SPEECH OF GENERAL BURGOYNE.
MOTION by Mr. VYNER, Martis 26^o die Maii, 1778.

‘"THAT this houſe will now reſolve it⯑ſelf into a committee of the whole houſe to conſider of the ſtate and condition of the army which ſurrendered themſelves on convention at Saratoga, in America; and alſo by what means Lieutenant Gene⯑ral Burgoyne, who commanded that army, and was included in that convention, was releaſed, and is now returned to England?"’

Mr. Vyner, in opening the motion, ſtated ſome queſtions to General Burgoyne, which he propoſed to aſk in the committee.

The motion was ſeconded by Mr. Wilkes, who alſo ſtated further queſtions in reſpect to [2] the treaty with the Indians, their conduct during the campaign, and the burning the country.

An amendment was propoſed by Mr. Fox to inſert, after the word conſider, theſe words ‘"of the tranſactions of the northern army under Lieutenant General Burgoyne, and of"’

The motion thus amended, would have run as follows: ‘"That this houſe will now reſolve itſelf into a committee of the whole houſe to conſider of the tranſactions of the northern army under Lieutenant General Burgoyne, and of the ſtate and condition of the ſaid army, &c."’

In the courſe of the debate General Bur⯑gopne ſpoke nearly as follows:

Mr. Speaker, not imagining there would be any motion by the honourable gentleman who ſpoke firſt, but that merely a deſire of information would be expreſſed upon certain ſubjects, I had myſelf prepared a motion for an addreſs to the king, to have ſuch papers laid before the houſe, as are now in poſſeſſion of the ſecretary of ſtate, and contain an account in detail, much too long for me to give in my place, of every circumſtance expreſſed in the queſtions of the honourable gentleman. Thoſe [3] papers are of the utmoſt importance to the ſtate, to parliament, and to the public.

The turn the buſineſs has taken precludes me at preſent from my intended motion; but I riſe to give my warmeſt ſupport to the amendment propoſed; and as reaſons for the expediency of inſtituting a full enquiry, to which the amendment points, I ſhall endea⯑vour, as far as I can do it without breach of order in debate, to give to Mr. Vyner and Mr. Wilkes.both the gentle⯑men ſatisfaction upon the particular ſubjects of their enquiries.

I agree with the honourable gentleman who ſeconded the motion, that all the conduct re⯑ſpecting the Indian nations is a matter that ought to be thoroughly canvaſſed; and I look upon his calling upon me openly, and in my place, as ſome reparation for the very free, and not very generous comments he made upon my conduct in my abſence.

Sir, I ever eſteemed the Indian alliances, at beſt, a neceſſary evil. I ever believed their ſervices to be over-valued; ſometimes inſigni⯑ficant, often barbarous, always capricious; and that the employment of them was only juſtifiable, when by being united to a regular army, they could be kept under controul, and made ſubſervient to a general ſyſtem.

[4]Upon this principle I heartily concurred with that gallant and humane general, Sir Guy Carleton, in the year 1776, to decline the offers and ſolicitations of the Indians to be then employed ſeparately: the impoſſibi⯑lity of compleating the preparations for paſ⯑ſing the regular troops over the lakes made it impoſſible to employ them conjunctively.

In that year, Sir, it was my lot, by delega⯑tion from Sir Guy Carleton, who was then at Quebec, to preſide at one of the greateſt councils with the Indians that had been held at Montreal. Many gentlemen here know, that the ceremony preceding the taking up the hatchet, is, to offer to the repreſentative of the power they mean to ſerve, the pipe of war. It was preſſed upon me by the chiefs pre⯑ſent; and it was in my power, by a ſingle whif of tobacco, to have given flame and ex⯑ploſion to a dozen nations. I never felt greater ſatisfaction than in being able to ful⯑fil the inſtructions I was charged with, for reſtraining the impetuous paſſions of theſe people: it was a ſecondary ſatisfaction, at my return to England in the winter, to juſtify the conduct of Sir Guy Carleton in this reſpect, though the juſtification was very unpopular, among thoſe—I mean not to particularize [5] miniſters, or miniſters of miniſters—but a⯑mong thoſe men, who, in their zeal againſt the coloniſts, had adopted the reaſoning, that ‘"partial ſeverity was general mercy,"’ pro⯑vided by carrying terrors it conduced to finiſhing the war. How juſt ſo ever this principle may be, my mind is not of a texture for carrying it into effect; and I returned to Canada the following ſpring, when I ſuc⯑ceeded to the command, determined to be the ſoldier, not the executioner of the ſtate.

I found care had been already taken by Ge⯑neral Carleton, upon the ſame principles of humanity which always direct his conduct, to officer the Indians with gentlemen ſelected from the Britiſh troops, upon a diſtinction of their temper and judgment, as well as upon that of their valour; and in much greater number than ever was deſtined to that ſervice before. To theſe precautions I added that of a favourite prieſt, who had more controul o⯑ver the paſſions of the Indians than all their chiefs put together; and I truſt the expence put upon government to engage that gentle⯑man's aſſiſtance through the courſe of the campaign, will not be eſteemed an improper article in my accounts.

[6]Sir, with theſe aſſiſtances I was able to en⯑force obedience to the injunctions of my ſpeech at the great council, upon aſſembling the ar⯑my, which has been made public. Barbarity was prevented—So much ſo, that in one in⯑ſtance, two wounded provincial officers were brought off in the midſt of fire upon the backs of Indians; and a captain, and his whole de⯑tachment, placed in ambuſcade, were brought priſoners to my camp by Indians, without a man hurt, though it was evident they were placed for the ſpecial purpoſe of deſtroying me upon a reconnoitring party, and I was at that time very popular with the Indians.

I could produce many more inſtances to ſhew, that every poſſible exertion of humanity was uſed; and that the caſe of Miſs Mecree excepted, which was accident, not premedi⯑tated cruelty, the ſtories upon which the ho⯑nourable gentleman founded his accuſation of me, were merely thoſe fabricated by commit⯑tees, and propagated in news-papers, for tem⯑porary purpoſes. The proclamation, which the honourable gentleman, in my abſence treated with ſo harſh terms, I avow, was penned by myſelf. The deſign was to excite obedience, firſt by encouragement, and next by the dread, not the commiſſion of ſeverity; [7] ‘—"to ſpeak daggers, but uſe none."’ And ſo far were the Americans, in their hearts, from putting upon that proclamation the in⯑terpretation that gentleman has done, that it ſerved to procure me reſpect and acknowledg⯑ment wherever I afterwards travelled through the country.

Sir, a gentleman has been in London great part of the winter, who I wiſh had been called to your bar.—It is for the ſake of truth only I wiſh it; for he is certainly not my friend. His name is St. Luc le Corne, a diſtinguiſhed partiſan of the French in the laſt war, and now in the Britiſh ſervice as a leader of the Indians.—He owes us indeed ſome ſervice, having been formerly inſtrumental in ſcalping many hundred Britiſh ſoldiers upon the very ground where, though with a different ſort of latitude, he was this year employed. He is by nature, education, and practice, artful, ambitious, and a courtier. To the grudge he owed me for controlling him in the uſe of the hatchet and ſcalping knife, it was natural to his character to recommend himſelf to mi⯑niſterial favour, by any cenſure in his power to caſt upon an unfaſhionable general. He was often cloſeted by a noble Lord in my eyeLord G. Germaine., and, with all theſe diſadvantages, as he has [8] not been examined here, I wiſh the noble lord to inform the houſe, what this man has pre⯑ſumed to ſay of my conduct with the Indians. I know, in private companies, his language has been, that the Indians might have done great ſervices, but they were diſcharged. Sir, if to reſtrain them from murder was to diſcharge them, I take with pride the blame—They were diſcharged. That circumſtance apart, I ſhould ſay that the Indians, and Mr. St. Luc at the head of them, deſerted.

[^*Sir, in regard to the call made upon me by the ſame honourable gentleman, for expla⯑nation reſpecting the burning of the country during the progreſs of the army under my command, I am ignorant of any ſuch circum⯑ſtance; I do not recollect more than one ac⯑cident by fire; I poſitively aſſert there was no fire by order or countenance of myſelf, or any other officer, except at Saratoga. That diſtrict is the property of Major General Scuyler of the American troops; there were large barracks built by him, which took fire the day after the army arrived upon the [9] ground in their retreat; and I believe I need not ſtate any other proof of that matter being merely accident, than that the barracks were then made uſe of as my hoſpital, and full of ſick and wounded ſoldiers. General Scuyler had likewiſe a very good dwelling-houſe, exceed⯑ing large ſtorehouſes, great ſaw-mills, and other out-buildings, to the value altogether perhaps of ten thouſand pounds; a few days before the negotiation with General Gates, the enemy had formed a plan to attack me; a large column of troops were approaching to paſs the ſmall river, preparatory to a general action, and were entirely covered from the fire of my artillery by thoſe buildings. Sir, I avow that I gave the order to ſet them on fire; and in a very ſhort time that whole pro⯑perty, I have deſcribed, was conſumed. But, to ſhew that the perſon moſt deeply con⯑cerned in that calamity, did not put the con⯑ſtruction upon it, which it has pleaſed the honourable gentleman to do, I muſt in⯑form the houſe, that one of the firſt per⯑ſons I ſaw, after the convention was ſigned, was General Scuyler. I expreſſed to him my regret at the event which had happen⯑ed, and the reaſons which had occaſioned it. He deſired me to think no more of it; [10] ſaid that the occaſion juſtified it, according to the principles and rules of war, and he ſhould have done the ſame upon the ſame occaſion, or words to that effect. He did more—He ſent an aid-de-camp to conduct me to Albany, in order, as he expreſſed, to procure me better quarters than a ſtranger might be able to find. This gentleman conducted me to a very ele⯑gant houſe, and to my great ſurpriſe, pre⯑ſented me to Mrs. Scuyler and her family; and in this general's houſe I remained during my whole ſtay at Albany, with a table of more than twenty covers for me and my friends, and every other poſſible demonſtration of ho⯑ſpitality: a ſituation, painful it is true in point of ſenſibility at the time, but which I now contemplate with ſome ſatisfaction, as carrying undeniable teſtimony how little I deſerved the charges of the honourable gen⯑tleman; and I leave it to his feelings, whether, after this explanation, ſome farther apology is not due to me.]

In regard to the firſt and moſt material queſtion aſked me by the honourable gentle⯑man who propoſed the motion, viz. In what ſituation is the army at Cambridge? It is with ſome ſurprize I find that any part of this country is ignorant of the extraordinary cir⯑cumſtances [11] that have attended it, as I conceive government muſt have received intelligence of them ſome time ago. In regard to the re⯑port made by myſelf, I acquit the king's mi⯑niſters of any blame in not yet having made it public, becauſe it was ſo voluminous that the papers could not be digeſted and copied, with the conſtant labour of three clerks, before laſt Saturday, when they were put into the hands of the noble lord ſecretary of ſtate for the American department. But I truſt that noble lord will now loſe no time to make pu⯑blic, matters of ſuch importance. Let them undergo the ſcrutiny of the committee as pro⯑poſed by the amended motion, and let the world judge, upon their report, whether the ſpirit of the troops and the honour of the na⯑tion have been ſuſtained and vindicated during thoſe tranſactions. In confidence that theſe papers cannot poſſibly be withheld, I refer the honourable gentleman to them for a full delineation and explanation of the ſtate of things at Cambridge, and will reſt my preſent information upon a few material facts. The troops have undergone hardſhips and trials of patience as ſevere, though of a different nature, as any they experienced in the conflicts of the campaign. They have acquitted themſelves [12] with equal reſolution, temper, and honour. They are at preſent detained by a reſolve of the congreſs, expreſſing that there are cau⯑ſes of ſuſpicion that the convention was de⯑ſigned to be broke on our part, and therefore they are juſtifiable, without breach of public faith, to ſuſpend the embarkation of the troops till the convention is ratified by the court of Great Britain.

In common with various pretences which involved other names in high departments to juſtify this meaſure, the congreſs grounded many ſuppoſitions that I knew to be unjuſt, upon my conduct. I thought it a duty to the ſtate, to the army, and to myſelf, to refute thoſe ſuppoſitions, and ſtill, if poſſible, to give im⯑mediate effect to the convention. It will reſt upon the houſe to judge, when they ſee the papers, whether I made good that refutation. And that brings me to another queſtion aſked by the honourable gentleman: ‘"By what means and upon what condition I am in perſon here?"’ Sir, I charged my aid de camp, who carried my diſpatch to the congreſs in anſwer to their vote of ſuſpenſion, which the preſident had officially ſent me, with a ſecond letter to be delivered in caſe the ſuſpenſion, after conſide⯑ration had of my firſt letter, was continued: [13] The purport of this letter was to aſk paſſports for my perſonal return for the re-eſtabliſhment of my health, (which was then much affected) for the purpoſe of ſettling large and complicated accounts, and other reaſons; and I offered to give a parole that ſhould the ſuſpenſion of embarka⯑tion be prolonged beyond the time apprehended, I would return to America upon demand of the congreſs, and due notice given, re-deliver my perſon into their hands, and abide the fate of the reſt of the army with whom I had ſerved. Sir, I had many reaſons, not neceſary nor pro⯑per to be alleged to the congreſs, founded upon a nearer intereſt than health or any pri⯑vate expediency, to make me deſirous to return home: to lay before government important truths, not to be communicated by other means, and to ſupply, as far as in me lay, by an aſſiduous and honeſt exertion in this houſe, the misfortune that had diſenabled me from performing my duty in the field. I accompa⯑nied my letter to the congreſs by one to Gene⯑ral Waſhington, wherein upon an opinion of his character, I aſked him for his ſupport to an application that could not interfere with the public duties of our reſpective ſituations. I ſhall beg leave to read his anſwer as part of my ſpeech; and I do it, Sir, not only leſt in [14] theſe times of doubt and aſperſion, I ſhould incur cenſure for holding private correſpon⯑dence with an enemy, but likewiſe becauſe I think this letter, though from an enemy, does honour to the human heart.

[See the Appendix.]

Sir, the congreſs readily conſented to my application; and by this candid treatment of my enemies, I am here to vindicate my conduct againſt the falſe and barbarous inter⯑pretations that have ariſen and have been ſuf⯑fered to prevail, by thoſe who could have con⯑tradicted them, at home.

The honourable gentleman wiſhes to know what is the difference of numbers of the army between the time of ſigning the convention, and the preſent time; and I find the idea of great deſertion very much prevails. That ſome men have deſerted, in the worſt ſenſe of the word, is true. They are few, the ſcum of the regiments, and no loſs of real ſtrength. The greater part who have abſconded, have had no intention to abandon the ſervice, and if an epithet of honour could at any time be applied to a fault, theirs might be called an honourable deſertion. ^* Some of [15] theſe men left letters or ſent meſſages to their officers, informing them that in their preſent want of neceſſaries and comforts, and their inability to ſerve in arms, they had taken to trades and day labour in the country, but that they held themſelves under an obligation from which they would never depart, to return to their regiments whenever the time of embar⯑kation was aſcertained: others, upon a high, though a miſtaken ſuggeſtion of ſpirit, made efforts to effectuate a paſſage through the woods, to join the armies under Sir William Howe or Sir Henry Clinton, and it is believed that ſome of them ſucceeded. The whole of the abſentees may amount to between five and ſix hundred men.

Sir, I have thus far endeavoured to give the honourable gentlemen ſatisfaction in the matters that ſeem moſt immediately to engage their attention, and that I could conſiſtently [16] with order adduce in argument to ſupport my vote for a more general enquiry.

I ſhall now proceed, (as yet ſtronger reaſons for agreeing with the amendment,) to take notice of what has hitherto paſſed in the houſe, and upon very imperfect information, reſpecting other parts of the late campaign.

But, Sir, accuſtomed as I have been to be indulged by the houſe upon every occaſion; and confident, as I ought to be, upon one where their indulgence is juſtice, I find cauſe in my own mind, in entering upon ſo compli⯑cated a ſubject, to implore anew, the fulleſt ſcope to their patience and candour, for a man, whoſe faculties, far too weak for ſuch ſhocks, are almoſt unhinged by a ſuc⯑ceſſion of difficulties abroad, that fall to the lot of few, and whoſe diſappointments and anxieties have been conſummated, by the un⯑expected reception he has met at home.

And this addreſs, Sir, is the more neceſſary, becauſe I ſtand here unconnected and unaſſiſted. I am ignorant who would have ſupported my own motion, had I made it, though confident from a prepoſſeſſion of its propriety it would have found aſſiſtance ſomewhere. Neither courting nor fearing power, neither courting nor fearing party, I ſtand here upon the ſole [17] baſis of truth and honour, and only aſk ſupport in proportion to the juſtice of my cauſe.

During my abſence an enquiry was inſti⯑tuted, in which my name was very much in⯑volved. In the ſhort ſpace of time ſince my return, and in the agitated ſtate of mind I have mentioned, it has been impoſſible for me to obtain from the mere converſation and re⯑collection of friends, all that paſſed upon that occaſion: but I have collected enough to know that I have been treated with great atten⯑tion in general, and it is among my firſt duties to return to every quarter of the houſe my very ſincere and grateful acknowledg⯑ments. I alſo know, that with all that atten⯑tion and favour, much implied cenſure muſt have fallen upon me, from the nature of the proceedings, and more eſpecially from the po⯑ſition, which I cannot admit to be a true one, but which I underſtand has been much in⯑ [...]iſted upon, ‘"That where there is miſcarriage [...]here muſt be blame; and conſequently, that [...]he acquittal of one man infers the condemna⯑t [...]on of another."’

Sir, the papers which have been laid before the Houſe are in ſome reſpects deficient and in others ſuperfluous. The firſt ſuperfluity to which I allude is a private letter from me to [18] the noble Lord, acquainting him with my in⯑tention of going to Bath; of my audience with the King; of my ſolicitation to his Majeſty for active employment the next campaign; expreſſing my hopes of his Lordſhip's patro⯑nage in that purſuit, and concluding with ſuch acknowledgments and profeſſions as were natu⯑ral to flow from a warm and unſuſpicious heart impreſſed with a ſenſe of another's fa⯑vour.

Not conceiving for what poſſible public purpoſe this letter was produced, I can only attend to the effects it has had to prejudice me perſonally. Suſpicions have been excited, that at the time I wrote that letter I was court⯑ing command, and by adulatory means, in preference and in prejudice to Sir Guy Carleton under whom I had had the honour to ſerve, a confidential ſecond, the preceding campaign. Every perſon in government might have pro⯑nounced my acquittal of ſo baſe a proceeding, becauſe they knew, though the public did not, that it was decided^* in the Autumn of 1776, [19] and notified to Sir Guy Carleton accordingly, that his military command was confined to the boundaries of the province of Quebec. It did not occur to the noble Lord to ſtate that fact, becauſe doubtleſs he did not foreſee the preju⯑dices the letter would occaſion; but I cannot but lament he did not produce other letters of mine, which would have removed effectually every poſſible ſuſpicion of a deſign ſo foreign to my heart as that of ſupplanting a gallant friend. Such letters would at the ſame time have rendered unneceſſary the long train of correſpondence laid upon your table, to ſhew that the preparations in Canada were duly ex⯑pedited; becauſe I ſhould have been found to expreſs the fulleſt ſenſe of the zeal, the aſſidu⯑ity, and the honour with which Sir Guy Carle⯑ton acted, notwithſtanding his diſappointment in not being employed to conduct the cam⯑paign.

Will it be ſaid, that the letters I allude to were withheld becauſe they were private?—In the firſt place they do not properly come under that deſcription, though it is true they were not office letters.—They could not be directed as ſuch, becauſe acting in ſubordina⯑tion to Sir Guy Carleton, the official corre⯑ſpondence could only with decorum paſs [20] through him; but they were not private as ap⯑plied to ſecreſy, nor improper as they related to the diſtinct and ſeparate object of the com⯑mand I was entering upon. But, Sir, had any parts of theſe letters (or of any others ne⯑ceſſary to my juſtification, of which I ſay there are many) been private in any ſenſe of the word, will that excuſe be alleged for detaining them, when there has appeared before you a paper of the moſt ſecret nature, I mean my thoughts upon conducting the war from the ſide of Canada. What officer will venture hereafter to give his opinion upon meaſures or men, when called upon by a miniſter, if his confidence, his reaſonings, and his preferences are thus to be invidiouſly expoſed; to create jealouſies and differences among his fellow-officers, and at laſt to put an impoſition upon the world, and make him reſponſible for the plan as well as the execution of a hazardous campaign? The plan, as originally drawn, I have no reaſon to be aſhamed of, becauſe it underwent the inſpection, and had the ſanction of ſome of the firſt and ableſt officers of this country; but the plan, as it ſtood when my orders were framed, can with no more pro⯑priety be called mine, than any others formed by the cabinet for the diſtant parts of America, [21] or any other quarter of the globe where I had no participation or concern.—The noble Lord well knows, that the idea expreſſed in the ſecret paper laid before you of a latitude to act againſt New-England, was eraſed; that a power to embark the troops in caſe of unfore⯑ſeen impediments, and make the junction with the ſouthern army by ſea, was not admitted.—Will it then be inſinuated, that the plan was mine?—Why was it not produced in that changed and garbled ſtate, by which the mi⯑niſter made it his own? Becauſe it would have been one proof, if one had been wanting to unprejudiced minds, that by cutting off every propoſed latitude, and confining the plan to one only object, the forcing a paſſage to Al⯑bany, the orders framed upon that plan could be no otherwiſe underſtood, than as poſitive, peremptory, and indiſpenſible. But, Sir, it has been boldly inſinuated, and perhaps even credited by ſome in this houſe, that the words at the latter end of the orders, which are called the ſaving clauſe, were ſpecially dic⯑tated by me.—Sir, to ſuppoſe that, is to ſup⯑poſe me an ideot!—Saving clauſe—to whom? Surely, not to the General who was to act un⯑der it;—for ſee the ſituation in which it puts him.—Under the words ‘"you are to act as [22] exigencies may require,"’ let us ſuppoſe him to take the cautious part. He makes no attempt upon the enemy, becauſe his exigency was ſuch, that in doing ſo he muſt abandon his communications and riſk his retreat. What would the government, the army, and the country have ſaid to him? What ought every man to have ſaid to him who read the prior part of this order? ‘"Is this vigorous exertion? Is this to force your way to Albany. The enemy were panic ſtruck before Britiſh troops; there numbers therefore were but as ſha⯑dows. The loyaliſts awaited your advance to join by thouſands—Sir H. Clinton was ready to move upon the lower part of Hud⯑ſon's river—Your interpretation of orders was nonſenſe; your inactivity was co⯑wardice—You have ignominiouſly loſt the campaign."’

Take the conſideration the other way—The general follows the principle, the ſpirit, and the letter of his order—fights his ground by inches, and miſcarries. ‘"You ſhall be diſgraced for your raſhneſs,"’ ſays the mi⯑niſter—‘"You had a reſerve and ſhould have made uſe of it. Exigencies required that you ſhould have remained on the eaſt ſide the Hudſon's river."’ Sir, to imagine a [23] general could dictate ſuch a dilemma for him⯑ſelf is prepoſterous. To believe that mini⯑ſters could mean it, is ſevere credulity againſt them; it would be to believe them capable of the equivocation of a fiend, to inſure the ruin of thoſe who acted under their direction whatever part they ſhould take. I charge them not ſo heavily. I am perſuaded that ſaving clauſe was meant when it was penned, as it has been underſtood by me, by Sir William Howe, and by every other perſon who has read it, as referring ſolely to exigencies after the arrival of my army at Albany.

But, Sir, this ideal blame in not availing myſelf of the ſaving clauſe, has been ſupported by a ſtory, that I ſhould hardly have believed it within malevolence to invent, but which I find has been propagated with great induſtry, viz. that Generals Philips and Frazer remon⯑ſtrated againſt the paſſage of the Hudſon's River; and that finding their remonſtrances of no avail, they took the parts of brave men in deſpair, and perſevered in their duty againſt their reaſon. Upon the honor of a gentleman, without any ſaving or reſervation ſoever, I pronounce that report to be a direct and abominable falſehood. Sir, thoſe officers were the eyes and the hands by which I con⯑ducted [24] all material operations: more able ad⯑viſers, or more faithful friends, never exiſted▪ that they ſaw I was placed in an arduous ſitu⯑ation, and felt for my difficulties, it is true; but that they ever dropt a ſyllable that implied an idea that I had an alternative, I flatly deny. The indefatigable alacrity of General Philips to bring forward the tranſports preparatory to the paſſage of the river, was uncommon even in ſupport of a favourite object; it would have been uncommon indeed, had he acted with ſecret reluctancy! As to General Fra⯑zer, our communications were thoſe of the moſt unreſerved friendſhip; and it is my pride to affirm, that the conſonancy of his ſenti⯑ments with mine were almoſt invariable. Upon the paſſage of the Hudſon's River, in particu⯑lar, he thought it of uncontrovertible ex⯑pediency; he thought it glorious danger; he was conſulted upon all meaſures at the time and ſubſequent to it; he bore an active part in many; he approved of all; and the laſt ſentence he uttered, was a meſſage of affection and good wiſhes to me.

The other falſehoods that have been diſ⯑perſed reſpecting the ſame period of time, can hardly be urged as reaſons for enquiry, for they are below refutation; ſuch as the delays [25] occaſioned by carrying forward all the artil⯑lery, and a cumberous train of baggage—‘"It was a merit of Eaſtern pomp,"’ ſays a mi⯑niſterial news-writer. That all the artillery was with the army is falſe, for the heavy train was ſent back to Canada: the field-train which remained was that which had been deſtined for the expedition, when Sir Guy Carleton ex⯑pected to have the conduct of it in perſon. That intelligent and judicious officer, General Philips, had been conſulted upon the propor⯑tion; and it had been regulated upon the con⯑ſideration of the nature of the war; the power of that arm in forcing poſts, and againſt new troops; and the probability of having poſts ourſelves to fortify. Neither, Sir, was the artillery, in the proportion carried, cauſe of the leaſt delay; becauſe the horſes that drew it were ſupernumerary to thoſe which were ſufficient for all the carts and waggons we had; and conſequently within the time indiſpenſibly given for the tranſport of the proviſion, the artillery was brought forward by horſes that could have been no otherways employed.

The ſuppoſed quantity of baggage is equally erroneous. I cannot ſuffer an idea ſo unjuſt, to the ſpirit of the army, to remain upon the [26] minds of the public. All baggage of bulk, to the abridgment of many material comforts, had been chearfully left behind by the officers; ſome of them had not beds; many lay in ſoldier's tents; and I know of none that had more then the common neceſſaries for active ſervice.

It muſt be total want of knowledge of the country and the war, to ſuppoſe that, with all theſe precautions, the train of carriages did not ſtill remain great. It is to be con⯑ſidered, there was a train of ſix hundred car⯑riages; and thoſe too few for the indiſpenſible purpoſe of tranſporting proviſion, where there was no water carriage; there was another train of very cumberous carriages, equally ne⯑ceſſary for the tranſport of the boats, where the rapids prevented their paſſage in the ſtream; a tranſport, in ſome place, of many miles in in length. Sir, it would be trifling with the houſe to dwell longer upon theſe cenſures, the offspring of malice and ignorance; the preva⯑lence of ſuch reports tends to one uſe—It will perſuade the world, at leaſt, that material faults could not abound, when detraction itſelf is reduced to have recourſe to ſuch accuſation.

Sir, reverting therefore to the more groſs injuries my reputation has ſuſtained, I think I [27] have ſtated enough to ſhew, that the cha⯑racter of a member has been unavoidably brought into queſtion, and upon his aſſertion that the information the Houſe has proceeded upon, is incomplete and fallacious, I know not what deſcription of men could juſtly refuſe to him perſonally a new and full enquiry.

I would aſk of miniſters themſelves, what would be their feelings, if, after an unſucceſsful undertaking of high truſt and importance, and debarred, by an interdiction, from the preſence of their Sovereign, the means of ſubmitting their conduct to that royal breaſt, where ju⯑ſtice, and benevolence, and protection to the innocent are ever to be expected, except when truth is perverted or concealed—what would be their feelings if refuſed alſo an appeal to their country? To my brother-officers in par⯑liament I would more particularly apply for ſupport to this amendment, as a common cauſe of the profeſſion: they will conſider the diſ⯑couragement that muſt enſue, and the injury the ſervice muſt ſuffer, if an officer, who is conſcious to have done his beſt, whoſe greateſt enemies pretend not to impute to him any other charges than exceſs of zeal and erro⯑neous judgment, and even theſe charges founded upon a mutilated ſtate of facts— [28] What is the ſtate of officers, if upon ſuch grounds, and by the artful management of other circumſtances, they are diſgraced at court, put by, if not inevitably precluded the judg⯑ment of a military tribunal, and at laſt denied the only poſſible means of juſtification that re⯑mains—a parliamentary inveſtigation of a meaſure of ſtate with which the rectitude or criminality of their conduct is inſeparably blended? To my honourable friends who made the original motion early in the winter, and all who took part in it, I may yet more ſtrenuouſly addreſs myſelf, to repair, by the paſſing this queſtion and amendment, the in⯑jury that unintentionally they brought upon me by the then confined mode of proceeding. To all theſe conſiderations, Sir, I could join, were it expedient, many more perſuaſive calls upon the human heart, to take up this pro⯑ceeding for the ſake of an injured individual: but I wave an appeal to private ſentiments, and deſire the motion to be conſidered as a call upon the public duty of the houſe; and, di⯑veſting myſelf, as far as poſſible, of every per⯑ſonal motive; ſcorning the pitiful contention, for ſuch comparatively it would be, whether the miniſter ſhould exonerate himſelf from this error in his inſtruction, or the general [29] from that in his execution; I here in my place as a repreſentative of the nation, require and demand a full and impartial enquiry into the cauſes of the miſcarriage of the northern army in an expedition from Canada.

It is a great national object. The criſis of the time emphatically requires it. The ex⯑iſtence of the Britiſh empire depends upon the exertions of the military, and the beſt foun⯑dation for public ſpirit, is public juſtice. In addition to the natural animation which as Britons the army poſſeſs, place before their eyes that ſecondary ſpring and controller of human actions, reward and puniſhment. Let the firſt and moſt glorious reward, the honeſt applauſe of the country be obtained by a ſcrutiny into truth for thoſe who deſerve it: on the contrary, if there has been delinquency, let the ſpirit of Manlius preſide in the puniſhment.

If there has been diſobedience; if unautho⯑riſed by circumſtances, if uncompelled by orders (for I will never ſhrink from that plea) a ge⯑neral has raſhly advanced upon the enemy, and engaged againſt inſurmountable odds, the diſcipline of the ſtate ſhould ſtrike, though it were a favourite ſon.‘[30]" I, Lictor, deliga ad palum."’

Theſe, Sir, are the means to excite true ambition in your leaders, theſe are the means to keep them in due reſtraint; this was the ſyſtem of the glorious patriot,Lord Chatham. whoſe obſequies you now celebrate, and could his aſhes awaken, they would burſt their cearments to ſupport it.

As for myſelf, if I am guilty, I fear I am deeply guilty: an army loſt! the ſanguine ex⯑pectation of the kingdom diſappointed! a fo⯑reign war cauſed, or the commencement of it accelerated! an effuſion of as brave blood as ever run in Britiſh veins ſhed, and the ſevereſt family diſtreſſes combined with public calami⯑ty.—If this maſs of miſeries be indeed the con⯑ſequence of my miſconduct, vain will be the extenuation I can plead of my perſonal ſuffer⯑ings, fatigue and hardſhip, laborious days and ſleepleſs nights, ill health and trying ſituations; poor and inſufficient will be ſuch atonement in the judgment of my country, or perhaps in the eyes of God—yet with this dreadful alter⯑native in view, I provoke a trial—Give me inquiry—I put the intereſts that hang moſt emphatically by the heart-ſtrings of man—my fortune—my honour—my head—I had almoſt ſaid my ſalvation, upon the teſt.

But, Sir, it is conſolation to me to think [31] that I ſhall be, even in ſurmiſe, the only culprit—Whatever fate may attend the gene⯑ral who led the army to Saratoga, their beha⯑viour at that memorable ſpot muſt entitle them to the thanks of their country—Sir, it was a calamitous, it was an awful, but it was an honourable hour—During the ſuſpence of the anſwer from the general of the enemy, to the refuſal made by me of complying with the ignominious conditions he had propoſed, the countenance of the troops beggars deſcription—a patient fortitude; a ſort of ſtern re⯑ſignation, that no pencil or language can reach, ſat on every brow. I am confident every breaſt was prepared to devote its laſt drop of blood rather than ſuffer a precedent to ſtand upon the Britiſh annals of an ignoble ſurrender.

Sir, an important ſubject of enquiry, as I mentioned at my out-ſet, ſtill remains—the tranſactions at Cambridge, and the cauſe of the detention of the troops. If I there have been guilty, let me there alſo be the only ſufferer.

Sir, there is a famous ſtory in antient hi⯑ſtory, that bears ſome analogy to my circum⯑ſtances; and when alluſions tend to excite men's minds to exertions of virtue or policy, I ſhall never think them pedantic or miſpla⯑ced.^* [32] The event I mean happened in an age when Roman virtue was at its height. It was that wherein Manlius devoted his ſon and the firſt Decius devoted himſelf. A Roman army, ſhut up by the Samnites at Candium, were obliged to ſurrender their arms, and to ſubmit to the more ignominious condition of paſſing under the yoke of the enemy. The conſul who had commanded them, propoſed in the ſenate, to break the treaty whereby the army was loſt to the ſtate, and to make him in perſon the expiation, by ſending him bound to the enemy to ſuffer death at their hands. In one point of view the preſent caſe extremely differs from the example, be⯑cauſe by the treaty at Saratoga the army was ſaved to the ſtate. It is the non-compliance with public faith that alone can loſe it—and here the parallel will hold; if I have been in⯑ſtrumental to the loſs of thoſe brave troops ſince the treaty, I am as culpable as if I had loſt them by the treaty, and ought to be the ſacrifice to redeem them. Sir, this reference may appear vain-glorious. It may be doubt⯑ed whether there exiſts in theſe times public [33] ſpirit ſeriouſly to emulate ſuch examples. I perhaps ſhould find myſelf unequal; but others, who are moſt ready to judge me ſo, muſt at leaſt give credit to one motive for ſtating the parallel—that I am too conſcious of innocence to apprehend there is the leaſt riſk of being expoſed to the trial.

Sir, I have only to return my ſincereſt thanks to the houſe for the patience with which they have endured ſo long a treſpaſs upon their time, and to join my hearty con⯑currence with the other gentlemen who have ſpoken in favour of the amendment.

Jovis, 28^o. die Maii, 1778.

MR. Hartley moved, ‘"That an humble addreſs be preſented to his majeſty to entreat his majeſty, that he will be graciouſly pleaſed not to prorogue the parliament; but that he will ſuffer them to continue ſitting, for the purpoſe of aſſiſting and forwarding the meaſures already taken for the reſtoration of peace in America; and that they may be in readineſs, in the preſent critical ſituation and proſpect of public affairs, to provide for eve⯑ry important event at the earlieſt notice."’

Sir George Savile ſeconded the motion. No perſon offering to anſwer, the Speaker was proceeding to put the queſtion. General Bur⯑goyne applied to the treaſury-bench, to know whether the king's ſervants meant to agree to the motion? In which caſe he ſaid be ſhould give the houſe no trouble: that otherwiſe he thought hemſelf pledged to deliver his ſenti⯑ments. The call was, "Go on;" and Gene⯑ral Burgoyne proceeded in ſubſtance as fol⯑lows;

[35]Mr. Speaker, I ſhall not purſue the argu⯑ment of the honourable gentleman, upon the expediency of parliament being ready ſitting to deliberate upon the firſt intelligence that may arrive from your commiſſioners; that argument has already been too ably enforced to require a ſecond: neither, Sir, after ſo long an indulgence as I received in a former de⯑bate, ſhall I again preſs upon the attention of the houſe the debt they owe to national ju⯑ſtice and policy, upon the ſubject of enquiry: though the Generals Howe and Carleton may be expected every day; and it was upon their abſence alone, that the greater part of the houſe ſeemed diſpoſed to poſtpone ſo impor⯑tant and neceſſary a duty. But, Sir, I ſhall reſt ſolely upon a view of the preſent ſtate of this country, as univerſally compulſive upon the underſtanding, in favour of the meaſure propoſed. While an enemy is prepared upon the neighbouring coaſt, and perhaps is at this hour embarking, diffidence, deſpondency, and conſternation, are evident among great part of the people. A more fatal ſymptom pre⯑vails among a greater part; a torpid indif⯑ference to our impending fate. Men dare not, or will not, look into their deſperate circum⯑ſtances. God grant that general panic be not [36] the reſult of all theſe demonſtrations! for panic is incident, upon ſome occaſions, to thoſe who have been moſt diſtinguiſhed for bravery upon others.

The ſalvation of the country depends upon the confidence of the people in ſome part of government. The miniſtry have it not; the whole nation ſee, or think they ſee, their in⯑ſufficiency. I mean not to apply theſe words groſsly or virulently; there are among them many to whoſe perſonal qualities and talents I bear reſpect, and to none more than the noble lord in the blue ribband. But talents are relative to times; and it is no reproach to ſay, that men well qualified for negotiation, finance, or the ſmooth current of govern⯑ment, may be totally unfit for their ſtations, when the criſis requires inſtant reſource, deci⯑ſive counſel, animating action. That theſe are notoriouſly wanting, the beſt friends of the miniſters ſhake their heads and confeſs. Is there a man of common ſenſe and common ſpirit in the country, that does not ſtand confounded and aghaſt at the late ſupineneſs? that does not think the heralds ought to have accompanied your coach, Sir, when you carried up the addreſs of the commons; and that the declaration of war at St. James's gate ſhould have accom⯑panied [37] the anſwer from the throne? ‘"Be pa⯑tient," we are told; "France may repent; Spain yet ſpeaks us fair,"—’Sir, to be patient in our ſituation is to be abject: our puſillani⯑mity gives tenfold encreaſe to our natural weakneſs. Patience in private life, under af⯑fliction or diſeaſe, the ſtrokes of fortune, or the hand of heaven, is a virtue of lovely hue; but political enduring—tamely to ſuffer pro⯑vocation and injury,—the moſt wanton in⯑ſult that ever was offered to a nation,—I mean the meſſage of the French ambaſſador:

It will be difficult to thoſe who are moſt converſant in hiſtory, and accurate in obſerva⯑tion, to point out examples, where, after an alarm, the ſpirits of men have revived by in⯑action. This nation is put into the ſtate of a garriſon, whoſe out-poſts are abandoned, whoſe ſallies are ſtopt, and who are to combat in the body of the place for their laſt ſtake. I do not ſay, that men have not fought deſperate⯑ly in ſuch ſituations; but then they have been, brought to extremity by a progreſſion of con⯑flicts, and have ſeen great examples to raiſe and [38] ſtimulate their public paſſions. I know of no great exertions, where the governing counſels have ſhewn apprehenſion and terror, and confe⯑quent confuſion at the outſet. The ſucceſs of vigorous meaſures to reſtore an army after a panic, is almoſt invariable; ancient hiſtory abounds with examples; in our own time, they are frequent. When General Roman⯑zoff found the Ruſſians impreſſed with appre⯑henſions of the Turkiſh cavalry, his firſt mea⯑ſure was to lay aſide the uſe of chevaux de frize, and to encamp without entrenchments. The revival of the general ſpirit of a ſtate de⯑pends upon the ſame principles. We need not look abroad for examples; we have a more ſtriking one at home than foreign annals can produce, in that immortal year, 1756, the commencement of the Earl of Chatham's ad⯑miniſtration. The moſt glorious tribute we can pay to his memory, is to follow his ex⯑ample. Let miniſters viſit his remains, while yet above ground, and catch wiſdom, and vi⯑gour, and virtue from the view. Did he keep fleets at Spithead to prevent invaſion? Did he fear to truſt the internal defence of the nation to her own ſons? No, Sir, your navy was employed in offenſive operation in every quar⯑ter of the globe; and the nation, ſupported by [39] a juſt confidence, were ten times ſtronger after the diſmiſſion of the Hanoverians and Heſ⯑fians than before. Every ſhip became a fleet, every regiment felt itſelf an hoſt.

We have now a brave admiral riding at Spithead, who knows the way to prevent in⯑vaſion by ſeeking the enemy at a diſtance. His ſhare of glory in the defeat of Conſtans is on the minds of his followers; you cannot gratify him or them more than to give them a ſecond occaſion, and by the ſame means, to ſave their country. The brother of that ad⯑miral, a member of this houſe,General Keppel. bred alſo in the beſt ſchools of his profeſſion, is ſecond in command on ſhore, and ſecond to one who needs no other praiſe than that he was the fa⯑vourite,Lord Am⯑herſt. and the friend, and the confidential executor of the arduous plans of the great ſtateſman I alluded to.—Let theſe men be aſ⯑ſiſted with national ſpirit, and England is not to be ſubdued, while a river or a hill remains; without ſuch ſpirit, another battle of Haſtings may make another conqueſt.

Sir, I repeat that the beſt hope of generat⯑ing and diffuſing this genuine ſtrength of the mind, to which arms and treaſure are but ina⯑dequate ſubſtitutes, depends upon the preſence of parliament, ‘"to provide (according to the [40] words of the motion) for every important event at the earlieſt notice,"—’To ſtrengthen the crown, not by adulatory addreſſes, but by ſuch occaſional ſanctions, as would give freſh and extra-energy to its power, pend⯑ing the emergency that might require it: To ſupport public credit, in union with the city of London, not only by common engage⯑ments of faith, but by acts of quick and en⯑couraging efficacy towards individuals, who might nobly riſk their all in the cauſe: but above all, in full numbers and by general con⯑tinuance, to exhibit themſelves to the world a true repreſentative of a determined people at⯑tacked in their vitals;—to prove that they are not to be ſeduced from their duty by the al⯑lurements of pleaſure or perſonal intereſt, but have fortitude to await the approach of the enemy, as the Gauls were awaited by the ſenators in Rome; and, if need were, to receive death in theſe ſeats, to give example and fire to their ſurviving countrymen. Sir, a parliament, thus inſpired, (the occaſion, I be⯑lieve in my conſcience, would give the inſpi⯑ration) would ſpread immediate and extenſive veneration and influence.—Faction in this great city, if faction there is, would be no more;—majorities and minorities here would [41] be loſt in unanimity for the public ſafety;—the King's name, thus ſupported, would be in truth a tower of ſtrength; and the daring at⯑tempts of the enemy would only tend to the preſent glory and future ſtability of the ſtate.

Sir, theſe are my ſincere ſentiments; and for this free delivery of them, I doubt not that I ſhall read in the morning papers of to-morrow that I have thrown myſelf into the arms of oppoſition. I am conſcious I never did ſo true a ſervice to the king and to the country as I do in the part I now take; and whatever may be the idle comments of the day, I truſt that with the reſpectable part of the public, if the term op⯑poſition is to imply blame, it will be ap⯑plicable only to the rejection of this motion. If the king's miniſters take the lead, and exerciſe their perſuaſion for that purpoſe, I hold them to be oppoſers of national ſpirit, oppoſers of public virtue, oppoſers of the moſt efficacious means to ſave their country. Sir, I ſcorn to take up this lan⯑guage upon ſo pitiful a motive as perſonal reſentment. Government, whoever are the miniſters to conduct it, ſhall have my voice when my conſcience directs it. That I think myſelf a perſecuted man, I avow; [42] that I am a marked victim to bear the ſins that do not belong to me, I apprehend; but this is not the firſt time I have ſtood the frowns of power for parliamentary conduct; and whatever further vengeance may be in ſtore for me, I hope I ſhall endure it as be⯑comes me. I am aware that in far better times officers have been ſtript of their pre⯑ferments for reſiſting the poſſeſſors of that bench.—They cannot take from me an humble competence; they cannot deprive me of a qualification to ſit here; they cannot ſtrip me, I truſt they cannot, of the confidence of my conſtituents to ſeat me here; they cannot ſtrip me—I am ſure they cannot—of prin⯑ciple and ſpirit to do my duty here.

I never was more excited by theſe mo⯑tives, and I never can be more, than upon the preſent occaſion to give my vote in ſupport of the motion.