TO SAMUEL SPAN, ESQ Maſter of the Society of Mer⯑chants Adventurers of Briſtol.

I AM honoured with your letter of the 13th, in anſwer to mine, which accompanied the reſolutions of the Houſe relative to the trade of Ireland.

You will be ſo good as to preſent my beſt reſpects to the Society, and to aſſure them, that it was altogether unneceſſary to remind me of the intereſt of the con⯑ſtituents. I have never regarded any thing elſe, ſince I had a ſeat in parlia⯑ment. Having frequently and maturely conſidered that intereſt, and ſtated it [2] to myſelf in almoſt every point of view, I am perſuaded, that, under the preſent circumſtances, I cannot more effectually purſue it, than by giving all the ſup⯑port in my power to the propoſitions which I lately tranſmitted to the Hall.

The fault I find in the ſcheme is,— that it falls extremely ſhort of that li⯑berality in the commercial ſyſtem, which, I truſt, will one day be adopted. If I had not conſidered the preſent re⯑ſolutions, merely as preparatory to bet⯑ter things, and as a means of ſhewing experimentally, that juſtice to others is not always folly to ourſelves, I ſhould have contented myſelf with receiving them in a cold and ſilent acquieſcence. Separately conſidered, they are matters of no very great importance. But they aim, however imperfectly, at a right principle. I ſubmit to the reſtraint to appeaſe prejudice: I accept the enlarge⯑ment, [3] ſo far as it goes, as the reſult of reaſon and of ſound policy.

We cannot be inſenſible of the cala⯑mities which have been brought upon this nation by an obſtinate adherence to narrow and reſtrictive plans of govern⯑ment. I confeſs, I cannot prevail on myſelf to take them up, preciſely at a time, when the moſt deciſive experience has taught the reſt of the world to lay them down. The propoſitions in queſ⯑tion did not originate from me, or from my particular friends. But when things are ſo right in themſelves, I hold it my duty, not to enquire from what hands they come. I oppoſed the American meaſures upon the very ſame principle on which I ſupport thoſe that relate to Ireland. I was convinced, that the evils which have ariſen from the adoption of the former, would be infinitely aggra⯑vated by the rejection of the latter.

[4]Perhaps Gentlemen are not yet fully aware of the ſituation of their country, and what its exigencies abſolutely re⯑quire. I find that we are ſtill diſpoſed to talk at our eaſe, and as if all things were to be regulated by our good plea⯑ſure. I ſhould conſider it as a fatal ſymptom, if, in our preſent diſtreſſed and adverſe circumſtances, we ſhould perſiſt in the errors which are natural only to proſperity. One cannot indeed ſufficiently lament the continuance of that ſpirit of deluſion, by which, for a long time paſt, we have thought fit to meaſure our neceſſities by our inclina⯑tions. Moderation, prudence, and equi⯑ty, are far more ſuitable to our condi⯑tion, than loftineſs, and confidence, and rigour. We are threatened by enemies of no ſmall magnitude, whom, if we think fit, we may deſpiſe, as we have deſpiſed others; but they are enemies [5] who can only ceaſe to be truly formi⯑dable, by our entertaining a due reſpect for their power. Our danger will not be leſſened by our ſhutting our eyes to it; nor will our force abroad be en⯑creaſed by rendering ourſelves feeble, and divided at home.

There is a dreadful ſchiſm in the Bri⯑tiſh nation. Since we are not able to reunite the empire, it is our buſineſs to give all poſſible vigour and ſoundneſs to thoſe parts of it which are ſtill con⯑tent to be governed by our councils. Sir, it is proper to inform you, that our meaſures muſt be healing. Such a degree of ſtrength muſt be communicated to all the members of the ſtate, as may enable them to defend themſelves, and to co-operate in the defence of the whole. Their temper too muſt be ma⯑naged, and their good affections culti⯑vated. They may then be diſpoſed to [6] bear the load with chearfulneſs, as a contribution towards what may be call⯑ed with truth and propriety, and not by an empty form of words, a common cauſe. Too little dependence cannot be had, at this time of day, on names and prejudices. The eyes of mankind are opened; and communities muſt be held together by an evident and ſolid inte⯑reſt. God forbid, that our conduct ſhould demonſtrate to the world, that Great Britain can, in no inſtance what⯑ſoever, be brought to a ſenſe of rational and equitable policy, but by coercion and force of arms!

I wiſh you to recollect, with what powers of conceſſion, relatively to com⯑merce, as well as to legiſlation, his Majeſty's Commiſſioners to the United Colonies have ſailed from England with⯑in this week. Whether theſe powers are ſufficient for their purpoſes, it is not [7] now my buſineſs to examine. But we all know, that our reſolutions in favour of Ireland are trifling and inſignificant, when compared with the conceſſions to the Americans. At ſuch a juncture, I would implore every man, who retains the leaſt ſpark of regard to the yet re⯑maining honour and ſecurity of this country, not to compel others to an imitation of their conduct; or by paſ⯑ſion and violence, to force them to ſeek in the territories of the ſeparation, that freedom, and thoſe advantages, which they are not to look for whilſt they re⯑main under the wings of their ancient government.

After all, what are the matters we diſpute with ſo much warmth? Do we in theſe reſolutions beſtow any thing upon Ireland? Not a ſhilling. We only conſent to leave to them, in two or three inſtances, the uſe of the natu⯑ral [8] faculties which God has given to them, and to all mankind. Is Ireland united to the crown of Great Britain for no other purpoſe, than that we ſhould counteract the bounty of Provi⯑dence in her favour? And in propor⯑tion as that bounty has been liberal, that we are to regard it as an evil, which is to be met with in every ſort of cor⯑rective? To ſay that Ireland interferes with us, and therefore muſt be checked, is, in my opinion, a very miſtaken, and a very dangerous principle. I muſt beg leave to repeat, what I took the liberty of ſuggeſting to you in my laſt letter, that Ireland is a country, in the ſame climate, and of the ſame natural qua⯑lities and productions, with this; and has conſequently no other means of growing wealthy in herſelf, or, in other words, of being uſeful to us, but by doing the very ſame things which we [9] do, for the ſame purpoſes. I hope that in Great Britain we ſhall always pur⯑ſue, without exception, every means of proſperity; and of courſe, that Ireland will interfere with us in ſomething or other; for either, in order to limit her, we muſt reſtrain ourſelves, or we muſt fall into that ſhocking concluſion, that we are to keep our yet remaining de⯑pendency, under a general and indiſ⯑criminate reſtraint, for the mere pur⯑poſe of oppreſſion. Indeed, Sir, Eng⯑land and Ireland may flouriſh together. The world is large enough for us both. Let it be our care, not to make our⯑ſelves too little for it.

I know it is ſaid, that the people of Ireland do not pay the ſame taxes, and therefore ought not in equity to enjoy the ſame benefits with this. I had hopes, that the unhappy phantom of a compulſory equal taxation had haunted [10] us long enough. I do aſſure you, that until it is entirely baniſhed from our imaginations, (where alone it has, or can have any exiſtence,) we ſhall never ceaſe to do ourſelves the moſt ſubſtan⯑tial injuries. To that argument of equal taxation, I can only ſay,—that Ireland pays as many taxes, as thoſe who are the beſt judges of her powers, are of opinion ſhe can bear. To bear more ſhe muſt have more ability; and in the order of nature, the advantage muſt precede the charge. This diſpoſi⯑tion of things, being the law of God, neither you nor I can alter it. So that if you will have more help from Ireland, you muſt previouſly ſupply her with more means. I believe it will be found, that if men are ſuffered freely to cultivate their natural advantages, a vir⯑tual equality of contribution will come in its own time, and will flow by an [11] eaſy deſcent, through its own proper and natural channels. An attempt to diſturb that courſe, and to force nature, will only bring on univerſal diſcontent, diſtreſs and confuſion.

You tell me, Sir, that you prefer an union with Ireland to the little regula⯑tions which are propoſed in Parliament. This union is a great queſtion of ſtate, to which, when it comes properly be⯑fore me in my parliamentary capacity, I ſhall give an honeſt and unprejudiced conſideration. However, it is a ſettled rule with me, to make the moſt of my actual ſituation; and not to refuſe to do a proper thing, becauſe there is ſome⯑thing elſe more proper, which I am not able to do. This union is a buſineſs of difficulty; and on the principles of your letter, a buſineſs impracticable. Until it can be matured into a feaſible and deſirable ſcheme, I wiſh to have as [12] cloſe an union of intereſt and affection with Ireland, as I can have; and that, I am ſure, is a far better thing than any nominal union of government.

France, and indeed moſt extenſive empires, which by various deſigns and fortunes have grown into one great maſs, contain many Provinces that are very different from each other in pri⯑vileges and modes of government; and they raiſe their ſupplies in different ways; in different proportions; and under dif⯑ferent authorities; yet none of them are for this reaſon, curtailed of their natu⯑ral rights; but they carry on trade and manufactures with perfect equality. In ſome way or other the true balance is found; and all of them are properly poiſed and harmoniſed. How much have you loſt by the participation of Scotland in all your commerce? The external trade of England has more than doubled [13] ſince that period; and I believe your internal (which is the moſt advantage⯑ous) has been augmented at leaſt four⯑fold. Such virtue there is in liberality of ſentiment, that you have grown richer even by the partnerſhip of poverty.

If you think, that this participation was a loſs, commercially conſidered, but that it has been compenſated by the ſhare which Scotland has taken in defraying the public charge—I believe you have not very carefully looked at the public accounts. Ireland, Sir, pays a great deal more than Scotland; and is perhaps as much, and as effectually united to England as Scotland is. But if Scot⯑land, inſtead of paying little, had paid nothing at all, we ſhould be gainers, not loſers by acquiring the hearty co-opera⯑tion of an active intelligent people, to⯑wards the increaſe of the common ſtock; inſtead of our being employed in watch⯑ing [14] and counteracting them, and their being employed in watching and coun⯑teracting us, with the peeviſh and chur⯑liſh jealouſy of rivals and enemies on both ſides.

I am ſure, Sir, that the commercial experience of the merchants of Briſtol, will ſoon diſabuſe them of the preju⯑dice, that they can trade no longer, if countries more lightly taxed, are per⯑mitted to deal in the ſame commodities at the ſame markets. You know, that in fact, you trade very largely where you are met by the goods of all nations. You even pay high duties, on the im⯑port of your goods, and afterwards un⯑derſell nations leſs taxed, at their own markets; and where goods of the ſame kind are not charged at all. If it were otherwiſe, you could trade very little. You know, that the price of all ſorts of manufacture is not a great deal in⯑hanced, [15] (except to the domeſtic con⯑ſumer) by any taxes paid in this country. This I might very eaſily prove.

The ſame conſideration will relieve you from the apprehenſion you expreſs, with relation to ſugars, and the difference of the duties paid here and in Ireland. Thoſe duties affect the interior conſumer only; and for obvious reaſons, rela⯑tive to the intereſt of revenue itſelf, they muſt be proportioned to his ability of payment; but in all caſes in which ſu⯑gar can be an object of commerce, and therefore (in this view) of rivalſhip, you are ſenſible, that you are at leaſt on a par with Ireland. As to your appre⯑henſions concerning the more advan⯑tageous ſituation of Ireland, for ſome branches of commerce, (for it is ſo but for ſome) I truſt you will not find them more ſerious. Millford Haven, which is at your door, may ſerve to ſhew you, [16] that the mere advantage of ports is not the thing which ſhifts the ſeat of com⯑merce from one part of the world to the other. If I thought you inclined to take up this matter on local con⯑ſiderations, I ſhould ſtate to you, that I do not know any part of the king⯑dom ſo well ſituated for an advantage⯑ous commerce with Ireland as Briſtol; and that none would be ſo likely to profit of its proſperity as our city. But your profit and theirs muſt concur. Beg⯑gary and bankruptcy are not the cir⯑cumſtances which invite to an inter⯑courſe with that or with any country; and I believe it will be found invariably true, that the ſuperfluities of a rich na⯑tion furniſh a better object of trade than the neceſſities of a poor one. It is the intereſt of the commercial world that wealth ſhould be found every where.

[17]The true ground of fear, in my opi⯑nion is this; that Ireland, from the vi⯑tious ſyſtem of its internal polity, will be a long time before it can derive any benefit from the liberty now granted, or from any thing elſe. But as I do not vote advantages, in hopes that they may not be enjoyed, I will not lay any ſtreſs upon this conſideration. I rather wiſh, that the Parliament of Ireland may, in its own wiſdom, remove theſe impedi⯑ments, and put their country in a con⯑dition to avail itſelf of its natural ad⯑vantages. If they do not, the fault is with them, and not with us.

I have written this long letter, in or⯑der to give all poſſible ſatisfaction to my conſtituents with regard to the part I have taken in this affair. It gave me inexpreſſible concern to find, that my conduct had been a cauſe of uneaſineſs to any of them. Next to my honour [18] and conſcience, I have nothing ſo near and dear to me as their approbation. However, I had much rather run the riſque of diſpleaſing than of injuring them;—if I am driven to make ſuch an option. You obligingly lament, that you are not to have me for your advo⯑cate; but if I had been capable of act⯑ing as an advocate in oppoſition to a plan ſo perfectly conſonant to my known principles, and to the opinions I had publicly declared on an hundred occa⯑ſions, I ſhould only diſgrace myſelf, without ſupporting with the ſmalleſt degree of credit or effect, the cauſe you wiſhed me to undertake. I ſhould have loſt the only thing which can make ſuch abilities as mine of any uſe to the world now or hereafter; I mean that autho⯑rity which is derived from an opinion, that a member ſpeaks the language of truth and ſincerity; and that he is not [19] ready to take up or lay down a great political ſyſtem for the convenience of the hour; that he is in parliament to ſupport his opinion of the public good, and does not form his opinion in order to get into parliament, or to continue in it. It is in a great meaſure for your ſake, that I wiſh to preſerve this cha⯑racter. Without it, I am ſure, I ſhould be ill able to diſcharge, by any ſervice, the ſmalleſt part of that debt of grati⯑tude and affection, which I owe you for the great and honourable truſt you have repoſed in me. I am, with the higheſt regard and eſteem,

COPY OF A LETTER TO Meſſ. ******* ****** and Co. Briſtol.

IT gives me the moſt ſenſible con⯑cern to find, that my vote on the reſolutions relative to the trade of Ireland, has not been fortunate enough to meet with your approbation. I have explained at large the grounds of my conduct on that occaſion in my letters to the Merchants Hall: but my very ſincere regard and eſteem for you will not permit me to let the matter paſs without an explanation, which is par⯑ticular to yourſelves, and which, I hope, will prove ſatisfactory to you.

[21]You tell me, that the conduct of your late member is not much wondered at; but you ſeem to be at a loſs to account for mine; and you lament, that I have taken ſo decided a part againſt my con⯑ſtituents.

This is rather an heavy imputation. Does it then really appear to you, that the propoſitions, to which you refer, are, on the face of them, ſo manifeſtly wrong, and ſo certainly injurious to the trade and manufactures of Great Bri⯑tain, and particularly to yours, that no man could think of propoſing, or ſup⯑porting them, except from reſentment to you, or from ſome other oblique mo⯑tive? If you ſuppoſe your late mem⯑ber, or if you ſuppoſe me, to act upon other reaſons than we chooſe to avow, to what do you attribute the conduct of the other members, who in the begin⯑ning almoſt unanimouſly adopted thoſe [22] reſolutions? To what do you attribute the ſtrong part taken by the miniſters, and along with the miniſters, by ſeve⯑ral of their moſt declared opponents? This does not indicate a miniſterial jobb; a party deſign; or a provincial or local purpoſe. It is therefore not ſo abſolutely clear, that the meaſure is wrong, or likely to be injurious to the true intereſts of any place, or any per⯑ſon.

The reaſon, gentlemen, for taking this ſtep, at this time, is but too obvious and too urgent. I cannot imagine, that you forget the great war, which has been carried on with ſo little ſucceſs (and, as I thought, with ſo little policy) in America; or that you are not aware of the other great wars which are im⯑pending. Ireland has been called upon to repel the attacks of enemies of no ſmall power, brought upon her by coun⯑cils, [23] in which ſhe has had no ſhare. The very purpoſe and declared object of that original war, which has brought other wars, and other enemies on Ire⯑land, was not very flattering to her dig⯑nity, her intereſt, or to the very prin⯑ciple of her liberty. Yet ſhe ſubmitted patiently to the evils ſhe ſuffered from an attempt to ſubdue to your obedience, countries whoſe very commerce was not open to her. America was to be con⯑quered, in order that Ireland ſhould not trade thither; whilſt the miſerable trade which ſhe is permitted to carry on to other places has been torn to pieces in the ſtruggle. In this ſituation, are we neither to ſuffer her to have any real in⯑tereſt in our quarrel, or to be flattered with the hope of any future means of bearing the burthens which ſhe is to incurr in defending herſelf againſt ene⯑mies which we have brought upon her?

[24]I cannot ſet my face againſt ſuch ar⯑guments. Is it quite fair to ſuppoſe, that I have no other motive for yield⯑ing to them, but a deſire of acting againſt my conſtituents? It is for you, and for your intereſt, as a dear, che⯑riſhed, and reſpected part of a valuable whole, that I have taken my ſhare in this queſtion. You do not, you cannot ſuffer by it. If honeſty be true policy with regard to the tranſient intereſt of individuals, it is much more certainly ſo with regard to the permanent inte⯑reſts of communities. I know, that it is but too natural for us to ſee our own certain ruin, in the poſſible proſperity of other people. It is hard to perſuade us, that every thing which is got by another is not taken from ourſelves. But it is fit, that we ſhould get the better of theſe ſuggeſtions, which come from what is not the beſt and ſoundeſt [25] part of our nature, and that we ſhould form to ourſelves a way of thinking, more ra⯑tional, more juſt, and more religious. Trade is not a limited thing; as if the objects of mutual demand and con⯑ſumption, could not ſtretch beyond the bounds of our jealouſies. God has given the earth to the children of men, and he has undoubtedly, in giving it to them, given them what is abundantly ſufficient for all their exigencies; not a ſcanty, but a moſt liberal proviſion for them all. The Author of our nature has written it ſtrongly in that nature, and has promulgated the ſame law in his written word, that man ſhall eat his bread by his labour; and I am per⯑ſuaded, that no man, and no combina⯑tion of men, for their own ideas of their particular profit, can, without great impiety, undertake to ſay, that he ſhall not do ſo; that they have no [26] ſort of right, either to prevent the la⯑bour, or to withhold the bread. Ire⯑land having received no compenſation, directly or indirectly, for any reſtraints on their trade, ought not, in juſtice or common honeſty, be made ſubject to ſuch reſtraints. I do not mean to im⯑peach the right of the parliament of Great Britain, to make laws for the trade of Ireland. I only ſpeak of what laws it is right for Parliament to make.

It is nothing to an oppreſſed people, to ſay that in part they are protected at our charge. The military force which ſhall be kept up in order to cramp the na⯑tural faculties of a people, and to pre⯑vent their arrival to their utmoſt proſ⯑perity, is the inſtrument of their ſervi⯑tude not the means of their protection. To protect men, is to forward, and not to reſtrain their improvement. Elſe, what is it more, than to avow to them, [27] and to the world, that you guard them from others, only to make them a prey to yourſelf. This fundamental nature of protection does not belong to free, but to all governments; and is as valid in Turkey as in Great Britain. No go⯑vernment ought to own that it exiſts for the purpoſe of checking the proſperity of its people, or that there is ſuch a principle involved in its policy.

Under the impreſſion of theſe ſenti⯑ments, (and not as wanting every at⯑tention to my conſtituents, which af⯑fection and gratitude could inſpire,) I voted for theſe bills which give you ſo much trouble. I voted for them, not as doing complete juſtice to Ireland, but as being ſomething leſs unjuſt than the general prohibition which has hi⯑therto prevailed. I hear ſome diſcourſe, as if in one or two paltry duties on mate⯑rials, Ireland had a preference; and that [28] thoſe who ſet themſelves againſt this act of ſcanty juſtice, aſſert that they are only contending for an equality. What equality? Do they forget, that the whole woollen manufacture of Ire⯑land, the moſt extenſive and profitable of any, and the natural ſtaple of that kingdom, has been in a manner ſo de⯑ſtroyed by reſtrictive laws of ours, and (at our perſuaſion, and on our pro⯑miſes) by reſtrictive laws of their own, that in a few years, it is probable, they will not be able to wear a coat of their own fabric. Is this equality? Do gentlemen forget, that the underſtood faith upon which they were perſuaded to ſuch an unnatural act, has not been kept; but a linen-manufacture has been ſet up, and highly encouraged, againſt them? Is this equality? Do they for⯑get the ſtate of the trade of Ireland in beer, ſo great an article of conſumption, [29] and which now ſtands in ſo miſchievous a poſition with regard to their revenue, their manufacture, and their agricul⯑ture? Do they find any equality in all this? Yet if the leaſt ſtep is taken to⯑wards doing them common juſtice in the lighteſt articles for the moſt limited markets, a cry is raiſed, as if we were going to be ruined by partiality to Ire⯑land.

Gentlemen, I know that the defi⯑ciency in theſe arguments is made up (not by you, but by others) by the uſual reſource on ſuch occaſions, the confi⯑dence in military force, and ſuperior power. But that ground of confidence, which at no time was perfectly juſt, or the avowal of it tolerably decent, is at this time very unſeaſonable. Late ex⯑perience has ſhewn, that it cannot be altogether relied upon; and many, if not all our preſent difficulties, have [30] ariſen from putting our truſt in what may very poſſibly fail; and if it ſhould fail, leaves thoſe who are hurt by ſuch a reliance, without pity. Whereas ho⯑neſty and juſtice, reaſon and equity, go a very great way in ſecuring proſperity to thoſe who uſe them; and in caſe of failure, ſecure the beſt retreat, and the moſt honourable conſolations.

It is very unfortunate, that we ſhould conſider thoſe as rivals, whom we ought to regard as fellow-labourers in a com⯑mon cauſe. Ireland has never made a ſingle ſtep in its progreſs towards proſpe⯑rity, by which you have not had a ſhare, and perhaps the greateſt ſhare, in the benefit. That progreſs has been chief⯑ly owing to her own natural advantages, and her own efforts, which, after a long time, and by ſlow degrees, have prevailed in ſome meaſure over the miſ⯑chievous ſyſtems which have been ad⯑opted. [31] Far enough ſhe is ſtill from having arrived even at an ordinary ſtate of perfection; and if our jealouſies were to be converted into politics, as ſyſte⯑matically as ſome would have them, the trade of Ireland would vaniſh out of the ſyſtem of commerce. But, believe me, if Ireland is beneficial to you, it is ſo not from the parts in which it is re⯑ſtrained, but from thoſe in which it is left free, though not left unrivalled. The greater its freedom, the greater muſt be your advantage. If you ſhould loſe in one way, you will gain in twenty.

Whilſt I remain under this unalter⯑able and powerful conviction, you will not wonder at the decided part I take. It is my cuſtom ſo to do, when I ſee my way clearly before me; and when I know, that I am not miſled by any paſ⯑ſion, or any perſonal intereſt; which in this caſe, I am very ſure, I am not. I [32] find that diſagreeable things are circu⯑lated among my conſtituents; and I wiſh my ſentiments, which form my juſtification, may be equally general with the circulation againſt me. I have the honour to be, with the greateſt re⯑gard and eſteem,

I ſend the bills.