over-board; then with one hand they hang by the canoe, with the other, and by means of calibaſhes, they throw out the water.

Notwithſtanding the Guiana Indians are upon the whole a peaceable people, they ſometimes go to war among themſelves, purely for the ſake of capturing pri⯑ſoners, to which they are too much encouraged by the [401] Chriſtians, who receive them in exchange for other commodities, and make them ſlaves, which is too fre⯑quently practiſed. But theſe kind of ſlaves are only for ſhew and parade, as they abſolutely refuſe to work, and if at all ill-treated, or eſpecially if beaten, they pine and languiſh like caged turtles, even refuſing food, till by af⯑fliction and want they are exhauſted, and finally expire.

The Indians always fight their battles by midnight: indeed their conteſts reſemble more a ſiege than a battle, as theſe broils conſiſt only in ſurrounding the hamlets of their enemies while they are aſleep, making priſoners of the women, boys, and girls, while they ſhoot the men with poiſoned arrows, or with their clubs or apootoos divide their ſculls when they come to cloſe quarters; they alſo ſcalp their male priſoners, bring home their hair, and even their bones, as trophies of war, and preſents to their wives, unleſs they intend to ſell them to the Europeans at Paramaribo. In their open ren⯑counters, which happen very ſeldom, the bows and barbed arrows are their principal weapons of offence; with theſe they often kill at the diſtance of ſixty paces; nay, the ſwifteſt bird in its flight, provided it has the magnitude of a crow, ſeldom eſcapes them. In truth, ſuch is the ſkill of theſe people at theſe manly exerciſes, that the beſt archers at Creſſy, Poictiers, and Agincourt, muſt have yielded to their ſuperiority.

I ſhall only add farther on this ſubject, that when theſe Indians go to war they chuſe one general commander, whom they diſtinguiſh by the title of Uill.

The trade or traffic which the Indians of Guiana carry on with the Dutch conſiſts chiefly in ſlaves, earthen jars, canoes, hammocks, baſkets, Brazil-wood, hiaree-roots, macaws, parrots, monkeys, balſam capivi, arracocerra, caraba or crab oil, and arnotta, for which they receive in return checquered cloth, fire-arms, gun-powder, hatchets, knives, ſciſſars, different coloured beads, look⯑ing-glaſſes, fiſh-hooks, combs, needles, pins, &c. The balſam capivi exudes from the bark of a thick tree that grows far inland, with large pointed leaves, bearing a fruit like a cucumber. This gum is yellow, hard, and tranſparent, reſembling amber; when melted, it has an agreeable ſmell: its uſes are for varniſh, and to ſtop diu⯑retic complaints, &c. The gum called arracocerra ex⯑udes from an inland tree alſo; it is yellow as the former, but tenacious and ſoft; it has a moſt fragrant ſmell, and is held in great eſteem by the Europeans as well as In⯑dians, [403] on account of its efficacy in curing wounds, and many other complaints. The caraba or crab oil is made by bruiſing, macerating, and boiling the kernels that grow on the crab-tree in brown angular nuts, much about the ſize of a large cheſnut; this oil, which is bitter, beſides anointing the Indians, is uſed for many purpoſes by the Europeans. The tree grows to near fifty feet high, with leaves reſembling thoſe of the laurel; but as I neither have ſeen this nor the two former grow⯑ing, to my knowledge, I can ſay nothing more concern⯑ing them. The mawna tree is high, ſtraight, and light brown coloured; its leaves are oval; its nuts reſembling nutmegs, but without either taſte or flavour. The gum exuding from its trunk by inciſions in the bark is diſ⯑ſolved by the Indians in water, and, as I have ſaid, mixed with arnotta to anoint them. The caſtor or palma-chriſti buſh, by botaniſts called the ricinus, is a ſhrub about four feet high, jointed, being covered with large digitated leaves on long foot-ſtalks, viz. both the ſtem and the branches. This ſhrub conſiſts of the red and the white, and produces triangular nuts incloſed in a green huſk, which, when ripe, turns to brown, and falls off. From theſe nuts is expreſſed the caſtor oil; in Surinam it is called carrapat oil; it is very like that made of olives, and, as I have mentioned before, is much uſed by the Indians to paint themſelves with.

Among all the Indian nations, the Caribs are the moſt numerous, active, and brave. Theſe reſide in great num⯑bers [404] near the Spaniſh ſettlements, which they often ha⯑raſs, in immortal revenge for the inhuman cruelties in⯑flicted on their forefathers at Mexico and Peru. They are commanded by a captain, and aſſemble by the blow⯑ing of a conch or ſea-ſhell; they have alſo frequent battles with neighbouring Indians; but what diſgraces them above all others in Terra Firma is, that however unnatural it may ſeem, and however much it has been contradicted, they are anthropophagi or cannibals; at leaſt they moſt certainly feaſt on their enemies, whoſe fleſh they tear and devour with the avidity of wolves, though this is generally ſuppoſed to be more from a ſpirit of revenge than from any depravity in their taſte.

The Accawaw Indians are few in number, and live far⯑ther diſtant from the ſea than the former. Though like theſe they live in friendſhip with the Dutch, they are both treacherous in adminiſtering ſlow poiſon concealed under their nails, and very diſtruſtful, as they paliſade the ground round their hamlets with poiſoned ſpikes.

The Worrow Indians, if not the moſt cruel, are the moſt deſpicable of any in Guiana. Theſe are ſettled along the coaſt from the river Oronoque to Surinam; they are dark-coloured and extremely ugly; though ſtrong they are puſillanimous, and withal ſo very lazy and indolent, that their poverty will ſcarcely afford them a covering to hide their nakedneſs, which they often ſupply by the web-like bark of the palm-tree. They often go quite naked, and are ſtinkingly dirty; from [405] their ſluggiſh inactivity they are reduced to live moſtly upon crabs and water. If it ſhould ſeem ſtrange to have called theſe people happy, let it be recollected that their wiſhes are confined to their enjoyments, and that no Indian was ever heard to complain that he was un⯑happy.

The Taiiras are ſettled alſo on the ſea-coaſt between Surinam and the river Amazon. Theſe are exceedingly numerous, being computed, in this ſettlement alone, to amount to near twenty thouſand: they are a very peace⯑able but indolent people, and in many particulars reſem⯑ble the Worrows.

The Piannacotaus live very far inland, and are enemies to the Europeans, with whom they refuſe all connection or dealings whatever: of this tribe the only thing that I can ſay farther is, that they would murder all the Chriſ⯑tians in Guiana, if they had an opportunity.

The only Indian nation within my knowledge now remaining to be mentioned are the Arrowouks, my favourites; — but as this Chapter is already ſwelled to a conſiderable length, I muſt defer them to another opportunity.—Thus for the preſent do I take my leave of this happy people, who with the diſtinctions of rank or land (the cauſes of contention in more en⯑lightened ſtates) are unacquainted; who know no evil but pain and want, with which they are very ſel⯑dom afflicted in this ever-verdant, this ever-blooming climate; who, while their wiſhes are ſo very limited, [406] poſſeſs all that they deſire in this world: and who, while they expect a future ſtate, never give their minds the ſmalleſt uneaſineſs, but die in peace; nay, who ſeldom think upon to-morrow. But while I allow them this ſpecies of negative happineſs, let it not be underſtood that to the contented European I have held up their condi⯑tion as an object of envy.

For a better idea of their furniture, ornaments, and arms, I refer the curious to the annexed plate, where

• N^o 1. is an Indian coriala or canoe, which is gene⯑rally made of one tree.
• 2. Paddles in place of oars.
• 3. A ſieve called manary.
• 4. An Indian fan, or way-way.
• 5. A ſtool called mulee.
• 6. A pagala or baſket.
• 7. A matappy or caſſava preſs.
• 8. An Indian bow.
• 9. Arrows for ſhooting fiſh.
• 10. A blunted arrow for birds.
• 11. Common arrows barbed.
• 12. Small poiſoned arrows.
• 13. The pipe or tube to blow them.
• 14. A crown of various feathers.
• 15. An apron called queiou.
• 16. An Indian earthen pot.
• 17. An apootoo or Indian club. []
  Figure 5. Arms, Ornaments & Furniture of the Indians.
• [407]N^o 18. An Indian cotton hammock.
• 19. A ſaſh of tigers or wild boars teeth.
• 20. A magic ſhell or gourd.
• 21. An Indian flute called too-too.
• 22. A flute made of the human bone of an enemy.
• 23. An Indian flute or ſyrinx called quarta.
• 24. A ſtone to grind caſſava, called matta.

For a fuller botanical deſcription than either my know⯑ledge or my limits will allow, I refer the reader to the ingenious Dr. Bancroft, whoſe merit in this particular is perhaps known by few, but who claims every atten⯑tion from having lived ſo long in Demerary; and to whom the thanks of the world in general are due, for his inge⯑nious "Letters to Dr. Pitcairn, F. R. C. P. &c." publiſhed in 1766.