Of PROJECTORS.

MAN is the worſt of all God's Creatures to ſhift for himſelf; no other Animal is ever ſtarv'd to death; Nature without, has provided them both Food and Cloaths; and Nature within, has plac'd an Inſtinct that never fails to direct them to pro⯑per means for a ſupply; but Man muſt either Work or Starve, Slave or Dye; he has indeed Reaſon given him to direct him, and few who follow the Dictates of that Reaſon come to ſuch unhappy Exigencies; but when by the Errors of a Man's Youth he has reduc'd himſelf to ſuch a degree of Diſtreſs, as to be abſo⯑lutely without Three things, Money, Friends, and Health, he Dies in a Ditch, or in ſome worſe place, an Hoſpital.

[32] Ten thouſand ways there are to bring a Man to this, and but very few to bring him out again.

Death is the univerſal Deliverer, and therefore ſome who want Courage to bear what they ſee before 'em, Hang themſelves for fear; for certainly Self⯑deſtruction is the effect of Cowardice in the higheſt extream.

Others break the Bounds of Laws to ſatisfy that general Law of Nature, and turn open Thieves, Houſe-breakers, Highway-men, Clippers, Coiners, &c. till they run the length of the Gallows, and get a Deliverance the neareſt way at St. Tyburn.

Others being maſters of more Cun⯑ning than their Neighbours, turn their Thoughts to Private Methods of Trick and Cheat, a Modern way of Thieve⯑ing, every jot as Criminal, and in ſome degree worſe than the other, by which honeſt men are gull'd [33] with fair pretences to part from their Money, and then left to take their Courſe with the Author, who ſculks behind the curtain of a Protection, or in the Mint or Friars, and bids defi⯑ance as well to Honeſty as the Law.

Others yet urg'd by the ſame ne⯑ceſſity, turn their thoughts to Honeſt Invention, founded upon the Plat⯑form of Ingenuity and Integrity.

Theſe two laſt ſorts are thoſe we call Projectors; and as there was always more Geeſe than Swans, the number of the latter are very inconſiderable in compariſon of the former; and as the greater number denominates the leſs, the juſt Contempt we have of the former ſort, beſpatters the other, who like Cuckolds bear the reproach of other Peoples Crimes.

A meer Projector then is a Con⯑temptible thing, driven by his own deſperate Fortune to ſuch a Streight, [34] that he muſt be deliver'd by a Mira⯑cle, or Starve; and when he has beat his Brains for ſome ſuch Miracle in vain, he finds no remedy but to paint up ſome Bauble or other, as Players make Puppets talk big, to ſhow like a ſtrange thing, and then cry it up for a New Invention, gets a Patent for it, divides it into Shares, and they muſt be Sold; ways and means are not wanting to Swell the new Whim to a vaſt Magnitude; Thouſands, and Hundreds of thouſands are the leaſt of his diſcourſe, and ſometimes Mil⯑lions; till the Ambition of ſome ho⯑neſt Coxcomb is wheedl'd to part with his Money for it, and then

the Adventurer is left to carry on the Project, and the Projector laughs at him. The Diver ſhall walk at the [35] bottom of the Thames; the Saltpeter-Maker ſhall Build Tom T—ds Pond into Houſes; the Engineers Build Mo⯑dels and Windmills to draw Water, till Funds are rais'd to carry it on, by Men who have more Money than Brains, and then good night Patent and Invention; the Projector has done his buſineſs, and is gone.

But the Honeſt Projector is he, who having by fair and plain principles of Senſe, Honeſty, and Ingenuity, brought any Contrivance to a ſuitable Perfe⯑ction, makes out what he pretends to, picks no body's pocket, puts his Pro⯑ject in Execution, and contents him⯑ſelf with the real Produce, as the pro⯑fit of his Invention.

Of BANKS.

BANKS, without queſtion, if rightly manag'd, are, or may be, of great Advantage, eſpecially to a Trading People, as the Engliſh are; and among many others, this is one particular caſe in which that Bene⯑fit appears, That they bring down the Intereſt of Money, and take from the Goldſmiths, Scriveners, and others, who have command of running Caſh, their moſt delicious Trade of making advantage of the neceſſities of the Merchant, in extravagant Diſcounts, and Premio's for advance of Money, when either large Cuſtoms or Foreign Remittances, call for Disburſements be⯑yond his common Ability; for by the eaſineſs of Terms on which the Merchant may have Money, he is en⯑courag'd to venture further in Trade [37] than otherwiſe he would do; not but that there are other great advantages a Royal Bank might procure in this Kingdom, as has been ſeen in part by this, As advancing Money to the Ex⯑chequer upon Parliamentary Funds and Securities, by which in time of a War our Preparations for any Expedition need not be in danger of Miſcarriage for want of Money, though the Taxes rais'd be not ſpeedily paid, nor the Exchequer burthen'd with the exceſſive Intereſts paid in former Reigns upon Anticipations of the Revenue; Land⯑ed Men might be ſupplied with Mo⯑neys upon Securities on eaſier Terms, which would prevent the Loſs of mul⯑titudes of Eſtates, now ruin'd and de⯑vour'd by inſolent and mercileſs Mort⯑gagees and the like. But now we un⯑happily ſee a Royal Bank Eſtabliſh'd by Act of Parliament, and another with a large Fund upon the Orphans [38] Stock; and yet theſe Advantages, or others, which we expected, not anſwer'd, tho' the pretenſions in Both have not been wanting at ſuch time as they found it needful to introduce them⯑ſelves into publick Eſteem, by giving out Prints of what they were rather able to do, than really intended to practice. So that our having Two Banks at this time ſettl'd, and more Erecting, has not yet been able to re⯑duce the Intereſt of Money; not be⯑cauſe the Nature and Foundation of their Conſtitution does not tend to⯑wards it; but becauſe, finding their Hands full of better buſineſs, they are wiſer than by being ſlaves to old ob⯑ſelete Propoſals, to loſe the advan⯑tage of the great Improvement they can make of their Stock.

This however, does not at all re⯑flect on the Nature of a Bank, nor of the Benefit it would be to the [39] publick Trading-part of the King⯑dom, whatever it may ſeem to do on the practice of the preſent. We find Four or Five Banks now in view to be ſettl'd; I confeſs I expect no more from thoſe to come, than we have found from the paſt; and I think I make no breach on either my Charity or good Manners, in ſaying ſo; and I reflect not upon any of the Banks that are or ſhall be Eſtabliſh'd for not doing what I mention, but for making ſuch publications of what they would do. I cannot think any Man had expected the Royal Bank ſhou'd Lend Money on Mortgages at 4 per Cent. nor was it much the bet⯑ter for them to make publication they wou'd do ſo, from the beginning of January next after their Settlement; ſince to this day, as I am inform'd, they have not Lent one Farthing in that manner.

[40] Our Banks are indeed nothing but ſo many Goldſmiths Shops, where the Credit being high (and the Dire⯑ctors as high) People lodge their Mo⯑ney; and They, the Directors I mean, make their advantage of it; if you lay it at Demand, they allow you no⯑thing; if at Time, 3 per Cent. and ſo wou'd any Goldſmith in Lombardſtreet have done before; but the very Banks themſelves are ſo aukward in Lend⯑ing; ſo ſtrict, ſo tedions, ſo inquiſitive, and withal ſo publick in their taking Securities, that Men who are any thing tender, won't go to them; and ſo the eaſineſs of Borrowing Money, ſo much deſign'd, is defeated; for here is a private Intereſt to be made, tho' it be a publick one; and, in ſhort, 'tis only a great Trade carri'd on for the private Gain of a few con⯑cern'd in the Original Stock; and tho' we are to hope for great things, [41] becauſe they have promis'd them; yet they are all Future that we know of.

And yet all this while a Bank might be very beneficial to this Kingdom; and This might be ſo, if either their own Ingenuity, or Publick Authority, would oblige them to take the Publick Good into equal Concern with their Private Intereſt.

To explain what I mean;

Banks being eſtabliſh'd by Publick Authority, ought alſo, as all Publick things are, to be under Limitations and Reſtrictions from that Authority; and thoſe Limitations being regulated with a proper regard to the Eaſe of Trade in General, and the Improve⯑ment of the Stock in Particular, would make a Bank a Uſeful, Profitable Thing indeed.

Firſt, A Bank ought to be of a Magnitude proportion'd to the Trade of the Countrey it is in; which this [42] Bank is ſo far from, that 'tis no more to the Whole, than the leaſt Gold⯑ſmith's Caſh in Lombardſtreet is to the Bank: From whence it comes to paſs, that already more Banks are contri⯑ving; and I queſtion not but Banks in London will e're long be as frequent as Lotteries: The Conſequence of which in all Probability will be, the diminiſhing their Reputation, or a Civil War with one another. 'Tis true, the Bank of England has a Ca⯑pital Stock; but yet was that Stock wholly clear of the Publick Concern of the Government, it is not above a Fifth Part of what would be neceſſary to manage the whole Buſineſs of the Town; which it ought, tho' not to do, at leaſt to be Able to do: And I ſuppoſe I may venture to ſay, Above one half of the Stock of the preſent Bank is taken up in the Affairs of the Exchequer.

[43] I ſuppoſe no body will take this Diſcourſe for an Invective againſt the Bank of England; I believe it is a ve⯑ry Good Fund, a very Uſeful one, and a very Profitable one: It has been Uſeful to the Government, and it is Profitable to the Proprietors; and the eſtabliſhing it at ſuch a Juncture, when our Enemies were making great boaſts of our Poverty and Want of Money, was a particular Glory to our Nation, and the City in particular. That when the Paris Gazette inform'd the World, That the Parliament had indeed given the King Grants for raiſing Money in Funds to be paid in remote Years; but Money was ſo ſcarce, that no An⯑ticipations could be procured: That juſt then, beſides Three Millions paid into the Exchequer that Spring on other Taxes by way of Advance, there was an Overplus-Stock to be found of 1200 000 Pounds ſterling or (to make [44] it ſpeak French) of above Fifteen Mil⯑lions, which was all paid Voluntarily into the Exchequer, in leſs than [...] Beſides this, I believe the preſent Bank of England has been ve⯑ry uſeful to the Exchequer, and to ſupply the King with Remittances for the Payment of the Army in Flanders; which has alſo, by the way, been very profitable to it ſelf. But ſtill this Bank is not of that Bulk that the Buſineſs done here requires; nor is it able, with all the Stock it has, to procure the great propos'd Benefit, the low'r⯑ing the Intereſt of Money: Whereas all Foreign Banks abſolutely govern the Intereſt, both at Amſterdam, Ge⯑noa, and other places. And this De⯑fect I conceive the Multiplicity of Banks cannot ſupply, unleſs a perfect Underſtanding could be ſecur'd be⯑tween them.

To remedy this Defect, ſeveral [45] Methods might be propos'd: Some I ſhall take the Freedom to hint at.

Firſt, That the preſent Bank in⯑creaſe their Stock to at leaſt Five Mil⯑lions ſterling, to be ſettled as they are already, with ſome ſmall Limitations to make the Methods more beneficial.

Five Millions ſterling is an immenſe Sum; to which add the Credit of their Caſh, which would ſupply them with all the Overplus-Money in the Town, and probably might amount to half as much more; and then the Credit of Running-Bills, which by circulating would no queſtion be an Equivalent to the other half: So that in Stock, Credit, and Bank-bills, the Balance of their Caſh would be al⯑ways Ten Millions ſterling: A Sum that every body who can talk of, does not underſtand.

But then to find Buſineſs for all this Stock; which though it be a [46] ſtrange thing to think of, is neverthe⯑leſs eaſy when it comes to be exa⯑min'd. And firſt for the Buſineſs; This Bank ſhou'd enlarge the Number of their Directors as they do of their Stock; and ſhould then eſtabliſh ſeve⯑ral Sub-Committees, compos'd of their own Members, who ſhould have the directing of ſeveral Offices rela⯑ting to the diſtinct ſorts of Buſineſs they referr'd to; to be over-rul'd and govern'd by the Governor and Di⯑rectors in a Body, but to have a Concluſive Power as to Contracts. Of theſe there ſhould be

One Office for Loan of Money for Cuſtoms of Goods; which by a plain Method might be ſo order'd, that the Merchant might with eaſe pay the higheſt Cuſtoms down; and ſo by al⯑lowing the Bank 4 per Cent. Advance, be firſt ſure to ſecure the 10 l. per Cent. which the King allows for Prompt [47] Payment at the Cuſtom-houſe; and be alſo freed from the troubleſome work of finding Bonds-Men, and Securi⯑ties for the Money; which has expos'd many a Man to the Tyranny of Ex⯑tents either for himſelf or his Friend, to his utter Ruin; who under a more moderate Proſecution, had been able to pay all his Debts; and by this Method has been torn to pieces, and diſabled from making any tolerable Propoſal to his Creditors. This is a Scene of Large Buſineſs, and would in proportion employ a Large Caſh: And 'tis the eaſieſt thing in the world to make the Bank the Paymaſter of all the Large Cuſtoms, and yet the Mer⯑chant have ſo honourable a Poſſeſſion of his Goods, as may be neither any Diminution to his Reputation, or any Hindrance to their Sale.

As for Example:

Suppoſe I have 100 Hogſheads of [48] Tobacco to Import, whoſe Cuſtoms by ſeveral Duties comes to 1000 l. and want Caſh to clear them; I go with my Bill of Loading to the Bank, who appoint their Officer to Enter the Goods, and pay the Duties; which Goods ſo entred by the Bank, ſhall give them Title enough to any part, or the whole, without the trou⯑ble of Bills of Sale, or Conveyances, Defeazances, and the like. The Goods are carried to a Warehouſe at the Wa⯑terſide, where the Merchant has a Free and Publick Acceſs to them, as if in his own Warehouſe, and an ho⯑nourable Liberty to ſell and deliver either the Whole (paying their Diſ⯑burſe) or a Part without it, leaving but ſufficient for the Payment; and out of that Part delivered, either by Notes under the Hand of the Purcha⯑ſer, or any other way, he may clear the ſame, without any Exactions, but [49] of 4 l. per Cent. and the reſt are his own.

The eaſe this wou'd bring to Trade, the deliverance it wou'd bring to the Merchants from the inſults of Gold⯑ſmiths, &c. and the honour it wou'd give to our management of Publick Impoſts, with the advantages to the Cuſtom-Houſe it ſelf, and the utter deſtruction of Extortion, wou'd be ſuch as wou'd give a due value to the Bank, and make all Mankind acknow⯑ledge it to be a publick good. The Grievance of Exactions upon Mer⯑chants in this caſe is very great; and when I lay the blame on the Gold⯑ſmiths, becauſe they are the principal People made uſe of in ſuch occaſions, I include a great many other ſorts of Brokers, and Money-jobbing Artiſts, who all get a ſnip out of the Mer⯑chant. I my ſelf have known a Gold⯑ſmith in Lumbardſtreet Lend a Man [50] 700 l. to pay the Cuſtoms of a Hun⯑dred Pipes of Spaniſh Wines; the Wines were made over to him for Se⯑curity by Bill of Sale, and put into a Cellar, of which the Goldſmith kept the Key; the Merchant was to pay 6 l. per Cent. Intereſt on the Bond, and to allow 10 l. per Cent. Premio for advancing the Money: When he had the Wines in Poſſeſſion, the Owner cou'd not ſend his Cooper to look after them, but the Goldſmith's Man muſt attend all the while, for which he wou'd be paid 5 s. a day. If he brought a Cuſtomer to ſee them, the Goldſmith's Man muſt ſhow them; the Money was Lent for Two Months; he cou'd not be admitted to Sell or Deliver a Pipe of Wine out ſingle, or Two or Three at a time, as he might have Sold them; but on a word or two ſpoken amiſs to the Goldſmith or which he was pleaſed to take ſo [51] he wou'd have none Sold, but the whole Parcel together; by this uſage the Goods lay on hand, and every Month the Money remain'd, the Gold⯑ſmith demanded a Guinea per Cent. forbearance, beſides the Intereſt, till at laſt by Leakage, Decay, and other Accidents, the Wines began to leſſen: Then the Goldſmith begins to tell the Merchant, he is afraid the Wines are not worth the Money he has Lent, and demands further Security; and in a little while growing higher and rougher, he tells him, he muſt have his Money; the Merchant too much at his Mercy, becauſe he cannot provide the Money, is forc'd to conſent to the Sale, and the Goods being reduc'd to Seventy Pipes ſound Wine, and Four un⯑ſound (the reſt being ſunk for filling up) were Sold for 13 l. per Pipe the Sound, and 3 l. the Unſound, which amounted to 922 l. together:

By the modetateſt Computation that can be, theſe Wines Coſt the Merchant as follows:

[53] So that 'tis manifeſt by the Extorti⯑on of this Banker, the poor Man loſt the whole Capital with Freight and Charges, and made but 29 l. produce of a Hunder'd Pipes of Wine.

One other Office of this Bank, and which wou'd take up a conſiderable branch of the Stock, is for Lending Mo⯑ney upon Pledges, which ſhou'd have annex'd to it a Warehouſe and Factory, where all ſorts of Goods might pub⯑lickly be Sold by the Conſent of the Owners, to the great Advantage of the Owner, the Bank receiving 4 l. per Cent. Intereſt, and 2 per Cent. Com⯑miſſion for Sale of the Goods.

A Third Office ſhou'd be appoint⯑ed for Diſcounting Bills, Tallies, and Notes, by which all Tallies of the Exchequer, and any part of the Reve⯑nue, ſhou'd at ſtated Allowances be ready Money to any Perſon, to the great Advantage of the Government, [54] and eaſe of all ſuch as are any ways concern'd in publick Undertakings.

A Fourth Office for Lending Mo⯑ney upon Land-Securities at 4 per Cent. Intereſt; by which the Cruelty and Injuſtice of Mortgagees wou'd be wholly reſtrain'd, and a Regiſter of Mortgages might be very well kept, to prevent Frauds.

A Fifth Office for Exchanges and Foreign Correſpondences.

A Sixth for Inland Exchanges, where a very large Field of Buſineſs lies before them.

Under this Head 'twill not be impro⯑per to conſider, that this Method will moſt effectually anſwer all the Noti⯑ons and Propoſals of County-Banks; for by this Office they wou'd be all render'd uſeleſs and unprofitable; ſince One Bank, of the Magnitude I men⯑tion, with a Branch of its Office ſet apart for that Buſineſs, might with [55] eaſe Manage all the Inland-Exchange of the Kingdom.

By which ſuch a Correſpondence with all the Trading-Towns in Eng⯑land might be maintain'd, as that the whole Kingdom ſhou'd Trade with the Bank. Under the Direction of this Office a Publick Caſhier ſhou'd be appointed in every County, to reſide in the Capital Town as to Trade, and in ſome Counties more, through whoſe Hands all the Caſh of the Revenue of the Gentry, and of Trade, ſhou'd be return'd on the Bank in London, and from the Bank again on their Caſhier in every reſpective County or Town, at the ſmall Exchange of ½ per Cent. by which means all loſs of Money carri'd upon the Road, to the encouragement of Robbers, and Ruin⯑ing of the Countrey, who are Su'd for thoſe Robberies, wou'd be more effectually prevented, than by all the [56] Statutes againſt Highway-Men that are or can be made.

As to Publick Advancings of Mo⯑ney to the Government, they may be left to the Directors in a Body, as all other Diſputes and Contingent caſes are; and whoever examines theſe Heads of Buſineſs apart, and has any Judgment in the Particulars, will, I ſuppoſe, allow, that a Stock of Ten Millions may find Employment in them, though it be indeed a very great Sum.

I cou'd offer ſome very good Rea⯑ſons, why this way of Management by particular Offices for every particu⯑lar ſort of Buſineſs, is not only the eaſieſt, but the ſafeſt way of execu⯑ting an Affair of ſuch variety and conſequence; alſo I cou'd ſtate a Me⯑thod for the Proceedings of thoſe private Offices, their Conjunction with, and Dependence on the General [57] Court of the Directors, and how the various Accompts ſhou'd Center in one General Capital account of Stock, with Regulations and Appeals; but I believe them to be needleſs, at leaſt in this place.

If it be Objected here, That it is impoſſible for One Joint Stock to go thorough the whole Buſineſs of the Kingdom. I Anſwer, I believe it is not either impoſſible or impracticable, particularly on this one account, that almoſt all the Country Buſineſs wou'd be Manag'd by running-Bills, and thoſe the longeſt abroad of any, their diſtance keeping them out, to the In⯑creaſing the Credit, and conſequently the Stock of the Bank.

Of the HIGH-WAYS.

IT is a prodigious Charge the whole Nation groans under for the Repair of High-Ways, which, after all, lie in a very ill Poſture too; I make no queſtion but if it was taken into Conſideration by thoſe who have the Power to Direct it, the Kingdom might be wholly eas'd of that Burthen, and the High-Ways be kept in good condition, which now lie in a moſt ſhameful manner in moſt [69] parts of the Kingdom, and in many places wholly unpaſſable; from whence ariſe Tolls and Impoſitions upon Paſ⯑ſengers and Travellers; and on the other hand, Treſpaſſes and Incroach⯑ments upon Lands adjacent, to the great Damage of the Owners.

The Rate for the High-Ways is the moſt Arbitrary and Unequal Tax in the Kingdom; in ſome places two or three Rates of 6 d. per. l. in the year, in others the whole Pariſh cannot raiſe wherewith to defray the Charge, either by the very bad condition of the Road, or diſtance of Materials; in others the Surveyors raiſe what they never Expend; and the Abuſes, Ex⯑actions, Connivances, Frauds, and Embezlements, are innumerable.

The Romans, while they Govern'd this Iſland, made it one of their prin⯑cipal cares to Make and Repair the High-Ways of the Kingdom, and the [70] Chief Roads we now uſe, are of their Marking out; the Conſequence of maintaining them was ſuch, or at leaſt ſo eſteem'd, that they thought it not below them to Employ their Le⯑gionary Troops in the Work; and it was ſometimes the Buſineſs of whole Armies, either when in Winter-quar⯑ters, or in the intervals of Truce or Peace with the Natives. Nor have the Romans left us any greater tokens of their Grandeur and Magnificence, than the ruins of thoſe Cauſways and Street⯑ways which are at this day to be ſeen in many parts of the Kingdom; ſome of which has by the viſible Remains been diſcover'd to traverſe the whole Kingdom; and others for more than an Hundred Miles are to be trac'd from Colony to Colony, as they had particular occaſion. The famous High-Way, or Street, call'd Watling⯑ſtreet, which ſome will tell you began [71] at London-ſtone, and paſſing that very Street in the City, which we to this day call by that Name, went on Weſt to that ſpot where Tyburn now ſtands, and then turn'd North-Weſt in ſo ſtraight a line to St. Albans, that 'tis now the exacteſt Road (in one Line for Twenty Miles) in the King⯑dom; and tho' diſus'd now as the Chief, yet is as good, and I believe the beſt Road to St. Albans, and is ſtill call'd the Street-way: From whence it is trac'd into Shropſhire above an Hundred and ſixty Miles, with a multitude of viſible Antiquities upon it, Diſcover'd and Deſcrib'd very A⯑curately by Mr. Cambden. The Foſſe, another Roman Work, lies at this day as viſible, and as plain a high Cauſ⯑way, of above Thirty Foot broad, Ditch'd on either ſide, and Cop'd and Pav'd where need is, as exact and eve⯑ry jot as beautiful as the King's new [72] Road through Hide-Park; in which figure it now lies from near Marſhfield to Cirenceſter, and again from Cirenceſter to the Hill Three Miles on this ſide Glou⯑ceſter, which is not leſs than Twenty ſix Miles, and is made uſe of as the great Road to thoſe Towns, and pro⯑bably has been ſo for a Thouſand Years with little Repairs.

If we ſet aſide the Barbarity and Cuſtoms of the Romans, as Heathens, and take them as a Civil Government, we muſt allow they were the Pattern of the whole World for Improvement and Increaſe of Arts and Learning, Civilizing and Methodizing Nations and Countries Conquer'd by their Valour; and if this was one of their great Cares, That conſideration ought to move ſomething. But to the great Example of that Generous People, I'le add Three Arguments.

• (1.) 'Tis Uſeful, and that as 'tis convenient for Carriages, which in a Trading Countrey is a great help to Negoce, and promotes univerſal Cor⯑reſpondence, without which our Inland Trade cou'd not be manag'd. And un⯑der this Head I cou'd name a thouſand Conveniences of a ſafe, pleaſant, well-Repair'd High-Way, both to the In⯑habitant and the Traveller; but I think 'tis needleſs.
• (2.) 'Tis eaſy. I queſtion not to make it appear 'tis eaſy, to put all the High Roads, eſpecially in England, in a noble Figure, Large, Dry, and Clean, well Drein'd and free from Floods, unpaſſable Sloughs, deep Cart⯑routs, high Ridges, and all the Incon⯑veniences they now are full of; and when once done, much eaſier ſtill to be maintain'd ſo.
• (3.) It may be Cheaper, and the whole Aſſeſment for the Repairs of [74] High-Ways for ever be Drop'd, or Appli'd to other uſes for the Publick Benefit.

Here I beg the Reader's Favour for a ſmall Digreſſion.

I am not Propoſing this as an Undertaker, or ſetting a Price to the Publick, for which I will per⯑form it like one of the Projectors I ſpeak of; but laying open a Project for the Performance, which when⯑ever the Publick Affairs will admit our Governors to Conſider of, will be found ſo feaſible, that no queſtion they may find Undertakers enough for the Performance; and in this Under⯑taking-Age I do not doubt but 'twou'd be eaſy at any time to procure Per⯑ſons at their own Charge to perform it for any ſingle County, as a Pattern and Experiment for the whole King⯑dom.

[75] The Propoſal is as follows.

Firſt, That an Act of Parliament be made, with Liberty for the Under⯑takers to Dig and Trench, to cut down Hedges and Trees, or whatever is need⯑ful for ditching, dreining and carrying off Water, cleaning, enlarging and le⯑velling the Roads, with Power to lay open or incloſe Lands; to incroach in⯑to Lands, dig, raiſe, and level Fen⯑ces, plant and pull up Hedges or Trees, for the enlarging, widening, and dreining the High-Ways, with Power to turn either the Roads, or Water-Courſes, Rivers and Brooks, as by the Directors of the Works ſhall be found needful, always allow⯑ing ſatisfaction to be firſt made to the Owners of ſuch Lands, either by aſ⯑ſigning to them equivalent Lands, or Payment in Money, the Value to [76] be adjuſted by Two indifferent Per⯑ſons, to be Named by the Lord Chan⯑cellor, or Lord Keeper for the time being; and no Water-Courſe to be turn'd from any Water-Mill, without Satisfaction firſt made both to the Landlord and Tenant.

But before I proceed, I muſt ſay a word or two to this Article.

The Chief, and almoſt the Only Cauſe of the deepneſs and foulneſs of the Roads, is occaſion'd by the ſtand⯑ing Water, which for want of due care to draw it off by ſcouring and opening Ditches and Dreins, and o⯑ther Water-Courſes, and clearing of Paſſages, ſoaks into the Earth, and ſoftens it to ſuch a degree, that it can⯑not bear the weight of Horſes and Carriages; to prevent which, the Pow⯑er to Dig, Trench, and Cut down, &c. mention'd above, will be of abſolute neceſſity: But becauſe the liberty [77] ſeems very large, and ſome may think 'tis too great a Power to be granted to any Body of Men over their Neigh⯑bours: 'Tis anſwer'd;

• (1.) 'Tis abſolutely neceſſary, or the Work cannot be done; and the do⯑ing of the Work is of much greater Be⯑nefit than the Damage can amount to.
• (2.) Satisfaction to be made to the Owner, and that firſt too, before the Damage be done, is an Unqueſtiona⯑ble Equivalent; and Both together, I think, are a very full Anſwer to any Objection in That caſe.

Beſides this Act of Parliament, a Commiſſion muſt be granted to Fifteen, at leaſt, in the Name of the Undertakers, to whom every County ſhall have Power to join Ten, who are to Sit with the ſaid Fifteen, ſo often and ſo long as the ſaid Fifteen do Sit for Affairs relating to that County; which Fifteen, or any Seven of them, [78] ſhall be Directors of the Works, to be advis'd by the ſaid Ten, or any Five of them, in matters of Right and Claim; and the ſaid Ten to adjuſt Differences in the Countries, and to have Right by Proceſs to appeal in the name either of Lords of Man⯑nors, or Privileges of Towns or Cor⯑porations, who ſhall be either damag'd or encroach'd upon by the ſaid Work: All Appeals to be heard and determin'd immediately by the ſaid Lord Chan⯑cellor, or Commiſſion from him, that the Work may receive no Interruption.

This Commiſſion ſhall give Power to the ſaid Fifteen to preſs Wagons, Carts, and Horſes, Oxen, and Men, and detain them to work a certain Li⯑mited Time, and within certain Limi⯑ted Space of Miles from their own Dwellings, and at a certain Rate of Payment: No Men, Horſes, or Carts to be preſs'd againſt their Conſent, du⯑ring [79] the times of Hay-time, or Har⯑veſt; or upon Market-days, if the Perſon aggriev'd will make Affidavit he is oblig'd to be with his Horſes or Carts at the ſaid Markets.

It is well known to all who have any knowledge of the Condition the High-Ways in England now lye in, that in moſt places there is a convenient diſtance of Land left open for travel⯑ling, either for driving of Cattel, or marching of Troops of Horſe, with perhaps as few Lanes or Defiles, as in any Countries: The Croſs-Roads, which are generally Narrow, are yet Broad enough in moſt places for two Carriages to paſs; but on the other hand, we have on moſt of the High-Roads a great deal of waſte-Land thrown in as it were for an Overplus to the High-Way; which though it be us'd of courſe by Cattle and Travel⯑lers on occaſion, is indeed no Benefit [80] at all either to the Traveller as a Road, or to the Poor as a Common, or to the Lord of the Mannor as a Waſte; upon it grows neither Timber nor Graſs, in any quantity anſwerable to the Land; but, tho to no purpoſe, is trodden down, poach'd, and over⯑run by Drifts of Cattle in the Winter, or ſpoil'd with the Duſt in the Sum⯑mer: And this I have obſerv'd in ma⯑ny parts of England to be as good Land as any of the Neighbouring Encloſures, as capable of Improvement, and to as good purpoſe.

Theſe Lands only being enclos'd and manur'd, leaving the Roads to Dimenſions without meaſure ſufficient, are the Fund upon which I build the Prodigious Stock of Money that muſt do this Work. Theſe Lands, which I ſhall afterwards make an Eſſay to va⯑lue, being enclos'd, will be either ſale⯑able to raiſe Money, or fit to exchange [81] with thoſe Gentlemen who muſt part with ſome Land where the Ways are narrow: Always reſerving a quantity of theſe Lands to be Let out to Te⯑nants; the Rent to be paid into the Publick Stock or Bank of the Under⯑takers, and to be reſerv'd for keeping the Ways in the ſame Repair; and the ſaid Bank to forfeit the Lands if they are not ſo maintained.

Another Branch of the Stock muſt be Hands; for a Stock of Men is a Stock of Money; to which purpoſe every County, City, Town, and Pa⯑riſh, ſhall be Rated at a Set Price, equi⯑valent to Eight Years Payment for the Repair of High-ways; which each County, &c. ſhall raiſe, not by Aſ⯑ſeſsment in Money, but by preſſing of Men, Horſes, and Carriages for the Work; the Men, Horſes, &c. to be employ'd by the Directors: In which caſe all Corporal Puniſhments, [82] as of Whippings, Stocks, Pillories, Houſes of Correction, &c. might be eaſily tranſmitted to a certain Number of Days Works on the High-Ways, and in Conſideration of this pro⯑viſion of Men, the Country ſhou'd for ever after be acquitted of any Contri⯑bution, either in Money or Work, for Repair of the High-Ways, Building of Bridges excepted.

There lies ſome Popular Objection againſt this Undertaking; and the firſt is, the great Controverted Point of England, Encloſure of the Common, which tends to Depopulation, and In⯑jures the Poor.

(2.) Who ſhall be Judges or Sur⯑veyors of the Work, to Oblige the Undertakers to perform to a certain limited degree.

For the Firſt; The Encloſure of the Common; A Clauſe that runs as far as to an Incroachment upon Magna [83] Charta, and a moſt conſiderable branch of the Property of the Poor: I An⯑ſwer it thus.

• (1.) The Lands we Encloſe, are not ſuch as from which the Poor do in⯑deed reap any Benefit, or at leaſt any that is conſiderable.
• (2.) The Bank and Publick Stock, who are to Manage this great Underta⯑king, will have ſo many little Labours to perform, and Offices to beſtow, that are fit only for Labouring Poor Perſons to do, as will put them in a condition to provide for the Poor who are ſo Injur'd, that can work; and to thoſe who cannot, may allow Penſions for Overſeeing, Superviſing, and the like, which will be more than Equi⯑valent.
• (3.) For Depopulations, the con⯑trary ſhou'd be ſecur'd, by obliging the Undertakers, at ſuch and ſuch certain diſtances, to erect Cottages, Two at leaſt [84] in a place, which wou'd be uſeful to the Work, and ſafety of the Traveller, to which ſhou'd be an Allotment of Land, always ſufficient to invite the Poor Inhabitant, in which the Poor ſhou'd be Tenant for Life Gratis, do⯑ing Duty upon the High-Way, as ſhou'd be appointed; by which, and many other Methods, the Poor ſhou'd be great Gainers by the Propoſal, in⯑ſtead of being Injur'd.
• (4.) By this erecting of Cottages at proper diſtances, a Man might Tra⯑vel over all England as through a Street, where he cou'd never want, either Re⯑ſcue from Thieves, or Directions for his way.
• (5.) This very Undertaking once duly ſettled, might in a few Years ſo order it, that there ſhou'd be no Poor for the Common; and if ſo, What need of a Common for the Poor? Of which in its proper place.

[85] As to the ſecond Objection, Who ſhou'd oblige the Undertakers to the Performance?

• (1.) I Anſwer, Their Commiſſion and Charter ſhou'd become Void, and all their Stock Forfeit, and the Lands Encloſed and Unſold, remain as a Pledge, which wou'd be Security ſuffi⯑cient.
• (2.) The Ten Perſons choſen out of every County, ſhou'd have Power to Inſpect and Complain, and the Lord Chancellor upon ſuch Com⯑plaint, to make a Survey, and to de⯑termine by a Jury, in which caſe on Default, they ſhall be oblig'd to pro⯑ceed.
• (3.) The Lands ſettled on the Bank ſhall be liable to be extended for the Uſes mentioned, if the ſame at any time be not maintained in the conditi⯑on at firſt provided, and the Bank to be amerc'd upon Complaint of the Coun⯑trey.

[86] Theſe and other Conditions, which on a Legal Settlement to be made by Wiſer Heads than mine, might be thought on, I do believe wou'd form a Conſtitution ſo firm, ſo fair, and ſo equally Advantageous to the Coun⯑try, to the Poor, and to the Publick, as has not been put in practice in theſe latter Ages of the World. To Di⯑ſcourſe of this a little in general, and to inſtance in a Place, perhaps, that has not its fellow in the Kingdom, the Pariſh of Iſlington in Middleſex; there lies through this large Pariſh the greateſt Road in England, and the moſt frequented, eſpecially by Cattle for Smithfield-Market; this great Road has ſo many Branches, and lies for ſo long a way through the Pariſh, and withal has the inconvenience of a Clayey Ground, and no Gravel at hand, that, modeſtly ſpeaking, the Pariſh is not able to keep it in Repair, by which [87] means ſeveral Croſs-Roads in the Pa⯑riſh lie wholly Unpaſſable, and Carts and Horſes, and Men too, have been almoſt Buried in Holes and Sloughs, and the main Road it ſelf has for ma⯑ny Years lain in a very ordinary con⯑dition, which occaſion'd ſeveral Moti⯑ons in Parliament to Raiſe a Toll at Highgate, for the performance of what it was impoſſible the Pariſh ſhou'd do, and yet was of ſo abſolute neceſſity to be done; And is it not very probable the Pariſh of Iſlington wou'd part with all the waſte Land upon their Roads, to be eas'd of the intolerable Aſſeſsment for Repair of the High-Way, and anſwer the Poor, who reap but a ſmall Bene⯑fit from it, ſome other way? And yet I am free to affirm, That for a Grant of Waſte, and almoſt uſeleſs Land, lying open to the High-Way, thoſe Lands to be improv'd, as they might eaſily be, together with the Eight [88] Years Aſſeſsment to be provided in Workmen, a noble Magnificent Cauſe⯑way might be Erected, with Ditches on either ſide deep enough to receive the Water, and Dreins ſufficient to carry it off, which Cauſway ſhou'd be Four Foot High at leaſt, and from Thirty to Forty Foot Broad, to reach from London to Barnet, pav'd in the middle, to keep it Cop'd, and ſo ſuppli'd with Gravel, and other proper Materials, as ſhou'd ſecure it from Decay with ſmall Repairing.

I hope no Man wou'd be ſo weak now, as to imagine that by Lands ly⯑ing open to the Road, to be Aſſign'd to the Undertakers, I ſhou'd mean that all Finchly-Common ſhou'd be Enclos'd and Sold for this Work; but leaſt ſomebody ſhou'd ſtart ſuch a prepoſte⯑rous Objection, I think 'tis not im⯑proper to mention, That where-ever a High-Way is to be carri'd over a [89] Large Common, Foreſt, or Waſte without a Hedge on either hand for a certain diſtance, there the ſeveral Pa⯑riſhes ſhall allot the Directors a certain quantity of the Common to lie Pa⯑rallel with the Road, at a propor⯑tioned number of Feet to the Length and Breadth of the ſaid Road; con⯑ſideration alſo to be had to the Nature of the Ground, or elſe giving them only room for the Road directly, ſhall ſuffer them to Encloſe in any one Spot ſo much of the ſaid Common, as ſhall be equivalent to the like quantity of Land lying by the Road; thus where the Land is good, and the Materials for erecting a Cauſway near, the leſs Land may ſerve; and on the contra⯑ry the more; but in general, allowing them the quantity of Land propor⯑tioned to the length of the Cauſway, and Forty Rod in Breadth, tho' where the Land is poor, as on Downs and [90] Plains, the Proportion muſt be con⯑ſider'd to be adjuſted by the Coun⯑try.

Another Point for the Dimenſions of Roads, ſhou'd be adjuſted; and the Breadth of them, I think, cannot be leſs than thus:

From London every way 10 Miles the High Poſt-Road to be Built full 40 Foot in Breadth, and 4 Foot High, the Ditches 8 Foot Broad, and 6 Foot Deep, and from thence onward 30 Foot, and ſo in Proportion.

Croſs Roads to be 20 Foot Broad, and Ditches Proportion'd; no Lanes and Paſſes leſs than 9 Foot without Ditches.

The Middle of the High Cauſe⯑ways to be Pav'd with Stone, Chalk, or Gravel, and kept always Two Foot Higher than the Sides, that the Water might have a free courſe into the Ditch⯑es, and Perſons kept in conſtant Em⯑ploy [91] to fill up Holes, let out Water, open Dreins, and the like, as there ſhou'd be occaſion: A proper Work for Highwaymen, and ſuch Malefa⯑ctors, as might on thoſe Services be exempt'd from the Gallows.

It may here be Objected, That Eight Years Aſſeſsment to be demand⯑ed down, is too much in reaſon to expect any of the Poorer ſort can pay; as for Inſtance; If a Farmer who keeps a Team of Horſe be at the common Aſſeſsment, to Work a Week, it muſt not be put ſo hard upon any Man, as to Work Eight Weeks toge⯑ther. 'Tis eaſy to Anſwer this Obje⯑ction.

So many as ate wanted, muſt be had; if a Farmer's Team cannot be ſpar'd without prejudice to him ſo long together, he may ſpare it at ſun⯑dry times, or agree to be Aſſeſs'd, and pay the Aſſeſsment at ſundry Pay⯑ments; [92] and the Bank may make it as eaſy to them as they pleaſe.

Another Method, however, might be found to fix this Work at once; As ſuppoſe a Bank be ſettled for the High⯑ways of the County of Middleſex, which as they are, without doubt, the moſt us'd of any in the Kingdom, ſo alſo they require the more Charge, and in ſome Parts lie in the worſt Condi⯑tion of any in the Kingdom.

If the Parliament fix the Charge of the Survey of the High-Ways upon a Bank to be Appointed for that Pur⯑poſe, for a certain term of Years, the Bank Undertaking to do the Work, or to Forfeit the ſaid Settlement.

As thus:

Suppoſe the Tax on Land, and Tenements for the whole County of Middleſex, does, or ſhou'd be ſo or⯑der'd, as it might amount to 20000 l. per Ann. more or leſs, which it now [93] does, and much more, including the Work of the Farmer's Teams, which muſt be accounted as Money, and is equivalent to it, with ſome Allowance to be Rated for the City of London, &c. who do enjoy the Benefit, and make the moſt uſe of the ſaid Roads, both for carrying of Goods, and bringing Proviſions to the City, and therefore in reaſon ought to Contribute towards the High-ways; for it is a moſt un⯑equal thing, that the Road from High⯑gate to Smithfield-Market, by which the whole City is, in a manner, ſup⯑pli'd with Live Cattel, and the Road by thoſe Cattel horribly ſpoil'd, ſhou'd lie all upon that one Pariſh of Iſlington to Repair; wherefore I'le ſuppoſe a Rate for the High-ways to be gather'd through the City of London of 10000 l. per Ann. more; which may be Ap⯑pointed to be paid by Carriers, Dro⯑vers, and all ſuch as keep Teams, [94] Horſes, or Coaches, and the like, or many ways, as is moſt Equal and Rea⯑ſonable; the waſte Lands in the ſaid County, which by the Conſent of the Pariſhes, Lords of the Mannors, and Proprietors, ſhall be allow'd to the Undertakers when Enclos'd and Let out, may (the Land in Middleſex generally Letting high) amount to 5000 l. per Ann. more. If then an Act of Parliament be procur'd to ſettle the Tax of 30000 l. per Ann. for Eight Years, moſt of which will be Levi'd in Workmen, and not in Money, and the Waſte Lands for ever: I dare be bold to offer, That the High-Ways for the whole County of Middleſex ſhou'd be put into the following Form, and the 5000 l. per Ann. Land be bound to remain as a Security to main⯑tain them ſo, and the County be ne⯑ver Burthen'd with any further Tax for the Repair of the High-Ways.

[95] And that I may not Propoſe a Mat⯑ter in General, like begging the Que⯑ſtion, without Demonſtration, I ſhall enter into the Particulars, How it may be perform'd, and that under theſe following Heads of Articles.

• (1.) What I Propoſe to do to the High-Ways.
• (2.) What the Charge will be.
• (3.) How to be Rais'd.
• (4.) What Security for Performance.
• (5.) What Profit to the Undertaker.

(1.) What I Propoſe to do to the High-Ways.

I Anſwer Firſt, Not Repair them; And yet Secondly, Not alter them, that is, not alter the Courſe they run.

But perfectly Build them as a Fa⯑brick. And to deſcend to the Particulars, [96] 'tis firſt neceſſary to Note, which are the Roads I mean, and their Dimen⯑ſions.

Firſt, The High Poſt-Roads, and they are for the County of Middleſex as follows.

Beſides theſe, there are Croſs-Roads, By-Roads, and Lanes, which muſt alſo be look'd after, and that ſome of them may be put into Condition, others may be wholly ſlighted and ſhut up, or made Drift-ways, Bridle-ways, or Foot-ways, as may be thought con⯑venient by the Countries.

[97] The Croſs-Roads of moſt Repute are as follows:

And becauſe there may be many Parts of the Croſs-Roads which can⯑not be accounted in the Number a⯑bove-mention'd, or may ſlip my knowledge or memory, I allow an overplus of 50 Miles, to be added to the 90 Miles above, which together makes the Croſs-Roads of Middleſex to be 140 Miles.

[98] For the By-Lanes, ſuch as may be ſlighted need nothing but to be ditch'd up; ſuch as are for private uſe of Lands, for carrying off Corn, and driving Cattle, are to be look'd after by pri⯑vate hands.

But of the laſt ſort, not to be ac⯑counted by Particulars, in the ſmall County of Middleſex, we cannot al⯑low leſs in Croſs By-lanes, from Village to Village, and from Dwell⯑ing-Houſes which ſtand out of the way to the Roads, than 1000 Miles

So in the whole County I reckon up,

Theſe are the Roads I mean, and thus divided under their ſeveral deno⯑minations.

[99] To the Queſtion, What I wou'd do to them? I Anſwer,

• (1.) For the 67 Miles of High Poſt-Road, I Propoſe to throw up a firm ſtrong Cauſway well bottom'd, 6 Foot high in the middle, and 4 Foot on the ſide, fac'd with Brick or Stone, and crown'd with Gravel, Chalk, or Stone, as the ſeveral Countries they are made through will afford, being 44 Foot in Breadth, with Ditches on either ſide 8 Foot Broad and 4 Foot Deep; ſo the whole Breadth will be 60 Foot, if the Ground will permit.

  At the end of every Two Miles, or ſuch like convenient diſtances, ſhall be a Cottage Erected, with Half an Acre of Ground allow'd, which ſhall be given Gratis, with 1 s. per Week Wages, to ſuch Poor Man of the Pa⯑riſh, as ſhall be approv'd, who ſhall Once, at leaſt, every day, view his Walk, to open Paſſages for the Water [100] to run into the Ditches, to fill up Holes or ſoft Places.

  Two Riders ſhall be allow'd to be always moving the Rounds, to view every thing out of Repair, and make Report to the Directors, and to ſee that the Cottagers do their Duty.

• (2.) For the 140 Miles of Croſs-Road, a like Cauſway to be made, but of different Dimenſions, the Breadth 20 Foot, if the Ground will allow it, the Ditches 4 Foot Broad, 3 Foot Deep, the Heighth in the middle 3 Foot, and on the ſides 1 Foot, or 2 where it may be needful; to be alſo crown'd with Gravel, and 1 s. per Week to be allow'd to the Poor of every Pariſh, the Conſtables to be Bound to find a Man to Walk on the High-Way every Diviſion, for the ſame Purpoſe as the Cottagers do on the Greater Roads.

  Poſts to be ſet up at every turning [101] to Note whither it goes, for the Di⯑rection of Strangers, and how many Miles diſtant.

  (3.) For a 1000 Miles By-Lanes, only good and ſufficient Care to keep them in Repair as they are, and to carry the Water off by clearing and cutting the Ditches, and laying Ma⯑terials where it is wanted.

This is what I Propoſe to do to them; and what if once perform'd, I ſuppoſe all People wou'd own to be an Undertaking both Uſeful and Honour⯑able.

(2.) The Second Queſtion I Pro⯑poſe to give an Account of, is, What the Charge will be.

Which I account thus;

The Work of the great Cauſway I Propoſe, ſhall not Coſt leſs than 10 s. per Foot, ſuppoſing Materials to be Bought, Carriage and Mens La⯑bour to be all Hir'd, which for 67 [102] Miles in Length, is no leſs than the Sum of 176880 Pounds; as thus,

Every Mile accounted at 1760 Yards, and 3 Foot to the Yard, is 5280 Foot, which at 10 s. per Foot, is 2640 l. per Mile, and that again Multiplied by 67, makes the ſum of 176880, into which I include the Charge of Water-Courſes, Mills to throw off Water where needful, Dreins, &c.

To this Charge muſt be added, Ditching to Encloſe Land for 30 Cot⯑tages, and Building 30 Cottages at 40 l. each, which is 1200 l.

The Work of the ſmaller Cauſway I Propoſe to finiſh at the Rate of 12 d. per Foot, which being for 140 Miles in Length, at 5280 Foot per Mile, amounts to 36960 l.

Ditching, Dreining, and Repairing 1000 Miles, ſuppos'd at 3 s. per Rod, as for 320000 Rod, is 48000 l. which [103] added to the Two former Accounts, is thus,

If I were to Propoſe ſome Mea⯑ſures for the eaſing this Charge, I cou'd, perhaps, lay a Scheme down how it may be perform'd for leſs than one half of this Charge.

As firſt, By a grant of the Court at the Old-Baily, whereby all ſuch Cri⯑minals as are Condemn'd to Die for ſmaller Crimes, may inſtead of Tran⯑ſportation be Order'd a Year's Work on the High-Ways; others inſtead of Whippings, a proportion'd Time, and the like; which wou'd, by a mo⯑derate computation, provide us gene⯑rally [104] a ſupply of 200 Workmen, and coming in as faſt as they go off; and let the Overſeers alone to make them Work.

Secondly, By an Agreement with the Guinea-Company to furniſh 200 Negroes, who are generally Perſons that do a great deal of Work; and all theſe are Subſiſted very reaſonably out of a Publick Store-houſe.

Thirdly, By Carts and Horſes to be Bought, not Hir'd, with a few Able Carters; and to the other a few Workmen that have Judgment to Di⯑rect the reſt; and thus I queſtion not the Great Cauſway ſhall be done for 4 s. per Foot Charge; but of this by the by.

Fourthly, A Liberty to ask Chari⯑rities and Benevolences to the Work.

(3.) To the Queſtion, How this Money ſhall be Rais'd? I think if the Parliament ſettle the Tax on the [105] County for Eight Years, at 30000 l. per Ann. no Man need ask, how it ſhall be Rais'd,—It will be eaſy enough to Raiſe the Money; and no Pariſh can grudge to pay a little larger Rate for ſuch a Term, on condition never to be Tax'd for the High-Ways any more.

Eight Years Aſſeſsment at 30000 l. per Ann. is enough to afford to Bor⯑row the Money by way of Anticipa⯑tion, if need be, the Fund being ſecur'd by Parliament, and appropriated to that Uſe and no other.

As to what Security for Perform⯑ance:

The Lands which are Enclos'd may be appropriated by the ſame Act of Parliament to the Bank and Underta⯑kers, upon condition of Performance, and to be Forfeit to the uſe of the ſe⯑veral Pariſhes to which they belong, in caſe upon Preſentation by the Grand [106] Juries, and reaſonable Time given, any part of the Roads in ſuch and ſuch Pariſhes, be not kept and main⯑tain'd in that Poſture they are Pro⯑pos'd to be. Now the Lands thus ſettled are an eternal Security to the Country, for the keeping the Roads in Repair; becauſe they will always be of ſo much Value over the need⯑ful Charge, as will make it worth while to the Undertakers to preſerve their Title to them; and the Tenure of them being ſo precarious, as to be liable to Forfeiture on Default, they will always be careful to uphold the Cauſways.

Laſtly, What Profit to the Under⯑takers? For we muſt allow them to Gain, and that conſiderably, or no Man wou'd undertake ſuch a Work.

To this I propoſe, Firſt,

During the Work allow them out of the Stock 3000 l. per Ann. for Ma⯑nagement.

[107] After the Work is finiſh'd, ſo much of the 5000 l. per Ann. as can be ſav'd, and the Roads kept in good Repair, let be their own; and if the Lands Secur'd be not of the Value of 5000 l. a Year, let ſo much of the Eight Years Tax be ſet apart as may Pur⯑chaſe Land to make them up; if they come to more, let the Benefit be to the Adventurers.

It may be Objected here, That a Tax of 30000 l. for Eight Years will come in as faſt as it can well be laid out, and ſo no Anticipations will be requiſite; for the whole Work Pro⯑pos'd cannot be probably finiſhed in leſs Time; and if ſo,

which is 13000 l. more than the [108] Charge; and if the Work be done ſo much Cheaper, as is mentioned, the Profit to the Undertaker will be Un⯑reaſonable.

To this I ſay, I wou'd have the Undertakers bound to accept the Sal⯑lary of 3000 l. per Ann. for Manage⯑ment, and if a whole Years Tax can be ſpar'd, either leave it Unrais'd up⯑on the Country, or put it in Bank to be improv'd againſt any occaſion, of Building, perhaps, a great Bridge; or ſome very wet Seaſon, or Froſt, may ſo Damnify the Works, as to make them require more than ordinary Re⯑pair. But the Undertakers ſhou'd make no private Advantage of ſuch an Overplus, there might be ways enough found for it.

Another Objection lies againſt the Poſſibility of Encloſing the Lands up⯑on the Waſte, which generally belongs [109] to ſome Mannor, whoſe different Te⯑nures may be ſo croſs, and ſo other⯑wiſe encumbred, that even the Lord of thoſe Mannors, though they were willing, cou'd not Convey them.

This may be Anſwer'd in General, That an Act of Parliament is Omni⯑potent with reſpect to Titles and Te⯑nures of Land, and can Empower Lords and Tenants to Conſent to what elſe they cou'd not; as to Particulars, they cannot be Anſwer'd till they are Propos'd; but there is no doubt but an Act of Parliament may adjuſt it all in one Head.

What a Kingdom wou'd England be if this were perform'd in all the Counties of it! and yet I believe it is feaſible, even in the worſt. I have narrowly obſerv'd all the Conſiderable Ways in that unpaſſable County of Suſſex, which eſpecially in ſome parts in the Wild, as they very properly call [110] it, of the County, hardly admits the Countrey People to Travel to Mar⯑kets in Winter, and makes Corn dear at Market becauſe it can't be brought, and cheap at the Farmer's Houſe be⯑cauſe he can't carry it to Market; yet even in that County wou'd I un⯑dertake to carry on this Propoſal, and that to great Advantage, if back'd with the Authority of an Act of Par⯑liament.

I have ſeen in that horrible Coun⯑try the Road 60 to 100 Yards Broad, lie from ſide to ſide all Poach'd with Cattel, the Land of no manner of Benefit, and yet no going with a Horſe, but at every ſtep up to the Shoulders, full of Sloughs and Holes, and covered with ſtanding-water. It coſts them incredible Sums of Money to Repair them; and the very Places that are mended, wou'd fright a young Traveller to go over them: The Ro⯑mans [111] Maſter'd this Work, and by a firm Cauſeway made a High-way quite through this deep Country, through Darkin in Surry to Stanſted, and thence to Okeley, and ſo on to Arundel; its Name tells us what it was made of; for it was call'd Stone⯑ſtreet, and many viſible parts of it re⯑main to this day.

Now would any Lord of a Mannor refuſe to allow 40 Yards in breadth out of that Road I mention'd, to have the other 20 made into a Firm, Fair, and Pleaſant Cauſeway over that Wilder⯑neſs of a Countrey?

Or would not any man acknow⯑ledge, That putting this Country into a condition for Carriages and Travellers to paſs, would be a great Work? The Gentlemen would find the Benefit of it in the Rent of their Land, and Price of their Timber; the Countrey Peo⯑ple would find the difference in the [112] Sale of their Goods, which now they cannot carry beyond the firſt Market-Town, and hardly thither; and the whole County would reap an Advan⯑tage an hundred to one greater than the Charge of it. And ſince the Want we feel of any Convenience is gene⯑rally the firſt Motive to Contrivance for a Remedy, I wonder no man ever thought of ſome Expedient for ſo con⯑ſiderable a Defect.

Of ASSURANCES.

ASSURANCES among Mer⯑chants I believe may plead Pre⯑ſcription, and has been of uſe time out of mind in Trade; tho perhaps never ſo much a Trade as now.

'Tis a Compact among Merchants. Its beginning being an Accident to [113] Trade, and aroſe from the Diſeaſe of Mens Tempers, who having run lar⯑ger Adventures in a ſingle Bottom than afterwards they found convenient, grew fearful and uneaſy; and diſco⯑vering their uneaſineſs to others, who, perhaps, had no Effects in the ſame Veſſel, they offer to bear part of the Hazard for part of the Profit; Con⯑venience made this a Cuſtom, and Cuſtom brought it into a Method, till at laſt it becomes a Trade.

I cannot queſtion the Lawfulneſs of it, ſince all Riſque in Trade is for Gain; and when I am neceſſitated to have a greater Cargo of Goods in ſuch or ſuch a Bottom, than my Stock can afford to loſe, another may ſurely offer to go a Part with me; and as 'tis juſt if I give another part of the Gain, he ſhou'd run part of the Riſque, ſo it is as juſt, that if he runs part of my Riſque, he ſhou'd have part [114] of the Gain. Some Object the diſ⯑parity of the Premio to the Hazard, when the Enſurer runs the Riſque of 100 l. on the Seas from Jamaica to Lon⯑don for 40 s. which, ſay they, is pre⯑poſterous and unequal. Though this Objection is hardly worth Anſwering to Men of Buſineſs, yet it looks ſome⯑thing fair to them that know no bet⯑ter; and for the Information of ſuch, I trouble the Reader with a few Heads.

Firſt, They muſt conſider the Enſu⯑rer is out no Stock.

Secondly, It is but one Riſque the Enſurer runs, whereas the Aſſured has had a Riſque out, a Riſque of Debts abroad, a Riſque of a Market, and a Riſque of his Factor, and has a Riſque of a Market to come, and therefore ought to have an anſwerable Profit.

Thirdly, If it has been a Trading Voyage, perhaps, the Adventurer has Paid Three or Four ſuch Premio's, [115] which ſometimes make the Enſurer clear more by a Voyage, than the Merchant; I my ſelf have Paid 100 l. Enſurances in thoſe ſmall Premio's on a Voyage I have not gotten 50 l. by; and I ſuppoſe I am not the firſt that has done ſo neither.

This way of Aſſuring has alſo, as other Arts of Trade have, ſuffer'd ſome Improvement (if I may be al⯑low'd that Term) in our Age; and the firſt ſtep upon it, was an Enſurance-Office for Houſes to Enſure them from Fire; Common Fame gives the Pro⯑ject to Dr. Barebone; a Man, I ſup⯑poſe, better known as a Builder than a Phyſician. Whether it were his, or whoſe it was, I do not enquire; it was ſettled on a Fund of Ground-Rents, to Anſwer in caſe of Loſs, and met with very good Acceptance.

But it was ſoon follow'd by another, by way of Friendly Society; where every [116] one who Subſcribe, pay their Quota to Build up any Man's Houſe who is a Contributor, if it ſhall happen to be Burnt. I won't decide which is the Beſt, or which Succeeded beſt, but I believe the latter brings in moſt Money to the Contriver.

Only one Benefit I cannot omit which they reap from theſe Two Socie⯑ties who are not concern'd in either, That if any Fire happen, whether in Houſes Enſur'd or not Enſur'd, they have each of them a ſet of Luſty Fel⯑lows, generally Water-men, who be⯑ing immediately call'd up, where-ever they live, by Watchmen Appointed, are, it muſt be confeſs'd, very Active and Diligent in helping to put out the Fire.

As to any further Improvement to be made upon Aſſurances in Trade, no queſtion there may, and I doubt [117] not but on Payment of a ſmall Duty to the Government, the King might be made the General Enſurer of all Foreign Trade: Of which more un⯑der another Head.

I am of the opinion alſo, that an Office of Enſurance Erected to Enſure the Titles of Lands, in an Age where they are ſo precarious as now, might be a Project not unlikely to ſucceed, if Eſtabliſh'd on a good Fund. But I ſhall ſay no more to that, becauſe it ſeems to be a Deſign in hand by ſome Perſons in Town, and is indeed no Thought of my own.

Enſuring of Life I cannot admire; I ſhall ſay nothing to it; but that in Italy where Stabbing and Poyſoning is ſo much in Vogue, ſomething may be ſaid for it, and on contingent An⯑nuities; and yet I never knew the thing much approv'd of on any ac⯑count.

Of FRIENDLY-SOCIETIES.

ANother Branch of Enſurance, is by Contribution, or (to bor⯑row the Term from that before-men⯑tion'd) Friendly-Societies; which, is in ſhort, a Number of People entring into a Mutual Compact to Help one another, in caſe any Diſaſter or Di⯑ſtreſs fall upon them.

If Mankind cou'd agree, as theſe might be Regulated, all things which have Caſualty in them, might be Se⯑cur'd. But one thing is Particularly requir'd in this way of Aſſurances; None can be admitted, but ſuch whoſe Circumſtances are, at leaſt in ſome degree, alike, and ſo Mankind muſt be ſorted into Claſſes; and as their Contingences differ, every dif⯑ferent Sort may be a Society upon even Terms; for the Circumſtances of Peo⯑ple, [119] as to Life, differ extremely by the Age and Conſtitution of their Bodies, and difference of Employment; as he that lives on ſhore, againſt him that goes to Sea, or a Young Man againſt an Old Man; or a Shopkeeper againſt a Soldier, are unequal; I don't pretend to deter⯑mine the Controverted Point of Pre⯑deſtination, the Foreknowledge and De⯑crees of Providence; perhaps, if a Man be Decreed to be Kill'd in the Trenches, the ſame Foreknowledge Order'd him to Liſt himſelf a Soldier that it might come to paſs; and the like of a Sea⯑man; but this I am ſure, ſpeaking of Second Cauſes, a Seaman or a Soldier is ſubject to more contingent hazards than other Men, and therefore are not upon equal Terms to form ſuch a So⯑ciety; nor is an Annuity on the Life of ſuch a Man worth ſo much as it is upon other Men; therefore if a So⯑ciety ſhou'd agree together to Pay the [120] Executor of every Member ſo much after the Deceaſe of the ſaid Mem⯑ber, the Seamens Executors wou'd moſt certainly have an Advantage, and receive more than they Pay. So that 'tis neceſſary to ſort the World in⯑to Parcels, Seamen with Seamen, Sol⯑diers with Soldiers, and the like.

Nor is this a new thing; the Friendly Society muſt not pretend to aſſume to themſelves the Contrivance of the Me⯑thod, or think us guilty of borrowing from them, when we draw this into other Branches; for I know nothing is taken from them but the bare word, Friendly-Society, which they cannot pre⯑tend to be any conſiderable piece of Invention neither.

I can refer them to the very indivi⯑dual Practice in other things, which claims preſcription beyond the begin⯑ing of the laſt Age, and that is in our Marſhes and Fens in Eſſex, Kent, [121] and the Iſle of Ely; where great Quantities of Land being with much Pains and a vaſt Charge recovered out of the Seas and Rivers, and maintain'd with Banks (which they call Walls) the Owners of thoſe Lands agree to Contribute to the keeping up thoſe Walls, and keeping out the Sea, which is all one with a Friendly-Society; and if I have a Piece of Land in any Level or Marſh, tho' it bounds no where on the Sea or Ri⯑ver, yet I pay my Proportion to the Maintenance of the ſaid Wall or Bank; and if at any time the Sea breaks in, the Damage is not laid up⯑on the Man in whoſe Land the Breach happened, unleſs it was by his neglect, but it lies on the whole Land, and is called a Level-Lot.

Again, I have known it practiſed in Troops of Horſe, eſpecially when it was ſo order'd that the Troopers [122] Mounted themſelves; where every pri⯑vate Trooper has agreed to Pay, per⯑haps, 2 d. per diem out of his Pay into a Publick Stock, which Stock was employed to Remount any of the Troop who by Accident ſhou'd loſe his Horſe.

Again, The Sailors Contribution to the Cheſt at Chatham, is another Friendly-Society; and more might be nam'd.

To argue againſt the Lawfulneſs of this, wou'd be to cry down common Equity, as well as Charity; for as 'tis kind that my Neighbour ſhou'd Re⯑lieve me if I fall into Diſtreſs or De⯑cay; ſo 'tis but Equal he ſhou'd do ſo if I agreed to have done the ſame for him; and if God Almighty has Com⯑manded us to Relieve and Help one another in Diſtreſs, ſure it muſt be commendable to bind our ſelves by Agreement to Obey that Command; [123] nay, it ſeems to be a Project that we are led to by the Divine Rule, and has ſuch a Latitude in it, that, for ought I know, as I ſaid, all the Diſ⯑aſters in the World might be prevent⯑ed by it, and Mankind be ſecur'd from all the Miſeries, Indigences, and Di⯑ſtreſſes that happen in the World. In which I crave leave to be a little Par⯑ticular.

Firſt, General Peace might be ſe⯑cur'd all over the World by it, if all the Powers agreed to ſuppreſs him that Uſurp'd or Encroach'd upon his Neighbour. All the Contingences of Life might be fenc'd againſt by this Method, (as Fire is already) as Thieves, Floods by Land, Storms by Sea, Loſſes of all Sorts, and Death it ſelf, in a manner, by making it up to the Survivor.

I ſhall begin with the Seamen; for as their Lives are ſubject to more ha⯑zards [124] than others, they ſeem to come firſt in view.

Of WAGERING.

WAGERING, as now pra⯑ctis'd by Polities and Con⯑tracts, is become a Branch of Aſſu⯑rances; it was before more properly a part of Gaming, and as it deſerv'd, had but a very low eſteem; but [172] ſhifting ſides, and the War providing proper ſubjects, as the contingences of Sieges, Battles, Treaties, and Campaigns, it encreas'd to an extraordinary Repu⯑tation, and Offices were erected on purpoſe which manag'd it to a ſtrange degree and with great Advantage, eſpecially to the Office-keepers; ſo that as has been computed, there was not leſs Gaged on one ſide and other upon the ſecond Siege of Limerick, than Two hundred thouſand Pound.

How 'tis manag'd, and by what trick and artifice it became a Trade, and how inſenſibly Men were drawn into it, an eaſy Account may be given.

I believe Novelty was the firſt wheel that ſet it on work, and I need make no reflection upon the power of that Charm: It was wholly a new thing, at leaſt upon the Exchange of London; and the firſt occaſion that gave [173] it a room among publick Diſcourſe, was ſome Perſons forming Wagers on the Return and Succeſs of King James, for which the Government took occa⯑ſion to uſe them as they deſerv'd.

I have heard a Bookſeller in King James's time ſay, That if he wou'd have a Book ſell, he wou'd have it Burnt by the hand of the Common Hangman; the Man, no doubt, valu'd his Profit above his Reputation; but People are ſo addicted to proſecute a thing that ſeems forbid, that this very practice ſeem'd to be encourag'd by its being Contraband.

The Trade encreas'd, and firſt on the Exchange and then in Coffee-houſes it got life, till the Brokers, thoſe Ver⯑min of Trade, got hold of it, and then particular Offices were ſet apart for it, and an incredible reſort thi⯑ther was to be ſeen every day.

Theſe Offices had not been long in [174] being, but they were throng'd with Sharpers and Setters as much as the Groom-Porter's, or any Gaming-Or⯑dinary in Town, where a Man had nothing to do, but to make a good Figure and prepare the Keeper of the Office to give him a Credit as a good Man, and though he had not a Groat to pay, he ſhou'd take Guineas and ſign Polities, till he had receiv'd, perhaps 3 or 400 l. in Money on condition to pay great Odds, and then Succeſs tries the Man; if he Wins, his Fortune is made; if not, he's a better Man than he was before, by juſt ſo much Mo⯑ney, for as to the Debt, he is your Humble Servant in the Temple or Whitehall.

But beſides thoſe who are but the Thieves of the Trade, there is a Me⯑thod as effectual to get Money as poſ⯑ſible, manag'd with more appearing Honeſty, but no leſs Art, by which [175] the Wagerer, in Confederacy with the Office-keeper, ſhall lay vaſt Sums, great Odds, and yet be always ſure to Win.

For Example:

A Town in Flanders, or elſewhere, during the War is beſieg'd; perhaps at the beginning of the Siege the De⯑fence is vigorous, and Relief probable, and it is the opinion of moſt people, the Town will hold out ſo long, or perhaps not be taken at all: The Wa⯑gerer has two or three more of his fort in conjunction, of which always the Office-keeper is one; and they run down all diſcourſe of the taking the Town, and offer great Odds it ſhall not be taken by ſuch a day: Perhaps this goes on a Week, and then the Scale turns; and tho' they ſeem to hold the ſame opinion ſtill, yet under⯑hand the Office-keeper has Orders to Take all the Odds which by their Ex⯑ample [176] was before given, againſt the taking the Town; and ſo all their firſt-given Odds are eaſily ſecur'd, and yet the people brought into a vein of Betting againſt the Siege of the Town too. Then they order all the Odds to be Taken as long as they will run, while they themſelves openly give Odds, and ſign Polities, and often⯑times take their own Money, till they have receiv'd perhaps double what they at firſt laid. Then they turn the Scale at once, and cry down the Town, and lay that it ſhall be taken, till the length of the firſt Odds is fully run; and by this Manage, if the Town be taken they win perhaps Two or Three Thouſand Pounds, and if it be not taken, they are no Loſers neither.

'Tis viſible by experience, not one Town in ten is beſieg'd, but 'tis taken. The Art of War is ſo improv'd, and our Generals are ſo wary, that an Ar⯑my [177] ſeldom attempts a Siege, but when they are almoſt ſure to go on with it; and no Town can hold out, if a Re⯑lief cannot be had from abroad.

Now if I can by firſt laying 500 l. to 200 l. with A, that the Town ſhall not be taken, wheedle in B to lay me 5000 l. to 2000 l. of the ſame; and after that, by bringing down the Vogue of the Siege, reduce the Wagers to Even-hand, and lay 2000 l. with C that the Town ſhall not be taken; by this Method, 'tis plain,

• If the Town be not Taken, I win 2200 l. and loſe 2000 l.
• If the Town be Taken, I win 5000 l. and loſe 2500 l.

This is Gaming by Rule, and in ſuch a Knot 'tis impoſſible to loſe; for if it is in any Man's or Company of Men's power, by any Artifice to alter [178] the Odds, 'tis in their power to com⯑mand the Money out of every man's Pocket, who has no more Wit than to venture.

Of FOOLS.

OF all Perſons who are Objects of our Charity, none move my Compaſſion, like thoſe whom it has pleas'd God to leave in a full ſtate of Health and Strength, but depriv'd of Reaſon to act for themſelves. And it is, in my opinion, one of the great⯑eſt Scandals upon the Underſtanding of others, to mock at thoſe who want it. Upon this account I think the Ho⯑ſpital we call Bedlam, to be a Noble Foundation; a viſible Inſtance of the ſenſe our Anceſtors had of the greateſt Unhappineſs which can befal Human [179] Kind: Since as the Soul in Man di⯑ſtinguiſhes him from a Brute, ſo where the Soul is dead (for ſo it is as to act⯑ing) no Brute ſo much a Beaſt as a Man. But ſince never to have it, and to have loſt it, are ſynonimous in the Effect, I wonder how it came to paſs, that in the Settlement of that Hoſpital they made no Proviſion for Perſons born without the uſe of their Reaſon, ſuch as we call Fools, or, more pro⯑perly, Naturals.

We uſe ſuch in England with the laſt Contempt, which I think is a ſtrange Error, ſince tho' they are uſeleſs to the Commonwealth, they are only ſo by God's direct Providence, and no pre⯑vious Fault.

I think 'twould very well become this Wiſe Age to take care of ſuch: And perhaps they are a particular Rent-Charge on the Great Family of Mankind, left by the Maker of us all; [180] like a Younger Brother, who tho' the Eſtate be given from him, yet his Fa⯑ther expected the Heir ſhould take ſome care of him.

If I were to be ask'd, Who ought in particular to be charg'd with this Work? I would anſwer in general, Thoſe who have a Portion of Under⯑ſtanding extraordinary: Not that I would lay a Tax upon any man's Brains, or diſcourage Wit, by appoint⯑ing Wiſe Men to maintain Fools: But ſome Tribute is due to God's Good⯑neſs for beſtowing extraordinary Gifts; and who can it be better paid to, than ſuch as ſuffer for want of the ſame Bounty?

For the providing therefore ſome Subſiſtence for ſuch, that Natural De⯑fects may not be expos'd:

[181] It is Propos'd,

That a Fool-Houſe be Erected, either by Publick Authority, or by the City, or by an Act of Parliament; into which, all that are Naturals, or born Fools, without Reſpect or Diſtinction, ſhould be admitted and maintain'd.

For the Maintenance of this, a ſmall ſtated Contribution, ſettl'd by the Au⯑thority of an Act of Parliament, with⯑out any Damage to the Perſons pay⯑ing the ſame, might be very eaſily rais'd, by a Tax upon Learning, to be paid by the Authors of Books.

This Tax to be paid into the Cham⯑ber of London for the ſpace of Twen⯑ty Years, would without queſtion raiſe a Fund ſufficient to Build and Purchaſe a Settlement for this Houſe.

I ſuppoſe this little Tax being to be rais'd at ſo few places as the Printing-Preſſes, or the Licenſers of Books, and conſequently the Charge but very ſmall in gathering, might bring in a⯑bout 1500 l. per Annum, for the term of Twenty Years, which would per⯑form the Work to the degree follow⯑ing.

The Houſe ſhould be Plain and Decent, (for I don't think the Oſtenta⯑tion [183] of Buildings neceſſary or ſuitable to Works of Charity); and be built ſomewhere out of Town, for the ſake of the Air.

The Building to coſt about 1000 l. or if the Revenue exceed, to coſt 2000 l. at moſt, and the Salaries mean in proportion.

In the Houſe,

[184] Here I ſuppoſe 1500 Pounds per Ann. Revenue, to be ſettl'd upon the Houſe, which 'tis very probable might be rais'd from the Tax afore⯑ſaid. But ſince an Act of Parliament is neceſſary to be had for the Collecting this Duty, and that Taxes for keeping of Fools would be difficultly obtain'd, while they are ſo much wanted for Wiſe Men; I would propoſe to raiſe the Money by voluntary Charity, which wou'd be a Work would leave more Honour to the Undertakers, than Feaſts and great Shows, which our Publick Bodies too much diminiſh their Stocks with.

But to paſs all ſuppoſitious ways, which are eaſily thought of, but hard⯑ly procur'd; I propoſe to maintain Fools out of our own Folly: And whereas a great deal of Money has been thrown about in Lotteries, the following Propoſal would very eaſily perfect our Work.

[185] A Charity-Lottery.

That a Lottery be ſet up by the Authority of the Lord-Mayor and Court of Aldermen, for a Hundred thouſand Tickets, at Twenty Shillings each, to be drawn by the known Way and Method of drawing Lotteries, as the Million-Lottery was drawn; in which no Allowance to be made to any body; but the Fortunate to re⯑ceive the full Sum of One hundred thouſand Pounds put in, without Diſcount; and yet this double Advan⯑tage to follow:

• (1.) That an immediate Sum of One hundred thouſand Pounds ſhall be rais'd and paid into the Exchequer for the Publick Uſe.
• (2.) A Sum of above Twenty thouſand Pounds be gain'd, to be put into the hands of known Truſtees, to [186] be laid out in a Charity for the Main⯑tenance of the Poor.

That as ſoon as the Money ſhall be come in, it ſhall be paid into the Ex⯑chequer, either on ſome good Fund, if any ſuitable, or on the Credit of Ex⯑chequer; and that when the Lot⯑tery is drawn, the Fortunate to receive Tallies or Bills from the Exchequer for their Money, payable at Four Years.

The Exchequer receives this Money, and gives out Tallies according to the Prizes, when 'tis drawn, all payable at Four Years; and the Intereſt of this Money for Four Years is ſtruck in Tal⯑lies proportion'd to the time, and gi⯑ven to the Truſtees; which is the Pro⯑fit I propoſe for the Work.

Thus the Fortunate have an imme⯑diate Title to their Prizes, at Four Years, without Intereſt; and the Ho⯑ſpital will have alſo an immediate Title to 6000 l. per Ann. for Four [187] Years, which is the Intereſt at 6 per Cent. per Ann.

If any ſhould object againſt the Time of ſtaying for their Prizes, it ſhould be anſwer'd thus, That who⯑ever did not like to ſtay the Time for the Money, upon diſcounting Four Years Intereſt at 8 per Cent. ſhould have their Money down.

I think this Specimen will inform any body what might be done by Lot⯑teries, were they not hackney'd about in Private Hands, who by Fraud and Ill Management put them out of Re⯑pute, and ſo neither gain themſelves, nor ſuffer any uſeful handſome Deſign to ſucceed.

'Twould be needleſs, I ſuppoſe, to mention, That ſuch a Propoſal as this ought to be ſet on foot by Publick Approbation, and by Men of known Integrity and Eſtates, that there may be no room left for a ſuſpicion of private advantage.

[188] If this or any equivalent Propoſal ſucceeded to raiſe the Money, I would have the Houſe eſtabliſh'd as aforeſaid, with larger or ſmaller Revenues, as neceſſity oblig'd; then the Perſons to be receiv'd ſhould be without diſtincti⯑on or reſpect, but principally ſuch as were really Poor and Friendleſs; and any that were kept already by any Pa⯑riſh-Collection, the ſaid Pariſh ſhould allow Forty Shillings Yearly towards their Maintenance; which no Pariſh would refuſe that ſubſiſted them whol⯑ly before.

I make no queſtion but that if ſuch an Hoſpital was erected within a Mile or two of the City, one great Circum⯑ſtance would happen, (viz.) That the common ſort of people, who are ve⯑ry much addicted to rambling in the Fields, would make this Houſe the cuſtomary Walk, to divert themſelves with the Objects to be ſeen there, and [189] to make what they call Sport with the Calamity of others; as is now ſhame⯑fully allow'd in Bedlam.

To prevent this, and that the con⯑dition of ſuch, which deſerves Pity, not Contempt, might not be the more expos'd by this Charity, it ſhould be order'd, That the Steward of the Houſe be in Commiſſion of the Peace within the Precincts of the Houſe only, and authoriz'd to puniſh by limited Fines, or otherwiſe, any perſon that ſhall offer any Abuſe to the poor Alms⯑people, or ſhall offer to make Sport at their Condition.

If any perſon at Reading of this, ſhou'd be ſo impertinent as to ask, To what purpoſe I wou'd appoint a Chaplain in an Hoſpital of Fools? I could anſwer him very well, by ſay⯑ing, For the uſe of the other Perſons, Officers and Attendants in the Houſe.

[190] But beſides that, Pray, Why not a Chaplain for Fools, as well as for Knaves, ſince both, tho' in a different manner, are uncapable of reaping any benefit by Religion, unleſs by ſome inviſible Influence they are made do⯑cible; and ſince the ſame Secret Power can reſtore theſe to their Reaſon, as muſt make the other Senſible; Pray, Why not a Chaplain? Ideots indeed were denied the Communion in the Primitive Churches, but I never read they were not to be pray'd for, or were not admitted to hear.

If we allow any Religion, and a Divine Supreme Power, whoſe In⯑fluence works inviſibly on the hearts of men (as he muſt be worſe than the people we talk of, who denies it), we muſt allow at the ſame time, that Power can reſtore the Reaſoning-Fa⯑culty to an Ideot; and 'tis our part to uſe the proper means of ſupplicating [191] Heaven to that end, leaving the diſpo⯑ſing-part to the Iſſue of unalterable Providence.

The Wiſdom of Providence has not left us without Examples of ſome of the moſt ſtupid Natural Ideots in the world, who have been reſtor'd to their Reaſon, or as one would think, had Reaſon infus'd after a long Life of Ideotiſm; Perhaps, among other wiſe ends, to confute that ſordid Suppoſiti⯑on, That Ideots have no Souls.

Of BANKRUPTS.

THis Chapter has ſome Right to ſtand next to that of Fools; for beſides the common acceptation of late, which makes every Unfortu⯑nate Man a Fool, I think no man ſo much made a Fool of as a Bankrupt.

[192] If I may be allow'd ſo much li⯑berty with our Laws, which are gene⯑rally good, and above all things are temper'd with Mercy, Lenity, and Freedom, This has ſomething in it of Barbarity; it gives a looſe to the Ma⯑lice and Revenge of the Creditor, as well as a Power to right himſelf, while it leaves the Debtor no way to ſhow himſelf honeſt: It contrives all the ways poſſible to drive the Debtor to deſpair, and encourages no new In⯑duſtry, for it makes him perfectly un⯑capable of any thing but ſtarving.

This Law, eſpecially as it is now frequently executed, tends wholly to the Deſtruction of the Debtor, and yet very little to the Ad⯑vantage of the Creditor.

(1.) The Severities to the Debtor are unreaſonable, and, if I may ſo ſay, a little inhuman; for it not only ſtrips him of all in a moment, but [193] renders him for ever incapable of help⯑ing himſelf, or relieving his Family by future Induſtry. If he 'ſcapes from Pri⯑ſon, which is hardly done too, if he has nothing left, he muſt ſtarve, or live on Charity; if he goes to work, no man dare pay him his Wages, but he ſhall pay it again to the Creditors; if he has any private Stock left for a Subſiſtence, he can put it no where; every man is bound to be a Thief, and take it from him: If he truſts it in the hands of a Friend, he muſt receive it again as a great Courteſy, for that Friend is liable to account for it. I have known a poor man proſecuted by a Statute to that degree, that all he had left was a little Money, which he knew not where to hide; at laſt, that he might not ſtarve, he gives it to his Brother, who had entertain'd him; the Brother, after he had his Money, quarrels with him to get him out of [194] his Houſe; and when he deſires him to let him have the Money lent him, gives him this for Anſwer, I cannot pay you ſafely, for there is a Statute againſt you; which run the poor man to ſuch Extremities, that he deſtroy'd himſelf. Nothing is more frequent, than for men who are reduc'd by Miſcarriage in Trade, to Compound and Set up again, and get good Eſtates; but a Statute, as we call it, for ever ſhuts up all doors to the Debtor's Recovery; as if Breaking were a Crime ſo Capital, that he ought to be caſt out of Hu⯑man Society, and expos'd to Extremi⯑ties worſe than Death. And, which will further expoſe the fruitleſs Severity of this Law, 'tis eaſy to make it ap⯑pear, That all this Cruelty to the Debtor is ſo far (generally ſpeaking) from advantaging the Creditors, that it deſtroys the Eſtate, conſumes it in extravagant Charges, and unleſs the [195] Debtor be conſenting, ſeldom makes any conſiderable Dividends. And I am bold to ſay, There is no Advan⯑tage made by the proſecuting of a Statute with Severity, but what might be doubly made by Methods more merciful. And tho' I am not to pre⯑ſcribe to the Legiſlators of the Nation, yet by way of Eſſay I take leave to give my Opinion and my Experience in the Methods, Conſequences, and Remedies of this Law.

All people know, who remember any thing of the Times when that Law was made, that the Evil it was point⯑ed at, was grown very rank, and Break⯑ing to defraud Creditors ſo much a Trade, that the Parliament had good reaſon to ſet up a Fury to deal with it; and I am far from reflecting on the Makers of that Law, who, no queſti⯑on, ſaw 'twas neceſſary at that time: But as Laws, tho' in themſelves good, [196] are more or leſs ſo, as they are more or leſs ſeaſonable, ſquar'd, and adapt⯑ed to the Circumſtances and Time of the Evil they are made againſt; ſo 'twere worth while (with Submiſſion) for the ſame Authority to examine:

• (1.) Whether the Length of Time ſince that Act was made, has not gi⯑ven opportunity to Debtors,
  • 1. To evade the Force of the Act by Ways and Shifts to avoid the Power of it, and ſecure their E⯑ſtates out of the reach of it?
  • 2. To turn the Point of it againſt thoſe whom it was made to re⯑lieve? Since we ſee frequently now, that Bankrupts deſire Statutes, and procure them to be taken out a⯑gainſt themſelves.
• (2.) Whether the Extremities of this Law are not often carried on be⯑yond the true Intent and Meaning of the Act it ſelf, by Perſons, who be⯑ſides [197] being Creditors, are alſo Malici⯑ous, and gratify their private Revenge, by proſecuting the Offender, to the Ruin of his Family.

If theſe Two Points are to be prov'd, then I am ſure 'twill follow, That this Act is now a Publick Grievance to the Nation; and I doubt not but will be one time or other repeal'd by the ſame Wiſe Authority which made it.

(1.) Time and Experience has fur⯑niſh'd the Debtors with Ways and Means to evade the Force of this Sta⯑tute, and to ſecure their Eſtate againſt the reach of it; which renders it often inſignificant, and conſequently, the Knave, againſt whom the Law was particularly bent, gets off; while he only who fails of mere Neceſſity, and whoſe honeſt Principle will not permit him to practice thoſe Methods, is ex⯑pos'd to the Fury of this Act: And as things are now order'd, nothing is [198] more eaſy, than for a man to order his Eſtate ſo, that a Statute ſhall have no power over it, or at leaſt but a little.

If the Bankrupt be a Merchant, no Statute can reach his Effects beyond the Seas; ſo that he has nothing to ſe⯑cure but his Books, and away he goes into the Friars. If a Shopkeeper, he has more difficulty; but that is made eaſy, for there are Men (and Carts) to be had, whoſe Trade it is, and who in One Night ſhall remove the greateſt Warehouſe of Goods, or Cellar of Wines in the Town, and carry them off into thoſe Nurſeries of Rogues, the Mint and Friars; and our Conſta⯑bles and Watch, who are the allow'd-Magiſtrates of the Night, and who ſhall ſtop a poor little lurking Thief, that it may be has ſtole a bundle of old Cloaths, worth 5 s. ſhall let them all paſs without any diſturbance, and [199] fee a hundred honeſt men robb'd of their Eſtates before their faces, to the Eternal Infamy of the Juſtice of the Nation.

And were a man but to hear the Diſcourſe among the Inhabitants of thoſe Dens of Thieves, when they firſt ſwarm about a New Comer, to comfort him; for they are not all harden'd to a like degree at once.—Well, ſays the firſt, Come, don't be con⯑cern'd, you have got a good Parcel of Goods away, I promiſe you; you need not value all the World. Ah! wou'd I had done ſo, ſays another, I'de a laugh'd at all my Creditors. Ay, ſays the young Proficient in the harden'd Trade, but my Creditors! Damn the Creditors, ſays a Third, Why, there's ſuch a one and ſuch a one, they have Creditors too, and they won't agree with them, and here they live like Gentlemen, and care not a farthing for them. Offer your Creditors Half a [200] Crown in the Pound, and pay it them in Old Debts, and if they won't take it, let them alone, they'll come after you, never fear it. O! But a Statute, ſays he a⯑gain. O! But the Devil, cries the Minter. Why, 'tis the Statutes we live by, ſay they: Why, if 'twere not for Statutes, Creditors would comply, and Debtors wou'd compound, and We Honeſt Fellows here of the Mint wou'd be ſtarv'd. Prithee, What need you care for a Sta⯑tute? A Thouſand Statutes can't reach you here. This is the Language of the Countrey, and the New Comer ſoon learns to ſpeak it; (for I think I may ſay, without wronging any man, I have known many a man go in a⯑mong them Honeſt, that is, without Ill Deſign, but I never knew one come away ſo again.)—Then comes a Graver Sort among this Black Crew, (for here, as in Hell, are Fiends of Degrees, and different Magnitude), [201] and he falls into Diſcourſe with the New Comer, and gives him more ſo⯑lid Advice. Look you, Sir, I am con⯑cern'd to ſee you melancholly, I am in your Circumſtance too, and if you'll accept of it, I'le give you the beſt Advice I can; and ſo begins the Grave Diſcourſe.

The man is in too much trouble, not to want Counſel, ſo he thanks him, and he goes on: Send a Summons to your Creditors, and offer them what you can propoſe in the Pound (always reſer⯑ving a good Stock to begin the World again), which if they will take, you are a Freeman, and better than you were be⯑fore; if they won't take it, you know the worſt of it, you are on the better ſide of the hedge with them: If they will not take it, but will proceed to a Statute, you have nothing to do, but to oppoſe Force with Force; for the Laws of Nature tell you, you muſt not ſtarve; and a Statute is ſo [202] barbarous, ſo unjuſt, ſo malicious a way of proceeding againſt a man, that I do not think any Debtor oblig'd to conſider any thing but his own Preſervation, when once they go on with that.—For why, ſays the old ſtudi'd Wretch, ſhould the Creditors ſpend your Eſtate in the Com⯑miſſion, and then demand the Debt of you too? Do you owe any thing to the Commiſ⯑ſion of the Statute? (No, ſays he); Why then, ſays he, I warrant their Charges will come to 200 l. out of your Eſtate, and they muſt have 10 s. a day for ſtar⯑ving you and your Family. I cannot ſee why any man ſhould think I am bound in Conſcience to pay the Extravagance of other men. If my Creditors ſpend 500 l. in getting in my Eſtate by a Statute, which I offer'd to ſurrender without it, I'le reckon that 500 l. paid them, let them take it among them; for Equity is due to a Bankrupt as well as to any man; and if the Laws do not give it us, we muſt take it.

[203] This is too rational Diſcourſe not to pleaſe him, and he proceeds by this Advice; the Creditors cannot agree, but take out a Statute; and the man that offer'd at firſt, it may be, 10 s. in the Pound, is kept in that curſed place till he has ſpent it all, and can offer nothing, and then gets away beyond Sea, or after a long Conſumption gets off by an Act of Relief to poor Debtors, and all the Charges of the Statute falls among the Creditors. Thus I knew a Statute taken out a⯑gainſt a Shopkeeper in the Countrey, and a conſiderable Parcel of Goods too ſeiz'd, and yet the Creditors, what with Charges, and two or three Suits at Law, loſt their whole Debts, and 8 s. per Pound Contribution-Money for Charges; and the poor Debtor, like a man under the Surgeon's hand, died in the Operation.

[204] (2.) Another Evil that Time and Experience has brought to light from this Act, is, when the Debtor himſelf ſhall confederate with ſome particular Creditor to take out a Statute; and this is a Maſter-piece of Plot and In⯑triegue: For perhaps ſome Creditor ho⯑neſtly receiv'd in the way of Trade a large Sum of Money of the Debtor for Goods ſold him when he was ſui juris; and he by conſent ſhall own himſelf a Bankrupt before that time, and the Statute ſhall reach back to bring in an Honeſt Man's Eſtate, to help pay a Rogue's Debt. Or a man ſhall go and borrow a Sum of Money upon a Parcel of Goods, and lay them to Pledge; he keeps the Money, and the Statute ſhall fetch away the Goods to help forward the Compoſition. Theſe are Tricks I can give too good an account of, having more than once ſuffer'd by the Experiment. I could [205] give a Scheme of more ways, but I think 'tis needleſs to prove the Neceſ⯑ſity of laying aſide that Law, which is pernicious to both Debtor and Cre⯑ditor, and chiefly hurtful to the Honeſt Man who it was made to preſerve.

The next Enquiry is, Whether the Extremities of this Law are not often carried on beyond the true Intent and Meaning of the Act it ſelf, for Mali⯑cious and Private Ends, to gratify Paſſion and Revenge?

I remember the Anſwer a Perſon gave me, who had taken out Statutes againſt ſeveral Perſons, and ſome his near Relations, who had fail'd in his Debt; and when I was one time diſ⯑ſuading him from proſecuting a man who ow'd me Money as well as him, I us'd this Argument with him; You know the man has nothing left to pay. That's true, ſays he, I know that well enough. To what purpoſe then, ſaid I, [206] will you proſecute him? Why, Revenge is ſweet, ſaid he.—Now a man that will proſecute a Debtor, not as a Debtor, but by way of Revenge, ſuch a man is, I think, not intentionally within the benefit of our Law.

In order to ſtate the Caſe right, there are four Sorts of People to be conſider'd in this Diſcourſe; and the true Caſe is how to diſtinguiſh them.

• (1.) There is the Honeſt Debtor, who fails by viſible Neceſſity, Loſſes, Sickneſs, Decay of Trade, or the like.
• (2.) The Knaviſh, Deſigning, or Idle, Extravagant Debtor, who fails becauſe either he has run out his Eſtate in Exceſſes, or on purpoſe to cheat and abuſe his Creditors.
• (3.) There is the moderate Credi⯑tor, who ſeeks but his own, but will omit no lawful Means to gain [207] it, and yet will hear reaſonable and juſt Arguments and Propoſals.
• (4.) There is the Rigorous Severe Creditor, that values not whether the Debtor be Honeſt Man or Knave, Able, or Unable; but will have his Debt, whether it be to be had or no; without Mercy, without Compaſſion, full of Ill Language, Paſſion, and Revenge.

How to make a Law to ſuit to all theſe, is the Caſe: That a neceſſary Favour might be ſhown to the firſt, in Pity and Compaſſion to the Unfor⯑tunate, in Commiſeration of Caſual⯑ty and Poverty, which no man is ex⯑empt from the danger of. That a due Rigor and Reſtraint be laid upon the ſecond, that Villany and Knavery might not be encourag'd by a Law. That a due Care be taken of the third, that mens Eſtates may, as far as can [208] be, ſecur'd to them. And due Limits ſet to the laſt, that no man may have an unlimited Power over his Fellow-Subjects, to the Ruin of both Life and Eſtate.

All which I humbly conceive might be brought to paſs by the following Method; to which I give the Title of

A Court of Enquiries.

This Court ſhould conſiſt of a ſe⯑lect Number of Perſons, to be choſen Yearly out of the ſeveral Wards of the City, by the Lord-Mayor and Court of Aldermen; and out of the ſeveral Inns of Court, by the Lord Chancellor, or Lord Keeper, for the time being, and to conſiſt of,

• To be choſen by the reſt, and nam'd every year alſo.
  • A Preſident,
  • A Secretary,
  • A Treaſurer,
• [209] A Judge of Cauſes for the Proof of Debts.
• Fifty two Citizens, out of every Ward two; of which number to be Twelve Mer⯑chants.
• Two Lawyers (Bariſters at leaſt) out of each of the Inns of Court.

That a Commiſſion of Enquiry into Bankrupts Eſtates be given to theſe, confirm'd and ſettl'd by Act of Parliament, with Power to Hear, Try, and Determine Cauſes as to Proof of Debts, and Diſputes in Accounts be⯑tween Debtor and Creditor, without Appeal.

The Office for this Court to be at Guildhall, where Clerks ſhou'd be al⯑ways attending, and a Quorum of the Commiſſioners to ſit de Die in Diem, from Three to Six a Clock in the Af⯑ternoon.

[210] To this Court every man who finds himſelf preſs'd by his Affairs, ſo that he cannot carry on his Buſineſs, ſhall apply himſelf as follows:

He ſhall go to the Secretary's Of⯑fice, and give in his Name, with this ſhort Petition:

The Secretary is to lay this Petition before the Commiſſioners, who ſhall ſign it of courſe; and the Petitioner ſhall have an Officer ſent home with him immediately, who ſhall take Poſ⯑ſeſſion of his Houſe and Goods, and an exact Inventory of every thing therein ſhall be taken at his Entrance by other Officers alſo, appointed by the Court; according to which Inven⯑tory the firſt Officer and the Bank⯑rupt alſo ſhall be accountable.

This Officer ſhall ſuperſede even the Sheriff in Poſſeſſion, excepting [212] by an Extent for the King; only with this Proviſion;

That if the Sheriff be in Poſſeſſion by Warrant on Judgment, obtain'd by due Courſe of Law, and without Fraud or Deceit, and, bona fide, in Poſſeſſion before the Debtor entred his Name in the Office, in ſuch caſe the Plaintiff to have a double Dividend allotted to his Debt; for it was the fault of the Debtor to let Execution come upon his Goods before he ſought for Protection; but this not to be al⯑low'd upon Judgment confeſs'd.

If the Sheriff be in Poſſeſſion by fieri facias for Debt immediately due to the King, the Officer however ſhall quit his Poſſeſſion to the Commiſſion⯑ers, and they ſhall ſee the King's Debt fully ſatisfied, before any Diviſion be made to the Creditors.

The Officers in this caſe to take no Fee from the Bankrupt, nor to uſe any [213] indecent or uncivil Behaviour to the Family (which is a moſt notorious Abuſe now permitted to the Sheriffs Officers), whoſe Fees I have known, on ſmall Executions, on pretence of Civility, amount to as much as the Debt, and yet behave themſelves with unſufferable Inſolence all the while.

This Officer being in Poſſeſſion, the Goods may be remov'd, or not re⯑mov'd, the Shop ſhut up, or not ſhut up, as the Bankrupt upon his Rea⯑ſons given to the Commiſſioners may deſire.

The Inventory being taken, the Bank⯑rupt ſhall have Fourteen Days time, and more if deſir'd, upon ſhowing good Reaſons to the Commiſſioners, to ſettle his Books, and draw up his Accounts; and then ſhall deliver up all his Books, together with a full and true Account of his whole Eſtate, [214] Real and Perſonal; to which Account he ſhall make Oath, and afterwards to any particular of it, if the Com⯑miſſioners require.

After this Account given in, the Commiſſioners ſhall have Power to examine upon Oath all his Servants, or any other Perſon; and if it appears that he has conceal'd any thing, in breach of his Oath, to Puniſh him, as is hereafter ſpecified.

Upon a fair and juſt Surrender of all his Eſtate and Effects, bona fide, ac⯑cording to the true Intent and Mean⯑ing of the Act, the Commiſſioners ſhall return to him in Money, or ſuch of his Goods as he ſhall chuſe, at a value by a juſt Appraiſement, 5 l. per Cent. of all the Eſtate he ſurrender'd to him, together with a full and free Diſcharge from all his Creditors.

The Remainder of the Eſtate of the Debtor to be fairry and equally divided [215] among the Creditors, who are to apply themſelves to the Commiſſioners. The Commiſſioners to make a neceſſary Enquiry into the Nature and Circum⯑ſtances of the Debts demanded, that no pretended Debt be claim'd for the private Account of the Debtor: In order to which Enquiry, they ſhall adminiſter the following Oath to the Creditor, for the Proof of the Debt.

Upon this Oath, and no Circum⯑ſtances to render the Perſon ſuſpected, the Creditor ſhall have an unqueſti⯑on'd Right to his Dividend, which ſhall be made without the Delays and Charges that attend the Commiſſions of Bankrupts. For,

• (1.) The Goods of the Debtor ſhall upon the firſt meeting of the Credi⯑tors, be either ſold in Parcels, as they ſhall agree, or divided among them in due proportion to their Debts.
• (2.) What Debts are ſtanding out, the Debtors ſhall receive Summons's from the Commiſſioners, to pay by a [217] certain time limited; and in the mean time the Secretary is to tranſmit Ac⯑counts to the Perſons owing it, ap⯑pointing them a reaſonable time to conſent or diſprove the Account.

And every Six Months a juſt Divi⯑dend ſhall be made among the Credi⯑tors of the Money receiv'd: And ſo if the Effects lye abroad, Authentick Procurations ſhall be ſign'd by the Bankrupt to the Commiſſioners, who thereupon correſpond with the Perſons abroad, in whoſe hands ſuch Effects are, who are to remit the ſame as the Commiſſioners order; the Dividend to be made, as before, every Six Months, or oftner, if the Court ſee cauſe.

If any man thinks the Bankrupt has ſo much favour by theſe Articles, that thoſe who can diſpenſe with an Oath have an opportunity to cheat their Creditors, and that hereby too [218] much Encouragement is given to men to turn Bankrupt; let them conſider the Eaſineſs of the Diſcovery, the Dif⯑ficulty of a Concealment, and the Pe⯑nalty on the Offender.

• (1.) I would have a Reward of 30 per Cent. be provided to be paid to any perſon who ſhould make diſcovery of any part of the Bankrupt's Eſtate con⯑ceal'd by him; which would make Diſcoveries eaſy and frequent.
• (2.) Any perſon who ſhould claim any Debt among the Creditors, for the account of the Bankrupt, or his Wife or Children, or with deſign to relieve them out of it, other or more than is, bona fide, due to him for Va⯑lue receiv'd and to be made out; or any perſon who ſhall receive in Truſt, or by Deed of Gift, any part of the Goods or other Eſtate of the Bank⯑rupt, with deſign to preſerve them for the uſe of the ſaid Bankrupt, or his [219] Wife or Children, or with deſign to conceal them from the Creditors, ſhall forfeit for every ſuch Act 500 l. and have his Name publiſh'd as a Cheat, and a Perſon not fit to be credited by any man. This would make it very difficult for the Bankrupt to conceal any thing.
• (3.) The Bankrupt having given his Name, and put the Officer into Poſſeſſion, ſhall not remove out of the Houſe any of his Books; but du⯑ring the Fourteen days time which he ſhall have to ſettle the Accounts, ſhall every night deliver the Books in⯑to the hands of the Officer; and the Commiſſioners ſhall have liberty, if they pleaſe, to take the Books the firſt day, and cauſe Duplicates to be made, and then to give them back to the Bankrupt to ſettle the Accounts.
• (4.) If it ſhall appear that the Bankrupt has given in a falſe Account, [220] has conceal'd any part of his Goods or Debts, in breach of his Oath, he ſhall be ſet in the Pillory at his own door, and be impriſon'd during Life, without Bail.
• (5.) To prevent the Bankrupt con⯑cealing any Debts abroad, it ſhould be enacted, That the Name of the Bankrupt being entred at the Office, where every man might ſearch gratis, ſhould be Publication enough; and that after ſuch Entry, no Diſcharge from the Bankrupt ſhou'd be allow'd in Account to any man, but whoever wou'd adventure to pay any Money to the ſaid Bankrupt or his Order, ſhou'd be ſtill Debtor to the Eſtate, and pay it again to the Commiſ⯑ſioners.

And whereas Wiſer Heads than mine muſt be employ'd to compoſe this Law, if ever it be made, they will have time to conſider of more [221] ways to ſecure the Eſtate for the Cre⯑ditors, and, if poſſible, to tye the hands of the Bankrupt yet faſter.

This Law, if ever ſuch a Happineſs ſhou'd ariſe to this Kingdom, would be a preſent Remedy for a multitude of Evils which now we feel, and which are a ſenſible detriment to the Trade of this Nation.

• (1.) With ſubmiſſion, I queſtion not but it wou'd prevent a great num⯑ber of Bankrupts, which now fall by divers Cauſes: For,
  • 1. It wou'd effectually remove all crafty deſign'd Breakings, by which many Honeſt Men are ruin'd. And
  • 2. Of courſe 'twou'd prevent the Fall of thoſe Tradeſmen who are forc'd to break by the Knavery of ſuch.
• (2.) It wou'd effectually ſuppreſs all thoſe Sanctuaries and Refuges of Thieves, the Mint, Friars, Savoy, [222] Rules, and the like; and that theſe two ways;
  • 1. Honeſt Men wou'd have no need of it, here being a more Safe, Eaſy, and more Honourable Way to get out of Trouble.
  • 2. Knaves ſhou'd have no Protecti⯑on from thoſe Places, and the Act be fortified againſt thoſe Places by the following Clauſes, which I have on purpoſe reſerv'd to this Head.

Since the Proviſion this Court of Enquiries makes for the eaſe and de⯑liverance of every Debtor who is ho⯑neſt, is ſo conſiderable, 'tis moſt cer⯑tain that no man, but he who has a deſign to Cheat his Creditors, will re⯑fuſe to accept of the Favour; and therefore it ſhou'd be Enacted,

That if any man who is a Tradeſ⯑man or Merchant ſhall break or fail, or ſhut up Shop, or leave off Trade, and ſhall not either pay or ſecure to [223] his Creditors their full and whole Debts, Twenty Shillings in the Pound, without Abatement or Deduction; or ſhall convey away their Books or Goods, in order to bring their Credi⯑tors to any Compoſition; or ſhall not apply to this Office as aforeſaid, ſhall be guilty of Felony, and upon Conviction of the ſame, ſhall ſuffer as a Felon, without Benefit of Clergy.

And if any ſuch perſon ſhall take Sanctuary either in the Mint, Friars, or other pretended Priviledge-Place, or ſhall convey thither any of their Goods as aforeſaid, to ſecure them from their Creditors, upon Complaint there⯑of made to any of His Majeſty's Ju⯑ſtices of the Peace, they ſhall imme⯑diately grant Warrants to the Conſta⯑ble, &c. to ſearch for the ſaid Perſons and Goods, who ſhall be aided and aſſiſted by the Train'd-Bands, if need be, without any Charge to the Credi⯑tors, [224] to ſearch for and diſcover the ſaid Perſons and Goods; and who⯑ever were aiding in the carrying in the ſaid Goods, or whoever knowingly receiv'd either the Goods or the Perſon, ſhou'd be alſo guilty of Felony.

For as the Indigent Debtor is a branch of the Commonwealth, which deſerves its Care, ſo the wilful Bank⯑rupt is one of the worſt ſort of Thieves. And it ſeems a little unequal, that a poor Fellow, who for mere Want ſteals from his Neighbour ſome Trifle, ſhall be ſent out of the Kingdom, and ſometimes out of the World; while a ſort of people who defye Juſtice, and violently reſiſt the Law, ſhall be ſuf⯑fer'd to carry mens Eſtates away before their faces, and no Officers to be found who dare execute the Law upon them.

Any man wou'd be concern'd to hear with what Scandal and Reproach [225] Foreigners do ſpeak of the Impotence of our Conſtitution in this Point: That in a Civiliz'd Government, as ours is, the ſtrangeſt Contempt of Authority is ſhown, that can be in⯑ſtanc'd in the world.

I may be a little the warmer on this Head, on account that I have been a larger Sufferer by ſuch means than ordinary: But I appeal to all the world as to the Equity of the Caſe; What the difference is between having my Houſe broken up in the Night to be robb'd, and a man coming in good Credit, and with a Proffer of Ready Money in the middle of the Day, and buying 500 l. of Goods, and car⯑ry them directly from my Warehouſe into the Mint, and the next day laugh at me, and bid me defiance; yet this I have ſeen done: I think 'tis the juſteſt thing in the world, that the laſt ſhou'd be [226] eſteem'd the greater Thief, and de⯑ſerves moſt to be hang'd.

I have ſeen a Creditor come with his Wiſe and Children, and beg of the Debtor only to let him have part of his own Goods again, which he had bought, knowing and deſigning to break: I have ſeen him with Tears and Intreaties petition for his own, or but ſome of it, and be taunted and ſwore at, and denied by a ſawcy in⯑ſolent Bankrupt: That the poor man has been wholly ruin'd by the Cheat. 'Tis by the Villany of ſuch, many an Honeſt man is undone, Families ſtarv'd and ſent a begging, and yet no Puniſh⯑ment preſcrib'd by our Laws for it.

By the aforeſaid Commiſſion of En⯑quiry, all this might be moſt effectual⯑ly prevented, an Honeſt, Indigent Tradeſman preſerv'd, Knavery de⯑tected, and puniſh'd; Mints, [227] Friars, and Privilege-Places ſup⯑preſs'd, and without doubt a great number of Inſolencies avoided and prevented; of which many more Particulars might be inſiſted upon, but I think theſe may be ſufficient to lead any body into the Thought; and for the Method, I leave it to the wiſe Heads of the Nation, who know bet⯑ter than I how to ſtate the Law to the Circumſtances of the Crime.

Of ACADEMIES.

WE have in England fewer of theſe than in any part of the World, at leaſt where Learning is in ſo much eſteem. But to make amends, the two great Seminaries we have, are without compariſon the Greateſt, I won't ſay the Beſt in the World; and [228] tho' much might be ſaid here concern⯑ing Univerſities in general, and Foreign Academies in particular, I content my ſelf with noting that part in which we ſeem defective. The French, who juſt⯑ly value themſelves upon erecting the moſt Celebrated Academy of Europe, owe the Luſtre of it very much to the great Encouragement the Kings of France have given to it. And one of the Members making a Speech at his En⯑trance, tells you, That 'tis not the leaſt of the Glories of their Invincible Monarch, to have engroſs'd all the Learning of the World in that Sublime Body.

The peculiar Study of the Academy of Paris, has been to Refine and Cor⯑rect their own Language; which they have done to that happy degree, that we ſee it now ſpoken in all the Courts of Chriſtendom, as the Language al⯑low'd to be moſt univerſal.

[229] I had the Honour once to be a Member of a ſmall Society, who ſeem'd to offer at this Noble Deſign in England. But the Greatneſs of the Work, and the Modeſty of the Gen⯑tlemen concern'd, prevail'd with them to deſiſt an Enterprize which appear'd too great for Private Hands to un⯑dertake. We want indeed a Richlieu to commence ſuch a Work: For I am perſuaded, were there ſuch a Genius in our Kingdom to lead the way, there wou'd not want Capacities who cou'd carry on the Work to a Glory equal to all that has gone before them. The Engliſh Tongue is a Subject not at all leſs worthy the Labour of ſuch a So⯑ciety than the French, and capable of a much greater Perfection. The Learned among the French will own, That the Comprehenſiveneſs of Ex⯑preſſion is a Glory in which the Eng⯑liſh Tongue not only Equals but Ex⯑cels [230] its Neighbours; Rapin, St. Evre⯑mont, and the moſt Eminent French Authors have acknowledg'd it: And my Lord Roſcommon, who is allow'd to be a good Judge of Engliſh, be⯑cauſe he wrote it as exactly as any ever did, expreſſes what I mean, in theſe Lines;

‘"And if our Neighbours will yield us, as their greateſt Critick has done, the Preference for Sublimity and No⯑bleneſs of Stile, we will willingly quit all Pretenſions to their Inſignificant Gaiety.’

'Tis great pity that a Subject ſo No⯑ble ſhou'd not have ſome as Noble to [231] attempt it: And for a Method, what greater can be ſet before us, than the Academy of Paris? Which, to give the French their due, ſtands foremoſt among all the Great Attempts in the Learned Part of the World.

The preſent King of England, of whom we have ſeen the whole World writing Panegyricks and Encomiums, and whom his Enemies, when their Inte⯑reſt does not ſilence them, are apt to ſay more of than our ſelves; as in the War he has given ſurprizing Inſtan⯑ces of a Greatneſs of Spirit more than common; ſo in Peace, I dare ſay, with Submiſſion, he ſhall never have an Opportunity to illuſtrate his Memory more, than by ſuch a Foundation: By which he ſhall have Opportunity to darken the Glory of the French King in Peace, as he has by his daring Attempts in the War.

[232] Nothing but Pride loves to be flat⯑ter'd, and that only as 'tis a Vice which blinds us to our own Imperfections. I think Princes as particularly unhap⯑py in having their Good Actions mag⯑nify'd, as their Evil Actions cover'd: But King William, who has already won Praiſe by the Steps of dangerous Virtue, ſeems reſerv'd for ſome Acti⯑ons which are above the Touch of Flat⯑tery, whoſe Praiſe is in themſelves.

And ſuch wou'd this be: And be⯑cauſe I am ſpeaking of a Work which ſeems to be proper only for the Hand of the King himſelf, I ſhall not pre⯑ſume to carry on this Chapter to the Model, as I have done in other Sub⯑jects. Only thus far;

That a Soceiety be erected by the King himſelf, if his Majeſty thought fit, and compoſed of none but Per⯑ſons of the firſt Figure in Learning; and 'twere to be wiſh'd our Gentry [233] were ſo much Lovers of Learning, that Birth might always be join'd with Capacity.

The Work of this Society ſhou'd be to encourage Polite Learning, to poliſh and refine the Engliſh Tongue, and advance the ſo much neglected Faculty of Correct Language, to eſta⯑bliſh Purity and Propriety of Stile, and to purge it from all the Irregular Ad⯑ditions that Ignorance and Affectation have introduc'd; and all thoſe Inno⯑vations in Speech, if I may call them ſuch, which ſome Dogmatic Writers have the Confidence to foſter upon their Native Language, as if their Au⯑thority were ſufficient to make their own Fancy legitimate.

By ſuch a Society I dare ſay the true Glory of our Engliſh Stile wou'd appear; and among all the Learned [234] Part of the World, be eſteem'd, as it really is, the Nobleſt and moſt Com⯑prehenſive of all the Vulgar Langua⯑ges in the World.

Into this Society ſhould be admitted none but Perſons Eminent for Learn⯑ing, and yet none, or but very few, whoſe Buſineſs or Trade was Learning: For I may be allow'd, I ſuppoſe, to ſay, We have ſeen many great Scholars, meer Learned Men, and Graduates in the laſt Degree of Study, whoſe Engliſh has been far from Polite, full of Stiffneſs and Af⯑fectation, hard Words, and long un⯑uſual Coupling of Syllables and Senten⯑ces, which ſound harſh and untune⯑able to the Ear, and ſhock the Reader both in Expreſſion and Underſtanding.

In ſhort, There ſhould be room in this Society for neither Clergyman, Phy⯑ſician, or Lawyer. Not that I wou'd put an Affront upon the Learning of [235] any of thoſe Honourable Employ⯑ments, much leſs upon their Perſons: But if I do think that their ſeveral Profeſſions do naturally and ſeverally preſcribe Habits of Speech to them pe⯑culiar to their Practice, and prejudi⯑cial to the Study I ſpeak of, I believe I do them no wrong. Nor do I deny but there may be, and now are among ſome of all thoſe Profeſſions, Men of Stile and Language, great Maſters of Engliſh, whom few men will un⯑dertake to Correct; and where ſuch do at any time appear, their extraor⯑dinary Merit ſhou'd find them a Place in this Society; but it ſhou'd be rare, and upon very extraordinary Occaſi⯑ſions, that ſuch be admitted.

I wou'd therefore have this Society wholly compos'd of Gentlemen; whereof Twelve to be of the Nobi⯑lity, if poſſible, and Twelve Private Gentlemen, and a Claſs of Twelve [236] to be left open for meer Merit, let it be fonnd in who or what ſort it would, which ſhould lye as the Crown of their Study, who have done ſome⯑thing eminent to deſerve it. The Voice of this Society ſhould be ſuffi⯑cient Authority for the Uſage of Words, and ſufficient alſo to expoſe the Innovations of other mens Fan⯑cies; they ſhou'd preſide with a Sort of Judicature over the Learning of the Age, and have liberty to Correct and Cenſure the Exorbitance of Writers, eſpecially of Tranſlators. The Re⯑putation of this Society wou'd be enough to make them the allow'd Judges of Stile and Language; and no Author wou'd have the Impudence to Coin without their Authority. Cu⯑ſtom, which is now our beſt Autho⯑rity for Words, wou'd always have its Original here, and not be allow'd without it. There ſhou'd be no more [237] occaſion to ſearch for Derivations and Conſtructions, and 'twou'd be as Cri⯑minal then to Coin Words, as Money.

The Exerciſes of this Society wou'd be Lectures on the Engliſh Tongue, Eſſays on the Nature, Original, U⯑ſage, Authorities and Differences of Words, on the Propriety, Purity, and Cadence of Stile, and of the Polite⯑neſs and Manner in Writing; Reflecti⯑ons upon Irregular Uſages, and Cor⯑rections of Erroneous Cuſtoms in Words; and in ſhort, every thing that wou'd appear neceſſary to the bringing our Engliſh Tongue to a due Perfection, and our Gentlemen to a Capacity of Writing like themſelves; to baniſh Pride and Pedantry, and ſi⯑lence the Impudence and Impertinence of Young Authors, whoſe Ambition is to be known, tho' it be by their Folly.

[238] I ask leave here for a Thought or two about that Inundation Cuſtom has made upon our Language and Diſcourſe by Familiar Swearing; and I place it here, becauſe Cuſtom has ſo far prevail'd in this fooliſh Vice, that a man's Diſcourſe is hardly agreeable without it; and ſome have taken up⯑on them to ſay, It is pity it ſhou'd not be lawful, 'tis ſuch a Grace in a man's Speech, and adds ſo much Vigour to his Language.

I deſire to be underſtood right, and that by Swearing I mean all thoſe Cur⯑ſory Oaths, Curſes, Execrations, Im⯑precations, Aſſeverations, and by whatſoever other Names they are di⯑ſtinguiſh'd, which are us'd in Vehe⯑mence of Diſcourſe, in the Mouths almoſt of all men more or leſs, of what ſort ſoever.

I am not about to argue any thing of their being ſinful and unlawful, as [239] forbid by Divine Rules; let the Parſon alone to tell you that, who has, no queſtion, ſaid as much to as little pur⯑poſe in this Caſe as in any other: But I am of the opinion, that there is no⯑thing ſo Impertinent, ſo Inſignificant, ſo Senſleſs and Fooliſh, as our vulgar way of Diſcourſe, when mix'd with Oaths and Curſes; and I wou'd only recommend a little Conſideration to our Gentlemen, who have Senſe and Wit enough, and wou'd be aſham'd to ſpeak Nonſenſe in other things, but value themſelves upon their Parts; I wou'd but ask them to put into Wri⯑ting the Common-Places of their Diſcourſe, and read them over again, and examine the Engliſh, the Cadence, the Grammar of them; then let them turn them into Latin, or tranſlate them into any other Language, and but ſee what a Jargon and Confuſion of Speech they make together.

[240] Swearing, that Lewdneſs of the Tongue, that Scum and Excrement of the Mouth, is of all Vices the moſt fooliſh and ſenſleſs; it makes a man's Converſation unpleaſant, his Diſcourſe fruitleſs, and his Language Nonſenſe.

It makes Converſation unpleaſant, at leaſt to thoſe who do not uſe the ſame fooliſh way of Diſcourſe; and indeed, is an Affront to all the Com⯑pany who ſwear not as he does; for if I ſwear and Curſe in Company, I ei⯑ther preſume all the Company likes it, or affront them who do not.

Then 'tis fruitleſs; for no man is believ'd a jot the more for all the Aſſe⯑verations, Damnings and Swearings he makes: Thoſe who are us'd to it themſelves, do not believe a man the more, becauſe they know they are ſo cuſtomary, that they ſigni⯑fy little to bind a man's Intenti⯑on; [241] and they who practiſe them not, have ſo mean an opinion of thoſe that do, as makes them think they deſerve no belief.

Then, they are the Spoilers and Deſtroyers of a man's Diſcourſe, and turn it into perfect Nonſenſe; and to make it out, I muſt de⯑ſcend a little to Particulars, and de⯑ſire the Reader a little to foul his Mouth with the Bruitiſh, Sordid, Senſleſs Expreſſions, which ſome Gen⯑tlemen call Polite Engliſh, and ſpeak⯑ing with a Grace.

Some part of them indeed, tho' they are fooliſh enough, as Ef⯑fects of a mad, inconſiderate Rage, are yet Engliſh; as when a man ſwears he will do this or that, and it may be adds, God damn him he will; that is, God damn him if he don't: This, tho' it be horrid in another ſenſe, yet may [242] be read in writing, and is Engliſh: But what Language is this?

Jack, God damn me Jack, How do'ſt do, thou little dear Son of a Whore? How haſt thou done this long time, by God?—And then they kiſs; and the t'other, as lewd as himſelf, goes on;

Dear Tom, I am glad to ſee thee with all my heart, let me dye. Come, let us go take a Bottle, we muſt not part ſo; pri⯑thee let's go and be drunk by God.—

This is ſome of our new florid Language, and the Graces and Deli⯑cacies of Stile, which if it were put into Latin, I wou'd fain know which is the principal Verb.

But for a little further remembrance of this Impertinence, go among the Gameſters, and there nothing is more frequent than, God damn the Dice, or God damn the Bowls.

[243] Among the Sportſmen 'tis, God damn the Hounds, when they are at a Fault; or God damn the Horſe, if he bau'ks a Leap: They call men Sons of Bitches, and Dogs, Sons of Whores: And innumerable Inſtances may be given of the like Gallantry of Lan⯑guage, grown now ſo much a Cu⯑ſtom.

'Tis true, Cuſtom is allow'd to be our beſt Authority for Words, and 'tis fit it ſhould be ſo; but Reaſon muſt be the Judge of Senſe in Language, and Cuſtom can never prevail over it. Words, indeed, like Ceremonies in Re⯑ligion, may be ſubmitted to the Ma⯑giſtrate; but Senſe, like the Eſſentials, is poſitive, unalterable, and can⯑not be ſubmitted to any Juriſdiction; 'tis a Law to it ſelf, 'tis ever the ſame, even an Act of Parliament cannot al⯑ter it.

[244] Words, and even Uſages in Stile, may be alter'd by Cuſtom, and Pro⯑prieties in Speech differ accord⯑ing to the ſeveral Dialects of the Countrey, and according to the dif⯑ferent manner in which ſeveral Lan⯑guages do ſeverally expreſs themſelves.

But there is a direct Signification of Words, or a Cadence in Expreſſion, which we call ſpeaking Senſe; this, like Truth, is ſullen and the ſame, ever was and will be ſo, in what manner, and in what Language ſoever 'tis ex⯑preſs'd. Words without it, are only Noiſe, which any Brute can make as well as we, and Birds much better; for Words without Senſe make but dull Muſick. Thus a man may ſpeak in Words, but perfectly unintelligible as to Meaning; he may talk a great deal, but ſay nothing. But 'tis the proper Poſition of Words, adapted to their Significations, which makes them in⯑telligible, [245] and conveys the Meaning of the Speaker to the Underſtanding of the Hearer; the contrary to which we call Nonſenſe; and there is a ſu⯑perfluous crowding in of inſignificant Words, more than are needful to ex⯑preſs the thing intended, and this is Impertinence; and that again car⯑ry'd to an extreme, is ridiculous.

Thus when our Diſcourſe is inter⯑lin'd with needleſs Oaths, Curſes, and long Parentheſes of Imprecations, and with ſome of very indirect ſignificati⯑on, they become very Impertinent; and theſe being run to the extravagant de⯑gree inſtanc'd in before, become per⯑fectly ridiculous and Nonſenſe; and without forming it into an Argument, it appears to be Nonſenſe by the Con⯑tradictorineſs; and it appears Imperti⯑nent, by the Inſignificancy of the Ex⯑preſſion.

[246] After all, how little it becomes a Gentleman to debauch his Mouth with Foul Language, I refer to themſelves in a few Particulars.

This Vicious Cuſtom has prevail'd upon Good Manners too far; but yet there are ſome degrees to which it is not yet arriv'd.

As firſt, The worſt Slaves to this Folly will neither teach it to, nor ap⯑prove of it in their Children: Some of the moſt careleſs will indeed nega⯑tively teach it, by not reproving them for it; but ſure no man ever order'd his Children to be taught to curſe or ſwear.

2. The Grace of Swearing has not obtain'd to be a Mode yet among the Women; God damn ye, does not ſit well upon a Female Tongue; it ſeems to be a Maſculine Vice, which the Women are not arriv'd to yet; and I wou'd only deſire thoſe Gentlemen who pra⯑ctice it themſelves, to hear a Woman [247] ſwear: It has no Muſick at all there, I am ſure; and juſt as little does it be⯑come any Gentleman, if he wou'd ſuffer himſelf to be judg'd by all the Laws of Senſe or Good Manners in the world.

'Tis a ſenſleſs, fooliſh, ridiculous Practice; 'tis a Mean to no manner of End; 'tis Words ſpoken which ſig⯑nify nothing; 'tis Folly acted for the ſake of Folly, which is a thing even the Devil himſelf don't practice: The Devil does evil, we ſay, but it is for ſome deſign, either to ſeduce others, or, as ſome Divines ſay, from a Prin⯑ciple of Enmity to his Maker: Men Steal for Gain, and Murther to gratify their Avarice or Revenge; Whore⯑doms and Raviſhments, Adulteries and Sodomy, are committed to pleaſe a vicious Appetite, and have always alluring Objects; and generally all Vices have ſome previous Cauſe, and [248] ſome viſible Tendency; but this, of all Vicious Practices, ſeems the moſt Nonſenſical and Ridiculous; there is neither Pleaſure nor Profit; no Deſign purſued, no Luſt gratified, but is a mere Frenzy of the Tongue, a Vo⯑mit of the Brain, which works by putting a Contrary upon the Courſe of Nature.

Again, other Vices men find ſome Reaſon or other to give for, or Ex⯑cuſes to palliate; men plead Want, to extenuate Theft; and ſtrong Provo⯑cations, to excuſe Murthers; and many a lame Excuſe they will bring for Whoring; but this ſordid Habit, even thoſe that practiſe it will own to be a Crime, and make no Excuſe for it; and the moſt I cou'd ever hear a man ſay for it, was, That he cou'd not help it.

Beſides, as 'tis an inexcuſable Im⯑pertinence, ſo 'tis a Breach upon Good Manners and Converſation, for a man [249] to impoſe the Clamour of his Oaths upon the Company he converſes with; if there be any one perſon in the Company that does not approve the way, 'tis an impoſing upon him with a freedom beyond Civility; as if a man ſhou'd Fart before a Juſtice, or talk Bawdy before the Queen, or the like.

To ſuppreſs this, Laws, Acts of Parliaments, and Proclamations, are Bawbles and Banters, the Laughter of the Lewd Party, and never had, as I cou'd perceive, any Influence upon the Practice; nor are any of our Ma⯑giſtrates fond or forward of putting them in execution.

It muſt be Example, not Penalties, muſt ſink this Crime; and if the Gen⯑tlemen of England wou'd once drop it as a Mode, the Vice is ſo fooliſh and ridiculous in it ſelf, 'twou'd ſoon grow odious and out of faſhion.

[250] This Work ſuch an Academy might begin; and I believe no⯑thing wou'd ſo ſoon explode the Practice, as the Publick Diſcou⯑ragement of it by ſuch a Society. Where all our Cuſtoms and Habits both in Speech and Behaviour, ſhou'd receive an Authority. All the Diſputes about Precedency of Wit, with the Manners, Cu⯑ſtoms, and Uſages of the Theatre wou'd be decided here; Plays ſhou'd paſs here before they were Acted, and the Criticks might give their Cenſures, and damn at their pleaſure; nothing wou'd ever dye which once receiv'd Life at this Ori⯑ginal: The Two Theatres might end their Jangle, and diſpute for Priority no more; Wit and Real Worth ſhou'd decide the Contro⯑verſy, and here ſhou'd be the In⯑fallible Judge.

[252] Next to this, which I eſteem as the moſt Noble and moſt Uſeful Propoſal in this Book, I proceed to Academies for Military Studies; and becauſe I de⯑ſign rather to expreſs my meaning, than make a large Book, I bring them all into one Chapter.

I allow the War is the beſt Acade⯑my in the World, where men ſtudy by Neceſſity, and practiſe by Force, and both to ſome purpoſe, with Duty in the Action, and a Reward in the End; and 'tis evident to any man who knows the World, or has made any Obſervations on things, what an Improvement the Engliſh Nation has made, during this Seven Years War.

But ſhould you ask how dear it firſt coſt, and what a condition Eng⯑land was in for a War at firſt on this account; how almoſt all our Engineers and Great Officers were Foreigners, it [253] may put us in mind how neceſſary it is to have our people ſo practis'd in the Arts of War, that they may not be Novices when they come to the Expe⯑riment.

I have heard ſome, who were no great Friends to the Government, take advantage to reflect upon the King in the beginning of his Wars in Ireland, That he did not care to truſt the Eng⯑liſh, but all his Great Officers, his Ge⯑nerals, and Engineers were Foreigners. And tho' the Caſe was ſo plain as to need no Anſwer, and the Perſons ſuch as deſerv'd none, yet this muſt be ob⯑ſerv'd, tho' twas very ſtrange, That when the preſent King took Poſſeſſion of this Kingdom, and ſeeing himſelf entring upon the bloodieſt War this Age has known, began to regulate his Army, he found but very few among the whole Martial Part of the Nation fit to make uſe of for General Officers; and [254] was forced to employ Strangers, and make them Engliſhmen; as the Counts Schomberg, Ginkel, Solms, Ruvigny, and others: And yet it is to be obſerv'd alſo, that all the Encouragement imaginable was given to the Engliſh Gentlemen, to qualify themſelves, by giving no leſs than Sixteen Regiments to Gentlemen of Good Families, who had never been in any Service, and knew but very little how to command them: Of theſe ſeveral are now in the Army, and have the Rewards ſuitable to their Merit, being Major-Generals, Briga⯑deers, and the like.

If then a long Peace had ſo reduc'd us to a degree of Ignorance that might have been dangerous to us, had we not a King, who is always follow'd by the greateſt Maſters in the World, Who knows what Peace and different Go⯑vernors may bring us to again?

[255] The manner of making War dif⯑fers perhaps as much as any thing in the world; and if we look no further back than our Civil Wars; 'tis plain a Ge⯑neral then wou'd hardly be fit to be a Collonel now, ſaving his Capacity of Improvement. The Defenſive Art al⯑ways follows the Offenſive; and tho' the latter has extremely got the ſtart of the former in this Age, yet the other is mightily improving alſo.

We ſaw in England a bloody Civil War, where, according to the old Temper of the Engliſh, fighting was the Buſineſs. To have an Army ly⯑ing in ſuch a Poſt, as not to be able to come at them, was a thing never heard of in that War; even the weak⯑eſt Party would always come out and fight; Dunbar Fight, for inſtance; and they that were beaten to day, would fight again to morrow, and ſeek one another out with ſuch Eager⯑neſs, [256] as if they had been in haſte to have their Brains knock'd out. En⯑campments, Intrenchments, Batteries, Counter-marchings, fortifying of Camps, and Cannonadings, were ſtrange, and almoſt unknown things, and whole Campaigns were paſt over, and hardly any Tents made uſe of. Battels, Surprizes, Storming of Towns, Skirmiſhes, Sieges, Ambuſcades, and Beating up Quarters, was the News of every day. Now 'tis frequent to have Armies of Fifty thouſand men of a ſide ſtand at Bay within view of one another, and ſpend a whole Cam⯑paign in Dodging, or as 'tis genteely call'd, Obſerving one another, and then march off into Winter-Quarters. The difference is in the Maxims of War, which now differ as much from what they were formerly, as Long Perukes do from Piqued Beards; or as the Ha⯑bits of the People do now, from what [257] they then wore. The preſent Maxims of the War are;‘Never Fight without a manifeſt Advan⯑tage.’ ‘And always Encamp ſo as not to be forc'd to it.’ And if two oppoſite Generals nicely obſerve both theſe Rules, it is impoſ⯑ſible they ſhou'd ever come to fight.

I grant that this way of making War ſpends generally more Money and leſs Blood than former Wars did; but then it ſpins Wars out to a great⯑er Length; and I almoſt queſtion whether if this had been the way of Fighting of old, our Civil War had not laſted till this day. Their Maxim was, ‘Whereever you meet your Enemy, fight him.’

[258] But the Caſe is quite different now; and I think 'tis plain in the preſent War, that 'tis not he who has the long⯑eſt Sword, ſo much as he who has the longeſt Purſe, will hold the War out beſt. Europe is all engag'd in the War, and the Men will never be exhauſted while either Party can find Money; but he who finds himſelf pooreſt, muſt give out firſt; and this is evi⯑dent in the French King, who now in⯑clines to Peace, and owns it, while at the ſame time his Armies are nu⯑merous and whole; but the Sinews fail, he finds his Exchequer fail, his Kingdom drain'd, and Money hard to come at: Not that I believe half the Reports we have had of the Miſery and Poverty of the French are true; but 'tis manifeſt the King of France finds, whatever his Armies may do, his Money won't hold out ſo long as the Confederates; and therefore he uſes [259] all the means poſſible to procure a Peace, while he may do it with the moſt advantage.

There is no queſtion but the French may hold the War out ſeveral Years longer; but their King is too wiſe to let things run to extremity; he will rather condeſcend to Peace upon hard terms now, than ſtay longer, if he finds himſelf in danger to be forc'd to worſe.

This being the only Digreſſion I deſign to be guilty of, I hope I ſhall be excus'd it.

The Sum of all is this, That ſince 'tis ſo neceſſary to be in a condition for War in a time of Peace, our People ſhou'd be inur'd to it. 'Tis ſtrange that every thing ſhou'd be ready but the Soldier: Ships are ready, and our Trade keeps the Seamen always [260] taught, and breeds up more; but Sol⯑diers, Horſemen, Engineers, Gunners, and the like, muſt be bred and taught; men are not born with Muskets on their Shoulders, nor Fortifications in their Heads; 'tis not natural to ſhoot Bombs, and undermine Towns: For which purpoſe I propoſe,

A Royal Academy for Military Exerciſes.

The Founder the King himſelf; the Charge to be paid by the Publick, and ſettled by a Revenue from the Crown, to be paid Yearly.

I propoſe this to conſiſt of Four Parts.

• (1.) A Colledge for breeding up of Artiſts in the uſeful Practice of all Military Exerciſes; the Scholars to be taken in Young, and be maintain'd, [261] and afterwards under the King's Care for Preferment, as their Merit and His Majeſty's Favour ſhall recommend them; from whence His Majeſty wou'd at all times be furniſh'd with able Engineers, Gunners, Fire-maſters, Bombardiers, Miners, and the like.
• The Second College for Volun⯑tary Students in the ſame Exerciſes; who ſhou'd all upon certain limited Conditions be entertain'd, and have all the advantages of the Lectures, Experiments, and Learning of the College, and be alſo capable of ſe⯑veral Titles, Profits, and Settlements in the ſaid College, anſwerable to the Fellows in the Univerſities.
• The Third College for Tempo⯑rary Study, into which any Perſon who is a Gentleman, and an En⯑gliſhman, entring his Name, and conforming to the Orders of the Houſe, ſhall be entertain'd like a Gen⯑tleman [262] for one whole Year gratis, and taught by Maſters appointed out of the Second College.
• The Fourth College, of Schools only, where all Perſons whatſoever for a ſmall Allowance ſhall be taught and entred in all the particular Exer⯑ciſes they deſire; and this to be ſup⯑pli'd by the Proficients of the firſt College.

I cou'd lay out the Dimenſions, and ne⯑ceſſary Incidents of all this Work; but ſince the Method of ſuch a Founda⯑tion is eaſy and regular from the Mo⯑del of other Colleges, I ſhall only ſtate the Oeconomy of the Houſe.

The Building muſt be very Large, and ſhou'd rather be Stately and Mag⯑nificent in Figure, than Gay and Coſt⯑ly in Ornament: And I think ſuch a Houſe as Chelſea-College, only about [263] four times as big, wou'd anſwer it; and yet I believe might be finiſh'd for as little Charge as has been laid out in that Palace-like Hoſpital.

The Firſt College ſhould conſiſt of,

Being ſuch as Graduates by Prefer⯑ment, at firſt nam'd by the Founder; and after the firſt Settlement to be choſen out of the Firſt or Second Col⯑lege; with Apartments in the Col⯑lege, and Salaries.

[264] 2000 Scholars; among whom ſhall be the following Degrees;

The General to be nam'd by the Founder, out of the Collonels; the Col⯑lonels to be nam'd by the General, out of the Captains; the Captains out of the Governors; the Governors from the Directors, and the Directors from the Exempts, and ſo on.

The Juniors to be divided into Ten Schools; the Schools to be thus go⯑vern'd: Every School has

The Proficients to be divided into Five Schools:

The Exempts to be Supernumerary, having a ſmall Allowance, and main⯑tain'd in the College till Preferment offer.

The Second College to conſiſt of Voluntary Students, to be taken in after [266] a certain Degree of Learning, from among the Proficients of the Firſt, or from any other Schools, after ſuch and ſuch Limitations of Learning; who ſtudy at their own Charge, being allow'd certain Privileges; as,

• Chambers Rent-free, on condition of Reſidence.
• Commons gratis, for certain fix'd terms.
• Preferment, on condition of a Term of Years Reſidence.
• Uſe of Libraries, Inſtruments, and Lectures of the College.

This College ſhould have the fol⯑lowing Preferments, with Salaries.

[267] The Third and Fourth Colleges, conſiſting only of Schools for Tem⯑porarary Study, may be thus;

The Third being for Gentlemen to learn the neceſſary Arts and Exerciſes, to qualify them for the Service of their Countrey, and entertaining them one whole year at the Publick Charge, may be ſuppos'd to have always One thouſand Perſons on its hands, and cannot have leſs than 100 Teachers; who I wou'd thus order;

Every Teacher ſhall continue at leaſt One year, but by allowance Two years at moſt; ſhall have 20 l. per Ann. Extraordinary Allowance; ſhall be bound to give their conſtant Atten⯑dance, and ſhall have always 5 Col⯑lege-Majors of the Second College to ſuperviſe them, who ſhall command a Month, and then be ſucceeded by 5 [268] others, and ſo on; 10 l. per Ann. extraordinary to be paid them for their Attendance.

The Gentlemen who practiſe, to be put to no manner of Charge, but to be oblig'd ſtrictly to the following Ar⯑ticles:

• (1.) To conſtant Reſidence, not to lye out of the Houſe without leave of the College-Major.
• (2.) To perform all the College-Exer⯑ciſes, as appointed by the Maſters, without diſpute.
• (3.) To ſubmit to the Orders of the Houſe.

To quarrel, or give Ill Language, ſhou'd be a Crime to be puniſh'd by way of Fine only, the College-Major to be Judge, and the Offender be put into Cuſtody till he ask Pardon of the Perſon wrong'd; by which means every Gentleman who has been affronted, has ſufficient ſatisfaction.

[269] But to Strike, Challenge, Draw, or fight, ſhou'd be more ſeverely puniſh'd; the Offender to be declar'd no Gentle⯑man, his Name poſted up at the College-Gate, his Perſon expell'd the Houſe, and to be pump'd as a Rake if ever he is taken within the College-Walls.

The Teachers of this College to be cho⯑ſen, one half out of the Exempts of the Firſt College, and the other out of the Proficients of the ſecond.

The Fourth College being only of Schools, will be neither Chargeable nor Troubleſome, but may conſiſt of as many as ſhall offer themſelves to be taught, and ſuppli'd with Teachers from the other Schools.

The Propoſal being of ſo large an Extent, muſt have a proportionable Settlement for its Maintenance; and the Benefit being to the whole King⯑dom, [270] the Charge will naturally lye upon the Publick, and cannot well be leſs, conſidering the Number of Perſons to be maintain'd, than as fol⯑lows;

The King's Magazines to furniſh them with 500 Barrels of Gunpowder per An. for the Publick Uſes of Exerciſes and Experiments.

[273] In the firſt of theſe Colleges ſhould remain the Governing-Part, and all the Preferments be made from thence, to be ſuppli'd in courſe from the other; the General of the firſt to give Orders to the other, and be ſubject only to the Founder.

The Government ſhou'd be all Mi⯑litary, with a Conſtitution for the ſame regulated for that purpoſe, and a Council to hear and determine the Differences and Treſpaſſes by the Col⯑lege-Laws.

The Publick Exerciſes likewiſe Mi⯑litary, and all the Schools be diſci⯑plin'd under proper Officers, who are ſo in turn, or by Order of the Gene⯑ral, and continue but for the Day.

The ſeveral Claſſes to perform ſeve⯑ral Studies, and but one Study to a diſtinct Claſs, and the Perſons as they remove from one Study to another, to change their Claſſes, but ſo as that in [274] the General Exerciſes all the Scholars may be qualified to act all the ſeveral Parts, as they may be order'd.

The proper Studies of this College ſhould be the following:

• Geometry
• Aſtronomy
• Hiſtory
• Navigation
• Decimal Arithmetick
• Trigonometry
• Dialing
• Gauging
• Mining
• Fireworking
• Bombarding
• Gunnery
• Fortification
• Encamping
• Entrenching
• Approaching,
• At⯑tacking
• Delineation
• Architecture
• Surveying.

And all Arts or Sciences Appen⯑dixes to ſuch as theſe.

With Exerciſes for the Body, to which all ſhould be oblig'd, as their Genius and Capacities led them. As,

• (1.) Swimming; which no Soldier, and indeed no Man whatever ought to be without.
• (2.) Handling all ſorts of Fire-Arms.
• (3.) Marching and Countermarching in Form.
• (4.) Fencing, and the Long Staff.
• (5.) Riding and Managing, or Horſe⯑manſhip.
• (6.) Running, Leaping, and Wreſt⯑ling.

And herewith ſhou'd alſo be pre⯑ſerv'd and carefully taught all the Cu⯑ſtoms, Uſages, Terms of War, and Terms of Art, us'd in Sieges, Marches of Armies, and Encampments; that ſo a Gentleman taught in this College, ſhou'd be no Novice when he comes into the King's Armies, tho' he has ſeen no Service abroad. I remember the [276] Story of an Engliſh Gentleman, an Officer at the Siege of Limerick in Ire⯑land, who tho' he was Brave enough upon Action, yet for the only matter of being ignorant in the Terms of Art, and knowing not how to talk Camp-Language, was expos'd to be laugh'd at by the whole Army, for miſtaking the opening of the Trenches, which he thought had been a Mine againſt the Town.

The Experiments of theſe Colleges wou'd be as well worth publiſhing, as the Acts of the Royal Society. To which purpoſe the Houſe muſt be built where they may have Ground to caſt Bombs, to raiſe Regular Works, as Batteries, Baſtions, Half-Moons, Redoubts, Horn-works, Forts, and the like; with the convenience of Wa⯑ter to draw round ſuch Works, to exerciſe the Engineers in all the neceſ⯑ſary Experiments of Dreining, and [277] Mining under Ditches. There muſt be room to fire Great Shot at a diſtance, to Canonade a Camp, to throw all ſorts of Fire-works and Machines, that are or ſhall be invented; to open Trenches, form Camps, &c.

Their Publick Exerciſes will be alſo very diverting, and more worth while for any Gentlemen to ſee, than the Sights or Shews which our people in England are ſo fond of.

I believe, as a Conſtitution might be form'd from theſe Generals, this wou'd be the Greateſt, the Gallanteſt, and the moſt Uſeful Foundation in the World. The Engliſh Gentry wou'd be the beſt qualifi'd, and conſequent⯑ly, beſt accepted abroad, and moſt uſeful at home of any people in the world; and His Majeſty ſhou'd never more be expos'd to the neceſſity of employing Foreigners in the Poſts of Truſt and Service in His Armies.

[278] And that the whole Kingdom might in ſome degree be better qualifi'd for Service, I think the following Project wou'd be very uſeful.

When our Military Weapon was the Long-Bow, at which our Engliſh Nation in ſome meaſure excell'd the whole World, the meaneſt Countrey⯑man was a good Archer; and that which qualifi'd them ſo much for Service in the War, was their Diver⯑ſion in Times of Peace; which alſo had this good Effect, That when an Army was to be rais'd, they needed no diſciplining: And for the Encou⯑ragement of the People to an Exer⯑ciſe ſo publickly Profitable, an Act of Parliament was made, to oblige every Pariſh to maintain Buts for the Youth in the Countrey to ſhoot at.

Since our way of fighting is now alter'd; and this deſtructive Engine, the Muſquet, is the proper Arms for the [279] Soldier, I could wiſh the Diverſion alſo of the Engliſh would change too, that our Pleaſures and Profit might correſpond. 'Tis a great Hindrance to this Nation, eſpecially where Stand⯑ing-Armies are a Grievance, that if ever a War commence, men muſt have at leaſt a Year before they are thought fit to face an Enemy, to in⯑ſtruct them how to handle their Arms; and new-rais'd men are call'd Raw Sol⯑diers. To help this, at leaſt in ſome meaſure, I wou'd propoſe, That the Publick Exerciſes of our Youth ſhou'd by ſome Publick Encouragement, (for Penalties won't do it) be drawn off from the fooliſh Boyiſh Sports of Cocking, and Cricketing, and from Tipling, to ſhooting with a Firelock; an Exerciſe as Pleaſant, as 'tis Manly and Generous; and Swimming, which is a thing ſo many ways profitable, beſides its being a great Preſervative [280] of Health, that methinks no Man ought to be without it.

(1.) For Shooting; the Colleges I have mention'd above, having provided for the inſtructing the Gentry at the King's Charge; the Gentry in return of that Favour ſhou'd introduce it among the Countrey-people; which might eaſily be done thus:

If every Countrey-Gentleman, ac⯑cording to his degree, wou'd con⯑tribute to ſet up a Prize, to be ſhot for by the Town he lives in, or the Neigh⯑bourhood, about once a year, or twice a year, or oftner, as they think fit; which Prize not ſingle only to him who ſhoots neareſt, but accord⯑ing to the Cuſtom of Shooting:

This wou'd certainly ſet all the Young Men in England a ſhooting, and make them Marks-men; for they wou'd be always practiſing and ma⯑king [281] Matches among themſelves too, and the advantage wou'd be found in a War; for no doubt if all the Sol⯑diers in a Battalion took a true Level at their Enemy, there wou'd be much more Execution done at a diſtance than there is; whereas it has been known now, that a Battalion of men has receiv'd the Fire of another Batta⯑lion, and not loſt above 30 or 40 men; and I ſuppoſe it will not eaſily be for⯑got how at the Battel of Agrim, a Battalion of the Engliſh Army receiv'd the whole Fire of an Iriſh Regiment of Dragoons, but never knew to this day whether they had any Bullets or no; and I need appeal no further than to any Officer that ſerv'd in the Iriſh War, what advantages the Engliſh Ar⯑mies made of the Iriſh being ſuch wonderful Marks-men.

[282] Under this Head of Academies, I might bring in a Project for

An Academy for Women.

I Have often thought of it as one of the moſt barbarous Cuſtoms in the world, conſidering us as a Civi⯑liz'd and a Chriſtian Countrey, that we deny the advantages of Learning to Women. We reproach the Sex every day with Folly and Impertinence, while I am confident, had they the ad⯑vantages of Education equal to us, they wou'd be guilty of leſs than our ſelves.

One wou'd wonder indeed how it ſhou'd happen that Women are con⯑verſible at all, ſince they are only be⯑holding to Natural Parts for all their Knowledge. Their Youth is ſpent to teach them to Stitch and Sow, or make Bawbles: They are taught to Read indeed, and perhaps to Write their Names, or ſo; and that is the [283] heighth of a Woman's Education. And I wou'd but ask any who ſlight the Sex for their Underſtanding, What is a Man (a Gentleman, I mean) good for, that is taught no more?

I need not give Inſtances, or exa⯑mine the Character of a Gentleman with a good Eſtate, and of a good Family, and with tolerable Parts, and examine what Figure he makes for want of Education.

The Soul is plac'd in the Bo⯑dy like a rough Diamond, and muſt be poliſh'd, or the Luſtre of it will never appear: And 'tis manifeſt, that as the Rational Soul diſtinguiſhes us from Brutes, ſo Education carries on the diſtinction, and makes ſome leſs brutiſh than others: This is too evi⯑dent to need any demonſtration. But why then ſhou'd Women be deni'd the benefit of Inſtruction? If Know⯑ledge and Underſtanding had been [284] uſeleſs additions to the Sex, God Al⯑mighty wou'd never have given them Capacities; for he made nothing needleſs: Beſides, I wou'd ask ſuch, What they can ſee in Ignorance, that they ſhou'd think it a neceſſary Orna⯑ment to a Woman? Or how much worſe is a Wiſe Woman than a Fool? Or what has the Woman done to for⯑feit the Privilege of being taught? Does ſhe plague us with her Pride and Impertinence? Why did we not let her learn, that ſhe might have had more Wit? Shall we upbraid Women with Folly, when 'tis only the Error of this inhuman Cuſtom, that hindred them being made wiſer?

The Capacities of Women are ſup⯑pos'd to be greater, and their Senſes quicker than thoſe of the Men; and what they might be capable of being bred to, is plain from ſome Inſtances of Female-Wit, which this Age is not [285] without; which upbraids us with In⯑juſtice, and looks as if we deni'd Wo⯑men the advantages of Education, for fear they ſhou'd vye with the Men in their Improvements.

To remove this Objection, and that Women might have at leaſt a needful Opportunity of Education in all ſorts of Uſeful Learning, I pro⯑poſe the Draught of an Academy for that purpoſe.

I know 'tis dangerous to make Pub⯑lick Appearances of the Sex; they are not either to be confin'd or expos'd; the firſt will diſagree with their Inclina⯑tions, and the laſt with their Repu⯑tations; and therefore it is ſomewhat difficult; and I doubt a Method pro⯑pos'd by an Ingenious Lady, in a little Book, call'd, Advice to the Ladies, would be found impracticable. For, ſa⯑ving my Reſpect to the Sex, the Le⯑vity, which perhaps is a little peculiar [286] to them, at leaſt in their Youth, will not bear the Reſtraint; and I am ſa⯑tisfi'd, nothing but the heighth of Bi⯑gotry can keep up a Nunnery: Women are extravagantly deſirous of going to Heaven, and will puniſh their Pret⯑ty Bodies to get thither; but nothing elſe will do it; and even in that caſe ſometimes it falls out that Nature will prevail.

When I talk therefore of an Aca⯑demy for Women, I mean both the Model, the Teaching, and the Go⯑vernment, different from what is propos'd by that Ingenious Lady, for whoſe Propoſal I have a very great Eſteem, and alſo a great Opinion of her Wit; different too from all ſorts of Religious Confinement, and above all, from Vows of Celibacy.

Wherefore the Academy I propoſe ſhould differ but little from Publick Schools, wherein ſuch Ladies as were [287] willing to ſtudy, ſhou'd have all the advantages of Learning ſuitable to their Genius.

But ſince ſome Severities of Diſci⯑pline more than ordinary wou'd be abſolutely neceſſary to preſerve the Reputation of the Houſe, that Perſons of Quality and Fortune might not be a fraid to venture their Children thi⯑ther, I ſhall venture to make a ſmall Scheme by way of Eſſay.

The Houſe I wou'd have built in a Form by it ſelf, as well as in a Place by it ſelf.

The Building ſhou'd be of Three plain Fronts, without any Jettings, or Bearing-Work, that the Eye might at a Glance ſee from one Coin to the other; the Gardens wall'd in the ſame Triangular Figure, with a large Moat, and but one Entrance.

[288] When thus every part of the Sci⯑tuation was contriv'd as well as might be for diſcovery, and to render In⯑trieguing dangerous, I wou'd have no Guards, no Eyes, no Spies ſet over the Ladies, but ſhall expect them to be try'd by the Principles of Honour and ſtrict Virtue.

And if I am ask'd, Why? I muſt ask Pardon of my own Sex for giving this reaſon for it:

I am ſo much in Charity with Wo⯑men, and ſo well acquainted with Men, that 'tis my opinion, There needs no other Care to prevent In⯑trieguing, than to keep the men ef⯑fectually away: For tho' Inclination, which we prettily call Love, does ſometimes move a little too viſibly in the Sex, and Frailty often follows; yet I think verily, Cuſtom, which we miſcall Modeſty, has ſo far the Aſcendant over the Sex, that Solicitation always goes before it.

In ſhort, let a Woman have never ſuch a Coming-Principle, ſhe will let you ask before ſhe complies, at leaſt if ſhe be a Woman of any Honour.

[290] Upon this ground I am perſuaded ſuch Meaſures might be taken, that the Ladies might have all the Freedom in the world within their own Walls, and yet no Intrieguing, no Indecen⯑cies, nor Scandalous Affairs happen; and in order to this, the following Cuſtoms and Laws ſhou'd be ob⯑ſerv'd in the Colleges; of which I wou'd propoſe One at leaſt in every County in England, and about Ten for the City of London.

After the Regulation of the Form of the Building as before;

• (1.) All the Ladies who enter into the Houſe, ſhou'd ſet their Hands to the Orders of the Houſe, to ſignify their Conſent to ſubmit to them.
• (2.) As no Woman ſhou'd be receiv'd, but who declar'd her ſelf willing, and that it was the Act of her Choice to en⯑ter her ſelf, ſo no Perſon ſhou'd be con⯑fin'd to continue there a moment lon⯑ger [291] than the ſame voluntary Choice inclin'd her.
• (3.) The Charges of the Houſe being to be paid by the Ladies, every one that entred ſhou'd have only this Incumbrance, That ſhe ſhou'd pay for the whole Year, tho' her mind ſhou'd change as to her continuance.
• (4.) An Act of Parliament ſhou'd make it Felony without Clergy, for any man to enter by Force or Fraud into the Houſe, or to ſolicit any Wo⯑man, tho' it were to Marry, while ſhe was in the Houſe. And this Law wou'd by no means be ſevere; becauſe any Woman who was willing to re⯑ceive the Addreſſes of a Man, might diſcharge her ſelf of the Houſe when ſhe pleas'd; and on the contrary, any Woman who had occaſion, might diſ⯑charge her ſelf of the Impertinent Addreſſes of any Perſon ſhe had an Averſion to, by entring into the Houſe.

[292] In this Houſe,

The Perſons who Enter, ſhou'd be taught all ſorts of Breeding ſuitable to both their Genius and their Quality; and in particular, Muſick and Dancing, which it wou'd be cruelty to bar the Sex of, becauſe they are their Dar⯑lings: But beſides this, they ſhou'd be taught Languages, as particularly French and Italian; and I wou'd ven⯑ture the Injury of giving a Woman more Tongues than one.

They ſhou'd, as a particular Study, be taught all the Graces of Speech, and all the neceſſary Air of Conver⯑ſation; which our common Edu⯑cation is ſo defective in, that I need not expoſe it: They ſhou'd be brought to read Books, and eſpe⯑cially Hiſtory, and ſo to read as to make them underſtand the World, [293] and be able to know and judge of things when they hear of them.

To ſuch whoſe Genius wou'd lead them to it, I wou'd deny no ſort of Learning; but the chief thing in ge⯑neral is to cultivate the Underſtandings of the Sex, that they may be capable of all ſorts of Converſation; that their Parts and Judgments being im⯑prov'd, they may be as Profitable in their Converſation as they are Pleaſant.

Women, in my obſervation, have little or no difference in them, but as they are, or are not diſtinguiſh'd by E⯑ducation. Tempers indeed may in ſome degree influence them, but the main diſtinguiſhing part is their Breeding.

The whole Sex are generally Quick and Sharp: I believe I may be allow'd to ſay generally ſo; for you rarely ſee them lumpiſh and heavy when they are Children, as Boys will often be. If a Woman be well-bred, and taught [294] the proper Management of her Natu⯑ral Wit, ſhe proves generally very ſenſible and retentive: And without partiality, a Woman of Senſe and Manners is the Fineſt and moſt Deli⯑cate Part of God's Creation; the Glo⯑ry of her Maker, and the great In⯑ſtance of his ſingular regard to Man, his Darling Creature, to whom he gave the beſt Gift either God could beſtow, or man receive: And 'tis the ſordid'ſt Piece of Folly and Ingrati⯑tude in the world, to withhold from the Sex the due Luſtre which the ad⯑vantages of Education gives to the Natural Beauty of their Minds.

A Woman well Bred and well Taught, furniſh'd with the additional Accompliſhments of Knowledge and Behaviour, is a Creature without com⯑pariſon; her Society is the Emblem of ſublimer Enjoyments; her Perſon is Angelick, and her Converſation heaven⯑ly; [295] ſhe is all Softneſs and Sweetneſs, Peace, Love, Wit, and Delight: She is every way ſuitable to the ſublimeſt Wiſh; and the man that has ſuch a one to his Portion, has nothing to do but to rejoice in her, and be thankful.

On the other hand, Suppoſe her to be the very ſame Woman, and rob her of the Benefit of Education, and it follows thus;

If her Temper be Good, want of Education makes her Soft and Eaſy.

Her Wit, for want of Teaching, makes her Impertinent and Talka⯑tive.

Her Knowledge, for want of Judg⯑ment and Experience, makes her Fan⯑ciful and Whimſical.

If her Temper be Bad, want of Breeding makes her worſe, and ſhe grows Haughty, Inſolent, and Loud.

If ſhe be Paſſionate, want of Man⯑ners makes her Termagant, and a [296] Scold, which is much at one with Lu⯑natick.

If ſhe be Proud, want of Diſcre⯑tion (which ſtill is Breeding) makes her Conceited, Fantaſtick, and Ridi⯑culous.

And from theſe ſhe degenerates to be Turbulent, Clamorous, Noiſy, Naſty, and the Devil.

Methinks Mankind for their own ſakes, ſince ſay what we will of the Women, we all think fit one time or other to be concern'd with 'em, ſhou'd take ſome care to breed them up to be ſuitable and ſerviceable, if they expected no ſuch thing as Delight from 'em. Bleſs us! What Care do we take to Breed up a good Horſe, and to Break him well! and what a Value do we put upon him when it is done, and all becauſe he ſhou'd be fit for our uſe! and why not a Woman? Since all her Ornaments and Beauty, without [297] ſuitable Behaviour, is a Cheat in Na⯑ture, like the falſe Tradeſman, who puts the beſt of his Goods uppermoſt, that the Buyer may think the reſt are of the ſame Goodneſs.

Beauty of the Body, which is the Womens Glory, ſeems to be now un⯑equally beſtow'd, and Nature, or ra⯑ther Providence, to lye under ſome Scandal about it, as if 'twas given a Woman for a Snare to Men, and ſo make a kind of a She-Devil of her: Becauſe they ſay Exquiſite Beauty is rarely given with Wit; more rarely with Goodneſs of Temper, and ne⯑ver at all with Modeſty. And ſome, pretending to juſtify the Equity of ſuch a Diſtribution, will tell us 'tis the Effect of the Juſtice of Providence in dividing particular Excellencies among all his Creatures, ſhare and ſhare a⯑like, as it were, that all might for ſomething or other be acceptable to [296] [...] [297] [...] [298] one another, elſe ſome wou'd be de⯑ſpis'd.

I think both theſe Notions falſe; and yet the laſt, which has the ſhew of Reſpect to Providence, is the worſt; for it ſuppoſes Providence to be Indi⯑gent and Empty; as if it had not wherewith to furniſh all the Crea⯑tures it had made, but was fain to be parcimonious in its Gifts, and diſtri⯑bute them by piece-meal, for fear of being exhauſted.

If I might venture my Opinion againſt an almoſt univerſal Notion, I wou'd ſay, Moſt men miſtake the Proceedings of Providence in this caſe, and all the world at this day are miſtaken in their Practice about it. And becauſe the Aſſertion is very bold, I deſire to explain my ſelf.

That Almighty Firſt Cauſe which made us all, is certainly the Fountain of Excellence, as it is of Being, and [299] by an Inviſible Influence could have diffuſed Equal Qualities and Perfecti⯑ons to all the Creatures it has made, as the Sun does its Light, without the leaſt Ebb or Diminution to himſelf; and has given indeed to every indivi⯑dual ſufficient to the Figure his Pro⯑vidence had deſign'd him in the world.

I believe it might be defended, if I ſhould ſay, That I do ſuppoſe God has given to all Mankind equal Gifts and Capacities, in that he has given them all Souls equally capable; and that the whole difference in Mankind proceeds either from Accidental Dif⯑ference in the Make of their Bodies, or from the fooliſh Difference of Edu⯑cation.

1. From Accidental Difference in Bodies. I wou'd avoid diſcourſing here of the Philoſophical Poſition of the Soul in the Body: But if it be true [300] as Philoſophers do affirm, That the Underſtanding and Memory is dilated or contracted according to the acci⯑dental Dimenſions of the Organ through which 'tis convey'd; then tho' God has given a Soul as capable to me as another, yet if I have any Natural Defect in thoſe Parts of the Body by which the Soul ſhou'd act, I may have the ſame Soul infus'd as another man, and yet he be a Wiſe Man, and I a very Fool. For example, If a Child naturally have a Defect in the Organ of Hearing, ſo that he cou'd never diſtinguiſh any Sound, that Child ſhall never be able to ſpeak or read, tho' it have a Soul capable of all the Accompliſhments in the world. The Brain is the Centre of the Souls actings, where all the diſtin⯑guiſhing Faculties of it reſide; and 'tis obſervable, A man who has a nar⯑row contracted Head, in which there [301] is not room for the due and neceſſary Operations of Nature by the Brain, is never a man of very great Judg⯑ment; and that Proverb, A Great Head and Little Wit, is not meant by Nature, but is a Reproof upon Sloth; as if one ſhou'd, by way of wonder, ſay, Fye, fye, you that have a Great Head, have but Little Wit, that's ſtrange! that muſt certainly be your own fault. From this Notion I do believe there is a great matter in the Breed of Men and Wo⯑men; not that Wiſe Men ſhall al⯑ways get Wiſe Children; but I be⯑lieve Strong and Healthy Bodies have the Wiſeſt Children; and Sickly Weak⯑ly Bodies affect the Wits as well as the Bodies of their Children. We are eaſily perſuaded to believe this in the Breeds of Horſes, Cocks, Dogs, and other Creatures; and I believe 'tis as viſible in Men.

[302] But to come cloſer to the buſineſs; the great diſtinguiſhing difference which is ſeen in the world between Men and Women, is in their Educa⯑tion; and this is manifeſted by com⯑paring it with the difference between one Man or Woman, and another.

And herein it is that I take upon me to make ſuch a bold Aſſertion, That all the World are miſtaken in their Practice about Women: For I cannot think that God Almighty ever made them ſo delicate, ſo glorious Creatures, and furniſh'd them with ſuch Charms, ſo Agreeable and ſo Delightful to Mankind, with Souls capable of the ſame Accompliſhments with Men, and all to be only Stewards of our Houſes, Cooks and Slaves.

Not that I am for exalting the Fe⯑male Government in the leaſt: But, in ſhort, I would have Men take Women for Companions, and Educate them to be [303] fit for it. A Woman of Senſe and Breeding will ſcorn as much to en⯑croach upon the Prerogative of the Man, as a Man of Senſe will ſcorn to oppreſs the Weakneſs of the Woman. But if the Womens Souls were refin'd and improv'd by Teaching, that word wou'd be loſt; to ſay, The Weakneſs of the Sex, as to Judgment, wou'd be Nonſenſe; for Ignorance and Folly wou'd be no more to be found among Women than Men. I remember a Paſſage which I heard from a very Fine Woman, ſhe had Wit and Capacity enough, an Extra⯑ordinary Shape and Face, and a Great Fortune, but had been cloyſter'd up all her time, and for fear of being ſtoll'n had not had the liberty of being taught the common neceſſary know⯑ledge of Womens Affairs; and when ſhe came to converſe in the world, her Natural Wit made her ſo ſenſible [304] of the want of Education, that ſhe gave this ſhort Reflection on her ſelf:

I am aſham'd to talk with my very Maids, ſays ſhe, for I don't know when they do right or wrong: I had more need go to School, than be Married.

I need not enlarge on the Loſs the Defect of Education is to the Sex, nor argue the Benefit of the contrary Practice; 'tis a thing will be more eaſily granted than remedied: This Chapter is but an Eſſay at the thing, and I refer the Practice to thoſe Happy Days, if ever they ſhall be, when men ſhall be wiſe enough to mend it.

Of a COURT-MERCHANT.

I Ask Pardon of the Learned Gentle⯑men of the Long Robe, if I do 'em any wrong in this Chapter, having no deſign to affront 'em; when I ſay, That in Matters of Debate among Merchants, when they come to be ar⯑gued by Lawyers at the Bar, they are ſtrangely handled. I my ſelf have heard very famous Lawyers make ſorry Work of a Cauſe between the Merchant and his Factor; and when they come to argue about Exchanges, Diſcounts, Proteſts, Demorages, Charter-Parties, Fraights, Port-Charges, Aſſuran⯑ces, Barratries, Bottomries, Accounts Cur⯑rant, Accounts in Commiſſion, and Ac⯑counts in Company, and the like, the Sollicitor has not been able to draw a Brief, nor the Council to underſtand [306] it: Never was Young Parſon more put to it to make out his Text when he's got into the Pulpit without his Notes, than I have ſeen a Council at the Bar, when he wou'd make out a Cauſe between two Merchants: And I remember a pretty Hiſtory of a parti⯑cular Caſe, by way of Inſtance, When two Merchants contending about a long Factorage-Account, that had all the Niceties of Merchandizing in it, and labouring on both ſides to in⯑ſtruct their Council, and to put them in when they were out; at laſt they found them make ſuch ridiculous ſtuff off it, that they both threw up the Cauſe, and agreed to a Reference; which Reference in one Week, with⯑out any Charge, ended all the Di⯑ſpute, which they had ſpent a great deal of Money in before to no pur⯑poſe.

[307] Nay, the very Judges themſelves (no Reflection upon their Learning) have been very much at a loſs in giving Inſtructions to a Jury, and Juries much more to underſtand them; for when all is done, Juries, which are not always, nor often indeed of the Wiſeſt Men, are to be ſure ill Um⯑pires in Cauſes ſo nice, that the very Lawyer and Judge can hardly under⯑ſtand them.

The Affairs of Merchants are ac⯑companied with ſuch variety of Cir⯑cumſtances, ſuch new and unuſual Contingences, which change and dif⯑fer in every Age, with a multitude of Niceties and Punctilio's; and thoſe again altering as the Cuſtoms and Uſages of Countries and States do al⯑ter; that it has been found impracti⯑cable to make any Laws that could extend to all Caſes: And our Law it ſelf does tacitly acknowledge its own [308] Imperfection in this Caſe, by allowing the Cuſtom of Merchants to paſs as a kind of Law, in caſes of Difficulty.

Wherefore it ſeems to me a moſt Natural Proceeding, That ſuch Affairs ſhou'd be heard before, and judg'd by ſuch as by known Experience and long Practice in the Cuſtoms and Uſages of Foreign Negoce, are of courſe the moſt capable to determine the ſame.

Beſides the Reaſonableneſs of the Argument, there are ſome Caſes in our Laws in which it is impoſſible for a Plaintiff to make out his Caſe, or a Defendant to make out his Plea; as in particular, when his Proofs are beyond Seas, for no Proteſts, Certifications, or Procurations are allow'd in our Courts as Evidence; and the Damages are Infinite and Irretrievable by any of the Proceedings of our Laws.

[309] For the anſwering all theſe Circum⯑ſtances, a Court might be erected by Authority of Parliament, to be compos'd of Six Judges Commiſſioners, who ſhou'd have Power to Hear and De⯑cide as a Court of Equity, under the Title of, A Court-Merchant.

The Proceedings of this Court ſhou'd be ſhort, the Trials ſpee⯑dy, the Fees eaſy, that every man might have immediate Remedy where Wrong is done: For in Trials at Law about Merchants Affairs, the Circum⯑ſtances of the Caſe are often ſuch, as the long Proceedings of Courts of E⯑quity are more pernicious than in other Caſes; becauſe the matters to which they are generally relating, are under greater Contingences than in other caſes, as Effects in hands abroad, which want Orders, Ships and Seamen [310] lying at Demoreage, and in Pay, and the like.

Theſe Six Judges ſhou'd be choſen of the moſt Eminent Merchants of the Kingdom, to reſide in London, and to have Power by Commiſſion to ſummon a Council of Merchants, who ſhou'd decide all Caſes on the Hearing of both Parties, with Appeal to the ſaid Judges.

Alſo to delegate by Commiſſion Petty Councils of Merchants in the moſt conſiderable Ports of the King⯑dom for the ſame purpoſe.

The Six Judges themſelves to be on⯑ly Judges of Appeal; all Trials to be heard before the Council of Merchants, by Methods and Proceedings Singular and Conciſe.

The Council to be ſworn to do Ju⯑ſtice, and to be choſen annually out of the principal Merchants of the City.

[311] The Proceedings here ſhou'd be without Delay; the Plaintiff to exhi⯑bit his Grievance by way of Brief, and the Defendant to give in his Anſwer, and a time of Hearing to be appoint⯑ed immediately.

The Defendant by Motion ſhall have liberty to put off Hearing, up⯑on ſhowing good Cauſe; not other⯑wiſe.

At Hearing, every man to argue his own Cauſe, if he pleaſes, or in⯑troduce any perſon to do it for him.

Atteſtations and Proteſts from Fo⯑reign Parts, regularly procur'd, and authentickly ſignifi'd in due Form, to paſs in Evidence; Affidavits in due Form likewiſe atteſted and done before proper Magiſtrates within the King's Dominions, to be allow'd as Evi⯑dence.

The Party griev'd may appeal to the Six Judges, before whom they ſhall [312] plead by Council, and from their Judgment to have no Appeal.

By this Method Infinite Contro⯑verſies wou'd be avoided, and Diſputes amicably ended, a multitude of preſent Inconveniences avoided; and Mer⯑chandizing-Matters wou'd in a Mer⯑chant-like manner be decided, by the known Cuſtoms and Methods of Trade.

Of SEAMEN.

IT is obſervable, That whenever this Kingdom is engaged in a War with any of its Neighbours, two great Inconveniences conſtantly fol⯑low; one to the King, and one to Trade.

[313] (1.) That to the King is, That he is forced to preſs Seamen for the Man⯑ning of his Navy, and force them in⯑voluntarily into the Service: Which way of violent dragging men into the Fleet, is attended with ſundry ill cir⯑cumſtances: As,

• 1. Our Naval Preparations are re⯑tarded, and our Fleets always late, for want of Men; which has expos'd them not a little, and been the ruin of many a good and well-laid Expe⯑dition.
• 2. Several Irregularities follow, as the Officers taking Money to diſmiſs Able Seamen, and filling up their Complement with raw and improper Perſons.
• 3. Oppreſſions, Quarrelings, and oftentimes Murthers, by the raſhneſs of Preſs-maſters, and the obſtinacy of ſome unwilling to go.
• [314] 4. A ſecret Averſion to the Service, from a Natural Principle, common to the Engliſh Nation, to hate Com⯑pulſion.
• 5. Kidnapping people out of the Kingdom, robbing Houſes, and pick⯑ing Pockets, frequently practiſed un⯑der pretence of Preſſing; as has been very much uſed of late.

With various Abuſes of the like nature, ſome to the King, and ſome to the Subject.

(2.) To Trade. By the extravagant Price ſet on Wages for Seamen, which they impoſe on the Merchant with a ſort of Authority, and he is obliged to give by reaſon of the Scarcity of Men; and that not from a real want of Men; for in the heighth of a Preſs, if a Merchant-man wanted Men, and could get a Protection for them, he might have any number immediately, [315] and none without it; ſo ſhye were they of the Publick Service.

The Firſt of theſe things has coſt the King above Three Millions Ster⯑ling, ſince the War, in theſe Three Particulars:

• 1. Charge of Preſſing on Sea, and on Shore, and in ſmall Craft employ⯑ed for that purpoſe.
• 2. Ships lying in Harbour for want of Men, at a vaſt Charge of Pay and Victuals for thoſe they had.
• 3. Keeping the whole Navy in conſtant Pay and Proviſions all the Winter, for fear of loſing the Men againſt Summer, which has now been done ſeveral Years, beſides Bounty-Money and other Expences, to court and oblige the Seamen.

The Second of theſe, (viz.) the great Wages paid by the Merchant, has coſt Trade, ſince the War, above [316] Twenty Millions Sterling. The Coal-Trade gives a Specimen of it, who for the firſt Three Years of the War gave 9 l. a Voyage to Common Sea⯑men, who before ſailed for 36 s. which computing the number of Ships and Men uſed in the Coal-Trade, and of Voyages made, at 8 hands to a Veſſel, does modeſtly accounting make 896000 l. difference in one year, in Wages to Seamen in the Coal-Trade only.

For other Voyages, the difference of Sailors Wages is 50 s. per Month, and 55 s. per Month, to Foremaſt⯑men, who before went for 26 s. per Month; beſides ſubjecting the Mer⯑chant to the Inſolence of the Seamen, who are not now to be pleaſed with any Proviſions, will admit no Half-Pay, and command of the Captains even what they pleaſe; nay, the King himſelf can hardly pleaſe them.

[317] For Cure of theſe Inconveniences it is, the following Project is propos'd; with which the Seamen can have no rea⯑ſon to be diſſatisfied, nor are not at all injur'd; and yet the Damage ſuſtain'd will be prevented, and an immenſe Sum of Money ſpar'd, which is now ſquander'd away by the Profuſeneſs and Luxury of the Seamen: For if Prodigality weakens the Publick Wealth of the Kingdom in general, then are the Seamen but ill Common⯑wealths-men, who are not viſibly the Richer for the prodigious Sums of Money paid them either by the King or the Merchant.

The Project is this;

That by an Act of Parliament an Office or Court be erected, within the Juriſdiction of the Court of Admiral⯑ty, and ſubject to the Lord High Ad⯑miral; [318] or otherwiſe Independent, and ſubject only to a Parliamentary Au⯑thority; as the Commiſſion for taking and ſtating the Publick Accounts.

In this Court or Office, or the ſeve⯑ral Branches of it (which to that end ſhall be ſubdivided, and plac'd in eve⯑ry Sea-Port in the Kingdom) ſhall be liſted and entred into immediate Pay all the Seamen in the Kingdom, who ſhall be divided into Colleges or Chambers of ſundry degrees, ſuitable to their ſeveral Capacities, with Pay in proportion to their Qualities; as Boys, Youths, Servants, Men Able, and Raw, Midſhip-men, Officers, Pilots, Old Men, and Penſioners.

The Circumſtantials of this Office;

• 1. No Captain or Maſter of any Ship or Veſſel ſhou'd dare to hire or carry to Sea with him any Seaman, but ſuch as he ſhall receive from the Office aforeſaid.
• [319] 2. No man whatſoever, Seaman or other, but applying himſelf to the ſaid Office to be employ'd as a Sailor, ſhou'd immediately enter into Pay, and receive for every Able Seaman 24 s. per Month, and Juniors in pro⯑portion; to receive Half-Pay while un⯑employ'd, and liberty to work for them⯑ſelves, only to be at Call of the Office, and leave an account where to be found.
• 3. No Sailor cou'd deſert, becauſe no Employment wou'd be to be had elſewhere.
• 4. All Ships at their clearing at the Cuſtom-houſe, ſhou'd receive a Ticket to the Office for Men, where wou'd be always Choice rather than Scarcity; who ſhou'd be deliver'd over by the Office to the Captain or Maſter, with⯑out any Trouble or Delay; all liberty of Choice to be allow'd both to Ma⯑ſter and Men, only ſo as to give up all Diſputes to the Officers appointed to decide.

  [320] Note, By this wou'd be avoided the great Charge Captains and Owners are at to keep Men on Board before they are ready to go; whereas now the care of getting Men will be over, and all come on board in one day; for the Captain carrying the Ticket to the Of⯑fice, he may go and chuſe his Men, if he will; otherwiſe they will be ſent on board him, by Tickets ſent to their Dwellings, to repair on board ſuch a Ship.

• 5. For all theſe Men that the Cap⯑tain or Maſter of the Ship takes, he ſhall pay the Office, not the Seamen, 28 s. per Month, (which 4 s. per Month Overplus of Wages, will be employ'd to pay the Half-Pay to the men out of Employ), and ſo in pro⯑portion of Wages for Juniors.
• 6. All Diſputes concerning the mu⯑tinying of Mariners, or other matters [321] of Debate between the Captains and Men, to be tri'd by way of Appeal, in a Court for that purpoſe to be erect⯑ed as aforeſaid.
• 7. All diſcounting of Wages, and Time, all Damages of Goods, Avarages, ſtopping of Pay, and the like, to be adjuſted by ſtated and Publick Rules, and Laws in Print, eſtabliſh'd by the ſame Act of Parliament; by which means all litigious Suits in the Court of Admiralty (which are Infinite) would be prevented.
• 8. No Ship that is permitted to enter at the Cuſtom-Houſe, and take in Goods, ſhould ever be refus'd Men, or delay'd in the delivering them above five days after a Demand made, and a Ticket from the Cuſtom-houſe deli⯑ver'd; general Caſes, as Arreſts and Embargoes, excepted.

[322] The Conſequences of this Method.

• 1. By this means the Publick wou'd have no want of Seamen, and all the Charges and other Inconveniences of Preſſing Men would be prevented.
• 2. The intolerable Oppreſſion upon Trade, from the Exorbitance of Wa⯑ges, and Inſolence of Mariners, wou'd be taken off.
• 3. The following Sums of Money ſhou'd be paid to the Office, to lye in Bank as a Publick Fund for the Ser⯑vice of the Nation, to be diſpos'd of by Order of Parliament, and not otherwiſe; a Committee being al⯑ways ſubſtituted in the Intervals of the Seſſion, to audit the Accounts, and a Treaſury for the Money, to be compos'd of Members of the Houſe, and to be chang'd every Seſſion of Par⯑liament.
  • 1. Four Shillings per Month Wages advanc'd by the Merchants to the Office for the Men, more than the Office pays them.
  • 2. In conſideration of the reducing Mens Wages, and conſequently Fraights to the former Prices or near them, the Owners of Ships, or Merchants, ſhall pay at the Importation of all Goods, 40 s. per Ton Freight, to be ſtated upon all Goods and Ports in proportion; reckoning it on Wine Tonnage from Canaries, as the Standard, and on ſpecial Freights in proportion to the Freight formerly paid, and half the ſaid Price in times of Peace.

Note, This may well be done, and no Burthen; for if Freights are reduced to their former Prices (or near it) as they will be if Wages are ſo too, then the Merchant may well pay it: As for Inſtance; Freight from Ja⯑maica [324] to London, formerly at 6 l. 10 s. per Ton, now at 18 and 20 l. From Virginia, at 5 l. to 6 l. 10 s. now at 14, 16, and 17 l. From Barbadoes, at 6 l. now at 16 l. From Oporto, at 2 l. now at 6 l. and the like.

The Payment of the aboveſaid Sums being a large Bank for a Fund, and it being ſuppoſed to be in fair hands, and currently managed, the Merchants ſhall further pay upon all Goods ſhipp'd out, and ſhipp'd on board from abroad, for and from any Port of this Kingdom, 4 l. per Cent. on the real Value, bona fide, to be ſworn to, if demanded: In conſide⯑ration whereof, the ſaid Office ſhall be obliged to pay and make good all Loſſes, Damages, Avarages, and Ca⯑ſualties whatſoever, as fully as by the Cuſtom of Aſſurances now is done, [325] without any Diſcounts, Rebates, or Delays whatſoever; the ſaid 4 l. per Cent. to be ſtated on the Voyage to the Barbadoes, and enlarged or taken off, in proportion to the Voyage, by Rules and Laws, to be Printed and publickly known.

Reſerving only, That then, as rea⯑ſon good, the ſaid Office ſhall have Power to direct Ships of all ſorts, how, and in what manner, and how long they ſhall ſail, with, or wait for Con⯑voys; and ſhall have Power (with Limitations) to lay Embargoes on Ships, in order to compoſe Fleets for the benefit of Convoys.

Theſe Rules, formerly noted, to extend to all Trading by Sea, the Coaſting and Home-Fiſhing Trade excepted; and for them it ſhould be order'd;

[326] Firſt, For Coals; the Colliers be⯑ing provided with Men at 28 s. per Month, and Convoys in ſufficient number, and proper Stations from Tinmouth-Bar to the River, ſo as they need not go in Fleets, but as Wind and Weather preſents, run all the way under the Protection of the Men of War, who ſhou'd be continually crui⯑ſing from Station to Station; they would be able to perform their Voyage in as ſhort time as formerly, and at as cheap Pay, and conſequently cou'd afford to ſell their Coals at 17 s. per Chaldron, as well as formerly at 15 s.

Wherefore there ſhou'd be paid into the Treaſury appointed at Newcaſtle, by Bond to be paid where they deliver, 10 s. per Chal⯑dron, Newcaſtle Meaſure; and the ſta⯑ted [327] Price at London to be 27 s. per Chaldron in the Pool, which is 30 s. at the Buyers Houſe; and is ſo far from being dear, a time of War eſpe⯑cially, as it is cheaper than ever was known in a War; and the Officers ſhou'd by Proclamation confine the Seller to that Price.

In conſideration alſo of the Charge of Convoys, the Ships bringing Coals ſhall all pay 1 l. per Cent. on the Value of the Ship, to be agreed on at the Of⯑fice; and all Convoy-Money exacted by Commanders of Ships, ſhall be re⯑linquiſh'd, and the Office to make good all Loſſes of Ships, not Goods, that ſhall be loſt by Enemies only.

Theſe Heads indeed are ſuch as wou'd need ſome Explication, if the Expe⯑riment were to be made; and, with ſubmiſſion, wou'd reduce the Seamen [328] to better Circumſtances, at leaſt 'twou'd have them in readineſs for any Publick Service much eaſier than by all the late methods of En⯑couragement by regiſtring Sea⯑men, &c.

For by this Method all the Sea⯑men in the Kingdom ſhou'd be the King's hired Servants, and receive their Wages from him, whoever em⯑ploy'd them; and no man cou'd hire or employ them, but from him: The Merchant ſhou'd hire them of the King, and pay the King for them; nor wou'd there be a Seaman in Eng⯑land out of Employ, which, by the way, wou'd prevent their ſeeking Service abroad. If they were not actually at Sea, they wou'd receive Half-Pay, and might be employ'd in Works about the Yards, Stores, and Navy, to keep all things in Repair.

[329] If a Fleet or Squadron was to be fitted out, they wou'd be mann'd in a Week's time, for all the Seamen in England wou'd be ready: Nor wou'd they be ſhye of the Service; for it is not an Averſion to the King's Service; nor 'tis not that the Duty is harder in the Men of War than the Merchant-men; nor 'tis not fear of Danger which makes our Seamen lurk, and hide, and hang back in a time of War; but 'tis Wages is the matter: 24 s. per Month in the King's Service, and 40 to 50 s. per Month from the Merchant, is the true cauſe; and the Seaman is in the right of it too; for who wou'd ſerve his King and Countrey, and fight, and be knock'd o' the head at 24 s. per Month that can have 50 s. without that ha⯑zard: And till this be remedied, in vain are all the Encouragements which can be given to Seamen; for [330] they tend but to make them Inſolent, and encourage their Extravagance.

Nor wou'd this Proceeding be any damage to the Seamen in general; for 24 s. per Month Wages, and to be kept in conſtant Service, or Half-Pay when idle, is really better to the Seamen than 45 s. per Month, as they now take it, conſidering how long they often lye idle on ſhore, out of Pay: For the extravagant Price of Seamens Wages, tho' it has been an Intolerable Burthen to Trade, has not viſibly enrich'd the Sailors; and they may as well be content with 24 s. per Month now as formerly.

On the other hand, Trade wou'd be ſenſibly reviv'd by it, the intole⯑rable Price of Freights wou'd be redu⯑ced, and the Publick wou'd reap an immenſe Benefit by the Payments men⯑tion'd in the Propoſal; as,

• (1.) 4 s. per Month upon the Wa⯑ges of all the Seamen employ'd by the Merchant; which if we allow 200000 Seamen always in Employ, as there cannot be leſs in all the Ships be⯑longing to England, is 40000 l. per Month.
• (2.) 40 s. per Ton Freight upon all Goods imported.
• (3.) 4 per Cent. on the Value of all Goods exported or imported.
• (4.) 10 s. per Chaldron upon all the Coals ſhipp'd at Newcaſtle; and 1 per Cent. on the Ships which carry them.

What theſe Four Articles wou'd pay to the Exchequer yearly, 'twou'd be very difficult to calculate, and I am too near the End of this Book to attempt it: But I believe no Tax ever given ſince this War, has come near it.

[332] 'Tis true, out of this the Publick wou'd be to pay Half-Pay to the Sea⯑men who ſhall be out of Employ, and all the Loſſes and Damages on Goods and Ships; which tho' it might be conſi⯑derable, wou'd be ſmall, compar'd to the Payment aforeſaid; for as the Pre⯑mio of 4 per Cent. is but ſmall, ſo the Safety lies upon all men being bound to Inſure: For I believe any one will grant me this, 'tis not the ſmallneſs of a Premio Ruins the Enſurer, but 'tis the ſmallneſs of the Quantity he In⯑ſures; and I am not at all aſham'd to affirm, That let but a Premio of 4 l. per Cent. be paid into one Man's hand for all Goods Imported and Exported, and any Man may be the General En⯑ſurer of the Kingdom, and yet that Premio can never hurt the Merchant neither.

So that the vaſt Revenue this wou'd raiſe, wou'd be felt no where, nei⯑ther [333] Poor nor Rich wou'd Pay the more for Coals; Foreign Goods wou'd be brought home cheaper, and our own Goods carri'd to Market cheaper; Owners wou'd get more by Ships, Merchants by Goods, and Loſſes by Sea wou'd be no Loſs at all to any Body, becauſe Repaid by the Publick Stock.

Another unſeen Advantage wou'd ariſe by it, we ſhou'd be able to out⯑work all our Neighbours, even the Dutch themſelves, by Sailing as cheap, and carrying Goods as cheap in a time of War as in Peace, an Advan⯑tage which has more in it, than is eaſily thought of, and wou'd have a noble influence upon all our Foreign Trade. For what cou'd the Dutch do in Trade, if we cou'd carry our Goods to Cadiz at 50 s. per Ton Freight, and they give 8 or 10 l. and the like in other Places? Whereby we cou'd [334] be able to Sell cheaper or get more thau our Neighbours.

There are ſeveral conſiderable clau⯑ſes might be added to this Propoſal, ſome of great advantage to the Ge⯑neral Trade of the Kingdom, ſome to particular Trades, and more to the Publick; but I avoid being too Parti⯑cular in things which are but the Pro⯑duct of my own private Opinion.

If the Government ſhou'd ever pro⯑ceed to the Experiment, no queſtion but much more than has been hinted at wou'd appear; nor do I ſee any great difficulty in the Attempt, or who wou'd be aggriev'd at it; and there I leave it, rather wiſhing than expecting to ſee it undertaken.