CHAP. I.

year 1558 IN a nation divided like the Engliſh, it could ſcarce be expected, that the death of one ſovereign, and the acceſſion of another, who was ſtrongly ſuſpected to have embraced oppoſite principles to thoſe which prevailed, could be the ſubject of univerſal ſatisfaction: Queen's po⯑pularity. Yet ſo much were men diſpleaſed with the preſent conduct of affairs, and ſuch apprehenſions were entertained of futurity, that the people, overlooking their theological diſputes, expreſſed a very general and unſeigned joy that the ſcepter had paſſed into the hands of Elizabeth. That princeſs had diſcovered great prudence in her conduct during the reign of her ſiſter; and as men were ſenſible of the imminent danger to which ſhe was every [404] moment expoſed, the compaſſion towards her ſituation, and concern for her ſafety, had rendered her, to an uncommon degree, the favourite of the na⯑tion. A Parliament had been aſſembled a few days before Mary's death; and when Heathe, archbiſhop of York, then chancellor, notified to them that event, ſcarce an interval of regret appeared; and the two houſes immediately reſounded with the joyful acclamations of ‘"God ſave Queen Elizabeth: Long and hap⯑pily may ſhe reign."’ The people, leſs actuated by faction, and leſs influenced by private views, expreſſed a joy ſtill more general and hearty on her proclama⯑tion; and the auſpicious commencement of this reign prognoſticated that felicity and glory which, during its whole courſe, ſo uniformly attended it^*.

ELIZABETH was at Hatfield when ſhe heard of her ſiſter's death; and after a few days ſhe proceeded thence to London, thro' crowds of people, who ſtrove with each other in giving her the ſtrongeſt teſtimony of their affections. On her entrance into the Tower, ſhe could not forbear reflecting on the great difference between her preſent fortune and that which a few years before had attended her, when ſhe was conducted to that place as a priſoner, and lay there expoſed to all the bigotted malignity of her enemies. She fell on her knees, and expreſſed her thanks to heaven, for the deliverance which the Almighty had granted her from her bloody perſecutors; a deliverance, ſhe ſaid, no leſs miraculous than that which Daniel had received from the den of lions. This act of pious gratitude ſeems to have been the laſt circumſtance in which ſhe remembered any paſt inju⯑ries and hardſhips. With a prudence and magnanimity truly laudable, ſhe bu⯑ried all offences in oblivion, and received with aſfability even thoſe who had acted with the greateſt virulence againſt her. Sir Harry Bennifield himſelf, to whoſe cuſtody ſhe had been committed, and who had treated her with uncommon ſeve⯑rity, never felt, during the whole courſe of her reign, any effects of her reſent⯑ment^†. Yet was not the gracious reception which ſhe gave, proſtitute and un⯑diſtinguiſhing. When the biſhops came in a body to make their obeiſance to her, ſhe expreſſed to all of them ſentiments of regard; except to Bonner, from whom ſhe turned aſide, as from a man polluted with blood, who was a juſt ob⯑ject of horror to every heart ſuſceptible of humanity^‡.

AFTER employing a few days in ordering her domeſtic affairs, Elizabeth noti⯑fied to foreign courts, her ſiſter's death, and her own acceſſion to the crown. She ſent lord Cobham to the Low Countries, where Philip then reſided; and ſhe took care to expreſs to that monarch, her gratitude for the protection which he had aſſorded her, and her deſire of preſevering in that friendſhip which was ſo [405] happily commenced between them. Philip, who had long foreſeen this event, and who ſtill hoped, by means of Elizabeth, to obtain that dominion over Eng⯑land, which he had failed of in eſpouſing Mary, immediately diſpatched orders to the duke of Feria, his ambaſſador at London, to make propoſals of marriage to the Queen, and he offered to procure from Rome a diſpenſation for that pur⯑poſe. But Elizabeth ſoon came to the reſolution of declining this propoſal. She ſaw that the nation had entertained an extreme averſion to the Spaniſh alliance during her ſiſter's reign; and that one great cauſe of the popularity which ſhe herſelf enjoyed, was the proſpect of being freed, by her means, from the danger of foreign ſubjection. She was ſenſible, that her affinity with Philip, was exactly ſimilar to that between her father and Catherine of Arragon; and that her mar⯑rying that monarch was, in effect, declaring herſelf illegitimate, and incapable of ſucceeding to the throne. And tho' the power of the Spaniſh monarchy might ſtill be ſufficient, in oppoſition to all pretenders, to ſupport her title, her maſculine ſpirit diſdained ſuch precarious dominion, which, as it would depend ſolely on the power of another, muſt be exerciſed according to his inclination^*. But while theſe views prevented her from entertaining any thoughts of a marriage with Philip, ſhe gave him a very obliging, tho' evaſive, anſwer; and he ſtill retained ſuch hopes of ſucceſs, that he ſent a meſſenger to Rome, with orders to ſollicit the diſpenſation.

THE Queen too, on her ſiſter's death, had wrote to Sir Edward Carne, the Eng⯑liſh ambaſſador at Rome, to ſignify her acceſſion to the pope; but the precipitate nature of Paul broke thro' all the cautious meaſures concerted by that young princeſs. He told Carne, that England was a ſief of the holy ſee; and it was a great temerity in her to have aſſumed, without his participation, the title and authority of Queen: That Elizabeth, being illegitimate, could not poſſibly in⯑ [...]it that kingdom; nor could he annul the ſentence pronounced by Clement the ſeventh, and Paul the third, with regard to Henry's marriage: That were he to proceed with rigour, he would puniſh this criminal invaſion of his rights, by rejecting all her applications; but being willing to treat her with paternal indul⯑gence, he would ſtill keep the door of grace open to her: And that if ſhe would renounce all pretenſions to the throne, and ſubmit entirely to his will, ſhe ſhould experience the utmoſt lenity which was compatible with the dignity of the apoſ⯑tolic ſee^†. When this anſwer was reported to Elizabeth, ſhe was aſ [...]oniſhed at the character of that aged pontiff; and having recalled her a [...] [...]e con⯑tinued with more determined reſolution to purſue thoſe meaſures which the had already ſecretly embraced.

[406] THE Queen, not to alarm the partizans of the catholic religion, had retained eleven of her ſiſter's councellors; but in order to ballance their authority, ſhe added eight more who were known to be affectionate to the proteſtant commu⯑nion: The marquis of Northampton, the earl of Bedford, Sir Thomas Parry, Sir Edward Rogers, Sir Ambroſe Cave, Sir Francis Knolles, Sir Nicholas Bacon, whom ſhe created lord keeper, and Sir William Cecil, ſecretary of ſtate^*. Re-eſtabliſh⯑ment of the proteſtant religion. With theſe counſellors, particularly Cecil, ſhe frequently deliberated concerning the expediency of reſtoring the proteſtant religion, and the means of executing that great enterprize. Cecil told her, that the greateſt part of the nation had, ever ſince her father's reign, inclined to the reformation; and tho' her ſiſter had con⯑ſtrained them to profeſs the ancient faith, the cruelties exerciſed by her miniſters, had ſtill more alienated their affections from it: That happily the intereſts of the ſovereign concurred here with the inclinations of the people; nor was her title to the crown compatible with the authority of the Roman pontiff: That a ſentence, ſo ſolemnly pronounced by two popes againſt her mother's marriage, could not poſſibly be recalled, without inflicting a mortal wound on the credit of the ſee of Rome; and even if ſhe was allowed to retain the crown, it would only be on an uncertain and dependant footing: That this motive counterballanced all dan⯑gers whatever; and theſe dangers themſelves, if narrowly viewed, would be found very little formidable: That the curſes and execrations of the Romiſh church, when not ſeconded by military force, were, in the preſent age, more an object of ridicule than of terror, and had now as little influence in this world as in the next: That tho' the bigotry or ambition of Henry or Philip might in⯑cline them to execute a ſentence of excommunication againſt her, their intereſts were ſo incompatible, that they never could concur in any plan of operations; and the enmity of the one would always enſure to her the friendſhip of the other: That if they encouraged the diſcontents of her catholic ſubjects, their dominions alſo abounded with proteſtants, and it would be eaſy to retaliate that injury upon them: That even ſuch of the Engliſh as ſeemed at preſent zealouſly attached to the catholic faith, would moſt of them embrace the religion of their new ſove⯑reign; and the nation had of late been ſo accuſtomed to theſe revolutions, that men had loſt all idea of truth and falſehood in ſuch ſubjects: That the authority of Henry the eighth, ſo highly raiſed by many concurring circumſtances, firſt enured the people to this ſubmiſſive deference; and it was more eaſy for the ſuc⯑ceeding princes to continue the nation in a train to which it had been ſo long ac⯑cuſtomed: And that it would be eaſy for her, by beſtowing on proteſtants all [407] the commiſſions in civil offices and the militia, the church and the univerſities, both to enſure her own authority, and to render her religion entirely predo⯑minant^*.

THE education of Elizabeth, as well as her intereſt, led her to favour the re⯑formation; and ſhe remained not long in ſuſpenſe with regard to the party, which ſhe ſhould embrace: But tho' determined in her own mind, ſhe reſolved to proceed by gradual and ſecure ſteps, and not to imitate the example of Mary, in encouraging the bigots of her party to make immediately a violent invaſion on the eſtabliſhed religion^†. She thought it requiſite, however, to diſcover ſuch ſymptoms of her intentions, as might give encouragement to the prote⯑ſtants, ſo much depreſſed by the late violent perſecution. She immediately re⯑called all the exiles, and gave liberty to the priſoners who were confined on ac⯑count of religion. We are told of a pleaſantry of one Rainsford on this occa⯑ſion, who ſaid to the Queen, that he had a petition to preſent her in behalf of other priſoners called Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John: She readily replied, that it behoved her firſt to conſult the priſoners themſelves, and to learn of them whether they deſired that liberty, which he demanded for them^‡.

ELIZABETH alſo proceeded to exert, in favour of the reformers, ſome acts of power, which were conſiſtent with the extent of the royal prerogative during that age. Finding, that the proteſtant teachers, irritated by perſecution, broke out in a furious attack of the antient ſuperſtition, and that the Romaniſts replied with no leſs zeal and acrimony, ſhe publiſhed a proclamation, by which ſhe prohibited all preaching without a ſpecial licence^§; and tho' ſhe diſpenſed with this prohibition in favour of ſome preachers of her own ſect, ſhe took care, that they ſhould be the moſt calm and moderate of the party. She alſo ſuſ⯑pended the laws ſo far as to order a great part of the ſervice; the litany, the Lord's prayer, the creed, and the goſpels; to be read in Engliſh. And having firſt publiſhed injunctions, that all the churches ſhould conform themſelves to the practice of her own chappel, ſhe forbade the hoſte to be any more elevated in her preſence; an innovation, which, however frivolous it may appear, implied the moſt material conſequences^‖.

THESE declarations of her intention, concurring with the preceding ſuſpicions, made the biſhops foreſee with certainty a revolution in religion. They there⯑fore refuſed to officiate at her coronation; and it [...] with ſome difficulty, that the [408] biſhop of Carliſle was at laſt prevailed on to perform that ceremony. When ſhe was conducted thro' London, amidſt the joyful acclamations of her ſubjects, a boy, who perſonated truth, was let down from one of the triumphal arches, and pre⯑ſented her with a copy of the Bible. She received the book with the moſt gra⯑cious deportment, placed it next her boſom, and declared, that, amidſt all the coſtly teſtimonies which the city had that day given of their attachment, this preſent was by far the moſt precious and moſt acceptable^†. Such were the in⯑nocent artifices, by which Elizabeth inſinuated herſelf into the affections of her ſubjects. Open in her addreſs, gracious and affable in all public appearances, ſhe rejoiced in the concourſe of her ſubjects, entered into all their pleaſures and amuſements, and without departing from her dignity, which ſhe knew well how to preſerve, ſhe acquired a popularity beyond what any of her predeceſſors or ſucceſ⯑ſors ever could attain. Her own ſex exulted to ſee a woman hold the reins of empire with ſuch prudence and fortitude: And while a young princeſs of twenty-five years (for that was her age at her acceſſion) who poſſeſſed all the graces and inſinuation, tho' not all the beauty of her ſex, courted the affections of indivi⯑duals by her civilities, of the public by her ſervices, her authority, tho' corro⯑borated by the ſtricteſt bands of law and religion, appeared to be derived en⯑tirely from the choice and inclination of the people.

year 1559 A SOVEREIGN of this diſpoſition was not likely to offend her ſubjects by any uſeleſs or violent exertions of power; A Parliament. and Elizabeth, tho' ſhe threw out ſuch hints as encouraged the proteſtants, delayed the entire change of religion till the meeting of the Parliament, which was ſummoned to aſſemble. The elections had gone entirely againſt the catholics, who ſeem not indeed to have made any great ſtruggle for the ſuperiority; and the houſes met in a diſpoſition of gratify⯑ing the Queen in every particular, which ſhe could deſire of them. They began the ſeſſion with an unanimous declarati [...]n, ‘"that Queen Elizabeth was, and ought to be, as well by the word of God, as the common and ſtatute laws of the realm, the lawful, undoubted, and true heir to the crown, lawfully deſcended from the blood royal, according to the order of ſucceſſion, ſettled in the 35th of Henry VIII.^‡"’ This act of recognition was undoubtedly dictated by the Queen herſelf and her miniſters; and ſhe ſhowed her magnanimity, as well as [...] in the terms, which ſhe employed on that occaſion. She followed not [...] in [...] the validity of her mother's marriage, or in ex⯑preſsly repealing the [...] formerly made againſt her own legitimacy: She know, that this attempt muſt be att [...]ed with reflection on her father's memory, as [409] well as on the birth of her deceaſed ſiſter; and as all the world were ſenſible that Henry's divorce from Anne Boleyn was merely the effect of his violence and caprice, ſhe ſcorned to found her title on any act of an aſſembly, which had too much proſtituted its authority by its former variable, ſervile and iniquitous de⯑ciſions. Satisfied therefore in the general opinion entertained with regard to this fact, which appeared the more undoubted, the leſs anxiety ſhe diſcovered in fortifying it by votes and enquiries; ſhe took poſſeſſion of the throne, both as her birth-right, and as enſured to her by former acts of Parliament; and ſhe never appeared ſollicitous to diſtinguiſh theſe titles^*.

THE firſt bill which was brought into the Parliament with a view of trying their diſpoſition with regard to religion, was that for ſuppreſſing the monaſteries lately erected, and for reſtoring the tenths and firſt-fruits to the Queen. This point being gained without much difficulty, a bill was next introduced, annexing the ſupremacy to the crown; and tho' the Queen was there denominated governeſs, not head, of the church, it conveyed the ſame extenſive power, which had formerly been exerciſed by her father and brother. All the biſhops who were preſent in the upper houſe ſtrenuouſly oppoſed this law; and as they poſſeſſed more learning than the temporal peers, they triumphed in the argument; but the majority of voices in that houſe, as well as among the commons, were againſt them. By this act the crown, without the concurrence, either of the Parliament or even of the convocation, was veſted with the whole ſpiritual power; might repreſs all here⯑ſies^†, might eſtabliſh or repeal all canons, might alter every point of diſcipline, and might ordain or aboliſh any religious rite or ceremony^‡. In order to exerciſe this unlimited authority, the Queen, by a clauſe of the act, was empowered to name commiſſioners, either laymen or clergymen, as ſhe ſhould think proper; and on this clauſe was afterwards founded the court of eccleſiaſtical commiſſion; which aſſumed very large diſcretionary, not to ſay arbitrary powers, totally incompatible with any exact limitations in the conſtitution. Their proceedings indeed were only conſiſtent with abſolute monarchy; but were entirely ſuitable to the genius of the act on which they were eſtabliſhed; an act that at once gave the crown all the power, which had formerly been claimed by the popes, but which even theſe uſurping prelates had never been able fully to exerciſe, without ſome con⯑currence of the clergy.

[410] WHOEVER refuſed to take an oath, acknowledging the Queen's ſupremacy, was incapacitated from holding any office; whoever denied the ſupremacy, or attempted to deprive the Queen of that prerogative, forfeited, for the firſt of⯑fence, all their goods and chattels, for the ſecond were ſubjected to the penalty of a premunire; but the third offence was declared treaſon. Theſe puniſhments, however ſevere, were leſs rigorous than ſuch as were formerly, during the reigns of her father and brother, inflicted in like caſes.

A LAW was paſſed, confirming all the ſtatutes enacted in King Edward's time with regard to religion^*: The nomination of biſhops was given to the crown without any election of the chapters: The Queen was empowered, on the va⯑cancy of any ſee, to ſeize all the temporalities, and to beſtow on the biſhops-elect an equivalent in the impropriations belonging to the crown. This pretended equivalent was commonly very much inferior in value; and thus the Queen, amidſt all her concern for religion, followed the example of the preceding re⯑formers, in committing depredations on the eccleſiaſtical revenues.

THE biſhops and all incumbents were prohibited from alienating their reve⯑nues, and from letting leaſes longer than twenty-one years or three lives. This law ſeemed to be intended for ſecuring the property of the church; but as an exception was left in favour of the crown, great abuſes ſtill prevailed. It was uſual for a courtier, during this reign, to make a tranſaction with a biſhop or incumbent; and to procure a ſham alienation to the Queen, who afterwards transferred the lands to the perſon agreed on^†. This method of pillaging the church was not remedied till the beginning of James the firſt. The preſent de⯑preſſion of the clergy expoſed them to all injuries; and the laity never ſtopped till they had reduced the church to ſuch poverty, that her plunder was no longer a compenſation for the odium incurred by it.

A SOLEMN and public diſputation was held during this ſeſſion, in preſence of lord keeper Bacon, between the divines of the proteſtant and thoſe of the catholic party. The champions appointed to defend the religion of the ſovereign, were, as in former inſtances, entirely triumphant, and the popiſh diſputants, being pronounced refractory and obſtinate, were even puniſhed by impriſonment^‡. Emboldened by this victory, the proteſtants ventured on the laſt and moſt important ſtep, and brought into Parliament a bill^‖ for aboliſhing the maſs, and re-eſtabliſhing the liturgy of King Edward. Penalties were enacted, as well againſt thoſe who departed from this mode of worſhip, as thoſe who abſented themſelves from the church and the ſacraments. And thus in one ſeſſion, without any violence, [411] tumult, or clamour, was the whole ſyſtem of religion altered, on the very com⯑mencement of a reign, and by the will of a young woman, whoſe title to the crown was by many eſteemed liable to great objections: An event, which, tho' it may appear ſurprizing to men in the preſent age, was every where expected on the firſt news of her acceſſion.

THE commons alſo made a ſacrifice to the Queen more difficult to obtain than that of any articles of religion: They voted a ſubſidy of four ſhillings in the pound on land, and two ſhillings and eight pence on goods, together with two fifteenths^*. The houſe in no inſtance departed from the moſt reſpectful deference and complaiſance towards the Queen. Even the importunate addreſs, which they made her on the concluſion of the ſeſſion, to fix her choice of a huſband, could not, they ſuppoſed, be very diſagreeable to one of her ſex and age. The addreſs was couched in the moſt reſpectful expreſſions; yet met with a refuſal from the Queen. She told the ſpeaker, that as the application from the houſe was conceived in general terms, only recommending marriage, without pretend⯑ing to direct her choice of a huſband, ſhe could not take offence at the addreſs, or regard it as other than a new inſtance of their affectionate attachment towards her: That any farther interpoſal on their part would have ill become either them to make, as ſubjects, or her to hear as an independant princeſs: That even while ſhe was a private perſon, and expoſed to much danger, ſhe had always declined that engagement, which ſhe regarded as an incumbrance; much more, at pre⯑ſent would ſhe perſevere in that ſentiment, when the charge of a great kingdom was committed to her, and her life ought to be entirely dedicated to promoting the intereſts of religion and the happineſs of her ſubjects: That as England was her huſband, wedded to her by this pledge (and here ſhe ſhewed them her ſinger with the ſame gold ring upon it, with which ſhe had ſolemnly betrothed herſelf [412] to the kingdom at her inauguration) ſo all Engliſhmen were her children; and while ſhe was employed in the rearing or governing ſuch a family, ſhe could not eſteem herſelf barren, or her life uſeleſs and unfruitful: That if ſhe ever en⯑tertained thoughts of changing her condition, the care of her ſubjects welfare would ſtill be uppermoſt in her thoughts; but ſhould ſhe live and die a virgin, ſhe doubted not but the divine providence, ſeconded by their counſels and her own meaſures, would be able to prevent all diſpute with regard to the ſucceſſion, and ſecure them a ſovereign, who, perhaps better than her own iſſue, would imitate her example in loving and cheriſhing her people: And that for her part, ſhe deſired that no higher character, nor fairer remembrance of her ſhould be tranſmitted to poſterity, than to have this inſcription engraved on her tomb-ſtone, when ſhe ſhould pay the laſt debt to nature; ‘"Here lies Elizabeth, who lived and died a maiden Queen^*."’

8th May. AFTER the prorogation of the Parliament^†, the laws, enacted with regard to religion, were put in execution, and met with no diſturbance or oppoſition from any quarter. The liturgy was again introduced in the vulgar tongue, and the oath of ſupremacy was tendered to the clergy. The number of biſhops had been reduced to fourteen by a very ſickly ſeaſon, which preceded; and all of theſe, except the biſhop of Landaffe, having refuſed compliance, were degraded from their ſees: But of the inferior clergy throughout all England, where there are near 10,000 pariſhes, only eighty pariſh rectors, fifty prebendaries, fifteen heads of colleges, twelve archdeacons, and as many deans, ſacrificed their livings to their religious principles^‡. Thoſe in high eccleſiaſtical ſtations, who were ex⯑poſed to the eyes of the world, ſeem chiefly to have placed a point of honour in their perſeverance; but on the whole, the proteſtants, in the former change in⯑troduced by Mary, appear to have been much more rigid and conſcientious. Tho' the catholic religion, adapting itſelf to the ſenſes, and requiring obſervances, which enter into the common train of life, does at preſent lay much faſter hold of the mind than the reformed, which, being chiefly ſpiritual, reſembles more a ſyſtem of metaphyſics; yet was the proportion of zeal, as well as of knowlege, during the firſt ages after the reformation, much greater on the ſide of the pro⯑teſtants. The catholics continued, ignorantly and ſupinely, in their antient be⯑lief, or rather their antient practices: But the reformers, obliged to diſpute on every [413] occaſion, and enflamed to a degree of enthuſiaſm by novelty and perſecution, had ſtrongly attached themſelves to their tenets; and were ready to ſacrifice their fortunes and even their lives, in defence of their ſpeculative and abſtract prin⯑ciples. The forms and ceremonies, ſtill preſerved in the Engliſh liturgy, as they bore ſome reſemblance to the antient ſervice, tended farther to reconcile the catho⯑lics to the eſtabliſhed religion; and as the Queen permitted no other mode of wor⯑ſhip, and at the ſame time ſtruck out every thing that could be offenſive to them in the new liturgy^*, even thoſe addicted to the Romiſh communion made no ſcruple of attending the eſtabliſhed church. Had Elizabeth gratified her own inclinations, the exterior appearance, which is the chief circumſtance with the people, would have been ſtill more ſimilar between the new and the antient form of worſhip. As ſhe loved ſtate and magnificence in every thing, ſhe was ſomewhat addicted to the pomp of the catholic religion; and it was merely in compliance with the prejudices of her party, that ſhe gave up either the images or the addreſſes to the ſaints, or prayers for the dead^†. Some foreign princes interpoſed to procure the Romaniſts the privilege of ſeparate aſſemblies in particular cities, but the Queen would not comply with their requeſt; and repreſented the manifeſt danger of diſturbing the national peace by a toleration of different religions^‡.

Peace with France. WHILE the Queen and Parliament were employed in ſettling the public religion, the negotiations for a peace were ſtill conducted, firſt at Cercamp, then at Cha⯑teau-Cambreſis, between the miniſters of France, Spain, and England; and Elizabeth, tho' equally prudent, was not ſo ſucceſsful in this tranſaction. Philip employed his utmoſt efforts to procure the reſtitution of Calais, both as bound in honour to indemnify England, which, merely on his account, had been drawn into the war, and as engaged in intereſt to remove France from his frontiers in the Low Countries. So long as he entertained hopes of eſpouſing the Queen, he delayed concluding a peace with Henry; and even after the change of religion in England deprived him of all ſuch views, his miniſters hinted a propoſal, which may be regarded as reaſonable and honourable. After all his own terms with France were ſettled, he ſeemed willing to continue the war, till ſhe ſhould obtain ſatisfaction; provided ſhe would ſtipulate to adhere to the Spaniſh alli⯑ance, and continue hoſtilities againſt Henry, during the courſe of ſix years^‖: But Elizabeth, after conſulting with her miniſters, very wiſely rejected this propoſal. She was ſenſible of the low ſtate of her finances; the great debts contracted by her father, brother, and ſiſter; the diſorders introduced into every part of [414] the adminiſtration; the diviſions by which her people were agitated; and ſhe was convinced that nothing but tranquillity during ſome years could bring the kingdom again into a flouriſhing condition, or enable her to act with dignity and vigour, in her tranſactions with foreign nations. Well acquainted with the value which Henry put upon Calais, and the impoſſibility of recovering it by treaty during the preſent emergency, ſhe was willing rather to ſuffer that loſs, than ſubmit to ſuch a dependance on Spain, as ſhe muſt expect to fall into, if ſhe continued pertinaciouſly in her preſent demand. She ordered, therefore, her am⯑baſſadors, the lord Effingham, the biſhop of Ely, and Dr. Wotton, to conclude the negociation, and to ſettle a peace with Henry, or any reaſonable terms. Henry offered to ſtipulate a marriage between the eldeſt daughter of the dauphin, and the eldeſt ſon of Elizabeth; and to engage for the reſtitution of Calais as the dowry of that princeſs^‡; but as the Queen was ſenſible that this treaty would appear to the world a palpable evaſion, ſhe inſiſted upon more equitable, at leaſt, more plauſible conditions. It was at laſt agreed, that Henry ſhould reſtore Ca⯑lais at the expiration of eight years; that in caſe of failure, he ſhould pay five hundred thouſand crowns, and the Queen's title to Calais ſtill remain; that he ſhould find the ſecurity of ſeven or eight foreign merchants, not natives of France, for the payment of this ſum; that he ſhould deliver five hoſtages till that ſecurity was provided; that if Elizabeth broke the peace with France or Scotland during that interval, ſhe ſhould forfeit all title to Calais; but if Henry made war on Elizabeth, he ſhould be obliged immediately to reſtore that for⯑treſs^‖. Every perſon of penetration eaſily ſaw, that theſe ſtipulations were but a colourable pretence for abandoning Calais; but they excuſed the Queen on ac⯑count of the neceſſity of her affairs, and they even extolled her prudence, in ſub⯑mitting, without farther ſtruggle, to that neceſſity. A peace with Scotland was a neceſſary conſequence of that with France.

PHILIP and Henry concluded hoſtilities with a mutual reſtitution of all places taken during the courſe of the war; and Philip eſpouſed the princeſs Elizabeth, eldeſt daughter of France, formerly betrothed to his ſon Don Carlos. The duke of Savoy married Margaret, Henry's ſiſter, and obtained a reſtitution of all his dominions of Savoy and Piedmont, except a few towns, retained by France. And thus general tranquillity ſ [...]emed to be reſtored to Europe.

Diſguſt be⯑tween the Queen, and Mary Queen of Scots. BUT tho' a peace was ſigned and concluded between France and England, there ſoon appeared a ground of quarrel, of the moſt ſerious nature, and which was afterwards attended with the moſt important conſequences. The two mar⯑riages [415] of Henry the eighth, that with Catherine of Arragon, and that with Anne Boſeyn, were totally incompatible with each other, and it ſeemed impoſſible that both of them could be regarded as valid and legal: But ſtill the birth of Elizabeth lay under ſome diſadvantages, to which that of her ſiſter, Mary, was not expoſed. Henry's firſt marriage had obtained the ſanction of all the powers, both civil and eccleſiaſtical, which were then acknowleged in England; and it was natural, for proteſtants as well as Romaniſts, to allow, on account of the ſincere intention of the parties, that their iſſue ought to be regarded as legitimate. But his divorce, and ſecond marriage, had been concluded in direct oppoſition to the ſee of Rome; and tho' they had been ratified by the authority both of the Engliſh Parliament and convocation, thoſe who were ſtrongly attached to the ca⯑tholic church, and who reaſoned with great ſtrictneſs, were led to regard them as entirely invalid, and to deny altogether the Queen's right of ſucceſſion. The next heir of blood was the Queen of Scots, now married to the dauphin; and the great power of that princeſs, joined to her plauſible title, rendered her a very formidable rival to Elizabeth. The King of France had ſecretly been ſolliciting at Rome a bull of excommunication againſt the Queen; and ſhe had here been beholden to the good offices of Philip, who, from intereſt more than either friendſhip or principle, had negociated in her favour, and had ſucceſsfully oppoſed the pretenſions of Henry. But the court of France was not diſcouraged with this repulſe: The duke of Guiſe, and his brothers, thinking, that it would much augment their credit, if their niece ſhould bring an acceſſion of England, as ſhe had already done of Scotland, to the crown of France, engaged the King not to neglect the claim; and, by their perſuaſion, he ordered his ſon and daughter-in-law to aſſume openly the arms as well as title of England, and to quarter theſe arms on all their equipages, furniture, and liveries. When the Engliſh ambaſ⯑ſador complained of this injury, he could obtain nothing but an evaſive anſwer; that as the Queen of Scots was deſcended from the blood royal of England, ſhe was entitled, by the example of many princes, to aſſume the arms of that king⯑dom. But beſides that this practice had never prevailed without permiſſion be⯑ing firſt obtained, and without making a viſible difference between the arms, Elizabeth plainly ſaw, that this pretenſion had not been advanced during the reign of her ſiſter Mary; and that, therefore, the King of France intended, on the firſt opportunity, to diſpute her legitimacy, and her title to the crown. Alarmed with the danger, ſhe thenceforth conceived a ſtrong jealouſy againſt the Queen of Scots; and was determined, as far as poſſible, to incapacitate Henry from the execution of his project. The ſudden death of that monarch, who was killed in a tournament at Paris, while he was celebrating the eſpouſals of his [416] ſiſter with the duke of Savoy, altered not her views. Being informed, that his ſucceſſor, Francis the ſecond, ſtill continued to aſſume, without reſerve, the title of King of England, ſhe began to conſider him and his Queen as her moſt mor⯑tal enemies; and the preſent ſituation of affairs in Scotland afforded her a fa⯑vourable opportunity, both of revenging the injury and of providing for her own ſafety.

Scotch affairs. THE murder of the cardinal-primate at St. Andrews, had deprived the Scotch catholics of a head whoſe ſeverity, courage, and capacity had rendered him extremely formidable to the innovators in religion; and the execution of the laws againſt hereſy began thenceforth to be much more remiſs and gentle. The Queen-re⯑gent governed the kingdom by prudent and moderate councils; and as ſhe was not diſpoſed to ſacrifice the civil intereſts of the ſtate to the bigotry or intereſts of prieſts, ſhe eſteemed it more expedient to temporize, and to connive at the pro⯑greſs of a doctrine which ſhe had not power entirely to repreſs. When informed of the death of Edward, and the acceſſion of Mary to the crown of England, ſhe entertained hopes, that the Scottiſh reformers, deprived of the countenance which they received from that powerful kingdom, would loſe their ardour with their proſpect of ſucceſs, and would gradually return to the faith of their an⯑ceſtors. But the progreſs and revolutions of religion are little governed by the uſual maxims of civil policy; and the event much diſappointed the regent's ex⯑pectations. Many of the Engliſh preachers, terrified with the ſeverity of Mary's government, took ſhelter in Scotland, where they found more protection, and a milder adminiſtration; and while they propagated their theological tenets, they filled that whole kingdom with a juſt horror againſt the cruelties of the bigoted catholics, and ſhowed their diſciples the fate which they muſt expect, if ever their adverſaries ſhould attain an uncontrouled authority over them.

A HIERARCHY, moderate in its acquiſitions of power and riches, may ſafely grant a toleration to ſectaries; and the more it abates the fervor of innovators by lenity and liberty, the more ſecurely will it poſſeſs thoſe advantages which the legal eſtabliſhments beſtow upon it. But where ſuperſtition has raiſed a church to ſuch an exorbitant height as that of Rome, perſecution is leſs the reſult of bi⯑gotry in the prieſts, than of a neceſſary policy; and the rigour of law is the only method of repelling the attacks of men, who, beſides religious zeal, have ſo many other motives, derived both from public and private intereſt, to engage them on the ſide of innovation. But tho' ſuch overgrown hierarchies may long ſupport themſelves by theſe violent expedients, the time comes, when ſeverities tend only to enrage the new ſectaries, and make them break thro' all bounds of reaſon and moderation. This criſis was now viſibly approaching in Scotland; and [417] whoever conſiders merely the tranſactions reſulting from it, will be inclined to throw the blame equally on both parties; whoever enlarges his view, and reflects on the ſituations, will obſerve the neceſſary progreſs of human affairs, and the operation of thoſe principles which are inherent in human nature.

Reformation in Scotland. SOME heads of the reformers in Scotland, ſuch as the earl of Argyle, his ſon lord Lorne, the earls of Morton, and Glencarne, Erſkine of Dun, and others, finding the danger to which they were expoſed, and deſirous to propagate their principles, entered privately into a bond or aſſociation; and called themſelves the Congregation of the Lord, in contradiſtinction to the eſtabliſhed church, which they denominated the Congregation of Satan. The tenor of the bond was as follows: ‘"We, perceiving how Satan, in his members, the antichriſts of our time, do cruelly rage, ſeeking to overthrow and to deſtroy the goſpel of Chriſt and his congregation, ought, according to our bounden duty, to ſtrive, in our maſter's cauſe, even unto the death, being certain of the victory in him. We do therefore promiſe, before the majeſty of God and his congregation, that we, by his grace, ſhall with all diligence continually apply our whole power, ſubſtance, and our very lives, to maintain, ſet forward, and eſtabliſh the moſt bleſſed word of God and his congregation; and ſhall labour, by all poſſible means, to have faithful miniſters, truly and purely to miniſter Chriſt's goſpel and ſacraments to his people: We ſhall maintain them, nouriſh them, and defend them, the whole congregation of Chriſt, and every member there⯑of, by our whole power, and at the hazard of our lives, againſt Satan, and all wicked power, who may intend tyranny and trouble againſt the ſaid congre⯑gation: Unto which holy word and congregation we do join ourſelves; and we forſake and renounce the congregation of Satan, with all the ſuperſtitious abomination and idolatry thereof; and moreover ſhall declare ourſelves mani⯑feſtly enemies thereto, by this faithful promiſe before God, teſtified to this congregation by our ſubſcriptions. At Edinburgh, the third of Decem⯑ber, 1557^*."’

HAD the ſubſcribers of this zealous league been contented only to demand a toleration of the new opinions; however incompatible their pretenſions might have been with the policy of the church of Rome, they would have had the praiſe of oppoſing tyrannical laws, enacted to ſupport an eſtabliſhment prejudicial to civil ſociety: But it is plain, that they carried their views much farther; and their practice immediately diſcovered the ſpirit by which they were actuated. Supported by the authority which, they thought, belonged to them as the con⯑gregation [418] of the Lord, they ordained, that prayers in the vulgar tongue^† ſhould be uſed in all the pariſh churches of the kingdom; and that preaching, and the interpretation of the ſcriptures ſhould be practiſed in private houſes, till God ſhould move the prince to grant public preaching by faithful and true miniſters^‡. Such bonds of aſſociation are always the forerunners of rebellion; and this vio⯑lent invaſion of the eſtabliſhed religion was the actual commencement of it.

BEFORE this league was publicly known or avowed, the clergy, alarmed with the progreſs of the reformation, attempted to recover their loſt authority, by a violent exerciſe of power, which tended ſtill farther to augment the zeal and number of their enemies. Hamilton, the primate, ſeized Walter Mill, a prieſt of an irreproachable life, who had embraced the new doctrines; and having tried him at St. Andrews, condemned him to the flames for hereſy. Such general averſion was diſcovered to this barbarity, that it was ſome time before the biſhops could prevail on any one to act the part of a civil judge, and pronounce the ſen⯑tence upon him; and even after the time of his execution was fixed, all the ſhops of St. Andrews being ſhut, no one would ſell a rope to tie him to the ſtake, and the primate himſelf was obliged to furniſh this implement. The man bore the torture with that courage which, tho' uſual on theſe occaſions, always ap⯑pears aſtoniſhing and ſupernatural to the multitude: The people, to expreſs their abhorrence againſt the cruelty of the prieſts, raiſed a monument of ſtones on the place of his execution; and as faſt as the ſtones were removed by order of the clergy, they were again ſupplied from the voluntary zeal of the populace^‖. It is vain for men to oppoſe the ſevereſt puniſhments to the united principles of reli⯑gion and public applauſe; and this was the laſt barbarity of the kind which the catholics had the power to exerciſe in Scotland.

SOME time after, the people diſcovered their ſentiments in ſuch a manner as was ſufficient to prognoſticate to the prieſts, the fate which was awaiting them. It was uſual on the feſtival of St. Giles, the tutelar ſaint of Edinburgh, to carry in proceſſion the image of that ſaint; but the proteſtants, in order to prevent the ceremony, found means, on the eve of the feſtival, to purloin the ſtatue from the church, and they pleaſe [...] themſelves with imagining the aſtoniſhment and diſappointment of his votaries. The clergy, however, ſramed haſtily a new image, which, in deriſion, was called by the people young St. Giles; and they carried it thro' the ſtreets, attended with all the eccleſiaſtics in the town and neighbourhood. The multitude abſtained from violence ſo long as the Queen⯑regent [419] continued a ſpectator, but the moment ſhe retired, they invaded the idol, threw it in the dirt, and broke it in pieces. The flight and terror of the prieſts and fryars, who, it was remarked, deſerted, in his greateſt diſtreſs, the object of their worſhip, was the ſource of univerſal mockery and laughter.

ENCOURAGED by all theſe appearances, the congregation proceeded with ala⯑crity in openly ſolliciting ſubſcriptions to their league; and the death of Mary of England, with the acceſſion of Elizabeth, which happened about this time, contributed much to increaſe their hopes of final ſucceſs in their undertaking. They ventured to preſent a petition to the regent, craving a reformation of the church, and of the wicked, ſcandalous, and deteſtable lives of the prelates and ec⯑cleſiaſtics^*. They applied to the Parliament, by a petition, in which, after pre⯑miſing, that they could not communicate with the damnable idolatry, and into⯑lerable abuſes of the papiſtical church, they deſired, that the laws againſt here⯑tics ſhould be executed by the civil magiſtrate alone, and that the ſcripture ſhould be the ſole rule for judging of hereſy^†. They even petitioned the convocation, and inſiſted that prayers ſhould be ſaid in the vulgar tongue, and that biſhops ſhould be choſen with the conſent of the gentry of the dioceſe, and prieſts with the conſent of the pariſhioners^‡. The regent prudently temporized between theſe parties; and as ſhe aimed at procuring a matrimonial crown for her ſon-in⯑law, the dauphin, ſhe was, on that as well as other accounts, unwilling to come to extremities with either of them.

BUT after this conceſſion was obtained, ſhe received orders from France, pro⯑bably dictated by the haughty ſpirit of her brothers, to proceed with violence againſt the reformers, and to reſtore the royal authority, by ſome ſignal act of power^‖. She made the moſt eminent of the proteſtant teachers be cited to appear be⯑fore the council at Stirling; but when their followers were marching thither in great multitudes, in order to protect and countenance them, ſhe entertained apprehen⯑ſions of an inſurrection, and diſſipated the people by a promiſe^§, that nothing ſhould be done to the prejudice of the miniſters. This promiſe was violated; and a ſentence paſſed, by which all the miniſters were pronounced rebels, on ac⯑count [420] count of their not appearing. A meaſure, ſo raſh and ill adviſed, enraged the people, and made them reſolve to reſiſt her authority by force of arms, and to proceed to extremity againſt the clergy of the eſtabliſhed religion.

IN this critical time John Knox arrived from Geneva, where he had paſſed ſome years in baniſhment, and where he had imbibed, from his commerce with Calvin, the higheſt fanaticiſm of his ſect, augmented by the natural ferocity of his own character. 11th May. He had been invited back to Scotland by the leaders of the reformation; and mounting the pulpit at Perth, during the preſent ferment of mens minds, he declaimed with his uſual vehemence againſt the idolatry and other abominations of the church of Rome, and incited his audience to exert their ut⯑moſt zeal for its ſubverſion. A prieſt was ſo imprudent, after this ſermon, as to open his repoſitory of images and relicts, and prepare himſelf to ſay maſs. The audience, who were wrought up to a diſpoſition for any furious enterprize, were as much enraged as if the ſpectacle had not been quite familiar to them: They attacked the prieſt with fury, broke the images in pieces, tore the pictures, overthrew the altars, ſcattered about the ſacred vaſes; and leſt no implement of idolatrous worſhip, as they called it, entire or unbroken. They thence proceeded with additional numbers, and augmented rage, to the monaſteries of the Grey and Black friars, which they pillaged in an inſtant: The Carthuſians underwent the ſame fate; and the populace, not content with robbing and expelling the monks, vented their fury on the buildings, which had been the recepticles of ſuch abomination; and in a very little time nothing but the walls of theſe ſtately edifices were left ſtanding. The inhabitants of Couper in Fife ſoon after imi⯑tated the example^*.

Civil wars in Scotland. THE Queen-regent, provoked at theſe violences, aſſembled an army, and pre⯑pared to chaſtiſe the rebels. She had about two thouſand French under her command, with a few Scotch troops; and being aſſiſted with ſuch of the nobi⯑lity as were well affected to her, ſhe pitched her camp within ten miles of Perth. Even the earl of Argyle, and the lord James Stuart, prior of St. Andrew's, the Queen's natural brother, tho' deeply engaged with the reformers, attended the regent in this enterprize, either becauſe they blamed the fury of the populace, or hoped by their influence and authority to mediate ſome agreement between the parties. The congregation, on the other hand, made preparations for defence; and being joined by the earl of Glencarne from the Weſt, and being countenanced by many of the nobility and gentry, they appeared formidable from their numbers, as well as the zeal by which they were animated. They ſent an addreſs to the re⯑gent, [421] where they plainly inſinuated, that if they were purſued to extremity, by the cruel beaſts, the churchmen, they would have recourſe to foreign powers for aſſiſtance; and they ſubſcribed themſelves her faithful ſubjects in all things not repugnant to God▪ aſſuming, at the ſame time, the name of the faithful con⯑gregation of Chriſt Jeſus^*. They applied to the nobility attending her, and maintained, that their paſt violences were juſtified by the word of God, which commands the godly to deſtroy idolatry, and all the monuments of it; that tho' all civil authority was ſacred, yet was there a great difference between the autho⯑rity and the perſons who exerciſed it^†; and that it ought to be conſidered, whe⯑ther or not thoſe abominations, called by the peſtilent papiſts, religion, and which they defend by fire and ſword, be the true religion of Chriſt Jeſus. They re⯑monſtrated with ſuch of the Queen's army as had formerly embraced their party, and told them, ‘"That as they were already reputed traitors by God, they ſhould likewiſe be excommunicated from their ſociety, and from the participation of the ſacraments of the church, which God by his mighty power had erected among them; whoſe miniſters have the ſame authority which Chriſt granted to his apoſtles in theſe words, Whoſe ſins ye ſhall forgive ſhall be forgiven, and whoſe ſins ye ſhall retain ſhall be retained ^‡."’ We may here ſee that theſe new ſaints were no leſs lofty in their pretenſions than the ancient hierarchy; and it was therefore no wonder they were enraged againſt theſe latter as their rivals in dominion. They joined to all theſe declarations an addreſs to the eſtabliſhed church; and they affixed this title to it. ‘"To the generation of antichriſt, the peſtilent prelates and their ſhavelings ^‖ in Scotland, the congregation of Chriſt Jeſus within the ſame ſayeth."’ The tenor of the manifeſto was agreeable to the title. They told the eccleſiaſtics, ‘"As ye by tyranny intend not only to deſtroy our bodies, but alſo by the ſame to hold our ſouls in bondage of the devil, ſubject to idolatry; ſo ſhall we, with all the force and power which God ſhall grant unto us, execute juſt vengeance and puniſhment upon you: Yea, we ſhall begin that ſame war which God commanded Iſrael to execute againſt the Canaanites; that is, contract of peace ſhall never be made, till ye deſiſt from your open idolatry, and cruel perſecution of God's children. And this, in the name of the eternal God, and of his ſon, Chriſt Jeſus, whoſe verity we profeſs, and goſpel we have preached, and holy ſacraments rightly admini⯑ſtered, we ſignify unto you, to be our intent, ſo far as God will aſſiſt us to withſtand your idolatry. Take this for warning, and be not deceived^§."’ With theſe outrageous ſymptoms commenced that cant, hypocriſy, and fanaticiſm [422] which long infeſted that kingdom; and which, tho' now mollified by the lenity of the civil power, is ſtill ready to break out on all occaſions.

THE Queen regent, finding ſuch obſtinate zeal in the malecontents, was con⯑tented to embrace the councils of Argyle and the prior of St. Andrew's, and to form an accommodation with them. She was received into Perth, which ſubmit⯑ted to her, on promiſing an indemnity of paſt offences, and engaging not to leave any French garriſon in the place. This capitulation, it is pretended, was not exactly obſerved. Some of the inhabitants were moleſted on account of the late violences; and ſome companies of Scotch ſoldiers, ſuppoſed to be in French pay, were quartered in the town; which ſtep, tho' taken under a very plauſible pretext, was regarded by the congregation as an infraction of the treaty^*. It is aſſerted, that the regent, to juſtify theſe meaſures, declared, that princes ought not to have their promiſes too ſtrictly urged upon them; nor was any faith to be kept with heretics: And that for her part, could ſhe find as good a colour of reaſon, ſhe would willingly bereave all theſe men of their lives and fortunes^†. But it is no way likely, that ſuch expreſſions dropt from this prudent and vir⯑tuous princeſs. On the contrary, it appears, that theſe violences were very diſ⯑agreeable to her; that ſhe was in this particular over-ruled by the authority of the French counſellors placed about her; and that ſhe often thought, if the manage⯑ment of theſe affairs had been entruſted wholly to herſelf, ſhe could eaſily, with⯑out force, have accommodated all differences^‡.

THE congregation enflamed with their own zeal, and enraged with theſe diſ⯑appointments, remained not long in tranquillity. Even before they left Perth, [423] and while as yet they had no colour to complain of any violation of treaty, they had ſigned a new covenant, in which, beſides their engagements to mutual de⯑fence, they vowed in the name of God to employ their whole power in deſtroying every thing that diſhonoured his holy name; and this covenant was ſubſcribed, among others, by Argyle and the prior of St. Andrew's^*. Theſe two leaders now deſired no better pretext for deſerting the regent and openly joining their aſſociates, than the complaints, however doubtful, or rather falſe, of her breach of promiſe. The congregation alſo, encouraged by this acceſſion of force, gave up themſelves entirely to the furious zeal of Knox, and renewed at Crail, An⯑ſtruther, and other places in Fife, like depredations on the churches and mona⯑ſteries with thoſe formerly committed at Perth and Couper. The regent, who marched againſt them with her army, finding their power ſo much increaſed, was glad to conclude a truce for a few days, and to paſs over with her forces to the Lothians. The inſurgents beſieged and took Perth; proceeded thence to Stirling, where they exerciſed their uſual ſury; and finding nothing able to reſiſt them, they bent their march to Edinburgh, the inhabitants of which, as they had already anticipated the zeal of the congregation againſt the churches and monaſteries, gladly opened their gates to them. The regent, with the few forces which remained with her, took ſhelter in Dunbar, where ſhe ſhut herſelf up, in expectation of a reinforcement from France.

MEANWHILE, ſhe employed her partizans in repreſenting to the people the dangerous conſequences of this open rebellion; and ſhe endeavoured to convince them, that the lord James, under pretence of religion, had formed the ſcheme of wreſting the ſcepter from the hands of the ſovereign. By theſe conſiderations many were engaged to deſert the army of the congregation; but much more by the want of pay or any means of ſubſiſtance; and the regent, obſerving the in⯑ſurgents to be much weakened, ventured to march to Edinburgh, with a deſign to ſuppreſs them. On the interpoſal of the duke of Chatelraut, who ſtill adhered to her, ſhe agreed to a capitulation, in which ſhe granted them a toleration of their religion, and they engaged to commit no farther depredations on the churches. Soon after they evacuated the city of Edinburgh; and before they left it, they proclaimed the articles of agreement; but they took care to publiſh only the articles favourable to themſelves, and they were guilty of an impoſture, in adding one to the number, viz. that idolatry ſhall not again be erected in any place where it was at that time ſuppreſſed^‡.

[424] AN agreement concluded, while men's minds were in this diſpoſition, could not be durable; and both ſides endeavoured to ſtrengthen themſelves as much as poſſible, againſt the enſuing rupture, which appeared inevitable. The regent having got a reinforcement of 1000 men from France, began to fortify Leith; and the congregation ſeduced the duke of Chatelraut to their party, who had long appeared inclined to them, and who was at laſt determined by the arrival of his ſon, the earl of Arran, from France, where he had eſcaped many dangers, from the jealouſy, as well as bigotry, of Henry and the duke of Guiſe. More French troops ſoon after diſembarked under the command of La Broſſe, who was followed by the biſhop of Amiens and three doctors of the Sorbonne. Theſe laſt were ſupplied with ſtore of ſyllogiſms, authorities, citations, and ſcholaſtic arguments, which they intended to oppoſe to the Scotch preachers, and which, they juſtly preſumed, would acquire force, and operate conviction on mens minds, by the influence of the French arms and artillery^*.

THE conſtable Montmorency had always oppoſed the marriage of the Queen of Scots with the dauphin, and had foretold, that, by forming ſuch cloſe con⯑nexions with Scotland, the antient league would be diſſolved; and the natives of that kingdom, jealous of a foreign yoke, would ſoon become, inſtead of allies, attached by intereſt and inclination, the moſt inveterate ene⯑mies to the French dominion. But tho' the event ſeemed now to have juſti⯑fied the prudence of that aged miniſter, it is not improbable, conſidering the violence of the councils, by which France was governed, that the inſurrection was eſteemed a favourable event; as affording a pretence for ſending over armies, for entirely ſubduing the country, for attainting the rebels^†, and for preparing means thence to invade England, and ſupport Mary's title to the crown of that kingdom. The leaders of the congregation, well acquainted with theſe views, were not inſenſible of their danger, and ſaw that their only ſafety conſiſted in the vigour and ſucceſs of their meaſures. They were encouraged by the intelligence received of the ſudden death of Henry the ſecond; and having paſſed an act from their own authority, depriving the Queen dowager of the regency, and ordering all the French troops to evacuate the kingdom, they collected forces to put their edict in execution againſt them. They became maſters again of Edinburgh; but found themſelves unable to keep long poſſeſſion of that city. [425] Their tumultuary armies, aſſembled in haſte, and ſupported by no pay, ſoon ſeparated themſelves upon the leaſt diſaſter, or even any delay of ſucceſs; and were incapable of reſiſting ſuch veteran troops as the French, who were alſo ſe⯑conded by ſome of the Scotch nobility, among whom the earl of Bothwel diſ⯑tinguiſhed himſelf. Hearing that the marquis of Elbeuf, brother to the regent, was levying a new army againſt them in Germany, they thought themſelves ex⯑cuſable for applying, in this extremity, to the aſſiſtance of England; and as the ſympathy of religion, as well as regard to national liberty, had now counter⯑ballanced the antient animoſity againſt that kingdom, this meaſure was the reſult of inclination no leſs than of intereſt^‡. Maitland of Ledington, therefore, and Robert Melvil, were ſecretly diſpatched by the Congregation to ſollicit ſuc⯑cours from Elizabeth.

Interpoſal of the Queen in Scotch affairs. THE wiſe council of Elizabeth deliberated not long in aſſenting to this pro⯑poſal, which concurred ſo well with their views and intereſts. Cecil in parti⯑cular repreſented to the Queen, that the union of the crowns of Scotland and France, both of them the hereditary enemies of England, was ever regarded as a very pernicious event; and her father, as well as protector Somerſet, had em⯑ployed every expedient, both of war and negotiation, to prevent it: That the claim, which Mary pretended to the crown, rendered the preſent ſituation of England ſtill more dangerous, and demanded, on the part of the Queen, the greateſt vigilance and precaution: That the capacity, ambition, and exorbitant views of the family of Guiſe, who now entirely governed the French councils, were ſufficiently known, and they themſelves made no ſecret of their deſign to advance their niece to the throne of England: That deeming themſelves ſecure of ſucceſs, they had already, very imprudently and prematurely, taken off the maſk; and Throcmorton, the Engliſh ambaſſador at Paris, ſent over, by every courier, inconteſtible proofs of their hoſtile intentions^*: That they only waited till Scotland ſhould be entirely ſubdued; and having thus deprived the Engliſh of the advantage, reſulting from their ſituation and naval power, they prepared means for ſubverting the Queen's authority: That the zealous catholics in Eng⯑land, diſcontented with the preſent government, and ſatisfied with the legality [424] [...] [425] [...] [426] of Mary's title, would bring them conſiderable reinforcement, and would diſturb every meaſure of defence againſt that formidable power: That the only expedi⯑ent for preventing theſe deſigns was to ſeize the preſent opportunity, and take advantage of a like zeal in the proteſtants of Scotland; nor could any doubt be entertained with regard to the juſtice of a meaſure, founded on ſuch evident ne⯑ceſſity, and directed only to the ends of ſelf-preſervation: That tho' a French war, attended with great expence, ſeemed the neceſſary conſequence of ſupport⯑ing the Scotch malecontents, that power, if removed to the continent, could never be very formidable; and a ſmall diſburſement at preſent would in the end be found the greateſt frugality: And that the domeſtic diſſentions of France, which every day augmented, together with the ſupport of Philip, who, notwith⯑ſtanding all his bigotry and hypocriſy, would never permit the entire conqueſt of England, were ſufficient to ſecure the Queen againſt the dangerous ambition and reſentment of the houſe of Guiſe^†.

ELIZABETH'S propenſity to caution and oeconomy were, tho' with ſome dif⯑ficulty^‡, overcome by theſe powerful motives; and ſhe prepared herſelf to ſup⯑port by arms and money the declining affairs of the Congregation in Scotland. She equiped a fleet, which conſiſted of thirteen ſhips of war; and giving the command of it to Winter, ſhe ſent it to the Firth of Forth: She named the young duke of Norfolk her lieutenant in the northern counties, and aſſembled at Berwic an army of eight thouſand men under the command of lord Gray, war⯑den of the eaſt and middle marches. Tho' the court of France, ſenſible of the danger, offered her to make immediate reſtitution of Calais, provided ſhe would not interpoſe in the affairs of Scotland; ſhe reſolutely told them, that ſhe never would put an inconſiderable fiſher-town in competition with the ſafety of her whole dominions^*; and ſhe ſtill continued her preparations. She concluded a treaty of mutual defence with the congregation, which was to laſt during the marriage of the Queen of Scots with Francis and a year after; and ſhe promiſed never to deſiſt till the French had entirely evacuated Scotland^{{inverted †}}. And having thus taken all proper meaſures for ſucceſs, and received from the Scotch ſix hoſtages for the performance of articles, ſhe ordered her fleet and army to be⯑gin their operations.

year 1560 1 [...]th January. THE appearance of Elizabeth's fleet in the Firth very much diſconcerted the French army, who were at that time ravaging the county of Fiſe; [427] and obliged them to make a circuit by Stirling, in order to reach Leith, where they ſhut themſelves up, and prepared for defence. The Engliſh army, rein⯑forced by 5000 Scotch^*, ſat down before Leith; and after two ſkirmiſhes, in the former of which, the Engliſh had the advantage, in the latter the French, they began to batter the town; and tho' repulſed with conſiderable loſs in a raſh and ill conducted aſſault, they reduced the garriſon to great difficulties. Their diſtreſs was augmented by two events; the diſperſion by a ſtorm of d'Elbeuf's fleet, which carried a conſiderable army on board^†, and the death of the Queen regent, who expired about this time in the caſtle of Edinburgh; a woman en⯑dowed with all the capacity which ſhone forth in her family, but poſſeſſed of much more virtue and moderation than appeared in the conduct of the other branches of it. The French, who found it impoſſible to ſubſiſt for want of proviſions, and who ſaw that the Engliſh were continually reinforced by new numbers, were obliged to capitulate. 5th July. And the biſhop of Valence and count Randan, plenipotentiaries from France, ſigned a treaty at Edinburgh with Cecil and Dr. Wotton, whom Elizabeth had ſent to Edinburgh for that purpoſe. Settlement of Scotland. It was there ſtipulated, that the French ſhould, all of them, inſtantly evacuate Scotland; that the King and Queen of France and Scotland ſhould thenceforth abſtain from bearing the arms of England, or aſſuming the title of that king⯑dom; that farther ſatisfaction for the injury already done in that particular ſhould be granted Elizabeth; and that commiſſioners ſhould meet to ſettle this point, or if they could not agree, that the King of Spain ſhould be arbiter be⯑tween the crowns. Beſides theſe ſtipulations, which regarded England, ſome conceſſions were granted to the Scotch, which the plenipotentiaries, in the name of the King and Queen of France and Scotland, promiſed in the treaty with Eliza⯑beth to obſerve; that an amneſty ſhould be publiſhed for all paſt offences; that none but natives ſhould be put into any office in Scotland; that the ſtates ſhould name twenty-four perſons, of whom the Queen of Scots ſhould chuſe ſeven, and the ſtates five, and in the hands of theſe twelve ſhould the whole adminiſtration be placed during that Queen's abſence; and that Mary ſhould neither make peace nor war without conſent of the ſtates^‡. In order to haſten the execution of this important treaty Elizabeth ſent ſhips, by which the whole French forces were tranſported into their own country.

THUS all Europe ſaw, in the firſt tranſaction of this reign, the genius and capacity of the Queen and her miniſters. She diſcerned at a diſtance the danger, [428] which threatened her; and took inſtantly vigorous meaſures to prevent it. Mak⯑ing all the poſſible advantages of her ſituation, ſhe proceeded with celerity to a deciſion; and was not diverted by any offers, negotiations, or remonſtrances of the French court. She ſtopped not till ſhe had brought the matter to a final iſſue; and had converted that very power, to which her enemies truſted for her deſtruction, into her firmeſt ſupport and ſecurity. By exacting no improper conditions from the Scotch inſurgents, even during their greateſt diſtreſs, ſhe eſtabliſhed an entire confidence with them; and having cemented the union by all the tyes of gratitude, intereſt and religion, ſhe now poſſeſſed an influence over them above what remained even with their native ſovereign. The regard which ſhe acquired by this dextrous and ſpirited conduct, gave her every where, abroad as well as at home, more authority than had attended her ſiſter, tho' ſupported by all the power of the Spaniſh monarchy^*.

THE ſubſequent meaſures of the Scotch reformers tended ſtill more to cement their union with England. Being entirely maſters of the kingdom, they made no farther ceremony or ſcruple, in fully effecting their purpoſe. In the treaty of Edinburgh it had been agreed, that a Parliament or convention ſhould ſoon be aſſembled; and the leaders of the Congregation, not waiting till the Queen of Scots ſhould ratify that treaty, thought themſelves fully intitled, without the ſovereign's authority, immediately to ſummon a Parliament. The reformers preſented a petition to this aſſembly; where they are not contented with deſiring the eſtabliſhment of their doctrine; they alſo apply for the puniſhment of the catholics, whom they call vaſſals to the Roman harlot; and they aſſert, that, amongſt all the rabble of the clergy, ſuch is their expreſſion, there is not one lawful miniſter; but that they are, all of them, thieves and murderers; yea rebels and traitors to civil authority; and therefore unworthy to be ſuffered in any re⯑formed common-wealth^†. The Parliament ſeem to have been actuated by the ſame ſpirit of rage and perſecution. After ratifying a confeſſion of faith, agree⯑able to the new doctrines, they paſſed a ſtatute againſt the maſs, and not only aboliſhed it in all the churches, but enacted, that whoever any where, either officiated in it or was preſent at it, ſhould be chaſtiſed, for the firſt offence, with confiſcation of goods, and corporal puniſhment, at the diſcretion of the magi⯑ſtrate; for the ſecond, with baniſhment; and for the third, with loſs of life^‡. A law was alſo voted for aboliſhing the papal juriſdiction in Scotland: The preſ⯑byterian form of diſcipline was ſettled, leaving only at firſt ſome ſhadow of au⯑thority [429] to certain eccleſiaſtics, whom they called ſuperintendants. The prelates of the antient faith appeared in order to complain of great injuſtice committed on them by the invaſion of their property, but the Parliament took no notice of them; till at laſt, theſe eccleſiaſtics, tired with fruitleſs attendance, departed the town. They were then cited to appear; and as no body preſented themſelves, it was voted by the Parliament, that the eccleſiaſtics were entirely ſatisfied, and found no reaſon of complaint.

SIR James Sandilands, prior of St. John, was ſent over to France to obtain the ratification of theſe acts; but was very ill received by the Queen, who abſolutely denied the validity of a Parliament, ſummoned without the royal conſent; and ſhe refuſed her ſanction to theſe ſtatutes. But the proteſtants gave them⯑ſelves little concern about their Queen's refuſal. They immediately put the ſta⯑tutes in execution: They aboliſhed the maſs; they ſettled their miniſters; they committed every where furious devaſtations on the monaſteries, and even on the churches, which they thought to be profaned by idolatry; and eſteeming the property of the clergy lawful prey, they took poſſeſſion, without ceremony, of the far greater part of the eccleſiaſtical revenues. Their new preachers, who had authority ſufficient to incite them to war and inſurrection, could not reſtrain their rapacity; and fanaticiſm concurring with avarice, an incurable blow was given to the papal authority in that country. The proteſtant nobility and gentry, united by the conſciouſneſs of ſuch unpardonable guilt, alarmed for their new poſſeſſions, well acquainted with the imperious character of the houſe of Guiſe, ſaw no ſafety for themſelves but in the protection of England; and they diſ⯑patched Morton, Glencarne, and Ledington to expreſs their ſincere gratitude to the Queen for her paſt favours, and to repreſent to her the neceſſity of con⯑tinuing them.

French affairs. ELIZABETH had equal reaſon to maintain an union with the Scotch prote⯑ſtants; and ſoon found, that the houſe of Guiſe, notwithſtanding their paſt diſap⯑pointments, had not laid aſide the deſign of conteſting her title, and ſubverting her authority. Francis and Mary, whoſe councils were wholly directed by them, refuſed to ratify the treaty of Edinburgh; and ſhowed no diſpoſition to give her any ſatisfaction for that mortal injury and affront which they had put upon her, [...] ſo openly aſſuming the title and arms of England. She was ſenſible of the danger attending ſuch pretenſions; and it was with pleaſure ſhe heard of the violent factions, which prevailed in the French government, and of the oppoſi⯑tion, which had ariſen againſt the meaſures of the duke of Guile. That ambi⯑tious prince, ſupported by his four brothers, the cardinal of Lorraine, the duke of Aumale, the marquis of Elbeuf, and the grand prior, men no less ambitions [430] than himſelf, had engroſſed all the authority of the crown; and as he was poſ⯑ſeſſed of every quality, which could command the eſteem or ſeduce the affections of men, there appeared no end of this acquiſitions and pretenſions. The con⯑ſtable Montmorency, who had long ballanced his credit, was deprived of all power: The princes of the blood, the King of Navarre and his brother the prince of Condé, were entirely excluded from offices and favour: The Queen-mother herſelf, Catherine de Medicis, found her influence every day declining. And as Francis, a young prince, infirm both in mind and body, was wholly go⯑verned by his ſpouſe, who knew no law but the pleaſure of her uncles, men deſpaired of ever obtaining freedom from the dominion of that aſpiring family. It was the conteſts of religion, which firſt inſpired the French with courage openly to oppoſe their exorbitant authority.

THE theological diſputes, firſt ſtarted in the north of Germany, and next in Switzerland, countries at that time wholly illiterate, had long ago penetrated into France; and as they were aſſiſted by the general diſcontents againſt the court and church of Rome, and by the zealous ſpirit of the age, the proſelytes to the new religion were ſecretly encreaſing in every province. Henry the ſecond, in imitation of his father Francis, had oppoſed the progreſs of the reformers; and tho' a prince addicted to pleaſure and ſociety, he was tranſported by a vehemence, as well as bigotry, which had little place in his predeceſſor's conduct. Rigorous puniſhments had been inflicted on the moſt eminent of the proteſtant party; and a point of honour ſeemed to have ariſen, whether the one ſect could exer⯑ciſe or the other ſuffer moſt barbarity. The death of Henry put ſome ſtop to the perſecutions; and the people, who had admired the conſtancy of the new preachers, now heard with favour and prepoſſeſſion their arguments and doctrines. But the cardinal of Lorraine, as well as his brother, who were poſſeſſed of the legal authority, thought it their intereſt to ſupport the eſtabliſhed religion; and when they revived the exerciſe of the penal ſtatutes, they neceſſarily engaged the malecontent princes and nobles in the protection of the new religion. The King of Navarre, a man of mild diſpoſitions, but of a weak character, and the prince of Condé, who poſſeſſed many heroic qualities, having declared themſelves in favour of the proteſtants, that ſect acquired new force from their countenance; and the admiral de Coligni, with his brother Andelot, no longer ſcrupled to declare themſelves openly of their communion. The integrity of the admiral, who was believed ſincere in his proſeſſion, and his high renown both for valour and conduct, for the arts of peace as well as of war, gave credit to the reſormers; and after a fruſtrated attempt of the malecontents to ſeize the King's perſon at [431] Amboiſe, of which Elizabeth had probably ſome intelligence^*, every place was full of diſtraction, and matters haſtened to an extremity between the parties. But the houſe of Guiſe, tho' theſe factions had obliged them to remit their efforts in Scotland, and had been one chief cauſe of Elizabeth's ſucceſs, were determined not to relinquiſh their authority in France, or yield to the violence of their anta⯑goniſts. 4 December. They found an opportunity to ſeize the King of Navarre and the prince of Conde; they threw the former into priſon; they obtained a ſentence of death againſt the latter; year 1561 and they were proceeding to put the ſentence in execution, when the King's ſudden death ſaved the noble priſoner, and interrupted the proſperity of the duke of Guiſe. The Queen-mother was appointed regent to her ſon Charles the ninth, now in his minority: The King of Navarre was named lieutenant⯑general of the kingdom: The ſentence againſt Condé was annulled: The con⯑ſtable was recalled to court: And the family of Guiſe, tho' they ſtill enjoyed great offices, and great power, now found a counterpoiſe to their authority.

ELIZABETH was not diſſatisfied to learn, that her avowed enemies had met with ſo ſevere a check, and ſhe was determined to make advantage of it againſt the Queen of Scots, whom ſhe ſtill regarded as a dangerous rival. She ſaw her⯑ſelf freed from the perils attending an union of Scotland with France; and was pleaſed to find, that ſo powerful a prince as the French monarch was no longer a pretender to her crown and kingdoms. But ſhe conſidered, on the other hand, that the Engliſh catholics, who were very numerous, and who were generally prejudiced in favour of Mary's title, would now adhere to that princeſs with more zealous attachment, when they ſaw, that her ſucceſſion no longer endan⯑gered the liberties of the kingdom, and was rather attended with the advantages of producing an entire union with Scotland. She gave orders, therefore, to her ambaſſador, Throcmorton, a very vigilant and able miniſter, to renew his ap⯑plications to the Queen of Scots, and to require her ratification of the treaty of Edinburgh. But tho' Mary had deſiſted, after her huſband's death, from bear⯑ing the arms and title of Queen of England, ſhe ſtill declined gratifying Eliza⯑beth in this momentous article; and hearkening too much to the ambitious ſug⯑geſtions of her uncles, ſhe refuſed to make any formal renunciation of her pre⯑tenſions.

MEANWHILE, the Queen-mother of France, who imputed to Mary all the mor⯑tifications which ſhe had met with during Francis's life-time, took care to retaliate on her by like injuries; and the Queen of Scots, who found her abode in France [432] diſagreeable, began to think of returning into her native country. Lord James, who had been ſent in deputation from the ſtates to invite her over, ſeconded this intention; and ſhe applied to Elizabeth, by D'Oiſel, for liberty to paſs thro' England^*. But ſhe received for anſwer, that till ſhe had given ſatisfaction, by ratifying the treaty of Edinburgh, ſhe could expect no favour from a perſon whom ſhe had ſo much injured. This denial excited her reſentment; and ſhe made no ſcruple of expreſſing her ſentiments to Throcmorton, when he re⯑iterated his applications to gratify his miſtreſs in a demand, which he repreſented as ſo reaſonable. Having cleared the room of all her attendants, ſhe ſaid to him, ‘"How weak I may prove, or how far a woman's frailty may tranſport me, I cannot tell: However, I have no mind to have ſo many witneſſes of my in⯑firmity as your miſtreſs had at her audience of my ambaſſador, D'Oiſel. There is nothing diſturbs me ſo much, as the having aſked, with ſo much im⯑portunity, a favour which it was of no conſequence for me to obtain. I can, with God's leave, return to my own country without her leave; as I came to France, in ſpite of all the oppoſition of her brother, King Edward: Neither do I want friends, both able and willing, to conduct me home, as they have brought me hither; tho' I was deſirous rather to make an experiment of her friendſhip than of the aſſiſtance of any other perſon. I have often heard you ſay, that a good correſpondence between her and myſelf would conduce much to the ſecurity and happineſs of both our kingdoms: But were ſhe well convinced of this truth, ſhe had hardly denied me ſo ſmall a requeſt. But, perhaps, ſhe bears a better inclination to my rebellious ſubjects than to me, their ſove⯑reign, her equal in royal dignity, her near relation, and the undoubted heir of her kingdoms. Beſides her friendſhip, I aſk nothing at her hands: I neither trouble her, nor concern myſelf in the affairs of her kingdom: Not that I am ignorant, that there are now in England a great many malecontents, who are no friends to the preſent eſtabliſhment. She is pleaſed to upbraid me as a perſon little experienced in the world: I freely own it; but age will cure that defect. However, I am old enough to acquit myſelf honeſtly and cour⯑teouſly to my friends and relations, and to encourage no reports of her, which would miſbecome a Queen and her kinſwoman. I would alſo ſay, by her leave, that I am a Queen as well as ſhe, and not altogether friendleſs: And, perhaps, I have as great a ſoul too; ſo that methinks we ſhould be upon a level in our treatment of each other. As ſoon as I have conſulted the ſtates of my kingdom, I ſhall be ready to give a reaſonable anſwer; and I am the more intent on my journey, that I may be able to make the quicker diſpatch in this [433] affair. But ſhe, it ſeems, intends to ſtop my journey; ſo that either ſhe will not let me give her ſatisfaction, or is reſolved not to be ſatisfied; perhaps, on purpoſe to keep up the diſagreement betwixt us. She has often reproached me with my being young; and I muſt be very young, indeed, and as ill adviſed, to treat of matters of ſuch great concern and importance, without the advice of my Parliament. I have not been wanting in any friendly offices to her; but ſhe diſbelieves or overlooks them. I could heartily wiſh, that I was as near allied to her in affection as in blood: For that, indeed, would be a moſt valuable alliance.^*"’

SUCH a ſpirited reply, notwithſtanding the obliging terms interſperſed in it, was but ill fitted to conciliate friendſhip between theſe rival princeſſes, or cure thoſe mutual jealouſies which had already taken place. Elizabeth equipped a fleet, under pretence of purſuing pyrates, but probably with an intention of in⯑tercepting the Queen of Scots in her return homewards. 19th Auguſt. Arrival of Mary in Scot⯑land. Mary embarked at Calais; and paſſing the Engliſh fleet in a fog, arrived ſafely at Leith, attended by her three uncles, the duke of Aumale, the grand prior, and the marqueſs of Elbeuf; together with the marqueſs of Damville, and other French courtiers. This change of abode and ſituation was very little agreeable to that princeſs. Beſides the natural prepoſſeſſions in favour of a country in which ſhe had been educated from her earlieſt infancy, and where ſhe had borne ſo high a rank, ſhe could not forbear regreting her departure from among that people, ſo celebrated for their humane and ſociable diſpoſition, and their reſpectful attachment to their ſovereign, and reflecting on the diſparity of the ſcene which lay before her. It is ſaid, that after ſhe was embarked at Calais, ſhe kept her eyes fixed on the coaſt of France, and never turned them from that beloved object, till darkneſs fell, and intercepted it from her view. She then ordered a couch to be ſpread for her under the open air; and charged the pilot, that, if in the morning the land was ſtill in ſight, he ſhould awake her, and afford her one parting view of that country in which all her affections were centered. The weather proved very calm, ſo that the ſhip made little way in the night-time: And Mary had once more an opportunity of ſeeing the French coaſt. She ſat up on her couch, and ſtill looking towards the land, often repeated theſe words. ‘"Farewell, France, farewell; I ſhall never ſee thee more^†."’ The firſt aſpect, however, of things in Scotland, was more favourable, if not to her pleaſure and happineſs, at leaſt to her repoſe and ſecurity, than ſhe had reaſon to apprehend. No ſooner did the [434] French gallies appear off Leith, than people of all ranks, who had long expect⯑ed their arrival, flocked towards the ſhore, with an earneſt impatience to behold and receive their young ſovereign. Some were led by duty, ſome by intereſt, ſome by curioſity; and all combined to expreſs their attachment to her, and to inſinuate themſelves into her confidence, during the commencement of her ad⯑miniſtration. She had now reached the nineteenth year of her age; and the bloom of her youth, and amiable beauty of her perſon, were farther recommend⯑ed by the affability of her addreſs, the politeneſs of her manners, and the ele⯑gance of her genius. Well accompliſhed in all the ſuperficial, but engaging graces of a court, ſhe afforded, when better known, ſtill more promiſing indi⯑cations of her character; and men prognoſticated both humanity from her ſoft and obliging deportment, and penetration from her taſte in all the refined arts of muſic, eloquence, and poetry^‡. And as the Scotch had long been deprived of the preſence of their ſovereign, whom they once deſpaired ever more to behold among them, her arrival ſeemed to give univerſal ſatisfaction; and nothing ap⯑peared about the court, but ſymptoms of affection, joy, and feſtivity.

THE firſt meaſures which Mary embraced, confirmed all the prepoſſeſſions which had been entertained in her favour. She followed the advice which ſhe had received in France from D'Oiſel and the biſhop of Amiens, as well as her uncles; and gave her confidence entirely to the leaders of the reformed party, who had greateſt influence on the people, and who, ſhe found, were alone able to ſupport her government. Her brother, lord James, whom ſhe ſoon after created earl of Murray, obtained the chief authority; and after him, Liding⯑ton, ſecretary of ſtate, a man of great ſagacity, had a principal ſhare in her confidence. By the vigour of theſe mens meaſures ſhe endeavoured to reſtore order and police into the country, divided by public factions and private feuds; and that fierce and intractable people, unacquainted with laws and obedience, ſeemed, for a time, to ſubmit peaceably to her gentle and prudent admini⯑ſtration.

Bigotry of the Scotch re⯑formers. BUT there was one circumſtance which blaſted all theſe promiſing appearances, and bereaved Mary of that general favour which her manners and conduct gave her juſt reaſon to expect. She was ſtill a papiſt; and tho' ſhe publiſhed, ſoon after her arrival, a proclamation, requiring every one to ſubmit to the eſtabliſh⯑ed religion, the preachers, and their adherents, could neither be reconciled to a perſon polluted with ſo great an abomination, nor lay aſide their jealouſies of her future conduct. It was with great difficulty ſhe could obtain permiſſion for maſs [435] in her own chappel; and had not the people apprehended, that if ſhe had here met with a refuſal, ſhe would inſtantly have returned to France, the zealots never would have granted her even that ſmall indulgence. The cry was, ‘"Shall that idol be ſuffered again to be erected within the realm?"’ It was aſſerted in the pulpit, that one maſs was more terrible than ten thouſand armed men landed to invade the kingdom^{{inverted †}}: Lord Lindeſey, and the gentlemen of Fife, exclaimed, ‘"That the idolater ſhould die the death;"’ ſuch was their expreſſion. One that carried tapers for the ceremony of that worſhip, was attacked and inſulted in the court of the palace. And if the lord James, and ſome popular leaders, had not interpoſed, the moſt dangerous uproar was juſtly apprehended, from the ungo⯑verned fury of the multitude^*. The uſual prayers in the churches were to this purpoſe: That God would turn her heart, which was obſtinate againſt him and his truth; or if his holy will be otherwiſe, that he would ſtrengthen the hearts and hands of the elect, ſtoutly to oppoſe the rage of all tyrants^†. Nay, it was openly called in queſtion, whether that princeſs, being an idolater, was entitled to any authority, even in civil matters^‡.

THE helpleſs Queen was every moment expoſed to contumely, which ſhe bore with benignity and patience. Soon after her arrival ſhe dined in the caſtle of Edinburgh; and it was there contrived, that a boy of ſix years ſhould be let down from the roof, and ſhould preſent her with a bible, a pſalter, and the keys of the caſtle. Leſt ſhe ſhould be at a loſs to underſtand this inſult on her as a papiſt, the whole decorations expreſſed the burning of Corah, Dathan, and Abi⯑ram, and other puniſhments inflicted by God againſt idolatry^‖. The town coun⯑cil of Edinburgh had the aſſurance, from their own authority, to iſſue forth a proclamation, baniſhing from their diſtrict, ‘"all the wicked rabble of antichriſt the pope, ſuch as prieſts, monks, friars, together with adulterers and forni⯑cators^§."’ And becauſe the privy-council ſuſpended the magiſtrates for their inſolence, the paſſionate hiſtorians^** of that age, have inferred, that the Queen was engaged, by a ſympathy of manners, to take adulterers and fornicators un⯑der her protection. It appears probable, that the magiſtrates were afterwards re⯑inſtated in their office, and that their proclamation was confirmed^††.

BUT all the inſolence of the people was nothing in compariſon of that which was exerciſed by the clergy and the preachers; and they took a pride in vilify⯑ing, even to her face, this amiable princeſs. The aſſembly of the church [...] amed [436] an addreſs, in which, after telling her, that her maſs was a baſtard ſervice of God, the fountain of all impiety, and the ſource of every evil which abounded in the realm; they diſcovered their expectations, that ſhe would, ere this time, have preferred truth to her own pre-conceived opinion, and have renounced her reli⯑gion, which, they aſſured her, was nothing but abomination and vanity. They ſaid, that the preſent abuſes of government were ſo enormous, that if a ſpeedy remedy was not provided, God would not fail in his anger to ſtrike the head and the tail the diſobedient prince and ſinful people. They required, that ſevere puniſhment ſhould be inflicted on adulterers and fornicators; and they concluded with demanding for themſelves, ſome addition both of power and property^‖.

THE ringleader in all theſe inſults on majeſty was John Knox, who poſſeſſed an uncontrouled authority in the church, and even in the civil affairs of the nation, and who triumphed in the contumelious uſage of his ſovereign. His uſual appellation for the Queen was Jezabel; and tho' ſhe endeavoured, by the moſt gracious con⯑deſcenſion, to win his favour, all her inſinuations could gain nothing on his obdu⯑rate heart. She promiſed him acceſs to her whenever he demanded it; and ſhe even deſired him, if he found her blameable in any thing, to reprehend her freely in private, rather than vilify her in the pulpit before all the people; but he plain⯑ly told her, that he had a public miniſtry entruſted to him, that if ſhe would come to church, ſhe ſhould there hear the goſpel of truth, and that it was not his buſineſs to apply to every individual, nor had he leiſure for that occupation^*. The political principles of the man, which he communicated to his brethren, were as full of ſedition as his theological were of rage and bigotry. Tho' he once condeſcended ſo far as to tell the Queen, that he would ſubmit to her, in the ſame manner that Paul did to Nero^†; he remained not long in this dutiful ſtrain. He ſaid to her, that ‘"Samuel feared not to ſlay Agag, the ſat and delicate King of Amalek, whom King Saul had ſaved: Neither ſpared Elias Jezabel's falſe prophets, and Baal's prieſts, tho' King Ahab was preſent. Phineas," added he, "was no magiſtrate; and yet feared he not to ſtrike Coſbie and Zimri in the very act of ſilthy fornication. And ſo, madam, your grace may ſee, that others than chief magiſtrates may lawfully inflict puniſhment on ſuch crimes as are condemned by the law of God^‡."’ Knox had formerly, during the reign of Mary of England, wrote a book againſt female ſucceſſion to the crown: The title of it is, The firſt blaſt of the trumpet againſt the monſtrous regi⯑men of women. He was too proud either to recant the tenets of this book, or [437] even to apologize for them; and his conduct ſhewed, that he thought no more civility than loyalty was due to any of the female ſex.

THE whole life of Mary, from the demeanour of theſe men, was filled with bitterneſs and ſorrow. This ruſtic apoſtle ſcruples not, in his hiſtory, to inform us, that he once treated her with ſuch ſeverity, that ſhe loſt all command of her temper, and diſſolved into tears before him: Yet ſo far from being moved with youth, and beauty, and royal dignity reduced to that condition, he perſevered in his inſolent reproofs; and when he relates this incident, he even diſcovers a viſible pride and ſatisfaction in his own conduct^*. The pulpits had become nothing but ſcenes of railing againſt the vices of the court; among which was always noted as the principal, feaſting, finery, dancing, balls, and whoredom their ne⯑ceſſary attendant^†. Some ornaments, which the ladies at that time wore upon their petticoats, excited mightily the indignation of the preachers, and they af⯑firmed, that ſuch vanity would provoke God's vengeance, not only againſt theſe fooliſh women, but againſt the whole realm^‡.

MARY, whoſe age, and condition, and education, invited her to liberty and cheerfulneſs, was curbed in every amuſement, by the abſurd ſeverity of theſe re⯑formers; and ſhe found each moment reaſon to regret her leaving that country from whoſe manners ſhe had in her early youth received the firſt impreſſions^‖. Her two uncles, the duke of Aumale, and the grand prior, with the other French nobility, ſoon took their leave of her: The marqueſs of Elbeuf remained ſome time longer; but after his departure, ſhe was left alone to the ſociety of her own ſubjects; men at that time unacquainted with the pleaſures of converſation, ig⯑norant of arts and civility, and corrupted beyond their uſual ruſticity by a diſmal fanaticiſm, which rendered them uncapable of all humanity or improvement. Tho' ſhe had made no attempt to reſtore the ancient religion, her popery was a ſufficient crime: Tho' her behaviour was hitherto irreproachable, and her man⯑ners ſweet and engaging, her gaiety and eaſe were interpreted as ſigns of diſſolute vanity. And to the harſh and prepoſterous uſage which this princeſs met with, may, in part, be aſcribed thoſe errors of her ſubſequent conduct, which ſeemed to be ſo little of a piece with the general tenor of her character.

THERE happened to the marqueſs of Elbeuf, before his departure, an adven⯑ture which, tho' frivolous, might enable him to give Mary's friends in France, a very melancholy idea of her ſituation. This nobleman, with the earl of Both⯑wel, and ſome other young courtiers, had been engaged, after a debauch, to pay a viſit to a woman called Aliſon Craig, who was known to be liberal of her [...]a⯑vours; [438] and becauſe they were denied entrance, they broke the windows, thruſt open the door, and committed ſome diſorders, in ſearching for the damſel. It happened that the aſſembly of the church was ſitting at that time, and they im⯑mediately took the matter under their cognizance. In conjunction with ſeveral of the nobility, they preſented an addreſs to the Queen, which was introduced with this awful prelude. ‘"To the Queen's majeſty, and to her ſecret and great coun⯑cil, her grace's faithful and obedient ſubjects, the profeſſors of Chriſt Jeſus's holy evangil wiſh the ſpirit of righteous judgment."’ The tenor of the pe⯑tition was, that the fear of God, the duty which they owed her grace, and the terrible threatenings denounced by God againſt every city or country where hor⯑rible crimes are openly committed, compelled them to demand the ſevere puniſh⯑ment of ſuch as had done what in them lay to kindle the wrath of God againſt the whole realm: That the iniquity of which they complained, was ſo heinous, and ſo horrible, that they would eſteem themſelves accomplices in it, if they had been engaged by worldly fear, or ſervile complaiſance, to paſs it over in ſilence, or bury it in oblivion: That as they owed her grace obedience in the adminiſtra⯑tion of juſtice, ſo were they entitled to require of her, in return, the ſharp and condign puniſhment of this enormity, which, they repeated it, might draw down the vengeance of God on the whole kingdom: And that they inſiſted on it to be her duty to lay aſide all private affections towards the actors in this heinous crime and enormous villainy, and without delay bring them to a trial, and inflict the ſevereſt penalties upon them. The Queen gave a gracious reception to this pe⯑remptory addreſs; but becauſe ſhe probably thought, that breaking the windows of a brothel merited not ſuch ſevere reprehenſion, ſhe only replied, that her uncle was a ſtranger, and that he was attended with a young company: But ſhe ſhould put ſuch order to him and to all others, that her ſubjects ſhould henceforth have no reaſon to complain. Her paſſing over this incident ſo ſlightly, was the ſource of great diſcontent, and was regarded as a proof of the moſt profligate man⯑ [...]s^*. It is not to be omitted, that Aliſon Craig, the cauſe of all the uproar, was known to entertain a commerce with the earl of Arran, who, on account of his great zeal for the reformation, was, without ſcruple, indulged in that enor⯑mity^†.

SOME of the populace of Edinburgh broke into the Queen's chappel during her abſence, and committed ſome outrages; for which two of them were indicted, and it was intended to bring them to a trial. Knox wrote circular letters to the moſt conſiderable zealots of the party, and charged them to appear in town, and protect their brethren. The holy ſacraments, he there ſaid, are abuſed by pro⯑phane [439] papiſts; the maſs has been ſaid; and in worſhiping that idol, the prieſts have omitted no ceremony, not even the conjuring of their accurſed water, that had ever been practiſed in the time of the greateſt blindneſs. Theſe violent meaſures for oppoſing juſtice differed little from rebellion; and Knox was ſummoned before the council to anſwer for his offence. The courage of this man was equal to his inſolence. He ſcrupled not to tell the Queen, that the peſtilent papiſts, who had enflamed her againſt theſe holy men, were the ſons of the devil; and muſt therefore obey the directions of their father, who had been a liar and a man⯑ſlayer from the beginning. The matter ended with the full acquital of Knox^*. Randolf, the Engliſh ambaſſador in Scotland at this time, had reaſon to write to Cecil, ſpeaking of the Scotch nation: ‘"I think marvelouſly of the wiſdom of God, that gave this unruly, inconſtant, and cumberſome people no more power nor ſubſtance: For they would otherwiſe run wild^†."’

WE have related theſe circumſtances at greater length, than the neceſſity of our ſubject may ſeem to require: But even trivial incidents, which ſhow the manners of the age, are often more inſtructive, as well as entertaining, than the great tranſactions of wars and negotiations, which are pretty ſimilar in all pe⯑riods and in all countries of the world.

THE reformed clergy in Scotland had, at that time, a very natural reaſon for their ill humour, viz. the poverty or rather beggary to which they were reduced: The nobility and gentry had at firſt laid their hands on all the property of the regular clergy, without making any proviſion for the friars and nuns, whom they turned out of all their poſſeſſions. The ſecular clergy of the catholic com⯑munion, tho' they loſt all eccleſiaſtical juriſdiction, ſtill held ſome of the tempora⯑lities of their benefices; and either became laymen themſelves, and converted them into perpetual property, or made conveyance of them at low prices to the no⯑bility, who thus enriched themſelves by the plunder of the church. The new teachers had hitherto ſubſiſted chiefly by the voluntary oblations of the faithful; and in a poor country, divided in religious ſentiments, this eſtabliſhment was regarded as very ſcanty and very precarious. Repeated applications were made for a le [...]al ſettlement to the preachers; and tho' almoſt every thing in the king⯑dom was governed by their zeal and caprice, it was with difficulty that their re⯑queſt was at laſt complied with. The fanatical ſpirit which they indulged, and then induſtry in decrying the principles and practices of the Romiſh communion, which placed ſuch a merit in enriching the clergy, proved now a very ſenſible obſtacle to their acquiſitions. The boundaries of the royal power were, during [440] that age, more uncertain in Scotland than even in England; and the privy coun⯑cil alone thought themſelves intitled, without a Parliament, to regulate this im⯑portant matter. They paſſed a vote^*, by which they divided all the eccleſiaſtical benefices into twenty one parts: They aſſigned fourteen to the antient poſſeſſors: Of the remaining ſeven, they granted three to the crown; and if that was found to anſwer the public expences, they beſtowed the overplus on the reformed mi⯑niſters. The Queen was empowered to levy the whole ſeven; and it was or⯑dained, that ſhe ſhould afterwards pay to the clergy what ſhould be judged to ſuffice for their maintenance. The neceſſities of the crown, the rapacity of the courtiers, and the ſmall affection which Mary bore the proteſtant eccleſiaſtics, rendered their revenues very contemptible as well as uncertain; and the preachers, finding that they could not rival the gentry, nor even the middling rank of men in opulence and plenty, were neceſſitated to betake themſelves to other expe⯑dients for ſupporting their authority. They affected a furious zeal for religion, moroſe manners, a vulgar and familiar, and yet myſterious, cant; and tho' the liberality of ſubſequent princes put them afterwards on a better footing with re⯑gard to revenue and thereby corrected in ſome degree theſe vicious habits; it muſt be confeſſed, that, while many other advantages attend preſbyterian government, theſe inconveniencies are not eaſily ſeparated from the genius of that eccleſiaſtical polity.

THE Queen of Scots, deſtitute of all force, poſſeſſing a narrow revenue, ſurrounded with a factious turbulent nobility, a bigoted people, and inſolent eccleſiaſtics, ſoon found, that her only expedient for maintaining tranquillity was to preſerve a good correſpondence with ^‡ Elizabeth, who by former engagements and ſervices, had acquired ſuch authority over all theſe ranks of men. Soon after her arrival in Scotland, ſecretary Lidington was ſent to London, in order to pay her compliments to the Queen, and expreſs her deſire of friendſhip and a good correſpondence; and he received a commiſſion from her, as well as from the Scotch nobility, to demand, as a means of cementing this friendſhip, that Mary ſhould, by act of Parliament or by Proclamation (for the difference be⯑tween theſe ſecurities was not then eſteemed very conſiderable) be declared ſucceſſor to the crown. No requeſt could be more unreaſonable, or made at a more improper juncture. The Queen replied, that Mary had once diſcovered her intention not to wait for the ſucceſſion, but had openly, without ceremony or reſerve, aſſumed the title of Queen of England, and had pretended ſuperior right to her throne and kingdom: That tho' her ambaſſadors, and thoſe of her huſband, the French King, had ſigned a treaty, where they renounced that claim, and promiſed ſatiſ⯑faction for ſo great an indignity, ſhe was ſo intoxicated with this imaginary [441] right, that ſhe had rejected the moſt earneſt ſollicitations, and even, as ſome endeavoured to perſuade her, incurred ſome danger in croſſing the ſeas, rather than ratify that equitable treaty: That her partizans every where had ſtill the aſſurance to inſiſt on her title, and had preſumed to talk of her own birth as ſpurious and illegitimate: That while affairs were on this footing; while a claim thus openly made, ſo far from being openly renounced, was only ſuſpended till a more convenient opportunity; it would in her be the moſt egregious impru⯑dence to fortify the hands of a pretender to her crown, by declaring her the ſuc⯑ceſſor: That no expedient could be worſe imagined for cementing friendſhip than ſuch a declaration, and Kings were often ſound to bear no good will to their ſuc⯑ceſſors, even tho' their own children; much more when the connexion was ſo much leſs intimate, and when ſuch cauſe of diſguſt and jealouſy had already been given, and indeed was ſtill centinued, on the part of Mary: That tho' ſhe was willing, from the amity which ſhe bore her kinſwoman, to aſcribe her former pretenſions to the advice of others, by whoſe direction ſhe was then governed; her refuſal to relinquiſh them could proceed only from her own prepoſſeſſions, and were a proof that ſhe ſtill retained ſome dangerous project againſt her: That it was the nature of all men to be diſguſted with the preſent, to entertain flatter⯑ing views of futurity, to think their ſervices ill rewarded, to expect a better recompence from the ſucceſſor; and ſhe would eſteem herſelf ſcarce half a ſove⯑reign over the Engliſh, if they ſaw her declare her heir, and arm her rival with authority againſt her own repoſe and ſafety: That ſhe knew the inconſtant nature of the people; ſhe was acquainted with the preſent diviſions in religion; ſhe was not ignorant, that the ſame party, which expected greateſt favour during the reign of Mary, did alſo imagine, that the title of that princeſs was ſuperior to her own: That for her part, whatever claims were advanced, ſhe was determined to live and die Queen of England; and after her death, it was the buſineſs of others to examine who had the beſt pretenſions, either by the laws or by right of blood, to the ſucceſſion: That ſhe hoped the Queen of Scots's claim would then be found preſerable; and conſidering the injury, which ſhe herſelf had re⯑ceived, it was ſufficient indulgence, if ſhe premiſed, in the mean time, to do nothing which might, in any reſpect, weaken or invalidate that claim: And that Mary, if her title was really ſuperior, a point, which, for her own part, ſhe had never enquired into, poſſeſſed all advantages above her rivals; who, deſtitute both of preſent power, and of all ſupport by friends, would only expoſe them⯑ſelves to inevitable ruin, by advancing any weak, or even doubtful pretenſions^*.

[442] THESE views of the Queen were ſo prudent and judicious, that there was no likelihood of her ever departing from them: But that ſhe might put the matter to a fuller proof, ſhe offered to explain the words of the treaty of Edinburgh, ſo as to leave no ſuſpicion of their excluding Mary's right of ſucceſſion^*; and in this form, ſhe again required her to ratify that treaty. Matters at laſt came to this iſſue, that Mary agreed to the propoſal, and offered to renounce all preſent pre⯑tenſions to the crown of England, provided Elizabeth would agree to declare her the ſucceſſor^†. But ſuch was the jealous character of this latter princeſs, that ſhe never would conſent to ſtrengthen the intereſt and authority of any claimant, by fixing the ſucceſſion; much leſs would ſhe make this conceſſion in favour of a rival Queen, who poſſeſſed ſuch plauſible pretenſions for the preſent, and who, tho' ſhe might verbally reſign them, could eaſily reſume her title on the firſt op⯑portunity. Mary's demand, however, bore ſo ſpecious an appearance of equity and juſtice, that Elizabeth, ſenſible that reaſon would be deemed to lie entirely on that ſide, made no more mention of the matter; and tho' no farther conceſ⯑ſions were made by either Princeſs, they put on all the appearances of a cordial reconcilement and friendſhip with each other. Wiſe govern⯑ment of Eliza⯑beth. The Queen obſerved, that, even without her interpoſal, Mary was ſufficiently depreſſed by the mutinous diſpoſition of her own ſubjects; and inſtead of giving Scotland, for the preſent, any un⯑quietude or diſturbance, ſhe employed herſelf, much more uſefully and laudably, in regulating the affairs of her own kingdom, and promoting the happineſs of her people. She made ſome progreſs in paying thoſe great debts which lay upon the crown: ſhe regulated the coin, which had been extremely debaſed by her prede⯑ceſſors; ſhe furniſhed her arſenals with great quantities of arms from Germany and other places; engaged her gentry and nobility to imitate her example in this parti⯑cular; introduced into the kingdom the art of making gun-powder and braſs can⯑non; fortified her frontiers on the ſide of Scotland; made frequent reviews of the militia; encouraged agriculture by allowing a free exportation of corn; promoted trade and navigation; and ſo much encreaſed the ſhipping of her kingdom, both by building veſſels of force herſelf, and ſuggeſting like undertakings to the mer⯑chants, that ſhe was juſtly ſtiled the reſtorer of naval glory, and the Queen of the northern ſeas^‡. The natural frugality of her temper, ſo far from diſqualify⯑ing her for theſe great enterprizes, only enabled her to execute them with greater certainty and ſucceſs; and all the world ſaw in her conduct the happy effects of a vigorous perſeverance in judicious and well conducted projects.

[443] IT is eaſy to imagine, that ſo great a princeſs, who enjoyed ſuch felicity and renown, would receive propoſals of marriage from every one, who had any like⯑lihood of ſucceeding; and tho' ſhe had made ſome public declarations in favour of a ſingle life, few believed, that ſhe would perſevere forever in that reſolution. The archduke Charles, ſecond ſon to the emperor^*, as well as Caſimir, ſon to the elector palatine, made applications to her; and as this latter prince made profeſſion of the reformed religion, he thought himſelf, on this account, better intitled to ſucceed in his addreſſes. Eric, King of Sweden, and Adolph, duke of Holſtein, were encouraged by the ſame views to become ſuitors; and the earl of Arran, heir to the crown of Scotland, was, by the ſtates of that kingdom, recommended to her as a ſuitable marriage. Even ſome of her own ſubjects, tho' they did not openly declare their pretenſions, entertained hopes of ſucceſs. The earl of Arundel, a per⯑ſon declining in years, but deſcended from a very antient and noble family, as well as poſſeſſed of great riches, flattered himſelf with this proſpect; as did alſo Sir Wil⯑liam Pickering, a man much eſteemed for his perſonal merit. But the perſon moſt likely to ſucceed, was a younger ſon of the late duke of Northumberland, the lord Robert Dudley, who, by means of his exterior qualities, joined to addreſs and flattery, had become, in a manner, her declared favourite, and had great influence in all her councils. The leſs worthy he appeared of this diſtinction, the more was his great favour aſcribed to ſome violent affection, which could thus ſeduce the judgment of this penetrating princeſs; and men long expected, that he would obtain the preference above ſo many princes and monarchs. But the Queen gave all theſe ſuitors a gentle refuſal, which ſtill encouraged their purſuit; and ſhe thought, that ſhe ſhould the better attach them to her intereſts, if they were ſtill allowed to entertain hopes of ſucceeding in their pretenſions. It is alſo probable, that this policy was not entirely free from a mixture of female coquetry; and that, tho' ſhe was determined in her own mind never to ſhare her power with any man, ſhe was not diſpleaſed with the courtſhip, ſollicitation, and profeſſions of love, which the deſire of acquiring ſo valuable a prize, procured her from all quarters.

WHAT is moſt ſingular in the conduct and character of Elizabeth, is, that, tho' ſhe was determined never to have any heir of her own body, ſhe was not only extremely averſe to ſix any ſucceſſor to the crown; but ſeems alſo to have reſolved, as far as lay in her power, that no one, who had pretenſions to the ſucceſſion, ſhould ever have any heirs or ſucceſſors. After the excluſion given by [444] the will of Henry VIII. to the poſterity of Margaret, Queen of Scotland, the right to the crown devolved on the houſe of Suffolk; and the lady Catherine Gray, younger ſiſter to the lady Jane, was now the heir of that family. This lady had been married to the lord Herbert, ſon to the earl of Pembroke; but having been divorced from that nobleman, ſhe had entered into a private contract with the earl of Hartford, ſon to the protector; and her huſband, ſoon after conſummation, travelled into France. In a little time ſhe appeared to be preg⯑nant, which ſo enraged Elizabeth, that ſhe threw her into the Tower, and ſum⯑moned him to appear, in order to anſwer for his miſdemeanor. He made no ſcruple to acknowlege the marriage, which, tho' concluded without the Queen's conſent, was entirely ſuitable to both parties; and for this offence he was alſo committed to the Tower. Elizabeth's ſeverity ſtopped not here: She iſſued a commiſſion to enquire into the matter; and as Hartford could not, within the time limited, prove the nuptials by witneſſes, their commerce was declared un⯑lawful, and their poſterity illegitimate. They were ſtill continued in cuſtody; but by bribing their keepers, they found means to have farther intercourſe; and another child appeared to be the fruit of their commerce. This was a freſh ſource of vexation to the Queen; who made a fine of fifteen thouſand pounds be ſet on Hartford by the Star-Chamber, and ordered his confinement to be thenceforth ſtill more rigid and ſevere. He lay in this condition for nine years, till the death of his wife, by freeing Elizabeth from all fears, procured him his liberty^*. This extreme ſeverity muſt be accounted for, either by the unrelenting jealouſy of the Queen, who was afraid that any pretender to the ſucceſſion would acquire credit by having iſſue; or by her malignity, which, with all her great qualities, made one ingredient in her character, and which led her to envy in others thoſe natural pleaſures of love and poſterity, of which her own ambition and deſire of dominion made her renounce all proſpect for herſelf.

THERE happened, about this time, ſome other events in the royal family, where the Queen's conduct was more laudable. Arthur Pole, and his brother, nephews to the late cardinal, and deſcended from the duke of Clarence, brother to Edward the fourth, together with Anthony Forteſcue, who had married a ſiſter of theſe gentlemen, and ſome other perſons, were brought to their trial for conſpiring to withdraw into France, with a view of receiving ſuccours from the duke of Guiſe, of returning thence into Wales, and proclaiming Mary Queen of England, and Arthur Pole duke of Clarence. They confeſſed the indictment, [445] but aſſerted, that they never intended to execute theſe projects during the Queen's life-time: They had only eſteemed ſuch precautions requiſite in caſe of her death, which, ſome pretenders to judicial aſtrology had aſſured them, they might with certainty look for before the year expired. They were condemned by the jury; but received their pardon from the Queen's clemency^‖.

CHAP. II.

year 1562 State of Eu⯑rope. AFTER the commencement of the religious wars in France, which ren⯑dered that flouriſhing kingdom, during the courſe of near forty years, a ſcene of horror and devaſtation, the great rival powers in Europe were Spain and England; and it was not long before an animoſity, firſt political, then perſonal, broke out between the ſovereigns of theſe countries.

PHILIP the ſecond of Spain, tho' he reached not any enlarged views of policy, was endowed with great induſtry and ſagacity, a remarkable caution in his enter⯑prizes, an unuſual foreſight in all his meaſures; and as he was ever cool and un⯑moved by paſſion, and poſſeſſed neither talents nor inclination for war, both his ſubjects and his neighbours had reaſon to expect great juſtice, happineſs and tran⯑quillity, from his adminiſtration. But prejudices had on him a more pernicious ef⯑fect than ever paſſions had on any other monarch; and the ſpirit of bigotry and tyranny, by which he was actuated, with the fraudulent maxims which governed his councils, excited the moſt violent agitation among his own people, engaged him in acts of the moſt enormous cruelty, and threw all Europe into combuſtion.

AFTER Philip had concluded peace at Cambray, and had remained ſome time in the Netherlands, in order to ſettle the affairs of that country, he embarked for [446] Spain; and as the gravity of that nation, with their reſpectful obedience to their prince, had appeared much more agreeable to his humour, than the homely fa⯑miliar manners, and the pertinacious liberty of the Flemiſh, it was expected, that he would reſide altogether at Madrid, and govern all his extenſive dominions by Spaniſh miniſters and Spaniſh councils. Having met with a violent tempeſt on his voyage, he no ſooner arrived in harbour, than he fell on his knees, and after giving thanks for this deliverance, he vowed, that his life, which was thus providentially ſaved, ſhould be thenceforth entirely dedicated to the extirpation of hereſy^*. His ſubſequent conduct correſponded to theſe profeſſions. Finding that the new doctrines had penetrated into Spain, he let looſe the rage of perſe⯑cution againſt all who profeſſed them, or were ſuſpected of adhering to them; and by his violence he gave new edge, even to the unrelenting cruelty of prieſts and in⯑quiſitors. He committed to cuſtody Conſtantine Ponce, who had been confeſſor to his father, the emperor Charles; who had attended him during his retreat; and in whoſe arms that great monarch had terminated his life: And after this ec⯑cleſiaſtic died in priſon, he ſtill ordered him to be tried and condemned for here⯑ſy, and his ſtatue to be committed to the flames. He even deliberated, whether he ſhould exerciſe like ſeverity againſt the memory of his father, who was ſuſpect⯑ed, during his latter years, to have indulged a propenſity towards the Lutheran principles: In his furious zeal for orthodoxy, he ſpared neither age, ſex, nor condition: He was preſent, with an inflexible countenance, at the moſt barbar⯑ous executions: He iſſued rigorous orders for the proſecution of heretics, in Spain, Italy, the Indies, and the Low Countries: And having founded his de⯑termined tyranny on maxims of civil policy, as well as on principles of religion, all his ſubjects ſaw, that there was no method, except the moſt entire compliance, or moſt obſtinate reſiſtance, to eſcape or elude the ſeverity of his vengeance.

DURING that extreme animoſity which prevailed between the adherents of the oppoſite religions, the civil magiſtrate, who found it difficult, if not impoſſible, for the ſame laws to govern ſuch enraged adverſaries, was naturally led by ſpeci⯑ous rules of prudence, in embracing one party, to declare war againſt the other, and to exterminate, by fire and ſword, thoſe bigots, who, from abhorrence of his religion, had proceeded to an oppoſition of his power, and to an hatred of his perſon. If any prince poſſeſſed ſuch enlarged views as to foreſee, that a mu⯑tual toleration would in time abate the fury of religious prejudices, he yet met with difficulties in reducing this principle to practice; and might deem the ma⯑lady too violent to await a remedy, which, tho' certain, muſt neceſſarily be ſlow in its operations. But Philip, tho' a profound hypocrite, and extremely govern⯑ed [447] by ſelf-intereſt, ſeems alſo to have been himſelf actuated by an imperious bi⯑gotry; and as he employed great reflection in all his conduct, he could eaſily palliate the gratification of his natural temper under the colour of wiſdom, and find in this ſyſtem no leſs advantage to his foreign than his domeſtic politics. By placing himſelf at the head of the catholic party, he converted the zealots of the ancient faith into partizans of the Spaniſh greatneſs; and by employing the pow⯑erful allurement of religion, he ſeduced every where the ſubjects from that allegi⯑ance which they owed their native ſovereign.

THE courſe of events, guiding and concurring with choice, had placed Eli⯑zabeth in a ſituation diametrically oppoſite; and had raiſed her to be the glory, the bulwark, and the ſupport of the numerous, tho' ſtill perſecuted proteſtants, throughout all Europe. More moderate in her temper than Philip, ſhe found, with pleaſure, that the principles of her ſect required not ſuch extreme ſeverity in her domeſtic government, as was exerciſed by that monarch; and having no object but ſelf-preſervation, ſhe united her intereſts in all foreign negociations with thoſe who were every where ſtruggling under oppreſſion, and guarding themſelves againſt ruin and extermination. The more virtuous ſovereign was thus happily thrown into the more favourable cauſe; and fortune, in this in⯑ſtance, concurred with policy and nature.

DURING the life-time of Henry the ſecond and his ſucceſſor, the force of theſe principles was ſomewhat reſtrained, tho' not altogether overcome, by the mo⯑tives of a ſuperior intereſt; and the dread of uniting England with the French monarchy, engaged Philip to maintain a good correſpondence with Elizabeth. Yet even during this period he rejected the garter which ſhe ſent him; he refuſed to ratify the ancient league between the houſe of Burgundy and England^*; he furniſhed ſhips to tranſport the French forces into Scotland; he endeavoured to intercept the earl of Arran, who was haſtening to join the malecontents in that country; and the Queen's wiſeſt miniſters ſtill regarded his friendſhip as hollow and precarious^†. But no ſooner did the death of Francis the ſecond put an [...]nd to Philip's apprehenſions with regard to Mary's ſucceſſion, than his animoſ [...] againſt Elizabeth began more openly to appear, and the intereſts of Spain and England were found oppoſite in every negociation and tranſaction.

THE two great monarchies of the continent, France and Spain, being poſſeſſed of nearly equal force, were naturally antagoniſts; and England, from its power and ſituation, was intitled to ſupport its own dignity, as well as tranquill [...]y, by [448] holding the ballance between them. Whatever incident, therefore, tended too much to depreſs any one of theſe rival powers, as it left the other without con⯑troul, might be deemed contrary to the intereſt of England: Yet ſo much were theſe great maxims of policy over-ruled, during that age, by the diſputes of theology, that Philip found an advantage in ſupporting the eſtabliſhed govern⯑ment and religion of France; and Elizabeth in protecting faction and inno⯑vation.

Civil wars of France. THE Queen-regent of France, when re-inſtated in authority by the death of her ſon, Francis, had formed a plan of adminiſtration more ſubtile than judi⯑cious; and ballancing the Catholics with the Hugonots, the duke of Guiſe with the prince of Condé, ſhe endeavoured to render herſelf neceſſary to both, and to eſtabliſh her own dominion on their conſtrained obedience^‡. But the equal coun⯑terpoiſe of power, which, among foreign nations, is the ſource of tranquillity, proves always the ground of quarrel between domeſtic factions; and if the ani⯑moſity of religion concur with the frequent occaſions which preſent themſelves of mutual injury, it is impoſſible, during any time, to preſerve a firm concord in ſo delicate a ſituation. The conſtable, Montmorency, moved by concern for the ancient faith, joined himſelf to the duke of Guiſe: The King of Navarre, from his inconſtant temper, and his jealouſy of the ſuperior genius of his brother, embraced the ſame party: And Catherine, finding herſelf depreſſed by this com⯑bination, had recourſe to Condé and the hugonots, who gladly embraced the opportunity of fortifying themſelves by her countenance and protection^‖. An edict had been publiſhed, granting a toleration to the proteſtants; but the inter⯑eſted violence of the duke of Guiſe, covered with the pretence of religious zeal, broke thro' this agreement; and the two parties, after the fallacious tranquillity of a moment, renewed their mutual inſults and injuries. Condé, Coligni, An⯑delot, aſſembled their friends, and flew to arms: Guiſe and Montmorency got poſſeſſion of the King's perſon, and conſtrained the Queen-regent to embrace their party: Fourteen armies were levied and put in action in different places of France^*: Each province, each city, each family, was agitated with inteſtine rage and animoſity. The father was divided againſt the ſon; the brother againſt the brother; and women themſelves, ſacrificing their humanity as well as their timidity to the religious fury, diſtinguiſhed themſelves by acts of ferocity and valour^†. Wherever the hugonots prevailed, the images were broke, the altars pillaged, the churches demoliſhed, the monaſteries conſumed with fire: Where ſucceſs attended the catholics, they burned the bibles, re-baptized the infants, [449] conſtrained married perſons to paſs anew thro' the ceremony: And plunder, de⯑ſolation, and bloodſhed attended equally the triumph of both parties. The Par⯑liament of Paris itſelf, the ſeat of law and juſtice, inſtead of employing its au⯑thority to compoſe theſe fatal quarrels, publiſhed an edict, by which it put the ſword into the hands of the enraged multitude, and empowered the catholics every where to maſſacre the hugonots^‡: And it was during this period, when men began to be ſomewhat enlightned, and in this nation, renowned for poliſh⯑ed manners, that the theological rage, which had long been boiling in mens veins, ſeems to have attained its laſt ſtage of virulence and ferocity.

PHILIP, who was jealous of the progreſs which the hugonots made in France, and who dreaded that the contagion would ſpread into the Low-Country Provinces, had formed a ſecret alliance with the princes of Guiſe, and had entered into a mu⯑tual concert for the protection of the ancient faith, and the ſuppreſſion of hereſy. He now ſent ſix thouſand men, with ſome ſupply of money, to reinforce the ca⯑tholic party; and the prince of Condé, finding himſelf unequal to ſo great a com⯑bination, countenanced by the regal authority, was obliged to diſpatch the Vi⯑dame of Chartres and Briguemaut to London, in order to crave the aſſiſt⯑ance and protection of Elizabeth. Havre de Grace put in poſſeſſion of the Engliſh. Moſt of the province of Normandy was poſſeſſed by the hugonots; and Condé offered to put Havre de Grace into the hands of the Engliſh; on condition, that, together with three thouſand men for the garriſon of that place, the Queen ſhould likewiſe ſend over three thouſand to defend Dieppe and Rouen, and ſhould furniſh the prince with a ſupply of a hun⯑dred thouſand crowns^‖.

ELIZABETH, beſides the general and eſſential intereſt of ſupporting the pro⯑teſtants, and oppoſing the rapid progreſs of her enemy, the duke of Guiſe, had other motives which engaged her to accept this propoſal. 20th Septem⯑ber. When ſhe concluded the peace at Cateau Cambreſis, ſhe had good reaſon to foreſee, that France ne⯑ver would voluntarily fulfil the article with regard to the reſtitution of Calais; and many ſubſequent incidents had tended to confirm this ſuſpicion. Conſider⯑able ſums of money had been laid out on the fortifications; long leaſes had been granted of the lands; and many inhabitants had been encouraged to build and ſettle there, by aſſurances that Calais ſhould never be reſtored to the Engliſh^*. The Queen, therefore, very wiſely concluded, that could ſhe get poſſeſſion of Havre, a place which commanded the mouth of the Seine, and was of much greater importance than Calais, ſhe would eaſily conſtrain the French to execute [450] the treaty, and would have the glory of reſtoring to the crown that ancient poſ⯑ſeſſion, which was ſo much the favourite of the nation.

NO meaſure could be more generally odious in France, than the concluſion of this treaty with Elizabeth. Men were naturally led to compare the conduct of Guiſe, who had finally chaſed the Engliſh from France, and had barred theſe dangerous and deſtructive enemies from all acceſs into it, with the treaſonable po⯑litics of Condé, who had again granted them an entry into the heart of the king⯑dom. The prince had the more reaſon to repent of this meaſure, that he reaped not from it all the advantage which he expected. Three thouſand Engliſh im⯑mediately took poſſeſſion of Havre and Dieppe, under the command of Sir Ed⯑ward Poinings; but the latter place was found ſo little capable of being defend⯑ed, that it was immediately abandoned^†. The ſiege of Rouen was already formed by the catholics, the command of the King of Navarre and the conſtable Montmorency; and it was with difficulty that Poinings could throw a ſmall reinforcement into the place. Tho' theſe Engliſh troops behaved with great gallantry^‡, and the King of Navarre was mortally wounded during the ſiege; the catholics ſtill continued the attack of the place, and carrying it at laſt by aſ⯑ſault, put the whole garriſon to the ſword. The earl of Warwic, eldeſt ſon to the late duke of Northumberland, arrived ſoon after at Havre, with another body of three thouſand Engliſh, and took on him the command of the place.

IT was expected, that the French catholics, fluſhed with their ſucceſs at Rouen, would immediately have formed the ſiege of Havre, which was not as yet in any condition of defence; but the inteſtine diſorders of the kingdom ſoon diverted their attention to another enterprize. Andelot, ſeconded by the negociations of Elizabeth, had levied a conſiderable body of proteſtants in Germany; and having arrived at Orleans, the ſeat of the hugonots' power, he enabled the prince of Condé and the admiral to take the field, and oppoſe the progreſs of their ene⯑mies. After threatening Paris during ſome time, they took their march towards Normandy, with a view of engaging the Engliſh to act in conjunction with them, and of fortifying themſelves with the farther aſſiſtance which they expected from the zeal and vigour of Elizabeth^‖. The catholics, commanded by the conſtable, and under him by the duke of Guiſe, followed on their rear; and overtaking them at Dreux, obliged them to give battle. 19th of De⯑cember. The field was fought with great obſtinacy on both ſides; and the action was diſtinguiſhed by this ſignal event, that Condé and Montmorency, the commanders of the oppoſite armies, remain⯑ed both of them priſoners in the hands of their enemies. The appearances of [451] victory remained with Guiſe; but the admiral, whoſe fate it ever was to be defeated, and ſtill to riſe more terrible after his misfortunes, collected the remains of the army, and inſpiring his own unconquerable courage and conſtancy into every breaſt, kept them in a body, and ſubdued ſome of the moſt conſiderable places in Normandy. Elizabeth, the better to ſupport his cauſe, ſent him a new ſupply of a hundred thouſand crowns; and offered, if he could find merchants to lend him the money, to give her bond for another hundred thouſand^*.

year 1563 12 January. A Parliament. THE expences incurred by aſſiſting the French hugonots, had emptied the Queen's exchequer, notwithſtanding her extreme frugality; and in order to ob⯑tain ſupply, ſhe found herſelf under a neceſſity of ſummoning a Parliament: An expedient to which ſhe never voluntarily had recourſe. A little before the meeting of this aſſembly, ſhe had fallen into a dangerous illneſs, the ſmall-pox; and as her life, during ſome time, was deſpaired of, the people became the more ſenſible of the perilous condition in which they were placed, on account of the uncertainty which, in caſe of her deceaſe, attended the ſucceſſion of the crown. The partizans of the Queen of Scots and thoſe of the houſe of Suffolk, already divided the nation into two factions; and every one foreſaw, that, tho' it might be poſſible at preſent to determine the controverſy by law, yet, if the throne was vacant, nothing but the ſword would be able to fix a ſucceſſor. The commons, there⯑fore, on the very opening of the ſeſſion, voted an addreſs to the Queen; in which, after enumerating the dangers attending a broken and doubtful ſucceſſion, and mentioning the evils which their fathers had experienced from the contending titles of York and Lancaſter, they entreated the Queen to put an end to their ap⯑prehenſions, by chooſing ſome huſband, whom, they promiſed, whoever he was, gratefully to receive, and faithfully to ſerve, honour, and obey: Or if ſhe had entertained any reluctance to the married ſtate, they deſired, that the lawful ſuc⯑ceſſor might be named, or at leaſt appointed by act of parliament. They remark⯑ed, that during all the reigns which had paſſed ſince the conqueſt, the nation had never before been ſo unhappy, as not to know the perſon who, in caſe of the ſovereign's death, was legally entitled to the ſucceſſion. And they obſerved, that the certain and fixed order which took place in the inheritance of the French monarchy, was one chief ſource of the uſual tranquillity, as well as of the hap⯑pineſs of that kingdom^†.

THIS ſubject, tho' extremely intereſting to the nation, was very little agree⯑able to the Queen; and ſhe was ſenſible, that great difficulties would attend every deciſion. A declaration in favour of the Queen of Scots, would form a ſettlement [452] perfectly legal; becauſe that princeſs was commonly allowed to poſſeſs the right of blood, and the excluſion given by Henry's will, deriving its weight chiefly from an act of parliament, would loſe all authority whenever the Queen and Par⯑liament had made a new ſettlement, and reſtored the Scottiſh line to their place in the ſucceſſion. But ſhe dreaded the giving encouragement to the catholics, her ſecret enemies, by this declaration. She was ſenſible, that every heir was, in ſome degree, a rival; much more one who poſſeſſed a claim for the preſent poſ⯑ſeſſion of the crown, and who had already advanced, in a very open manner, theſe dangerous pretenſions. The great power of Mary, both from the favour of the catholic princes, and her connections with the houſe of Guiſe, not to mention the force and ſituation of Scotland, was well known to her; and ſhe ſaw no ſecurity that that princeſs, if fortified by a ſure proſpect of ſucceſſion, would not again revive claims which ſhe could never yet be prevailed on formally to relinquiſh. On the other hand, the title of the houſe of Suffolk was ſupported only by the more zealous proteſtants; and it was very doubtful, whether even a parliamentary declaration in its favour would beſtow on it ſuch validity as to give ſatisfaction to the people. The republican part of the conſtitution had not as yet acquired ſuch an aſcendant as to controul, in any degree, the ideas of hereditary right; and as the legality of Henry's will was ſtill diſputed, tho' founded on the utmoſt autho⯑rity which a Parliament could beſtow; who could be aſſured, that a more recent act would be acknowleged to have any greater force or validity? In the frequent revolutions which had of late taken place, the right of blood had ſtill prevailed over religious prejudices; and the nation had ever ſhewed itſelf diſpoſed rather to change its faith than the order of ſucceſſion. Even many Proteſtants declared themſelves in favour of Mary's claim of inheritance^*; and nothing would en⯑danger more general diſguſt, than to ſee the Queen openly, and without reſerve, take party againſt it. That princeſs alſo, finding herſelf injured in ſo ſenſible a point, would thenceforth act as a declared enemy; and uniting together her fo⯑reign and domeſtic friends, the partizans of her preſent title and of her eventual ſucceſſion, would ſoon bring matters to extremity againſt the public eſtabliſh⯑ment. The Queen, therefore, weighing all theſe inconveniencies, which were great and urgent, was determined to keep both parties in awe, by maintaining ſtill an ambiguous conduct; and ſhe choſe rather that the people ſhould run the hazard of contingent events, than that herſelf ſhould viſibly endanger her throne, by employing expedients, which, at beſt, did not give entire ſecurity to the nation. She made, therefore, an evaſive anſwer to the applications of the com⯑mons; and when the houſe, at the end of the ſeſſions, deſired, by the mouth [453] of their ſpeaker, farther ſatisfaction on that head, ſhe could not be prevailed on to make her reply more explicite. She only told them, contrary to her declara⯑tions in the beginning of her reign, that ſhe had fixed no abſolute reſolution againſt marriage; and ſhe added, that the difficulties with which the queſtion of the ſucceſſion was attended, were ſo great, that ſhe would be contented, for their ſake, to remain ſome time longer in this vale of miſery; and never would depart this life with ſatisfaction, till ſhe had laid ſome ſolid foundation for their future ſecurity^*.

THE moſt remarkable law paſſed this ſeſſion, was that which bore the title of Aſſurance of the Queen's royal power over all ſtates and ſubjects within her domini⯑ons ^†. By this act, the aſſerting twice by writing, word, or deed, the pope's au⯑thority, was ſubjected to the penalties of treaſon. All perſons in holy orders were bound to take the oath of ſupremacy; as alſo, all who were advanced to any degrees, either in the univerſities or in common law; all ſchoolmaſters, officers in court, or members of Parliament: And the penalty of their ſecond refuſal was treaſon. The firſt offence in both caſes, was puniſhed by baniſhment and forfeiture. This rigorous ſtatute, which involved a real, tho' not general, per⯑ſecution, and of the worſt kind too, as it made a ſcrutiny into mens ſecret ſenti⯑ments, was not extended to any of the degree of a baron; becauſe it was not ſuppoſed, that the Queen could entertain any doubt with regard to the fidelity of perſons poſſeſſed of ſuch high dignity. The lord Montacute made vigorous oppoſition to this bill; and aſſerted, in favour of the catholics, that they diſ⯑puted not, they preached not, they diſobeyed not the Queen, they cauſed no trouble nor tumults among the people^‡. It is, however, probable, that ſome ſuſpicions of their ſecret conſpiracies had made the Queen and Parliament in⯑creaſe their rigour againſt them; tho' it is alſo more than probable, that they were miſtaken in the nature of the remedy.

THERE was likewiſe another point where the Parliament, this ſeſſion, ſhewed more the goodneſs of their intention than the ſoundneſs of their judgment. They paſſed a law againſt fond and fantaſtical prophecies, which had been ob⯑ſerved to ſeduce the people into rebellion and diſorder^‖: But at the ſame time they enacted a ſtatute which was moſt likely to increaſe theſe and ſuch like ſu⯑perſtitions: It was levelled againſt conjurations, enchantments, and witchcra [...] ^§. Witchcraft and hereſy are two crimes which always increaſe by puniſhment, and never are ſo eſſectually ſuppreſſed as by being totally neglected. After the Par⯑liament [454] had granted the Queen a ſupply of one ſubſidy and two fifteenths, it was finiſhed by a prorogation. The convocation likewiſe voted the Queen a ſub⯑ſidy of ſix ſhillings in the pound, payable in three years.

WHILE the Engliſh parties exerted theſe calm efforts againſt each other, in parliamentary votes and debates, the French factions, enflamed to the higheſt de⯑gree of animoſity, continued that cruel war which their intemperate zeal, actu⯑ated by the ambition of their leaders, had kindled in the kingdom. The admiral was ſucceſsful in reducing the towns of Normandy which held for the King; but he frequently complained, that the numerous garriſon of Havre remained totally unactive, and was not employed in any military operations againſt the common enemy. The Queen, in taking poſſeſſion of that place, had publiſhed a mani⯑feſto^*, in which ſhe pretended, that her concern for the French King's intereſt, had engaged her in that meaſure, and that her ſole intention was to oppoſe her enemies of the houſe of Guiſe, who held their prince in captivity, and employed his power to the deſtruction of his beſt and moſt faithful ſubjects. It was chiefly her deſire to preſerve appearances, joined to the great frugality of her temper, which made her, at this critical juncture, keep her ſoldiers in garriſon, and re⯑ſtrain them from committing farther hoſtilities upon the enemy^†. The duke of Guiſe, meanwhile, was aiming a mortal blow at the power of the Hugonots; and had commenced the ſiege of Orleans, which was commanded by Andelot, and where the conſtable was detained priſoner. He had the proſpect of ſpeedy ſucceſs in this undertaking; when he was aſſaſſinated by Poltrot, a young gen⯑tleman, whoſe zeal, inſtigated (as it is pretended, tho' without any certain foundation) by the admiral and Beza, a famous preacher, led him to attempt that criminal enterprize. The death of this gallant prince was a very ſen⯑ſible loſs to the catholic party; and tho' the cardinal of Lorraine, his brother, ſtill ſupported the intereſt of the family, the danger of their progreſs appeared much leſs imminent, both to Queen Elizabeth and to the French proteſtants. The union, therefore, between theſe allies, which had been cemented by their common fears, began thenceforth to be leſs intimate; and the leaders of the Hugonots were perſuaded to hearken to terms of accommodation. Condé and Montmorency held conferences for ſettling the peace; and as they were both of them impatient to relieve themſelves from captivity, they ſoon came to an agreement with regard to the conditions. The character of the Queen-regent, whoſe ends were always violent, but who endeavoured, by ſubtilty and policy, rather than force, to attain them, led her to embrace any plauſible terms; and in [455] ſpite of the admiral's proteſtations, whoſe ſagacity could eaſily diſcover the treachery of the court, the articles of agreement were finally ſettled between the parties. A toleration, under ſome reſtrictions, was anew granted to the prote⯑ſtants; a general amneſty was publiſhed; Condé was reinſtated in his offices and governments; and after money was advanced for the payment of arrears due to the German troops, they were diſmiſſed the kingdom.

BY the agreement between Elizabeth and the prince of Condé, it had been ſtipulated^*, that neither party ſhould conclude peace without the conſent of the other; but this article was at preſent but little regarded by the leaders of the French proteſtants. They only comprehended her ſo far in the treaty, as to obtain a promiſe, that, on her relinquiſhing Havre, her charges and the money which ſhe had advanced them, ſhould be repaid her by the King of France, and that Calais, on the expiration of the term, ſhould be reſtored to her. But ſhe diſdained to accept of theſe terms; and thinking the poſſeſſion of Havre a much better pledge for the obtaining her purpoſe, ſhe ſent Warwic orders to prepare himſelf againſt an attack from the now united power of the French monarchy.

THE earl of Warwic, who commanded a garriſon of ſix thouſand men, beſide ſeven hundred pioniers, had no ſooner got poſſeſſion of Havre, than he employed every means for putting it in a poſture of defence^†; and after expelling the French from the town, he encouraged his ſoldiers to make the moſt deſperate defence againſt the enemy. The conſtable commanded the French army; the Queen-regent herſelf, and the King were preſent in the camp; even the prince of Condé joined the King's forces, and gave countenance to this enterprize; the admiral and Andelot alone, who ſtill deſired to preſerve Elizabeth's friendſhip, kept at a diſtance, and prudently refuſed to join their antient enemies in an attack upon their allies.

BY the force, and diſpoſitions, and ſituation of both ſides, it was expected, that the ſiege would be attended with ſome very memorable event; yet did France make a much eaſier acquiſition of this important place, than was at firſt apprehended. The plague crept in among the Engliſh ſoldiers; and being en⯑creaſed by their fatigue and bad diet (for they were but ill ſupplied with provi⯑ſions^‡) it committed ſuch ravages, that ſometimes an hundred men a day died of it, and there remained not at laſt fifteen hundred in a condition to do duty^{{inverted †}}. The French, meeting with ſuch feeble reſiſtance, carried on their attacks ſucceſſ⯑fully; and having made two breaches, each of them ſixty feet wide, they pre⯑pared [456] for a general aſſault, which muſt have terminated in the ſlaughter of the whole garriſon^‡. Havre loſt. 28th July. Warwic, who had frequently warned the council of the danger, and who had loudly demanded a ſupply of men and proviſions, found himſelf obliged to capitulate, and to content himſelf with the liberty of with⯑drawing his garriſon. The articles were no ſooner ſigned, than lord Clinton, the admiral, who had been detained by contrary winds, appeared off the harbour with a reinforcement of three thouſand men; and found the place ſurrendered to the enemy. To encreaſe the misfortune, the infected army brought the plague with them into England, where it ſwept off great multitudes, particularly in the city of London. Above twenty thouſand perſons there died of it in one year^{{inverted †}}.

year 1564 ELIZABETH, whoſe uſual vigour and foreſight had not appeared in theſe tranſ⯑actions, was now glad to compound matters; and as the Queen-regent wanted leizure, in order to prepare meaſures for the extermination of the Hugonots, ſhe readily hearkened to any reaſonable terms of accommodation with England^*. 2d April. It was agreed, that the hoſtages, which the French had given for the reſtitution of Calais, ſhould be reſtored for 220,000 crowns; and that both ſides ſhould re⯑ſerve all their claims and pretenſions.

Scotch affairs. THE peace ſtill continued with Scotland; and even a cordial friendſhip ſeemed to have been cemented between Elizabeth and Mary. Theſe princeſſes made profeſſion of the moſt entire affection; wrote amicable letters every week to each other; and had adopted, in all appearance, the ſentiments, as well as ſtyle, of ſiſters. Elizabeth puniſhed one Hales, who had compoſed a book againſt Mary's title^†; and as the lord keeper, Bacon, was thought to have encouraged Hales in this undertaking, he fell under her diſpleaſure, and it was with ſome diffi⯑culty that he wa able to give her ſatisfaction, and recover her good opinion^§. The two Queens had agreed in the foregoing ſummer to an interview at York^‖; in order to remove all difficulties with regard to Mary's ratification of the treaty [457] of Edinburgh, and to conſider of the proper method for ſettling the ſucceſſion of England: But as Elizabeth carefully avoided touching on this delicate ſubject, ſhe employed a pretext of the wars in France, which, ſhe ſaid, would detain her in London; and ſhe delayed till next year the intended interview. It is alſo probable, that, being well acquainted with the beauty and addreſs and accom⯑pliſhments of Mary, ſhe did not chooſe to ſtand the compariſon with regard to thoſe exterior qualities, in which ſhe was eclipſed by her rival; and was unwil⯑ling, that that princeſs, who had already made great progreſs in the eſteem and affections of the Engliſh, ſhould have a farther opportunity of encreaſing the number of her partizans.

MARY'S cloſe connexions with the houſe of Guiſe, and her devoted attach⯑ment to her uncles, by whom ſhe had been educated and protected, was the ground of juſt and unſurmountable jealouſy to Elizabeth, who regarded them as her mortal and declared enemies, and was well acquainted with their dangerous character and ambitious projects. They had made offer of their niece to Don Carlos, Philip's ſon; to the King of Sweden, the King of Navarre, the arch⯑duke Charles, the duke of Ferrara, the cardinal of Bourbon, who had only taken deacons orders, from which he might eaſily be abſolved; and they were ready to marry her to any one, who could ſtrengthen their intereſt, or give inquietude and diſturbance to Elizabeth^*. Elizabeth on her part was equally vigilant to obviate the execution of their ſchemes, and was particularly anxious, leſt Mary ſhould form any powerful foreign alliance, which might tempt her to revive her pretenſions to the crown, and to invade the kingdom from the ſide where it was weakeſt and lay moſt expoſed^†. As ſhe believed, that the marriage with the archduke Charles was the moſt likely to have place, ſhe uſed every expedient to prevent it; and beſides remonſtrating againſt it to Mary herſelf, ſhe endea⯑voured to draw off the archduke from that purſuit, by giving him ſome reaſon to hope for ſucceſs in his pretenſions to herſelf, and by inviting him to a renewal of the former treaty of marriage^‡. She always told the Queen of Scotts, that nothing would ſatisfy her but her eſpouſing ſome Engliſh nobleman, who would remove all grounds of jealouſy, and cement the union between the two kingdoms; and ſhe offered on this condition to have her title examined, and to declare her the ſucceſſor to the crown^‖. After keeping the matter in theſe gene⯑ral terms during a twelvemonth, ſhe at laſt named the lord Robert Dudley, now [458] created earl of Leiceſter, as the perſon on whom ſhe deſired that Mary's choice ſhould fall.

THE earl of Leiceſter, the great and powerful favourite of Elizabeth, poſ⯑ſeſſed all thoſe exterior qualities, which are naturally alluring to the fair ſex; a handſome perſon, a polite addreſs, an inſinuating behaviour; and by means of theſe accompliſhments, he had been able to blind even the penetration of Eli⯑zabeth, and conceal from her the great defects, or rather odious vices, which attended his character. He was proud, inſolent, intereſted, ambitious; without honour, without generoſity, without humanity; and attoned not for theſe bad qualities, by any ſuch abilities or courage, as could fit him for that high truſt and confidence with which ſhe always honoured him. Her conſtant and de⯑clared attachment to him had very naturally emboldened him to aſpire to her bed; and in order to make way for theſe nuptials, he was univerſally believed to have murdered, in a barbarous manner, his wife, the heireſs of one Robeſart. The propoſal of eſpouſing Mary was by no means agreeable to him; and he always aſcribed it to the contrivance of Cecil, his enemy; who intended by that artifice to make him loſe the friendſhip of Mary from the temerity of his pretenſions, and that of Elizabeth from jealouſy of his attachments to another woman^*. The Queen herſelf had not any ſerious intention of effecting this marriage; but, as ſhe was deſirous, that the Queen of Scots ſhould never take any huſband, ſhe named a man, who, ſhe believed, was not likely to be accepted of; and ſhe hoped, by that means, to gain time, and elude the project of any other alliance. The earl of Leiceſter was too great a favourite to be parted with; and when Mary, allured by the proſpect of being declared ſucceſſor to the crown, ſeemed at laſt to hearken to Elizabeth's propoſal, this princeſs receded from her former offers, and withdrew the bait, which ſhe had formerly thrown out to her rival^†. This duplicity of conduct, joined to ſome appearance of an imperious ſuperiority, aſſumed by her, had drawn a peeviſh letter from Mary; and the ſeemingly ami⯑cable correſpondence of the two Queens was during ſome time interrupted. In order to make up this breach, the Queen of Scots diſpatched Sir James Melvil to London; who has given us a very particular account of this negociation.

MELVIL was an agreeable courtier, a man of addreſs and converſation; and it was recommended to him by his miſtreſs, that, beſides grave reaſonings con⯑cerning politics and ſtate-affairs, he ſhould introduce more entertaining topics of converſation, ſuitable to the ſprightly character of Elizabeth; and ſhould endea⯑vour by that means to inſinuate himſelf into her confidence. He ſucceeded ſo [459] well, that he threw that artful princeſs entirely off her guard^‡, and brought her to diſcover the bottom of her heart, full of all thoſe levities and follies and ideas of rivalſhip, which poſſeſs the youngeſt and moſt frivolous of her ſex. He talked to her of his travels, and forgot not to mention the different dreſſes of the ladies in different countries, and the particular advantages of each, in ſetting off the beauties of the ſhape and perſon. The Queen ſaid that ſhe had dreſſes of all countries, and ſhe took care thenceforth to meet the ambaſſador every day appa⯑relled in a different habit: Sometimes ſhe was dreſſed in the Engliſh garb, ſome⯑times in the French, ſometimes in the Italian; and ſhe aſked him, which of them became her moſt. He anſwered, the Italian; a reply, that he knew would be agreeable to her, becauſe that mode ſhowed her flowing locks, which, he remarked, tho' they were more red than yellow, ſhe fancied to be the fineſt in the world. She deſired to know of him what was reputed the beſt colour of hair: She aſked whether his Queen's hair or hers was beſt: She even enquired which of them he eſteemed the faireſt perſon: A very delicate queſtion, and which he prudently eluded, by ſaying that her majeſty was the faireſt perſon in England, and his miſtreſs in Scotland. She next demanded which of them was talleſt: He replied, his queen: Then, ſaid Elizabeth, ſhe is too tall: For I my⯑ſelf am of a juſt ſtature. Having learned from him, that his miſtreſs ſome⯑times recreated herſelf by playing on the harpſicord, an inſtrument at which ſhe herſelf excelled, ſhe gave orders to lord Hunſdon, that he ſhould lead him, as it were caſually, into an apartment, where he might hear her performance; and when Melvil, as if raviſhed with the harmony, broke into the Queen's apart⯑ment, ſhe pretended to be diſpleaſed at his intruſion; but ſtill took care to aſk whether he thought Mary or her the beſt performer on that inſtrument^*. From the whole of her behaviour, Melvil thought he might, on his return, aſſure his miſtreſs that ſhe had no reaſon ever to expect any cordial friendſhip from Elizabeth, and that all her profeſſions of amity were full of falſhood and diſ⯑ſimulation.

AFTER two years had been ſpent in evaſions and artifices^†, Mary's ſubjects and counſellors, and probably herſelf, began to think it full time that ſome alli⯑ance were concluded; and the lord Darnley, ſon to the earl of Lenox, was the perſon, in whom moſt mens opinions and wiſhes centered. He was Mary's couſin⯑german, by the lady Margaret Douglas, niece to Harry the eighth, and daughter to the earl of Angus, by Margaret, Queen of Scotland. He had been born and educated in England, where the earl of Lenox had conſtantly reſided, ever [460] ſince he had been baniſhed by the prevalence of the houſe of Hamilton; and as Darnley was now in his twentieth year, and was a very comely perſon, tall and delicately ſhaped, it was hoped, that he might ſoon render himſelf agreeable to the Queen of Scots. He was alſo by his father a branch of the ſame family with herſelf; and would, in eſpouſing her, preſerve the royal dignity in the houſe of Stuart: He was, after her, next heir to the crown of England; and thoſe who pretended to exclude her on account of her being a foreigner, had endeavoured to recommend his title, and give it the preference. It ſeemed no inconſiderable advantage, that ſhe could, by marrying him, unite both their claims; and as he was by birth an Engliſhman, and could not by his power or alliances give any ground of ſuſpicion to Elizabeth, it was hoped that the propoſal of this mar⯑riage would not be unacceptable to that jealous princeſs.

ELIZABETH was well informed of theſe intentions of the court of Edinburgh^*; and was ſecretly not diſpleaſed with the projected marriage between Darnley and the Queen of Scots^†. She would rather have wiſhed, that Mary had continued for ever in a ſingle life; but finding little probability of rendering this ſcheme effectual, ſhe was ſatisfied with a choice, which freed her at once from the dread of a foreign alliance, and from the neceſſity of parting with Leiceſter, her fa⯑vourite. In order to pave the way to Darnley's marriage, ſhe ſecretly deſired Mary to invite Lenox into Scotland, to reverſe his attainder, and to reſtore him to his honours and fortune^‡. And when her requeſt was complied with, ſhe took care, in order to preſerve the friendſhip of the Hamiltons and her other partizans in Scotland, to blame openly this conduct of Mary^‖. year 1565 Hearing that the negotiation for Darnley's marriage proceeded apace, ſhe gave that nobleman permiſſion, on his firſt application, to follow his father into Scotland: But no ſooner did ſhe learn, that the Queen of Scots was taken with his figure and per⯑ſon, and that all meaſures were fixed for eſpouſing him, than ſhe exclaimed againſt the marriage; ſent Throcmorton to order Darnley immediately upon his allegiance to return into England; threw the counteſs of Lenox and her ſecond ſon into the Tower, where they ſuffered a very rigorous confinement; ſeized all Lenox's Engliſh eſtate; 28th July. and, tho' it was impoſſible for her to aſſign one ſingle reaſon of her diſpleaſure^§, ſhe menaced, and proteſted, and complained, as if ſhe had ſuffered the moſt grievous injury in the world.

THE politics of Elizabeth, tho' judicious, were uſually full of duplicity and artifice; but never more ſo than in her tranſactions with the Queen of Scots, [461] where there entered ſo many little paſſions and narrow jealouſies, that ſhe du [...]ſt not avow to the world the reaſons of her conduct, ſcarcely to her miniſters, and ſcarcely even to herſelf. But beſides a womaniſh rivalſhip and envy againſt the marriage of this princeſs, ſhe had ſome motives of intereſt for feigning a diſ⯑pleaſure on the preſent occaſion. It ſerved her as a pretence for refuſing to ac⯑knowlege Mary's title to the ſucceſſion of England; a point to which ſhe was determined never to conſent. And it was uſeful to her for a purpoſe, ſtill more unfriendly and dangerous, for encouraging the diſcontents and rebellion of the Scotch nobility and eccleſiaſtics^*.

NOTHING can be more unhappy for a people than to be governed by a ſove⯑reign, who is attached to a religion different from that which is eſtabliſhed; and it is ſcarce poſſible, that a mutual confidence can ever, in ſuch a ſituation, have place between the prince and his ſubjects. Mary's conduct had been hitherto, in every reſpect, unexceptionable, and even laudable; yet had ſhe not made ſuch progreſs in acquiring popularity, as might have been expected from her gracious deportment and agreeable accompliſhments. Suſpicions every moment prevailed on account of her attachment to the catholic faith, and eſpecially to her uncles, the open and avowed promoters of the ſcheme for exterminating the profeſſors of the reformed religion throughout all Europe. She ſtill refuſed to ratify the acts of Parliament, which had eſtabliſhed the reformation; ſhe made attempts for reſtoring to the catholic biſhops ſome part of their civil juriſdiction^†; and ſhe wrote a letter to the council of Trent, in which, beſides profeſſing her at⯑tachment to the catholic faith, ſhe took notice of her title to ſucceed to the crown of England, and expreſſed her hopes of being able, in ſome period, to bring back all her dominions to the boſom of the church^‡. The zealots among the proteſtants were not wanting, in their turn, to practiſe inſults upon her, which tended ſtill more to alienate her from their faith. A law was enacted, making it capital, even on the firſt offence, to ſay maſs any where, except in the Queen's chappel^‖; and it was with great difficulty that this ſmall indulgence was granted her: The general aſſembly importuned her anew to change her religion, to re⯑nounce the blaſphemous idolatry of the maſs, with the tyranny of the Roman Antichriſt, and to embrace the true religion of Chriſt Jeſus^§. As ſhe anſwered with temper, that ſhe was not yet convinced of the falſhood of her religion or the impiety of the maſs; and that her apoſtacy would loſe her the friendſhip of her allies on the continent; they replied, by aſſuring her, that their religion was [462] undoubtedly the ſame which had been revealed by Jeſus Chriſt, which had been preached by the apoſtles, and which had been embraced by the faithful in the primitive ages; that neither the religion of Turks, Jews, nor Papiſts was built on ſo ſolid a foundation as theirs; that they alone, of all the various ſpecies of religioniſts ſpread over the face of the earth, were ſo happy as to be poſſeſſed of the truth; that thoſe who hear, or rather who gaze on the maſs, allow ſacri⯑lege, pronounce blaſphemy, and commit moſt abominable idolatry; and that the friendſhip of the King of kings was preferable to all the confederacies and alliances in the world^‖.

The Queen of Scots mar⯑ries the earl of Darnley. THE marriage of the Queen of Scots had kindled afreſh the zeal of the re⯑formers, becauſe the family of Lenox was believed to adhere to the catholic faith; and tho' Darnley, who now bore the name of King Henry, went often to the eſtabliſhed church, he could not, by this exterior compliance, gain the con⯑fidence and regard of the eccleſiaſtics. They rather laid hold of this opportu⯑nity to inſult him to his face; and Knox ſcrupled not to tell him from the pul⯑pit, that God, for puniſhment of the offences and ingratitude of the people, was wont to commit the rule over them to boys and women^†. The populace of Edinburgh, inſtigated by ſuch doctrine, began to meet and to aſſociate themſelves againſt the government^‡. But what threatned with more immediate danger Mary's authority, were the diſcontents which prevailed among ſome of the prin⯑cipal nobility.

THE duke of Chatelrault was diſpleaſed with the reſtoration, and ſtill more with the aggrandizement, of the family of Lenox, his hereditary enemies; and entertained fears leſt his eventual ſucceſſion to the crown of Scotland ſhould be excluded by his rival, who had formerly advanced ſome pretenſions to it. The earl of Murray found his credit at court much diminiſhed by the intereſt of Le⯑nox, and his ſon; and began to apprehend the revocation of ſome conſiderable grants which he had obtained from Mary's liberality. The earls of Argyle, Rothes, and Glencairne, the lords Boyde and Ochiltry, Kirkaldy of Grange, Pittarow, were inſtigated by like motives; and as theſe were the perſons who had moſt zealouſly promoted the reformation, they were diſguſted to find that the Queen's favour was entirely engroſſed by a new cabal, the earls of Bothwel, Athole, Sutherland, and Huntley; men who were eſteemed either lukewarm in religious controverſy, or inclined to the catholic party. The ſame ground of diſcontent, which, in other courts, is the ſource of intrigue, faction, and oppo⯑ſition, commonly produced in Scotland, either projects of aſſaſſination, or of [463] rebellion; and beſides mutual accuſations of the former kind, which it is difficult to clear up^*, the diſcontented lords, as ſoon as they ſaw the Queen's marriage en⯑tirely reſolved on, entered into a confederacy for taking arms againſt their ſovereign. They met at Stirling; pretended an anxious concern for the ſecurity of religion; framed engagements for mutual defence; and made applications to Elizabeth for aſſiſtance and protection^†. That princeſs, after publiſhing the expreſſions of her diſpleaſure againſt the marriage, had ſecretly ordered her ambaſſadors Ran⯑dolf and Throcmorton, to give in her name ſome promiſes of ſupport to the malecontents; and had even ſent them a ſupply of ten thouſand pounds, to en⯑able them to begin their inſurrection^‡.

MARY was no ſooner informed of the meeting at Stirling, and the movements of the lords, than ſhe ſummoned them to appear at court, in order to anſwer for their conduct; and having levied ſome forces to execute the laws, ſhe ob⯑liged the malecontents to leave the low country, and take ſhelter in Argyleſhire. That ſhe might more effectually cut off all their reſources, ſhe proceeded with the King to Glaſgow, and forced them from their retreat. They appeared at Paiſly in the neighbourhood with about a thouſand horſe; and paſſing the Queen's army, proceeded to Hamilton, and thence to Edinburgh, which they entered without reſiſtance. They expected great reinforcements in this place, from the efforts of Knox and the ſeditious preachers; and they beat their drums, deſiring all men to enliſt, and receive wages for the defence of God's glory^‖. But the nation was in no diſpoſition for rebellion: Mary was eſteemed and beloved: Her marriage was not generally diſagreeable to the people: And the intereſted views of the malecontent lords were ſo well known, that their pretence of zeal for reli⯑gion had little influence even on the ignorant populace^{{inverted †}}. The King and Queen advanced to Edinburgh at the head of their army: The inſurgents were obliged to retire into the ſouth; and being purſued by a force which now amounted to eighteen thouſand men^§, they found themſelves under a neceſſity of abandoning their country, and of taking ſhelter in England.

ELIZABETH, when ſhe found the event ſo much to diſappoint her expectations, thought proper to diſown all connections with the Scotch malecontents, and to [464] declare every where, that ſhe had never given them any encouragement, or any promiſe of countenance or aſſiſtance. She even carried farther her diſſimulation and hypocriſy. Murray had come to London, with the abbot of Kilwinning, agent for Chatelrault; and ſhe ſeduced them, by ſecret aſſurances of protection, to declare, before the ambaſſadors of France and Spain, that ſhe had no-wiſe contributed to their inſurrection. No ſooner had ſhe extorted this confeſſion from them, than ſhe chaſed them from her preſence, called them unworthy tray⯑tors, declared that their deteſtable rebellion was of bad example to all princes, and aſſured them, that as ſhe had hitherto given them no encouragement, ſo they ſhould never thenceforth receive from her any aſſiſtance or protection^*. Throcmorton alone, whoſe honour was equal to his abilities, could not be pre⯑vailed on to conceal the part which he had acted in the enterprize of the Scotch inſurgents; and being well appriſed of the uſual character and conduct of Eliza⯑beth, he had had the precaution to obtain an order of council to authorize the engagements which he had been obliged to take with them^†.

THE baniſhed lords, finding themſelves ſo ill uſed by Elizabeth, had recourſe to the clemency of their ſovereign; and after ſome ſollicitation, and ſome profeſſions of ſincere repentance, the duke of Chatelrault obtained his pardon, on condition that he ſhould retire into France. Mary was more implacable againſt the ungrate⯑ful earl of Murray, and the other confederates, on whom ſhe threw the chief blame of the enterprize; but as ſhe was continually plied with applications from their friends, and as ſome of her moſt judicious partizans in England thought, that nothing would more promote her intereſts in that kingdom, than the gentle treatment of men ſo celebrated for their zeal againſt the catholic religion; ſhe agreed to give way to her natural temper, which inclined not to ſeverity, and ſhe ſeemed determined to reſtore them to her favour^‡. In this interval, Rambouillet arrived as ambaſſador from France, and brought her advice from her uncle, the cardinal of Lorraine, to whoſe opinion ſhe always paid an extreme deference, by no means to pardon theſe proteſtant leaders, who had been engaged in a rebellion againſt her^‖.

THE two religions, in France, as well as in other parts of Europe, were rather irritated than ſatiated with their mutual violences; and the peace granted to the [...]u⯑gonots, as had been foreſeen by the admiral, was intended only to lull them aſleep, and prepare the way for their final and abſolute deſtruction. The Queen-regent [465] made a pretence of travelling thro' the kingdom, in order to viſit the provinces, and correct all the abuſes ariſing from the late war; and after having held ſome conferences on the frontiers with the duke of Lorraine, and the duke of Savoy, ſhe came to Bayonne, where ſhe was met by her daughter, the Queen of Spain, and the duke of Alva. Nothing appeared in the congreſs of theſe two ſplendid courts, but gaity, feſtivity, love, and joy; but amidſt theſe ſmiling appearances were ſecretly fabricated ſchemes the moſt bloody, and the moſt deſtructive to the repoſe of mankind, which had ever been thought of in any age or nation. No leſs than a total and univerſal extermination of the proteſtants by fire and ſword, was concerted by Philip and Catherine of Medicis; and Alva, agreeable to his fierce and ſanguinary diſpoſition, adviſed the Queen-regent to commence the exe⯑cution of this project, by the immediate maſſacre of all the leaders of the Hu⯑gonots^*. But that princeſs, tho' equally hardened againſt every humane ſenti⯑ment, would not forego this opportunity of diſplaying her wit and refined poli⯑tics; and ſhe propoſed, rather by treachery and diſſimulation, which ſhe called addreſs, to lead the Proteſtants into the ſnare, and never to draw the ſword till they were totally diſabled from reſiſtance. Confederacy againſt the proteſtants. The cardinal of Lorraine, whoſe cha⯑racter bore a greater affinity to that of Alva, was a chief author of this barbarous aſſociation againſt the reformers; and having connected his proſpect of ſucceſs with the aggrandizement of his niece, the Queen of Scots, he took care that her mea⯑ſures ſhould agree with thoſe violent councils, which were embraced by the other catholic princes. It is not probable^†, that he entruſted the depth of this dan⯑gerous ſecret with that young princeſs; but he had acquired ſuch authority over her, that he turned her from the road of clemency, which ſhe intended to have followed, and made her reſolve on the total ruin of the baniſhed lords^‡. year 1566 A Parliament was ſummoned to meet at Edinburgh for their forfeiture and at⯑tainder; and as the crime of which they had been guilty, was palpable and avowed, no doubt could be entertained but ſentence would be pronounced againſt them. It was by a ſudden and violent accident, which, in the iſſue, brought on the ruin of Mary, that they were ſaved from the rigour of the law.

THE marriage of the Queen of Scots with lord Darnley was ſo natural, and ſo inviting in all its circumſtances, that it had been precipitantly agreed to by that princeſs and her council; and while ſhe was allured by his youth, and beauty, and exterior accompliſhments, ſhe had at firſt overlooked the qualities of his [...]ind, which no wiſe correſponded with the excellence of his outward figure. [466] Violent, yet variable in his enterprizes; inſolent, yet credulous and eaſily go⯑verned by flatterers; he was devoid of all gratitude, becauſe he thought no fa⯑vours equal to his merit; and being addicted to low pleaſures, he was equally incapable of all true ſentiments of love and tenderneſs^*. The Queen of Scots, in the firſt effuſions of her fondneſs, had taken a pleaſure in exalting him beyond meaſure: She had granted him the title of King; ſhe had joined his name with her own in all public acts; ſhe intended to have procured him from the ſtates a matrimonial crown: But having leiſure afterwards to remark his weak⯑neſs and vices, ſhe began to ſee the danger of her profuſe liberality, and was reſolved thenceforth to proceed with more reſerve in the truſt which ſhe con⯑ferred upon him. His reſentment againſt this prudent conduct, ſerved but the more to increaſe her diſguſt; and the young prince, enraged at her imagined ne⯑glects, pointed his vengeance againſt every one whom he eſteemed the cauſe of this change in her meaſures and behaviour.

Murder of Rizzio. THERE was one David Rizzio in the court, who had of late obtained a very extraordinary degree of confidence and favour with the Queen of Scots. He was a Piedmonteſe, of mean birth, ſon to a teacher of muſic, himſelf a muſi⯑cian; and finding it difficult to ſubſiſt by his art in his own country, he had fol⯑lowed into Scotland an ambaſſador whom the duke of Savoy ſent thither, to pay his compliments to Mary, ſome time after her firſt arrival. He poſſeſſed a good ear, and a tolerable voice; and as that princeſs found him uſeful to compleat her band of muſic, ſhe retained him in her ſervice after the departure of his maſter. Her ſecretary for French diſpatches having, ſome time after, fallen under her diſpleaſure, ſhe promoted Rizzio to that office, which gave him frequent op⯑portunities of approaching her perſon, and inſinuating himſelf into her favour. He was ſhrewd and ſenſible, as well as aſpiring, much beyond his rank and education; and made ſo good uſe of the acceſs which fortune had procured him, that he was ſoon regarded as the chief confident and counſellor of the Queen. He was conſulted on all occaſions; no favours could be obtained but by his in⯑terceſſion; all ſuitors were obliged to gain him by preſents and flattery; and the man, inſolent from his new exaltation, as well as rapacious in his acquiſitions, ſoon drew on himſelf the hatred of the nobility, and of the whole kingdom^†. He had at firſt employed his credit to promote Darnley's marriage; and a firm friendſhip ſeemed to be eſtabliſhed between them: But on the ſubſequent change of the Queen's ſentiments, it was eaſy for Henry's friends to perſuade him, that [467] Rizzio was the real author of her indifference, and even to rouze in his mind jealouſies of a more dangerous nature. The favourite was of a diſagreeable figure, but was not paſt his youth^*; and tho' the opinion of his criminal cor⯑reſpondence with Mary might ſeem of itſelf unreaſonable, if not abſurd, a ſuſ⯑picious huſband could find no other means of accounting for that laviſh and im⯑prudent kindneſs, with which ſhe honoured him. The rigid auſterity of the ec⯑cleſiaſtics, who could admit of no freedoms, contributed to ſpread this opinion among the people; and as Rizzio was univerſally believed to be a penſionary of the pope, and to be deeply engaged in all ſchemes againſt the proteſtants, any ſtory to his and Mary's diſadvantage, received an eaſy credit among the zealots of that communion.

RIZZIO, who had connected his intereſt with the Roman catholics, was the declared enemy of the baniſhed lords; and by promoting the violent proſecu⯑tion againſt them, had expoſed himſelf to the animoſity of their numerous friends and retainers. A ſcheme was alſo thought to be formed for revoking ſome exor⯑bitant grants made during the Queen's minority; and even the nobility, who had ſeized the eccleſiaſtical benefices, began to think themſelves leſs ſecure in the poſſeſſion of them^†. The earl of Morton, chancellor, was affected by all theſe conſiderations, and ſtill more by a rumour ſpread abroad, that Mary intended to appoint Rizzio chancellor in his place, and to beſtow that dignity on a mean and upſtart foreigner, who was ignorant of the laws and language of the country^‡. So indiſcreet had this princeſs been in her kindneſs to Rizzio, that even that ſtrange report met with credit, and proved a great means of accelerating the ruin of the favourite. Morton, inſinuating himſelf into Henry's confidence, employ⯑ed all his art to enflame the diſcontent and jealouſy of that prince; and he perſuaded him, that the only means of freeing himſelf from the indignities un⯑der which he laboured, was to bring the baſe ſtranger to that fate which he had ſo well merited, and which was ſo paſſionately deſired by the whole nation. George Douglas, natural brother to the counteſs of Lenox, concurred in the ſame advice; and the lords Ruthven and Lindeſey, being conſulted, offered their concurrence in the enterprize; nor was even the earl of Lenox, the King's father, averſe to the deſign^‖. But as theſe conſpirators were well acquainted [468] with Henry's levity, they engaged him to ſign a paper, in which he avowed the undertaking, and promiſed to protect them againſt every conſequence which might enſue upon the aſſaſſination of Rizzio^*. All theſe meaſures being fully concerted, a meſſenger was diſpatched to the baniſhed lords, who were ho⯑vering near the borders; and they were invited by the King to return to their na⯑tive country.

9th March. THIS deſign, ſo atrocious in itſelf, was rendered ſtill more ſo by the circum⯑ſtances which attended its execution. Mary, who was in the ſeventh month of her pregnancy, was ſupping in private, and had at table the counteſs of Argyle, her natural ſiſter, with Rizzio, and others of her ſervants. The King entered the room by a private paſſage, and ſtood at the back of Mary's chair: The lord Ruthven, George Douglas, and other conſpirators, being all armed, ruſhed in after him; and the Queen of Scots, terrified with the appearance, demanded of them the reaſon of this rude intruſion. They told her, that they intended no violence againſt her perſon; but meant only to bring that villain, pointing at Rizzio, to his deſerved puniſhment. Rizzio, aware of the danger, ran behind his miſtreſs, and ſeizing her by the waiſt, called aloud to her for protection; while ſhe interpoſed in his behalf, with cries, and menaces, and entreaties. The impa⯑tient aſſaſſins, regardleſs of her efforts, ruſhed upon their prey, and by over⯑turning every thing which ſtood in their way, increaſed the horror and confuſion of the ſcene. Douglas, ſeizing Henry's dagger, ſtuck it in the body of Rizzio, who, ſcreaming with fear and agony, was torne from Mary by the other conſpi⯑rators, and puſhed into the antichamber, where he was diſpatched with fifty-ſix wounds^†. The unhappy princeſs, informed of his fate, immediately dried her tears, and ſaid, ſhe would weep no more; ſhe would now think of revenge. The inſult, indeed, upon her perſon; the ſtain attempted to be fixed on her honour; the danger to which her life was expoſed, on account of her pregnancy; were injuries ſo atrocious, and ſo complicated, that they ſcarce left room for par⯑don, even from the greateſt lenity and mercy.

THE aſſaſſins, apprehenſive of Mary's reſentment, detained her a priſoner in the palace; and the King diſmiſſed all thoſe who ſeemed willing to attempt her reſcue, by telling them, that nothing was done without his orders, and that he would be careful of the Queen's ſafety. Murray, and the baniſhed lords, appeared two days after; and Mary, whoſe anger was now engroſſed by injuries more recent and violent, was willingly reconciled to them; and ſhe even received her brother [469] with tenderneſs and affection. They obtained an acquital from the Parliament, and were re-inſtated in their honours and fortunes. The accomplices alſo in Rizzio's murder applied to her for a pardon; but ſhe artfully delayed compliance, and perſuaded them, that ſo long as ſhe was detained in cuſtody, and was ſur⯑rounded by guards, any deed which ſhe ſhould ſign, would have no force nor validity. Mean while ſhe had gained the confidence of her huſband, by her perſuaſion and careſſes; and no ſooner were the guards withdrawn, than ſhe engaged him to eſcape with her in the night time, and take ſhelter in Dunbar. Many of her ſubjects here offered her their aſſiſtance; and Mary, having collected an army, which the conſpirators had no power to reſiſt, advanced to Edinburgh, and obliged them of fly into England, where they lived in great poverty and diſtreſs. They made applications, however, to the earl of Bothwel, a new favourite of Mary's; and that nobleman, deſirous to ſtrengthen his party by the acceſſion of their intereſt, was able to pacify her reſentment, and he ſoon after procured them liberty to re⯑turn into their own country^*.

THE vengeance of the Queen of Scots was implacable againſt her huſband alone, whoſe perſon was before diſagreeable to her, and who, by his violation of every tie of gratitude and duty, had drawn on him her higheſt reſentment. She engaged him to diſown all connections with the aſſaſſins, to deny any concurrence in their crime, even to publiſh a proclamation containing a falſehood ſo notorious to the whole world^†; and having thus made him expoſe himſelf to univerſal con⯑tempt, and rendered it impracticable for him ever aſter to acquire the confidence of any party, ſhe threw him off with diſdain and indignation^‡. As if ſhe had been making an eſcape from him, ſhe ſuddenly withdrew to Alloa, a ſeat of the earl of Mar; and when Henry followed her thither, ſhe returned ſuddenly to Edin⯑burgh; and gave him every where the ſtrongeſt proofs of diſpleaſure, and even of antipathy. She encouraged her courtiers in their neglect of him; and ſhe was pleaſed, that his mean equipage, and ſmall train of attendants, ſhould draw on him the contempt of the very populace. He was permitted, however, to have apartments in the caſtle of Edinburgh, which Mary had choſen for the place of her delivery. 19th June. She was there delivered of a ſon; and as this was very important news to England, as well as to Scotland, ſhe immediately diſpatched Sir James Melvil to carry intelligence of the happy event to Elizabeth. Melvil tells us, that that princeſs, the evening of his arrival in London, had given a ball to her court at Greenwich, and was diſplaying all that ſpirit and alac [...]ity which uſually attended her on theſe occaſions: But when the prince of Scotland's [470] birth was notified to her, all her joy was damped: She ſunk into melancholy; ſhe reclined her head upon her arm; and complained to-ſome of her attendants, that the Queen of Scots was mother of a fair ſon, while ſhe was but a barren ſtock. Next day, however, on the reception of the Scotch ambaſſador, ſhe aſſumed her former diſſimulation, put on a joyful countenance, gave Melvil thanks for the haſte he had made in conveying to her the agreeable intelligence, and expreſſed the utmoſt cordiality and friendſhip to her ſiſter^*. Some time after, ſhe diſpatched the earl of Bedford, with her relation, George Cary, ſon to the lord Hunſdon, in order to officiate at the baptiſm of the young prince; and ſhe ſent by them ſome magnificent preſents to the Queen of Scots.

THE birth of a ſon gave additional zeal to Mary's partizans in England^†; and even men of all parties began to cry aloud for ſome ſettlement of the ſuc⯑ceſſion. 3 [...]th Septem⯑ber. A Parliament. Theſe humours broke out with great vehemence in a new ſeſſion of Parliament, which was held after ſix prorogations. The houſe of peers, which had hitherto forborne to touch on the delicate point of the ſucceſſion, here took the lead; and the houſe of commons ſoon after imitated the zeal of the lords. Molineux opened the matter in the lower houſe, and propoſed that the queſtion of the ſucceſſion and that of ſupply ſhould go hand in hand; as if it were intended to conſtrain the Queen to a compliance with the requeſt of her Parliament^‡. The courtiers endeavoured to elude the debate: Sir Ralph Sadler told the houſe, that he had heard the Queen poſitively affirm, that, for the good of her people, ſhe was determined to marry. Secretary Cecil and Sir Francis Knollys gave their teſtimony to the ſame purpoſe; as did alſo Sir Ambroſe Cave, chancellor of the dutchy, and Sir Edward Rogers, comptroler of the houſhold^‖. Elizabeth's ambitious and maſculine character was ſo well known, that few members gave any credit to this intelligence; and it was conſidered merely as an artifice, by which ſhe en⯑deavoured to retract that poſitive affirmation, which ſhe had made in the begin⯑ning of her reign, that ſhe meant to live and die a virgin. The miniſters therefore gained nothing farther by this piece of policy, but only to engage the houſe, for the ſake of decency, to join the queſtion of the Queen's marriage with that of a ſettlement of the crown; and they were proceeding with great earneſt⯑neſs in the debate, and had even appointed a committee to confer with the lords, when expreſs orders were brought them from Elizabeth not to proceed farther in that matter. Cecil told them, that ſhe pledged to the houſe the word of a Queen for her ſincerity in her intentions to marry; that the appointment of a ſucceſſor would be attended with great danger to her perſon; that ſhe herſelf had bad ex⯑perience, [471] during the reign of her ſiſter, how much court was paid to the next heir, and what dangerous ſacrifices men were commonly diſpoſed to make of their preſent duty to their future proſpects; and that ſhe was therefore determined to delay, till a more proper opportunity, the deciſion of that important queſtion^§. The houſe were not ſatisfied with theſe reaſons, and ſtill leſs with the command, prohibiting them all debate on that ſubject. Paul Wentworth, a ſpirited mem⯑ber, went ſo far as to queſtion whether ſuch a prohibition were not an infringe⯑ment of the liberties and privileges of the houſe^{{inverted †}}. Some even ventured to violate that profound reſpect which they had hitherto preſerved to the Queen; and affirm⯑ed that ſhe was bound in duty, not only to provide for the happineſs of her ſub⯑jects during her own life, but alſo to pay regard to their future ſecurity, by fixing a ſucceſſor; that by fixing a ſucceſſor; that by a contrary conduct, ſhe ſhowed herſelf the ſtepmother, not the natural parent, of her people, and would ſeem deſirous, that England ſhould no longer ſubſiſt than ſhe ſhould enjoy the glory and ſatisfaction of governing it; that none but timorous princes, or tyrants, or faint hearted women, ever ſtood in fear of their ſucceſſors; and that the affections of the people were a firm and impregnable rampart to every ſovereign, who, laying aſide all artifice or by ends, had courage and magnanimity to put his ſole truſt in that honourable and ſure defence^*. The Queen, hearing of theſe debates, ſent for the ſpeaker, and after reiterating her former prohibition, ſhe bid him inform the houſe, that, if any member remained ſtill unſatisfied, he might appear before the privy council, and there give his reaſons^†. As the members ſhowed a diſpoſition, notwithſtanding theſe peremptory orders, ſtill to proceed upon the queſtion, Elizabeth thought proper, by a meſſage, to revoke them, and to allow the houſe liberty of debate^‡. They were ſo mollified by this gracious condeſcenſion, that they thenceforth conducted the matter with more calmneſs and temper; and they even voted her a ſupply, to be levied at three payments, of a ſubſidy and a fifteenth, without annexing any condition to it. year 1567 2 [...] January. The Queen ſoon after diſſolved the Parliament, and told them with ſome ſharpneſs in the concluſion, that their proceedings had contained much diſſimulation and artifice; that under the plauſible pretences of marriage and ſucceſſion, many of them covered very malevolent intentions to wards her; but that, however, ſhe reaped this advantage from their attempts, that ſhe could now diſtinguiſh her friends from her enemies. ‘"But do you think," added ſhe, "that I am unmindful of your future ſecurity, or will be negligent in ſettling the ſucceſſion? That is the chief object of my concern; as I know myſelf to be liable to mortality. Or do you apprehend, that I [472] meant to incroach on your liberties? No: It was never my meaning: I only intended to ſtop you before you approached the precipice. All things have their time; and tho' you may be bleſſed with a ſovereign more wiſe or more learned than I, yet I aſſure you, that no one will ever rule over you, who ſhall be more careful of your ſafety. And therefore, henceforward, whether I live to ſee the like aſſembly or no, or whoever holds the reins of govern⯑ment, let me warn you to beware of provoking your ſovereign's patience, ſo far as you have done mine. But I ſhall now conclude, notwithſtanding the diſguſts I have received (for I mean not to part with you in anger) that the greateſt part of you may aſſure themſelves that they go home in their prince's good graces^*."’

ELIZABETH carried farther her dignity on this occaſion. She had received the ſubſidy without any condition; but as it was believed, that the commons had given her that gratuity with a view of engaging her to yield to their requeſts, ſhe thought proper, on her refuſal, to remit voluntarily the third payment; and ſhe ſaid, that money in her ſubjects purſes was as good as in her own ex⯑chequer^†.

BUT tho' the Queen was able to elude, for the preſent, the applications of Parliament, the friends of the Queen of Scots multiplied every day in England; and beſides the catholics, many of whom kept treaſonable correſpondence with her, and were ready to riſe at her command^‡, the court itſelf of Elizabeth was full of her avowed partizans. The duke of Norfolk, the earls of Leiceſter, Pembroke, Bedford, Northumberland, Sir Nicholas Throcmorton, and moſt of the conſiderable men in England, except Cecil, ſeemed convinced of the neceſſity of declaring her the ſucceſſor. None but the more zealous proteſtants adhered either to the counteſs of Hartford, or to her younger ſiſter, Eleanor, who had eſpouſed the earl of Cumberland; and as the marriage of the former ſeemed liable to ſome objections, and had been declared invalid, men were alarmed, even on that ſide, with the proſpect of new diſputes concerning the ſucceſſion. Mary's behaviour alſo, ſo moderate towards the proteſtants, and ſo gracious towards all men, had procured her univerſal reſpect^‖; and the public was willing to aſcribe any imprudences, into which ſhe had fallen, to her youth and inexperience. But all theſe ſlattering proſpects were blaſted by the ſubſequent incidents, where her egregious indiſcretions, ſhall I ſay, or atrocious crimes, threw her from the height of her proſperity, and involved her in infamy and ruin.

[473] THE earl of Bothwel was of a conſiderable family and power in Scotland; and tho' not diſtinguiſhed by any talents either of a civil or military nature, he had made a figure in that party, which oppoſed the greatneſs of the earl of Murray, and the more rigid reformers. Murder of Darnley. He was a man of profligate manners; had involved his opulent fortune in great debts, and even reduced himſelf to beggary, by his profuſe expences^*; and ſeemed to have no reſource but in deſ⯑perate councils and enterprizes. He had been accuſed more than once of an attempt to aſſaſſinate Murray; and notwithſtanding that the frequency of theſe accuſations on all ſides diminiſh ſomewhat the credit due to any particular impu⯑tation, they prove ſufficiently the prevalence of that deteſtable practice in Scot⯑land, and may in that view ſerve to render ſuch rumours the more likely and credible. This man had of late acquired the favour and entire confidence of Mary; and all her meaſures were directed by his advice and authority. Reports were ſpread of more particular intimacies and familiarities between them; and theſe reports gained ground from the continuance or rather encreaſe of her hatred towards her huſband^†. That young prince was reduced to ſuch a ſtate of deſ⯑peration, by the neglects which he underwent from his Queen and the courtiers, that he had once reſolved to fly ſecretly into France or Spain, and had even pro⯑vided himſelf of a veſſel for that purpoſe^‡. Some of the moſt conſiderable no⯑bility, on the other hand, obſerving her fixed averſion to him, had propoſed ſome expedients for a divorce; and tho' Mary is ſaid to have ſpoke ho⯑nourably on that occaſion, and to have embraced the propoſal no farther than it ſhould be found conſiſtent with her own honour and her ſon's legitimacy^‖, men were inclined to believe, that the difficulty of finding proper means for effectuating that purpoſe, was the real cauſe of laying aſide all farther thoughts of it. So far were the ſuſpicions againſt her carried, that, when Henry, diſ⯑couraged with the continual proofs of her hatred, left the court and retired to Glaſgow, an illneſs of an extraordinary nature, with which he was ſeized imme⯑diately on his arrival in that place, was univerſally aſcribed by her enemies to a doſe of poiſon, which, it was pretended, ſhe had adminiſtred to him.

WHILE affairs were on this footing, all thoſe who wiſhed well to her character or the repoſe of their country, were extremely pleaſed, and ſomewhat ſurprized, to hear, that a friendſhip was again conciliated between them, that ſhe had taken a journey to Glaſgow on purpoſe to viſit him during his ſickneſs, that ſhe behaved towards him with great tenderneſs, that ſhe had brought him along with her, and that ſhe appeared thenceforth determined to live with him on a ſooting more [474] ſuitable to the connexions between them. Henry, naturally uxorious, and not miſtruſting this ſudden reconcilement, put himſelf implicitly into her hands, and attended her to Edinburgh. She lived in the palace of Holy-rood-houſe; but as the ſituation of that place was low, and the concourſe of perſons about the court was neceſſarily attended with noiſe, which might diſturb him in his preſent infirm ſtate of health, theſe reaſons were aſſigned for fitting up an apartment for him in a ſolitary houſe, at ſome diſtance, called the Kirk of Field. Mary here gave him marks of kindneſs and attachment; ſhe converſed cordially with him; and ſhe lay ſome nights in a room below his; but on the ninth of February, ſhe told him, that ſhe would paſs that night in the palace, becauſe the marriage of one of her ſervants was there to be celebrated in her preſence. 10th Fe⯑bruary. About two o'clock in the morning the whole town was much alarmed at hearing a great noiſe; and were ſtill more aſtoniſhed, when it was diſcovered, that the noiſe came from the King's houſe, which was blown up by gun-powder; that his dead body was found at ſome diſtance in a neighbouring field; and that no marks either of fire, contuſion or violence appeared upon it^*.

NO doubt could be entertained but Henry was murdered; and the general conjecture ſoon pointed towards the earl of Bothwel as the author of that crime^†. But as his favour with Mary was open and viſible, and his power great, no one ventured to declare openly his ſentiments, and all men remained in ſilence and mute aſtoniſhment. Voices, however, were heard in the ſtreets, during the darkneſs of the night, proclaiming Bothwel, and even Mary herſelf, to be the murderers of the King; placards were ſecretly affixed to the ſame pur⯑poſe; offers were made, that, upon giving proper ſecurities, his guilt ſhould be openly proved: But after one proclamation from the court, offering a reward and indemnity to any one that would diſcover the author of that villainy, greater vigilance was employed in ſearching out the ſpreaders of the libels and reports againſt Bothwel, and the Queen, than in tracing the cauſes of the King's murder, or detecting the regicides^‡.

THE earl of Lenox, who lived at a diſtance from the court, in poverty and contempt, was rouzed by the report of his ſon's murder, and wrote to the Queen, imploring ſpeedy juſtice againſt the aſſaſſins; among whom he named the earl of [475] Bothwel, Sir James Balfour and Gilbert Balfour his brother, David Chalmers, and four others of the Queen's houſhold; all of them perſons, who had been mentioned in the placards affixed on the walls at Edinburgh^*. Mary took his demand of ſpeedy juſtice in a very literal ſenſe; and allowing only fifteen days for the examination of this important affair, ſhe ſent a citation to Lenox, re⯑quiring him to appear in court, and prove his charge againſt Bothwel^†. This nobleman, meanwhile, and all the other perſons, accuſed by Lenox, enjoyed their full liberty^‡; Bothwel himſelf was continually ſurrounded with armed men^‖; took his place in council^§; lived during ſome time in the houſe with Mary^{{inverted †}}; and ſeemed to poſſeſs all his wonted confidence and familiarity with her. Even the caſtle of Edinburgh, a place of great conſequence, in this critical time, was entruſted to his creature, Sir James Balfour, who had himſelf been publickly charged as an accomplice in the King's murder^¶. Lenox, who had come as far as Stirling, with a view of appearing at the trial, was informed of all theſe circumſtances; and reflecting on the ſmall train, which attended him, he began to entertain very juſt apprehenſions from the power, inſolence, and te⯑merity of his enemy. He wrote to Mary, deſiring that the day of trial might be prorogued; and conjured her, by all the regard which ſhe bore to her own honour, to employ more leiſure and deliberation in determining a queſtion of ſuch extreme moment^**. No regard was paid to his application: The jury was encloſed, of which the earl of Caithneſs was chancellor; and tho' Lenox, foreſeeing the precipitation, had ordered Cunningham, one of his retinue, to ap⯑pear in court, and proteſt, in his name, againſt the acquital of the criminal, the jury proceeded to a ſentence^††. 12th April. The ſentence was ſuch as it behoved them to give, where neither accuſer nor witneſs appeared; and Bothwel was abſolved from the King's murder. The jury, however, apprehenſive that their ſentence would give great ſcandal, and perhaps expoſe them afterwards to ſome danger, entered a proteſt, in which they repreſented the neceſſity of their proceedings^‡‡. It is remarkable, that the indictment was laid againſt Bothwel for committing the crime on the ninth of February, not the tenth, the real day on which Henry was aſſaſſinated^§§. The interpretation generally put upon this error, too groſs, it was thought, to have proceeded from miſtake, was, that the ſecret council, by whom Mary was governed, not truſting entirely to precipitation, violence, and [476] authority, had provided this plea, by which they enſured, at all adventures, a plauſible pretence for acquitting Bothwel.

TWO days after this extraordinary tranſaction, a Parliament was held; and tho' the ſentence in favour of Bothwel was attended with ſuch circumſtances as ſtrongly confirmed, rather than diminiſhed, the general opinion of his guilt, he was the perſon choſen to carry the royal ſcepter on the firſt meeting of that na⯑tional aſſembly^*. In this Parliament, a rigorous act was made againſt thoſe who ſet up defamatory placards; but no notice was taken of the King's mur⯑der^†. The favour, which Mary openly bore to Bothwel, kept every one in awe; and the effects of this terror appeared more plainly in another tranſaction, which enſued immediately upon the diſſolution of the Parliament. A bond or aſſociation was framed; in which the ſubſcribers, after relating the acquital of Both⯑wel by a legal trial, and a farther offer, which he had made, to prove his inno⯑cence by ſingle combat, oblige themſelves, in caſe any per [...]on ſhould afterwards impute to him the King's murder, to ſupport him with their whole power againſt ſuch calumniators. After this promiſe, which implied no great aſſurance in Both⯑wel of his own innocence, the ſub [...]cribers mentioned the neceſſity of their Queen's marriage, in order to ſupport the government, and they recommended Bothwel to her as a huſband^‡. 24th April. This paper was ſubſcribed by all the conſiderable nobility there preſent. In a country, divided by violent factions, ſuch a concurrence in favour of one nobleman, no wiſe diſtinguiſhed above the reſt, except by his fla⯑gitious conduct, could never have been obtained, had not every one been cer⯑tain, at leaſt firmly perſuaded, that Mary was fully determined on this meaſure^‖. Nor would ſuch a motive have ſufficed to influence men, commonly ſo ſtubborn and intractable, had they not been taken by ſurprize, been ignorant of each others ſentiments, and overawed by the preſent power of the court, and by the apprehenſions of farther violence, from perſons ſo little governed by any rules of [477] honour and humanity. Even with all theſe circumſtances, the ſubſcription to this paper may juſtly be regarded as a reproach to the nation.

THE ſubſequent meaſures of Bothwel were equally precipitant and audacious. Mary having gone to Stirling to pay a viſit to her ſon, he aſſembled a body of eight hundred horſe, under pretence of purſuing ſome robbers on the borders, and having way-laid her on her return, he ſeized her perſon near Edinburgh, and carried her to Dunbar, with an avowed deſign of forcing her to yield to his purpoſe. 24th April. Sir James Melvil, who was in her retinue, was carried along with her; and ſays not, that he ſaw any ſigns of reluctance or conſtraint: He was even informed, as he tells us, by one of Bothwel's officers, that the whole tranſaction was managed in concert with her^*. A woman, indeed, of that ſpirit and reſo⯑lution, which is acknowledged to belong to Mary, does not uſually, on theſe occaſions, give ſuch marks of oppoſition to real violence, as can appear any wiſe doubtful or ambiguous. Some of the nobility, however, in order to put mat⯑ters to farther trial, ſent her a private meſſage; in which they told her, that, if in reality ſhe lay under force, they would uſe all their efforts to relieve her. Her anſwer was, that ſhe had indeed been carried to Dunbar by violence; but ſince her arrival had been ſo well treated there, that ſhe willingly remained with Bothwel^†. No one gave themſelves thenceforth any ſolicitude to relieve her from a captivity, which they believed to have proceeded entirely from her own approbation and connivance.

THIS unuſual conduct was at firſt aſcribed to Mary's ſenſe of the infamy, attend⯑ing her purpoſed marriage; and her deſire of finding ſome colour to gloſs over the irregularity of her conduct. But a pardon given to Bothwel a few days afterwards, made the public carry ſomewhat farther their conjectures. In this deed, Bothwel received a remiſſion for the violence committed on the Queen's perſon; and for all other crimes: A clauſe, by which the murder of the King was indirectly pardoned. The rape was then conjectured to be only a contrivance of theſe politicians, in order to afford a pretence for indirectly remitting a crime, of which they durſt not openly make any mention^‡.

THESE events paſſed with ſuch rapidity, that men had no leiſure to admire ſufficiently one incident, when they were ſurprized with a new one, equally rare and uncommon. There ſtill, however, remained one difficulty, which, it was not eaſy to foreſee, how the Queen and Bothwel, determined as they were to execute their ſhameful purpoſe, could find expedients to overcome. The man, who had procured the ſubſcription of the nobility, recommending him as a huſ⯑band [478] to the Queen, and who had acted this ſeeming violence on her perſon, in order to force her conſent, had been married ſix months before to another wo⯑man; to a woman of merit, of a very noble family, ſiſter to the earl of Hunt⯑ley. But perſons blinded with paſſion, and infatuated with crimes, ſoon ſhake off all appearance of decency. A ſuit was commenced for a divorce between Bothwel and his wife; and this ſuit was opened at the ſame inſtant in two differ⯑ent, or rather oppoſite courts; in the court of the archbiſhop of St. Andrews, which was popiſh, and governed itſelf by the canon law; and in the new con⯑ſiſtorial or commiſſariot court, which was proteſtant, and was regulated by the principles of the reformed teachers. The plea advanced in each court, was ſo calculated as to ſuit the principles which there prevailed: In the archbiſhop's court, the pretence of conſanguinity was employed, becauſe Bothwel was related to his wife in the fourth degree; in the commiſ [...]ariot court, the accuſation of adultery was made uſe of againſt him. The parties too who applied for the di⯑vorce, were different in the different courts: Bothwel was the perſon who ſued in the former; his wife in the latter. And the ſuit in both courts was opened, pleaded, examined, and decided with the utmoſt precipitation, and a ſentence of divorce was pronounced in four days^*.

THE divorce being thus obtained, it was thought proper that Mary ſhould be conducted to Edinburgh, and ſhould there appear before the courts of judica⯑ture, and ſhould acknowlege herſelf to be reſtored to entire freedom. This was underſtood to be contrived with a view of obviating all doubts with regard to the validity of her marriage. Orders were then given to publiſh the banns in the church, between the Queen and the duke of Orkney; for that was the title which he now bore; and Craig, a miniſter of Edinburgh, was applied to for that purpoſe. This clergyman, not content with having, for ſome time, refuſed compliance, publicly in his ſermons condemned the marriage; and exhorted all thoſe who had acceſs to the Queen, to give her their advice againſt ſo ſcandalous an alliance. Being called before the council, to anſwer for this liberty, he ſhowed a courage which might cover the whole nobles with ſhame, on account of their tameneſs and ſervility. He ſaid, that, by the rules of the church, the earl of Both⯑wel, being convicted of adultery, could not be permitted to marry; that the divorce between him and his former wife, was plainly procured by colluſion, as appeared by the precipitation of that ſentence, and the ſudden concluſion of his marriage with the Queen; and that all the ſuſpicions which prevailed, with re⯑gard to the King's murder, and the Queen's concurrence in the former rape, [479] would thence receive undoubted confirmation. He therefore exhorted Bothwel, who was preſent, no longer to perſevere in his preſent criminal enterprizes; and turning his diſcourſe to the other counſellors, he charged them to employ all their influence with the Queen, in diverting her from a meaſure which would cover her with infamy and diſhonour. Not ſatisfied even with this admonition, he took the firſt opportunity of informing the public, from the pulpit, of this whole tranſaction, and expreſſed to them his fears, that, notwithſtanding all remon⯑ſtrances, their ſovereign was ſtill obſtinately bent on her fatal purpoſe. ‘"For himſelf," he ſaid, "he had already diſcharged his conſcience, and yet again would take heaven and earth to witneſs, that he abhorred and deteſted that marriage, as ſcandalous and hateful in the ſight of mankind: But ſince the Great, as he perceived, either by their flattery or ſilence, gave countenance to the meaſure, he beſought the Faithful to pray fervently to the Almighty, that a reſolution, which was taken contrary to all law, reaſon, and good conſcience, might, by the divine bleſſing, be turned to the comfort and benefit of the church and kingdom."’ Theſe ſpeeches offended the court extremely; and Craig was anew ſummoned before the council, to anſwer for his temerity in thus paſſing the bounds of his commiſſion. But he told them, that the bounds of his commiſſion were the word of God, good laws, and natural reaſon; and were the Queen's marriage tried by any of theſe three ſtandards, it would appear infamous and diſhonourable, and would be ſo eſteemed by the whole world. The council were ſo overawed by this heroic behaviour in a private clergyman, that they diſ⯑miſſed him without farther cenſure or puniſhment^*.

BUT tho' this tranſaction might have recalled Bothwel and the Queen of Scots, from their infatuation, and might have inſtructed them in the diſpoſitions of the people, as well as their own inability to oppoſe them; they were ſtill reſolute to ruſh forward to their own manifeſt deſtruction. 15 May. Queen of Scots marties Bothw [...]l. The marriage was celebrated by the biſhop of Orkney, a proteſtant, who was afterwards depoſed by the church for this ſcandalous compliance. Few of the nobility appeared at the ceremony: For they had moſt of them, either from ſhame or fear, retired to their own houſes. The French ambaſſador, Le Croc, an aged gentleman of honour and character, could not be prevailed on, tho' a dependent of the houſe of Guiſe, to counte⯑nance the marriage by his preſence^†. Elizabeth remonſtrated, by very friendly letters and meſſages, againſt the marriage^‡: The court of France made like op⯑potition; but Mary, tho' on all other occaſions ſhe was extremely obſequious to [480] the advice of her relations in that country, was here determined to pay no regard to their opinion.

THE news of theſe tranſactions, being carried to foreign countries, filled all Europe with amazement, and threw infamy not only on the principal actors in them, but alſo on the whole nation, who ſeemed, by their ſubmiſſion and ſilence, and even by their declared approbation, to give their ſanction to theſe ſcandalous practices^‖. The Scotch, who reſided abroad, met with ſuch reproaches, that they durſt no where appear in public; and they earneſtly exhorted their country⯑men at home, to free them from the public odium, by bringing to condign pu⯑niſhment the authors of ſuch atrocious crimes. This intelligence, with a little more leiſure for reflection, rouſed men at laſt from their lethargy; and the ru⯑mours, which from the very beginning^†, had been ſpread againſt Mary, as if ſhe had concurred in the King's murder, ſeemed now, by the ſubſequent tranſ⯑actions, to have received a ſtrong confirmation and authority. It was every where ſaid, that, even tho' no particular and direct proofs had as yet been produced of the Queen's guilt, the whole tenor of her late conduct was ſufficient, not only to beget ſuſpicion, but to produce entire conviction againſt her: That her ſud⯑den reſolution of being reconciled to her huſband, whom before ſhe had long and juſtly hated; her bringing him to court, from which ſhe had baniſhed him by neglects and rigours; her fitting up ſeparate apartments for him; were all of them circumſtances, which, tho' trivial in themſelves, yet, being compared with the following events, bore a very unfavourable aſpect for her: That the leaſt which, after the King's murder, might have been expected in her ſituation, was a more than uſual caution in her meaſures, and an extreme anxiety to puniſh the real aſſaſſins, in order to free herſelf from all reproach and ſuſpicion: That no wo⯑man, who had any regard to her character, would allow a man, publicly accuſed of her huſband's murder, ſo much as to approach her preſence, far leſs give him a ſhare in her councils, and endow him with favour and authority: That an acquital merely in the abſence of accuſers, was very ill fitted to ſatisfy the public; eſpecially if that abſence proceeded from a deſigned precipitation of the ſentence, and from the terror which her known friendſhip for the criminal had infuſed into every one: That the very mention of her marriage to ſuch a perſon, in ſuch cir⯑cumſtances, was horrible; and the contrivance of extorting a conſent of the no⯑bility, and of concerting a rape, were groſs artifices, more proper to betray her guilt than prove her innocence: That where a woman thus ſhews a conſciouſneſs of merited reproach, and, inſtead of correcting, provides only thin gloſſes to [481] cover her exceptionable conduct, ſhe betrays a neglect of fame, which muſt ei⯑ther be the effect or the cauſe of the moſt ſhameful enormities: That to eſpouſe a man, who had a few days before been ſo ſcandalouſly divorced from his wife; who, to ſay the leaſt, was believed to have, a few months before, aſſaſſinated her huſband, was ſo contrary to the plaineſt rules of behaviour, that no pretence of in⯑diſcretion or imprudence could account for ſuch a conduct: That a woman, who, ſo ſoon after her huſband's death, tho' not attended with any extraordinary circum⯑ſtances, contracts a marriage which might, in itſelf, be the moſt blameleſs, can⯑not eſcape ſevere cenſure; but one who overlooks, for her pleaſure, ſo many other weighty conſiderations, was equally capable, in gratifying her appetites, to ne⯑glect every regard to honour, and to humanity: That Mary was not ignorant of the prevailing opinion of the public, with regard to her own guilt, and of the inferences which would every where be drawn from her conduct; and therefore, if ſhe ſtill continued to purſue meaſures which gave ſuch juſt offence, ſhe ratified, by her actions, as much as by the moſt formal confeſſion, all the ſurmizes and imputations of her enemies: That the only circumſtance which oppoſed all theſe preſumptions, was, the benignity and goodneſs of her preceding behaviour, which ſeemed to remove her from all ſuſpicion of ſuch atrocious inhumanity; but that the characters of men were extremely variable, and the perſons who were guilty of the worſt actions, were not always naturally of the worſt and moſt cri⯑minal diſpoſitions: That a woman, who, in a critical and dangerous moment, had ſacrificed her honour to a man of abandoned principles, might thenceforth be led blindfold by him to the commiſſion of the moſt enormous crimes, and was in reality no longer at her own diſpoſal: And that tho' one ſuppoſition was ſtill left to alleviate her blame, viz. that Bothwel, preſuming on her affection towards him, had of himſelf committed the crime, and had never communicated it to her, yet ſuch a ſudden and paſſionate love to a man whom ſhe had long known, could not eaſily be accounted for, without ſuppoſing ſome degree of preceding guilt; and as it appeared that ſhe was not afterwards reſtrained, either by ſhame or prudence, from incurring the higheſt reproach and danger, it was not likely, that a ſenſe of duty or humanity would have a more powerful influence over her.

THESE were the general ſentiments which prevailed throughout Scotland; and as the proteſtant teachers, who had great authority, had long borne a great ani⯑moſity towards Mary, the opinion of her guilt was, by that means, the more widely diffuſed, and made the deeper impreſſion on every one. Some attempts made by Bothwel, and, as it is pretended, with her conſent, to get the young prince into his power, excited the moſt ſerious attention; and the principal nobility, even many of thoſe who had formerly been conſtrained to ſign the application in [482] favour of Bothwel's marriage, met at Stirling, and formed an aſſociation for protecting the prince, and puniſhing the King's murderers^*. The earl of Athole himſelf, a known catholic, was the firſt author of this confederacy: The earls of Argyle, Morton, Mar, Glencarne, the lords Boyd, Lindeſey, Hume, Semple, Kirkaldy of Grange, Tullibardine, and ſecretary Lidington, entered zealouſly into it. The earl of Murray, foreſeeing ſuch turbulent times, and be⯑ing deſirous to keep free of theſe dangerous factions, had, ſome time before, deſired and obtained Mary's permiſſion to retire into France.

Inſurrections in Scotland. LORD Hume was firſt in arms; and leading a body of eight hundred horſe, ſuddenly invironed the Queen of Scots and Bothwel, in the caſtle of Borthwic▪ They found means to make their eſcape to Dunbar; while the confederate lords were aſſembling their troops at Edinburgh, and taking meaſures to effectuate their purpoſe. Had Bothwel been ſo prudent as to keep within the fortreſs of Dunbar, his enemies muſt have been diſſipated for want of pay and ſubſiſtence; but hear⯑ing that the lords were fallen into diſtreſs, he was ſo raſh as to take the field, and advance towards them. 15th June. The armies met at Carberry Hill, about ſix miles from Edinburgh; and Mary became ſoon ſenſible, that her own troops diſapproved of her cauſe, and were averſe to ſpend their blood in the quarrel^†. After ſome bravadoes of Bothwel, where he diſcovered very little courage, ſhe ſaw no reſource but that of holding a conference with Kirkaldy of Grange, and of putting herſelf, upon ſome general promiſes, into the hands of the confede⯑rates. She was conducted to Edinburgh, amidſt the inſults of the populace, who reproached her with her crimes, and even held before her eyes, which ever way ſhe turned, a banner, on which was painted the murder of her huſ⯑band, and the diſtreſs of her infant ſon^‡. Mary, overwhelmed with her ca⯑lamities, had recourſe to tears and lamentations. Meanwhile Bothwel, during her conference with Grange, fled unattended to Dunbar; and fitting out ſome ſhips, ſet ſail for the Orkneys, where he ſubſiſted during ſome time by pyracy. He was purſued thither by Grange, and his ſhip was taken, with ſeveral of his ſervants, who afterwards diſcovered all the circumſtances of the King's murder, and were puniſhed for the crime^‖. Bothwel himſelf eſcaped in a boat, and found means to get a paſſage to Denmark, where he was thrown into priſon, loſt his ſenſes, and died miſerably about ten years afterwards: An end worthy of his flagitious conduct and behaviour.

Impriſonment of Mary. THE Queen of Scots, now in the hands of an enraged faction, met with ſuch treatment as a ſovereign may naturally expect from ſubjects who have their future [483] [...]ears to provide againſt, as well as their preſent animoſity to gratify. It is pretended, that ſhe behaved with a ſpirit very little ſuitable to her condition, avowed her in⯑violable attachment to Bothwel^*, and even wrote him a letter, which the lords intercepted, where ſhe declared, that ſhe would endure any extremity, nay, reſign her dignity and power, rather than relinquiſh his affections^†. The inſurgents, finding the danger to which they were expoſed, in caſe Mary ſhould finally pre⯑vail, thought themſelves obliged to proceed with rigour againſt her; and they ſent her next day under a guard to the caſtle of Lochlevin, ſituated in a lake of that name. The miſtreſs of the houſe was mother to the earl of Murray; and as ſhe pretended to have been lawfully married to the late King of Scots, ſhe naturally bore an animoſity to Mary, and treated her with the utmoſt harſh⯑neſs and ſeverity.

ELIZABETH, who was exactly informed of all thoſe events, ſeemed touched with compaſſion towards the unfortunate Queen; and as all her fears and jealou⯑ſies were now laid aſleep, by the conſideration of that ruin and infamy in which Mary's conduct had involved her, ſhe began to reflect on the inſtability of hu⯑man affairs, the precarious ſtate of royal grandeur, the danger of encouraging rebellious ſubjects; and ſhe reſolved to employ her authority for alleviating the calamities of her unhappy ſiſter. She ſent Sir Nicholas Throcmorton ambaſſa⯑dor to Scotland, in order to remonſtrate both with Mary and the aſſociated lords; and ſhe gave him inſtructions which, tho' mixt with ſome lofty preten⯑ſions, were full of that good ſenſe which was ſo natural to her, and of that genero⯑ſity which the preſent intereſting ſituation had called forth. She empowered him to declare in her name to Mary, that the late conduct of that princeſs, ſo enormous, and in every reſpect ſo unjuſtifiable, had given her the higheſt offence; and tho' ſhe felt the movements of pity towards her, ſhe had once determined never to interpoſe in her affairs, either by advice or aſſiſtance, but to abandon her entirely, as a perſon whoſe condition was totally deſperate, and honour irretrieveable: That ſhe was well aſſured, that other foreign princes, Mary's near relations, had em⯑braced the ſame reſolution; but, for her part, the late events had touched her heart with more tender ſympathy, and had made her adopt meaſures more fa⯑vourable to the liberty and intereſts of the unhappy Queen: That ſhe was de⯑termined not to ſee her oppreſſed by her rebellious ſubjects, but would employ all her good offices, and even her power, to redeem her from captivity, and place her in ſuch a condition as would at once be compatible with her dignity, and the [484] ſafety of her ſubjects: That ſhe entreated her to lay aſide all thoughts of re⯑venge, except againſt the murderers of her huſband; and as ſhe herſelf was his near relation, ſhe was better entitled than the ſubjects of Mary to interpoſe her authority on that head, and ſhe therefore beſought that princeſs, if ſhe had any regard to her own honour and ſafety, not to oppoſe ſo juſt and reaſonable a de⯑mand: That after thoſe two points were provided for, her own liberty, and the puniſhment of her huſband's aſſaſſins, the ſafety of her infant ſon was next to be conſidered; and there ſeemed no expedient more proper for that purpoſe, than the ſending him to be educated in England: And that beſides the ſecurity which would attend his removal from all factions and convulſions, there were many other beneficial conſequences, which it was eaſy to foreſee as the reſult of his education in that country^*.

THE remonſtrances which Throcmorton was inſtructed to make to the aſſoci⯑ated lords, were entirely conformable to theſe ſentiments which Elizabeth enter⯑tained in Mary's favour. She empowered him to tell them, that whatever blame ſhe might throw on Mary's conduct, any oppoſition to their ſovereign was totally unjuſtifiable, and incompatible with all order and good government: That it belonged not to them to reform, much leſs to puniſh, the mal-adminiſtration of their prince; and the only arms which ſubjects could in any caſe lawfully em⯑ploy againſt the ſupreme authority, were entreaties, councils, and repreſentations: That if theſe expedients failed, they were next to appeal by their prayers to Hea⯑ven; and to wait with patience till the Almighty, in whoſe hands are the hearts of princes, ſhould be pleaſed to turn them to juſtice and to mercy: That ſhe inculcated not this doctrine becauſe ſhe herſelf was intereſted in its obſervance; but becauſe it was univerſally received in all well governed ſtates, and was eſſential to the preſervation of civil ſociety: That ſhe required them to reſtore their Queen to liberty; and promiſed, in that caſe, to concur with them in all proper expedients for regulating the government, for puniſhing the King's mur⯑derers, and for guarding the life and liberty of the infant prince: And that if the ſervices which ſhe had lately conferred on the Scotiſh nation, in protecting them from foreign uſurpation, were duly conſidered by them, they would repoſe confidence in her good offices, and would eſteem themſelves blame-worthy, in never having as yet made any application to her^†.

ELIZABETH, beſides theſe remonſtrances, ſent by Throcmorton ſome articles of accommodation, which he was to propoſe to both parties, as expedients for the ſettlement of public affairs; and tho' theſe articles included ſome conſiderable [485] reſtraints on the ſovereign power, they were in the main calculated for Mary's advantage, and were ſufficiently indulgent to her^*. The aſſociated lords, who were determined to proceed with greater ſeverity, were apprehenſive of Eli⯑zabeth's partiality; and being ſenſible, that Mary would take courage from the protection of that powerful princeſs^†, they thought proper, after ſeveral affect⯑ed delays, to refuſe the Engliſh ambaſſador all acceſs to her perſon. There were four different ſchemes propoſed in Scotland, for the treatment of the captive Queen: One, that ſhe ſhould be reſtored to her authority under very ſtrict limi⯑tations: The ſecond, that ſhe ſhould be obliged to reſign her crown to the prince, be baniſhed the kingdom, and be confined either to France or England; with aſſurance from the ſovereign in whoſe dominions ſhe ſhould reſide, that ſhe ſhould make no attempts to the diſturbance of the eſtabliſhed government: The third, that ſhe ſhould be publicly tried for her crimes, of which her enemies pre⯑tended to have undoubted proof and be condemned to perpetual impriſonment: The fourth was ſtill more ſevere, and required, that, after her condemnation, capital puniſhment ſhould be inflicted upon her^†. Throcmorton ſupported the mildeſt propoſal; but tho' he promiſed his miſtreſs's guarantee for the perform⯑ance of articles, threatned them with immediate vengeance in caſe of refuſal^‖, and warned them not to draw on themſelves, by their violence, the public re⯑proach, which now lay upon the Queen; he found, that excepting ſecretary Li⯑dington, he had not the good fortune to convince any of the leaders. All coun⯑cils ſeemed to tend towards the more ſevere expedients; and the preachers, in particular, drawing their examples from the rigorous maxims of the Old Teſta⯑ment, which can only be warranted by particular revelations, inflamed the minds of the people againſt their unhappy ſovereign^{{inverted †}}.

THERE were ſeveral pretenders to the regency of the young prince, after the intended depoſition of Mary. The earl of Lenox claimed that authority as grandfather to the prince: The duke of Chatelrault, who was abſent in France, had pretenſions as next heir to the crown: But the greateſt number of the aſſo⯑ciated lords inclined to the earl of Murray, in whoſe capacity they had the great⯑eſt truſt, and who poſſeſſed the entire confidence of the preachers and more zea⯑lous reformers. All meaſures being therefore concerted, three inſtruments were ſent to Mary, by the hands of lord Lindeſey and Sir Robert Melvil; by one of which ſhe was to reſign the crown in ſavour of her ſon, by another to appoint Murray regent, by the third to name a Council, which ſhould adminiſter the go⯑vernment [486] till his arrival in Scotland. The Queen of Scots, ſeeing no proſpect of relief, lying juſtly under apprehenſions of her life, and believing, that no deed, which ſhe executed during her captivity, could be valid, was prevailed on, after a plentiful effuſion of tears, to ſign theſe three inſtruments; and ſhe took not the trouble of inſpecting any one of them^*. In conſequence of this forced reſignation, the young prince was proclaimed King, under the name of James the ſixth. 29th July. He was ſoon after crowned at Stirling, and the earl of Mor⯑ton took in his name the oath of Coronation; in which a promiſe to extirpate hereſy was not forgot. Some republican pretenſions in favour of the people's power were countenanced in this ceremony^†; and a coin was ſoon after ſtruck, on which the famous ſaying of Trajan was inſcribed, Pro me; ſi merear, in me: For me; if I deſerve it, againſt me^‡. Throcmorton had orders from his miſ⯑treſs not to aſſiſt at the coronation of the King of Scots^‖.

THE council of regency had not long occaſion to exerciſe their authority. The earl of Murray arrived from France, and took poſſeſſion of his high office. He paid a viſit to the captive Queen; and ſpoke to her in a manner which better ſuited her paſt conduct than her preſent condition. This harſh treatment quite extinquiſhed in her breaſt any remains of affection towards him^§. Murray pro⯑ceeded afterwards to break, in a more public manner, all terms of decency with her. 15th of De⯑cember. He ſummoned a Parliament; and that aſſembly, after voting that ſhe was undoubtedly an accomplice in her huſband's murder, condemned her to im⯑priſonment, ratified her dimiſſion of the crown, and acknowleged her ſon for King, and Murray for regent^{{inverted †}}. The regent, who was a man of vigour and abilities, employed himſelf ſucceſsfully in reducing the kingdom. He bribed Sir James Balfour to ſurrender the caſtle of Edinburgh: He conſtrained the gar⯑riſon of Dunbar to open their gates: And he demoliſhed that fortreſs.

BUT tho' every thing thus bore a favourable aſpect to the new government, and all men ſeemed to ſubmit to Murray's authority; a violent revolution, however neceſſary, can never be effected without great diſcontents; and it was not likely, that in a country, where the government, in its moſt ſettled ſtate, poſſeſſed a very disjointed authority, a new eſtabliſhment ſhould meet with no interruption or diſturbance. Few conſiderable men of the nation ſeemed willing to ſupport Mary, ſo long as Bothwel was preſent; but the removal of that obnoxious no⯑bleman had altered the ſentiments of many. The duke of Chatelrault, being diſappointed of the regency, bore no good will to Murray and his counſellors; [487] and the ſame ſentiments were embraced by all his numerous retainers: Several of the nobility, finding that others had taken the lead among the aſſociators, formed a faction apart, and oppoſed the prevailing power: And beſides ſome re⯑mains of duty and affection towards Mary, the malecontent lords, finding every thing carried to extremity againſt her, were naturally led to embrace her cauſe, and ſhelter themſelves under her authority. All thoſe who retained any propenſity to the catholic religion were inclined to join this party; and even the people in general, tho' they had formerly either deteſted Mary's crimes, or blamed her imprudence, were now moved by her misfortunes to compaſſionate her preſent ſituation, and lamented, that a perſon, poſſeſſed of ſo many amiable accompliſh⯑ments, joined to ſuch high dignity, ſhould be treated with ſuch extreme rigour and ſeverity^{{inverted †}}, Animated by all theſe motives, many of the principal nobility, now adherents to the Queen of Scots, met at Hamilton, and concerted meaſures for ſupporting the cauſe of that princeſs.

year 1568 WHILE theſe humours were in agitation, Mary was employed in contrivances for effecting her eſcape; and ſhe engaged, by her charms and careſſes, a young gentleman, George Douglas, brother to the laird of Lochlevin, to aſſiſt her in that enterprize. She even went ſo far as to give him hopes of eſpouſing her, after her marriage with Bothwel ſhould be diſſolved on the plea of force; and ſhe propoſed this expedient to the regent, who rejected it. Douglas, however, per⯑ſevered in his endeavours to free her from captivity; and having all opportunities of acceſs to the houſe, he was at laſt ſucceſsful in the undertaking. 2d May. He con⯑veyed her in diſguiſe into a ſmall boat, and himſelf rowed her aſhore. She haſtened to Hamilton; and the news of her arrival in that place being immediately ſpread abroad, many of the nobility flocked to her with their forces. A bond of aſſociation for her defence was ſigned by the earls of Argyle, Huntley, Egling⯑ton, Crawford, Caſſiles, Rothes, Montroſe, Southerland, Errol, nine biſhops, and nine barons, beſides many of the moſt conſiderable gentry^*. And in a few days an army, to the number of ſix thouſand men, was aſſembled under her ſtandard.

ELIZABETH was no ſooner informed of Mary's eſcape, than ſhe diſcovered her reſolution of perſevering in the ſame generous and friendly meaſures, which ſhe had hitherto purſued. If ſhe had not employed force againſt the regent, during the impriſonment of that princeſs, ſhe had been chiefly with-held by the fear of puſhing him to greater extremities againſt her^†; but ſhe had propoſed to the [488] court of France an expedient, which, tho' leſs violent, would have been no leſs effectual for her ſervice: She deſired that France and England ſhould by concert cut off all commerce with the Scotch, till they ſhould do juſtice to their injured ſovereign^‡. She now diſpatched Leighton into Scotland to offer both her good offices, and the aſſiſtance of her force to Mary; but as ſhe was apprehenſive of the entrance of French troops into the kingdom, ſhe deſired that the controverſy between the Queen of Scots and her ſubjects might by that princeſs be referred entirely to her arbitration, and that no foreign ſuccours ſhould be introduced into Scotland^‖.

BUT Elizabeth had not leizure to exert fully her efforts in favour of Mary. The regent made haſte to aſſemble forces; and notwithſtanding that his army was inferior in number to that of the Queen of Scots, he took the field againſt her. 13th May. A battle was fought at Langſide near Glaſgow, which was entirely deciſive in favour of the aſſociated lords; and tho' the regent, after his victory, ſtopt the bloodſhed, yet was the action followed by a total diſperſion of the Queen's party. That unhappy princeſs fled ſouthwards from the field of battle with great precipita⯑tion, and came, with a few attendants, to the borders of England. Mary flies into England. She here delibe⯑rated concerning her next meaſures, which would probably prove ſo important to her future happineſs or miſery. She found it impoſſible to remain in her own kingdom: She had an averſion, in her preſent wretched condition, to return into France, where ſhe had formerly appeared with ſo much ſplendour; and was not, beſides, provided of a veſſel, which could ſafely convey her thither: The late generous behaviour of Elizabeth made her hope for defence, and even aſſiſtance, from that quarter^*; and as the preſent fears of her domeſtic enemies were the moſt urgent, ſhe overlooked all other conſiderations, and embraced the reſolution of taking ſhelter in England. 16th May. She embarked on board a fiſhing-boat in Galloway, and landed the ſame day at Wirkington in Cumberland, about thirty miles diſ⯑tant from Carliſle; whence ſhe immediately diſpatched a meſſenger to London; notifying her arrival, deſiring liberty to viſit Elizabeth, and craving her protection, in conſequence of former profeſſions of friendſhip, made her by that princeſs.

ELIZABETH now found herſelf in a ſituation, when it was become neceſſary to take ſome deciſive reſolution with regard to her treatment of the Queen of Scots; and as ſhe had hitherto, contrary to the opinion of Cecil, attended more to the motives of generoſity than of policy^†, ſhe was engaged by that prudent miniſter to weigh anew all the conſiderations, which occurred in this critical conjuncture. [489] He repreſented, that the party, which had dethroned Mary, and had at preſent aſſumed the government of Scotland, were always the partizans of the Engliſh alliance, and were engaged, by all the motives of religion and of intereſt, to per⯑ſevere in their connexions with Elizabeth: That tho' Murray and his friends might complain of ſome unkind uſage during their baniſhment in England, they would eaſily forget theſe grounds of quarrel, when they conſidered, that Elizabeth was the only ally, on whom they could ſafely depend, and that their own Queen, by her attachment to the catholic faith, and by her other connexions, excluded them entirely from the friendſhip of France, and even from that of Spain: That Mary, on the other hand, even before her violent breach with her proteſtant ſubjects, was in ſecret entirely governed by the counſels of the houſe of Guiſe; much more, would ſhe implicitly comply with their views, when by her own miſconduct the power of that family and of the zealous catholics was become her ſole reſource and ſecurity: That her pretenſions to the Engliſh crown would render her a very dangerous inſtrument in their hands; and were ſhe once able to ſuppreſs the proteſtants in her own kingdom, ſhe would unite the Scotch and Engliſh catholics, with thoſe of all foreign ſtates, in one confederacy againſt the religion and government of England: That it behoved Elizabeth therefore to proceed with caution in the deſign of reſtoring her rival to the throne; and to take care, both that that enterprize, if undertaken, ſhould be effected by Engliſh forces alone, and that full ſecurities ſhould beforehand be provided for the re⯑formers and the reformation in Scotland: That above all, it was requiſite to guard carefully the perſon of that princeſs; leſt, finding this unexpected reſerve in the Engliſh friendſhip, ſhe ſhould ſuddenly take the reſolution of flying into France, and ſhould attempt by foreign force to recover poſſeſſion of her authority: That her deſperate fortunes and broken reputation fitted her for any attempt; and her reſentment, when ſhe ſhould find herſelf thus deſerted by the Queen, would concur with her ambition and her bigotry, and render her an unrelenting, as well as powerful, enemy to the Engliſh government: That if ſhe was once abroad, in the hands of enterprizing catholics, the attack of England would appear to her as eaſy as that of Scotland; and the only method, ſhe muſt imagine, of recovering her native kingdom, would be to acquire that crown, to which ſhe would eſteem herſelf equally intitled: That a neutrality in ſuch intereſting ſitua⯑tions, tho' it might be pretended, could never, without the moſt extreme danger, be upheld by the Queen; and the detention of Mary was equally requiſite, whe⯑ther the power of England were to be employed in her favour, or againſt her: That nothing indeed was more becoming a great prince than generoſity; yet the ſuggeſtions of this noble principle could never, without the utmoſt imprudence, be [490] conſulted in ſuch delicate circumſtances as thoſe in which the Queen was at pre⯑ſent placed; where her own ſafety and the intereſts of her people were intimately concerned in every reſolution which ſhe embraced: That tho' the example of ſucceſsful rebellion, eſpecially in a neighbouring country, could be no wiſe agree⯑able to any ſovereign, yet Mary's imprudence had been ſo great, perhaps her crimes ſo enormous, that the inſurrection of ſubjects, after ſuch provocation, could no longer be regarded as a precedent againſt other princes: That it was firſt neceſſary for Elizabeth to aſcertain, in a regular and ſatisfactory manner, the extent of Mary's guilt, and thence to determine the degree of protection which ſhe ought to afford her, againſt her diſcontented ſubjects: That as no glory could ſurpaſs that of defending oppreſſed innocence, it was equally infamous to patronize vice and murder on the throne; and the contagion of ſuch diſ⯑honour would extend itſelf to all who countenanced or ſupported it: And that if the crimes of the Scotch princeſs ſhould, on enquiry, appear as great and certain as was affirmed and believed, every meaſure againſt her, which policy ſhould dictate, would thence be juſtified; or if ſhe ſhould be found innocent, every enterprize, which friendſhip ſhould inſpire, would be acknowledged laudable and glorious.

AGREEABLE to theſe views, Elizabeth reſolved to proceed in a ſeemingly friend⯑ly, but really cautious manner, with the Queen of Scots; and ſhe immediately ſent orders to lady Scrope, ſiſter to the duke of Norfolk, a lady who lived in the neighbourhood, to attend on that princeſs. Soon after ſhe diſpatched to her the lord Scrope himſelf, warden of the marches, and Sir Francis Knolles, vice cham⯑berlain. They found Mary already lodged in the caſtle of Carliſle; and after expreſſing the Queen's ſympathy with her in her late misfortunes, they told her, that her requeſt of being allowed to viſit their ſovereign, and of being admitted to her preſence, could not at preſent be complied with: Till ſhe had cleared herſelf of her huſband's murder, of which ſhe was ſo ſtrongly accuſed, Eliza⯑beth could not without diſhonour ſhow her any countenance, or appear indiffe⯑rent to the aſſaſſination of ſo near a kinſman^*. So unexpected a check threw Mary into tears; and the neceſſity of her ſituation extorted from her a declara⯑tion, that ſhe would willingly juſtify herſelf to her ſiſter from all imputations, and would ſubmit her cauſe to the arbitration of ſo good a friend^†. Two days after, ſhe ſent lord Herreis to London with a letter to the ſame purpoſe.

THIS conceſſion, which Mary could ſcarce avoid, without an acknowlegement of guilt, was the point expected and deſired by Elizabeth: She immediately diſ⯑patched [491] Midlemore to the regent of Scotland; requiring him both to deſiſt from the farther proſecution of his Queen's party, and to ſend ſome perſons to London to juſtify his conduct with regard to her. Murray might juſtly be ſtartled at receiv⯑ing a meſſage, which muſt have appeared ſomewhat imperious; but as his domeſtic enemies were numerous and powerful, and England was the ſole ally, which he could expect among foreign nations, he was reſolved rather to digeſt the affront than provoke Elizabeth by a refuſal. He alſo conſidered, that tho' that Queen had hitherto appeared partial to Mary, her intereſt evidently engaged her to ſupport the King's cauſe in Scotland; and it was not to be doubted but that pe⯑netrating princeſs would in the end diſcover this advantage, and would at leaſt afford him a patient and equitable hearing. He therefore replied, that he would himſelf take a journey into England, attended with other commiſſioners, and would willingly ſubmit the determination of his cauſe to Elizabeth^*.

LORD Herreis now perceived, that his miſtreſs had advanced too far in her con⯑ceſſions: He endeavoured to maintain, that Mary could not, without diminution of her royal dignity, ſubmit to a conteſt with her rebellious ſubjects before a foreign prince; and he required either preſent aid from England, or liberty for his Queen to paſs over into France. Being preſſed, however, with the former agreement before the Engliſh council, he again renewed his conſent; but in a few days he began anew to recoil, and it was with ſome difficulty that he was brought to acqui⯑eſce in the firſt determination^†. Theſe fluctuations, which were inceſſantly re⯑newed, ſhowed his viſible reluctance to the meaſures purſued by the court of England.

THE Queen of Scots diſcovered no leſs averſion to the trial propoſed; and it required all the artifice and prudence of Elizabeth to make her perſevere in the agreement to which ſhe had at firſt conſented. This latter princeſs ſtill ſaid to her, that ſhe deſired not, without Mary's conſent and approbation, to enter into this queſtion, and pretended only as a friend to hear her juſtification: That ſhe was confident there would be found no difficulty in refuting all the calumnies of her enemies; and even if her apology ſhould fall ſhort of full conviction, Eliza⯑beth was determined to ſupport her cauſe, and procure her ſome reaſonable terms of accommodation: And that it was never meant, that ſhe ſhould be cited to a trial with her rebellious ſubjects, but on the contrary, that they ſhould be ſummoned to appear and juſtify themſelves for their conduct towards her^‡. Allured by theſe plauſible profeſſions, the Queen of Scots agreed to juſtify herſelf by her own commiſſioners before commiſſioners which ſhould be appointed by Elizabeth.

[492] DURING theſe tranſactions, the lord Scrope and Sir Francis Knolles, who re⯑ſided with Mary at Carliſle, had leizure to ſtudy her character, and to make re⯑port of it to Elizabeth. Unbroken by her misfortunes, reſolute in her purpoſe, active in her enterprizes, ſhe aſpired to nothing but victory, and was determined to endure any extremity, to undergo any difficulty, and to try every fortune, rather than abandon her cauſe, or yield the ſuperiority to her enemies. Eloquent, in⯑ſinuating, affable; ſhe had already convinced all thoſe, who approached her, of the innocence of her paſt conduct; and as ſhe declared her fixed purpoſe to re⯑quire aid of her friends all over Europe, and even to have recourſe to infidels and barbarians, rather than fail of vengeance againſt her perſecutors, it was eaſy to foreſee the danger to which her charms, her ſpirit, her addreſs, if allowed to operate with their full force, would expoſe them^*. The court of England, therefore, who under pretence of guarding her, had already, in effect, detained her cloſe priſoner, were determined to watch her with ſtill greater vigilance. As Carliſle, by its ſituation on the borders, afforded her great opportunities for contriv⯑ing her eſcape, they removed her to Bolton, a ſeat of lord Scrope's in Yorkſhire: And the iſſue of the controverſy between her and the Scotch nation was regarded as a ſubject more momentous to Elizabeth's ſecurity and intereſts, than it had ever hitherto been apprehended.

Conferences at York and Hampton⯑court. THE perſons, appointed by the Engliſh court for the examination of this great cauſe, were the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Suſſex, and Sir Ralph Sadler; and York was named as the place of conference. 4th October. Leſley, biſhop of Roſs, the lords Herreis, Levingſtone and Boyde, with five perſons more, appeared as commiſ⯑ſioners from the Queen of Scots. The earl of Murray, regent, the earl of Mor⯑ton, the biſhop of Orkney, lord Lindeſey, and the abbot of Dunfermling were appointed commiſſioners from the King and kingdom of Scotland. Secretary Ledington, George Buchanan, the famous poet and hiſtorian, with ſome others, were named as their aſſiſtants.

IT was a great circumſtance of Elizabeth's glory, that ſhe was thus choſen umpire between the factions of a neighbouring kingdom, which had, during many centuries, entertained the moſt violent jealouſy and animoſity againſt Eng⯑land; and her felicity was equally rare, in having the fortune and fame of ſo dange⯑rous a rival, who had long given her the greateſt inquietude, now entirely at her diſpoſal. Some circumſtances of her late conduct had diſcovered a byaſs towards the ſide of Mary: Her prevailing intereſts led her to favour the enemies of that princeſs: The profeſſions of impartiality, which ſhe had made, were open and [493] frequent; and ſhe had ſo far ſucceeded, that each ſide accuſed her commiſſioners of partiality towards their adverſaries^†. She herſelf appears, by the inſtructions given them, to have fixed no plan for the deciſion; but ſhe knew, that the ad⯑vantages, which ſhe ſhould reap, muſt be great, whatever iſſue the cauſe ſhould take. If Mary's crimes could be aſcertained by undoubted proof, ſhe could for ever blaſt the reputation of that princeſs, and might juſtifiably detain her for ever a cloſe priſoner in England: If the evidence fell ſhort of conviction, it was propoſed to reſtore her to her throne, but with ſuch ſtrict limitations, as would leave Elizabeth perpetual arbiter of all differences between the parties in Scot⯑land, and render her in effect abſolute miſtreſs of that kingdom^*.

MARY'S commiſſioners, before they gave in their complaints againſt her ene⯑mies in Scotland, entered a proteſt, that their appearance in the cauſe ſhould no wiſe affect the independance of her crown, or be conſtrued as a mark of ſubor⯑dination to England: The Engliſh commiſſioners received this proteſt, but with a reſerve to the claim of England. The complaint of that princeſs was next read, and contained a detail of all the injuries, which ſhe had ſuffered, ſince her marriage with Bothwel: That her ſubjects had taken arms againſt her, under pretence of freeing her from captivity; that when ſhe put herſelf into their hands, they had committed her to cloſe cuſtody in Lochlevin; had crowned her ſon, an infant, in her place; had again taken arms againſt her after her delivery from priſon; had rejected all her propoſals for accommodation; had given battle to her troops; and had obliged her, for the ſafety of her perſon, to take ſhelter in England^‡. The earl of Murray, in anſwer to this complaint, gave a ſummary and imperfect account of the late tranſactions: That the earl of Bothwel, the known murderer of the late King, had, a little time after the commiſſion of that crime, ſeized the perſon of the Queen and led her to Dunbar; that he acquired ſuch influence over her as to gain her conſent to marry him, and he had accordingly procured a divorce from his former wife, and had pretended to celebrate his marriage with the Queen; that the ſcandal of this tranſaction, the diſhonour which it brought on the whole nation, the danger to which the infant prince was expoſed from the attempts of that audacious man, had obliged the nobility to take arms, and oppoſe his criminal deſigns and enterprizes; that after the Queen, in order to ſave him, had thrown herſelf into their hands, ſhe ſtill diſcovered ſuch a vio⯑lent attachment to him, that they found it neceſſary, for their own and the public ſafety, to confine her perſon, during a ſeaſon, till Bothwel and the other mur⯑derers [494] of her huſband could be tried and puniſhed for their crimes; and that during this confinement, ſhe had voluntarily, without compulſion or violence, merely from diſguſt at the inquietudes and vexations attending power, reſigned her crown to her only ſon, and had appointed the earl of Murray regent during the minority^*. The Queen's anſwer to this apology was obvious: That ſhe did not know and never could ſuſpect, that Bothwel, who had been acquitted by a jury, and recommended to her by all the nobility for her huſband, was the mur⯑derer of the King; that ſhe ever was, and ſtill continues deſirous, that, if he be guilty, he may be brought to condign puniſhment; that her reſignation of the crown was extorted from her by the well-grounded fears of her life, and even by the direct menaces of violence; and that Throcmorton, the Engliſh ambaſſador, as well as others of her friends, had adviſed her to ſign that paper as the only means of ſaving herſelf from the laſt extremity, and had aſſured her, that a con⯑ſent, given under theſe circumſtances, could never have any force or validity^†.

SO far the Queen of Scots ſeemed plainly to have the advantage in the con⯑teſt; and the Engliſh commiſſioners might have been ſurprized, that Murray had made ſo weak a defence, and had ſuppreſſed all the material imputations againſt that princeſs, on which his party had ever ſo ſtrenuouſly inſiſted, had not ſome private conferences previouſly informed them of the ſecret. Mary's com⯑miſſioners had boaſted, that Elizabeth, from regard to her kinſwoman, and from her deſire of maintaining the rights of ſovereigns, was determined, however criminal the conduct of that princeſs might appear, to reſtore her to the throne^‡; and Murray, reflecting on ſome paſt meaſures of the Engliſh court, began to apprehend that there was but too juſt grounds for their expectations. He be⯑lieved, that Mary, if he would agree to conceal the moſt violent part of the accuſation againſt her, would ſubmit to any reaſonable terms of accommodation; but if he once proceeded ſo far as to charge her with the whole of her ſuppoſed guilt, no compoſition could afterwards take place; and ſhould ſhe ever be re⯑ſtored, either by the power of Elizabeth, or the aſſiſtance of her other friends, he and his party muſt be expoſed to her moſt ſevere and implacable vengeance^‖. He reſolved therefore not to venture raſhly on a meaſure, which it would be impoſſible for him ever to recal; and he paid privately a viſit to Norfolk and the other Engliſh commiſſioners, confeſſed his ſcruples, laid before them the evi⯑dences of the Queen's guilt, and deſired to have ſome ſecurity for Elizabeth's [495] protection, in caſe theſe evidences ſhould, upon examination, appear entirely ſa⯑tisfactory. Norfolk was not ſecretly diſpleaſed with theſe ſcruples of the re⯑gent^{{inverted †}}. He had ever been a partizan of the Queen of Scots: Secretary Led⯑ington, who began alſo to incline to that party, and was a man of ſingular ad⯑dreſs and capacity, had engaged him to embrace farther views in her favour, and even to think of eſpouſing her: And tho' that duke confeſſed^‡, that the proofs againſt Mary ſeemed to him unqueſtionable, he encouraged Murray in his preſent reſolution not to produce them publicly in the conferences before the Engliſh com⯑miſſioners^§.

NORFOLK, however, was obliged to tranſmit to court the queries propoſed by the regent. Theſe queries conſiſted of four particulars: Whether the Engliſh commiſſioners had authority from their ſovereign to pronounce any ſentence againſt Mary, in caſe her guilt ſhould be fully proved before them? Whether they would promiſe to exerciſe that authority, and proceed to an actual ſentence? Whether the Queen of Scots, if ſhe was found guilty, ſhould be delivered into the hands of the regent, or, at leaſt, ſo ſecured in England, that ſhe never ſhould be able to diſturb the tranquillity of Scotland? and, Whether Elizabeth would alſo, in that caſe, promiſe to acknowlege the young King, and protect the regent in his authority^‖?

ELIZABETH, when theſe queries, with the other tranſactions, were laid before her, began to think that they pointed towards a concluſion more deciſive and more advantageous than ſhe had hitherto expected. She was determined, therefore, to bring the matter into full light; and under pretext that the diſtance from her perſon retarded the proceedings of her commiſſioners, ſhe ordered them to come to London, and there continue the conferences. On their appearance, ſhe imme⯑diately joined in commiſſion with them, ſome of the moſt conſiderable of her council; Sir Nicholas Bacon lord keeper, the earls of Arundel and Leiceſter, lord Clinton, admiral, and Sir William Cecil, ſecretary^*. The Queen of Scots, who knew nothing of theſe ſecret motives, and who expected, that fear or decency would ſtill reſtrain Murray from proceeding to any violent accuſation againſt her, expreſſed an entire ſatisfaction in this adjournment, and declared, that the affair, being under the immediate inſpection of Elizabeth, was now in the hands where ſhe moſt deſired it^†. The conferences were accordingly continued at Hampton-Court; and Mary's commiſſioners, as before, made no ſcruple to be preſent at them.

[496] THE Queen, meanwhile, gave a ſatisfactory anſwer to all Murray's demands; and having declared, that tho' ſhe wiſhed and hoped, from the preſent enquiry, to be entirely convinced of Mary's innocence, yet if the event ſhould prove con⯑trary, and if that princeſs ſhould appear guilty of her huſband's murder, ſhe ſhould, for her part, eſteem her ever after unworthy of a throne^‡. The regent, encouraged by this declaration, opened more fully his charge againſt the Queen of Scots; and after expreſſing his reluctance to proceed to that extremity, and proteſt⯑ing, that nothing but the neceſſity of ſelf-defence, which muſt not be abandoned for any delicacy, could have engaged him in ſuch a meaſure, he proceeded to accuſe her in plain terms, of participation and conſent in the aſſaſſination of the King^‖. The earl of Lenox too appeared before the Engliſh commiſſioners; and imploring vengeance for the murder of his ſon, accuſed Mary as an accomplice with Both⯑wel in that enormity^{{inverted †}}.

WHEN this charge was ſo unexpectedly given in, and copies of it tranſmitted to the biſhop of Roſs, lord Herreis, and the reſt of Mary's commiſſioners, they abſolutely refuſed to return any anſwer; and they grounded their ſilence on very extraordinary reaſons: They had orders, they ſaid, from their miſtreſs, if any thing was advanced that might touch her honour, not to make any defence, as ſhe was a ſovereign princeſs, and could not be ſubject to any tribunal; and they required, that ſhe ſhould previouſly be admitted to Elizabeth's preſence, to whom, and to whom alone, ſhe was determined to juſtify her innocence^*. They forgot, that the conferences were at firſt begun, and were ſtill continued, with no other view than to clear her from the accuſations of her enemies; that Elizabeth had ever pretended to enter into them only as her friend, by her own conſent and approbation, not as aſſuming any ſuperior juriſdiction over her; that that prin⯑ceſs had from the beginning refuſed to admit her to her preſence, till ſhe ſhould clear herſelf of the crimes imputed to her; that ſhe had therefore diſcovered no new ſigns of partiality by her perſeverance in that reſolution; and that tho' ſhe had granted an audience to the earl of Murray and his collegues, ſhe had previ⯑ouſly conferred the ſame honour on Mary's commiſſioners^†; and her conduct was ſo far entirely equal to both parties.

AS the Queen of Scots refuſed to give in any anſwer to Murray's charge, the neceſſary conſequence ſeemed to be, that there could be no farther proceedings in the trial. But tho' this ſilence might be interpreted as a preſumption againſt [497] her, it did not fully anſwer the purpoſe of thoſe Engliſh miniſters, who were the enemies of that princeſs. They ſtill deſired to have in their hands the proofs of her guilt; and in order to draw them with decency from the regent, a judicious artifice was employed by Elizabeth. Murray was called before the Engliſh commiſſioners; and reproved by them, in the Queen's name, for the atrocious imputations which he had had the temerity to throw upon his ſovereign: But tho' the earl of Murray, they added, and the other commiſſioners, had ſo far forgot the duty of allegiance to their prince, the Queen never would overlook what ſhe owed to her friend, her neighbour, and her kinſwoman; and ſhe therefore deſired to know what they could ſay in their own juſtification^†. Murray, thus urged, made no difficulty of producing the proofs of his charge againſt the Queen of Scots; and among the reſt, ſome love-letters and ſonnets of her's to Bothwel, wrote all in her own hand, and two other papers, one wrote in her own hand, another ſign⯑ed by her, and wrote by the earl of Huntley; each of which contained a pro⯑miſe of marriage with Bothwel.

ALL theſe important papers had been kept by Bothwel in a ſilver box or caſket, which had been given him by Mary, and which had belonged to her firſt huſband, Francis; and tho' the princeſs had enjoined him to burn the letters as ſoon as he had read them, he had thought proper to preſerve them carefully, as pledges of her fidelity, and had committed them to the cuſtody of Sir James Balfour, go⯑vernor of the caſtle of Edinburgh. When that fortreſs was beſieged by the aſſo⯑ciated lords, Bothwel ſent a ſervant to receive the caſket from the hands of the governor. Balfour delivered it to the meſſenger; but as he had at that time received ſome diſguſt from Bothwel, and was ſecretly negociating an agree⯑ment with the ruling party, he took care, by conveying private intelligence to the earl of Morton, to make the papers be intercepted by him. They contained inconteſtible proofs of Mary's criminal correſpondence with Bothwel, of her conſent to the King's murder, and of her concurrence in that rape which Bothwel pretended to commit upon her^‡. Murray fortified this evidence by ſome teſti⯑monies of correſpondent facts^‖; and he added, ſometime after, the dying con⯑feſſion of one Hubert, or French Paris, as he was called, a ſervant of Bothwel's, who had been executed for the King's murder, and who directly charged the Queen with her being acceſſary to that criminal enterprize^*.

MARY'S commiſſioners had uſed every expedient to ward this blow, which they ſaw coming upon them, and againſt which, it appears, they were not provided [498] in any proper defence. As ſoon as Murray opened his charge, they endeavoured to turn the conferences from an enquiry into a negociation; and tho' informed by the Engliſh commiſſioners, that nothing could be more diſhonourable for their miſ⯑treſs, than to enter into a treaty with ſuch undutiful ſubjects, before ſhe had juſ⯑tified herſelf from thoſe enormous imputations which had been thrown upon her, they ſtill inſiſted, that Elizabeth ſhould ſettle terms of accommodation between Mary and her enemies in Scotland^*. They maintained, that till their miſtreſs had given in her anſwer to Murray's charge, his proofs could neither be called for nor produced^†; and finding, that the Engliſh commiſſioners were ſtill determined to proceed in the method which had been projected, they finally broke off the conferences, and never would make any reply. Theſe papers have all of them been ſince publiſhed. The objections made to their validity, are in general of ſmall force: But were they ever ſo ſpecious, they cannot now be hearkened to; ſince Mary, at the time when the truth could have been fully cleared, did, in effect, ratify the evidence againſt her, by recoiling from the enquiry at the very critical moment, and refuſing to give any anſwer to the accuſation of her ene⯑mies^‡.

[499] BUT Elizabeth, though ſhe had ſeen enough for her own ſatisfaction, was de⯑termined, that the moſt eminent perſons of her court ſhould alſo be acquainted [500] with theſe tranſactions, and ſhould be convinced of the equity of her proceedings. She ordered her privy-council to aſſembled; and that ſhe might render the matter more ſolemn and authentic, ſhe added to them the earls of Northumber⯑land, Weſtmoreland, Shrewſbury, Worceſter, Huntingdon, and Warwic. The [501] whole proceedings of the Engliſh commiſſioners were read to them: The evi⯑dences produced by Murray were peruſed: A great number of letters, wrote by Mary to Elizabeth, were laid before them, and the hand-writing compared with that of letters delivered in by the regent: The refuſal of the Queen of Scots commiſſioners to make any reply, was related: And on the whole Elizabeth told them, that as ſhe had, at firſt, thought it improper, that Mary, after ſuch hor⯑rible crimes were imputed to her, ſhould be admitted to her preſence, before ſhe had, in ſome meaſure, juſtified herſelf from the charge; ſo now, that her guilt was confirmed by ſo many plauſible evidences, and all anſwer denied, ſhe muſt, for her part, perſevere more ſteadily in that reſolution^*. Elizabeth next called in the Queen of Scots commiſſioners, and after obſerving, that ſhe eſteemed it much more decent for their miſtreſs to continue the conferences, than to require the liberty of juſtifying herſelf in perſon; ſhe told them, that Mary might either ſend her reply by a perſon whom ſhe truſted, or deliver it herſelf to ſome Eng⯑liſh noblemen, whom Elizabeth ſhould appoint to wait upon her: But as to her reſolution of making no reply at all, ſhe muſt regard it as the ſtrongeſt confeſſion of guilt; nor could they ever be eſteemed her friends, who adviſed her to that method of proceeding^†. Theſe topics ſhe enforced ſtill more ſtrongly in a let⯑ter which ſhe wrote to Mary herſelf^‡.

THE Queen of Scots had no other ſubterſuge from theſe preſſing inſtances than ſtill to demand a perſonal conference with Elizabeth: A conceſſion which, ſhe was ſenſible, could never be granted^‖; both becauſe Elizabeth knew, that that expedient could decide nothing, and becauſe it brought matters to extre⯑mity, which that princeſs wanted to avoid. In order to keep herſelf better in countenance, Mary thought of another device. Even after all the conferences were broke off, ſhe ordered her commiſſioners to accuſe the earl of Murray and his aſſociates as the murderers of the Kind^{{inverted †}}: But this accuſation, coming ſo late, being extorted merely by a complaint to Murray's, and being unſupported by any proof, could only be regarded as an angry retaliation upon her enemy^**. [502] She alſo deſired to have copies of the papers given in by the regent; but as ſhe ſtill perſiſted in her reſolution to make no reply, this demand was finally refuſed her^*.

As Mary had thus put an end to the conference, the regent expreſſed great impatience to return into Scotland; and he complained, that his enemies had taken advantage of his abſence, and had thrown the whole government into confuſion. Elizabeth, therefore, diſmiſſed him; and granted him the loan of five thouſand pounds, to bear the charges of his journey^†. During the con⯑ference at York, the duke of Chatelrault arrived at London, in paſſing from France; and as the Queen knew, that he was engaged in Mary's party, and had very plauſible pretenſions to the regency of the King of Scots; ſhe thought proper to detain him till after Murray's departure. But notwithſtanding theſe marks of favour, and ſome other aſſiſtance, which ſhe ſecretly gave the regent^‡, [503] ſhe ſtill declined acknowleging the young King, or treating with Murray as re⯑gent of Scotland.

ORDERS were given for removing the Queen of Scots from Bolton, a place ſurrounded with catholics, to Tutbury in the county of Stafford; where ſhe was put under the cuſtody of the earl of Shrewſbury. Elizabeth entertained hopes, that that princeſs, diſcouraged by her misfortunes, and confounded by the late tranſactions, would be glad to ſecure a ſafe retreat from all the tempeſts, with which ſhe had been agitated; and ſhe promiſed to bury every thing in oblivion, provided Mary would agree, either to reſign voluntarily her crown, or to aſſociate her ſon with her in the government; and the adminiſtration to remain, during his minority, in the hands of the earl of Murray^*. But that high-ſpirited princeſs refuſed all treaty upon ſuch terms, and declared, that her laſt words ſhould be thoſe of a Queen of Scotland. Beſides many other reaſons, ſhe ſaid, which fixed her in that reſolution, ſhe knew, that, if, in the preſent emergence, ſhe made ſuch conceſſions, her ſubmiſſion would be univerſally deemed an ac⯑knowlegement of guilt, and would ratify all the calumnies of her enemies^†.

MARY ſtill inſiſted upon the alternative of two demands; either that Eliza⯑beth ſhould in aſſiſt her in recovering her authority, or ſhould give her liberty to retire into France, and make trial of the friendſhip of other princes: And as ſhe aſſerted, that ſhe had come voluntarily into England, invited by many former profeſſions of amity, ſhe thought that one of theſe requeſts could not, without the moſt extreme injuſtice, be refuſed her. But Elizabeth, ſenſible of the dan⯑ger, which attended either of theſe propoſals, was ſecretly reſolved to detain her ſtill a captive; and as her retreat into England had been very little voluntary, her claim upon the Queen's generoſity appeared much leſs urgent than ſhe was willing to pretend. Neceſſity, it was thought, would to the prudent juſtify her detention: Her paſt miſconduct would apologize for it to the equitable: And tho' it was foreſeen, that compaſſion for her ſituation, joined to her intrigues and inſinuating behaviour, would, while ſhe remained in England, excite the zeal of her friends, eſpecially of the catholics; theſe inconveniencies were eſteemed much leſs than thoſe which attended any other expedient. Elizabeth truſted alſo to her own addreſs, for eluding all thoſe difficulties: She propoſed to avoid breaking ab⯑ſolutely with the Queen of Scots, to keep her always in hopes of accomoda⯑tion, to negotiate perpetually with her, and ſtill to throw the blame of not com⯑ing to any concluſion, either on unforeſeen accidents, or on the obſtinacy and perverſeneſs of others.

[504] WE come now to mention ſome Engliſh affairs, which we left behind us, that we might not interrupt our narration of the events in Scotland, which form ſo material a part of the preſent reign. The term, fixed by the treaty of Cateau-Cambreſis for the reſtitution of Calais expired in 1567; and Elizabeth, after making her demand at the gates of that city, ſent Sir Thomas Smith to Paris; and that miniſter, in conjunction with Sir Henry Norris, her ordinary ambaſſa⯑dor, enforced her pretenſions. Conferences were held on that head, without coming to any concluſion. The chancellor De L'Hopital told the Engliſh am⯑baſſadors, that tho' France by an article of the treaty was obliged to reſtore Ca⯑lais on the expiration of eight years, there was another article of the ſame treaty, which now deprived Elizabeth of all right, that could accrue to her by that en⯑gagement: That it was agreed, if the Engliſh ſhould, during that interval, com⯑mit hoſtilities upon France, they ſhould inſtantly forfeit all claim to Calais; and the taking poſſeſſion of Havre and Dieppe, with whatever pretences that meaſure might be covered, was a plain violation of the peace between the nations: That tho' theſe places were not taken by force, but put into Elizabeth's hands by the governors; theſe governors were rebels; and a correſpondence with ſuch offenders was the moſt flagrant injury, which could be committed to any ſove⯑reign: That in the treaty, which enſued upon the expulſion of the Engliſh from Normandy, the French miniſters had abſolutely refuſed to make any mention of Calais, and had thereby declared their intention to take advantage of the title which had accrued to the crown of France: And that tho' a general clauſe had been inſerted, implying a reſervation of all claims; this conceſſion could not avail the Engliſh, who at that time poſſeſſed no juſt claim to Calais, and had previouſly forfeited all pretenſions to that fortreſs^*. The Queen was no wiſe ſurprized at hearing theſe allegations; and as ſhe knew, that the French court intended not from the firſt to make reſtitution, much leſs, after they could defend their refuſal by ſuch plauſible reaſons, ſhe thought it better for the preſent to ſubmit to the loſs, than to purſue a doubtful title by a war both dangerous and expenſive, as well as unſeaſonable^†.

ELIZABETH entered anew into negotiations for marrying the archduke Charles; and ſhe ſeemed at preſent to have no great motive of policy, which might induce her to make this fallacious offer: But as ſhe was very rigorous in the terms in⯑ſiſted on, and refuſed him all power and title, and even the exerciſe of his reli⯑gion in England, the treaty came to nothing; and that prince, deſpairing of ſucceſs in his addreſſes, married the daughter of Albert, duke of Bavaria^‡.

CHAP. III.

Character of the puritans. OF all the European churches, which ſhook off the yoke of the papal autho⯑rity, no one proceeded with ſo much reaſon and moderation as the church of England; an advantage, which had been derived partly from the interpoſition of the civil magiſtrate in this innovation, partly from the gradual and ſlow ſteps by which the reformation was conducted in that kingdom. Rage and animoſity againſt the catholic religion was as little indulged as could be ſuppoſed in ſuch a revolution: The fabric of the ſecular hierarchy was maintained entire: The antient liturgy was preſerved, ſo far as was thought conſiſtent with the new principles: Many ceremonies, become venerable from age and preceding uſe, were retained: The ſplendor of the catholic worſhip, tho' removed, had at leaſt given place to order and decency: The diſtinctive habits of the clergy, according to their dif⯑ferent ranks, were continued: No innovation was admitted merely from ſpite and oppoſition to the former uſage: And the new religion, by mitigating the genius of the antient ſuperſtition, and rendering it more compatible with the peace and intereſts of ſociety, had preſerved itſelf in that happy medium, which wiſe men have always ſought, and which the people have ſo ſeldom been able to main⯑tain.

BUT tho' ſuch in general was the ſpirit of the reformation in that country, many of the Engliſh reformers, being men of a more warm complexion and more obſtinate temper, endeavoured to puſh matters to extremity againſt the church of Rome, and indulged themſelves in the moſt violent contrariety and antipathy to all former practices. Among theſe, Hooper, who afterwards ſuffered for his religion with ſuch extraord nary conſtancy, was chiefly diſtinguiſhed. This man was named, during the reign of Edward, to the fee of Gloceſter, and had no [506] ſcruple to accept of the epiſcopal office; but he refuſed to be conſecrated in the epiſcopal habits, the cymarre and rochette, which had formerly, he ſaid, been abuſed to ſuperſtition, and which were thereby rendered unbecoming a true chriſ⯑tian. Cranmer and Ridley were ſurprized at this objection, which oppoſed the received practice, and even the eſtabliſhed laws; and tho' young Edward, deſirous to promote a man ſo celebrated for his eloquence, his zeal, and his morals, en⯑joined them to diſpenſe with this ceremony, they ſtill continued reſolute to retain it. Hooper then embraced the reſolution, rather to refuſe the biſhopric than cloath himſelf in thoſe hated garments; but it was determined, that, for the ſake of the example, he ſhould not eſcape ſo eaſily. He was firſt confined to Cran⯑mer's houſe, and then thrown into priſon, till he ſhould conſent to be a biſhop on the terms propoſed: He was plyed with conferences, and reprimands, and argu⯑ments: Bucer and Peter Martyr and the moſt celebrated foreign reformers were conſulted on this important queſtion: And a compromiſe, with great difficulty, was at laſt made, that Hooper ſhould not be obliged to wear commonly the ob⯑noxious robes, but ſhould agree to be conſecrated in them, and to uſe them during cathedral ſervice^*: A condeſcenſion not a little extraordinary in a man of ſo inflexible a ſpirit as this reformer.

THE ſame objection, which had ariſen with regard to the epiſcopal habits, had been moved againſt the rayment of the inferior clergy; and the ſurplice in par⯑ticular, with the tippet and corner cap, was a great object of abhorrence to many of the popular zealots^†. In vain was it urged, that particular habits, as well as poſtures and ceremonies, being conſtantly uſed by the clergy, and employed in religious ſervice, acquire a veneration in the eyes of the people, appear ſacred to their apprehenſions, excite their devotion, and contract a kind of myſterious virtue, which attaches the affections of men to the national and eſtabliſhed wor⯑ſhip: That in order to produce this effect an uniformity in theſe particulars is re⯑quiſite, and even a perſeverance, as far as poſſible, in the former practice: And that the nation would be happy, if, by retaining theſe inoffenſive obſervances, they could engage the people to renounce willingly what was hurtful or perni⯑cious in the antient ſuperſtition. Theſe arguments, which had influence with wiſe men, were the very reaſons, which engaged the violent proteſtants to re⯑ject the habits. They puſhed matters to a total oppoſition with the church of Rome: Every compliance, they ſaid, was a ſymbolizing with Antichriſt^‡: And this ſpirit was carried ſo far by ſome reformers, that in a national remonſtrance, which was afterwards made by the church of Scotland againſt theſe habits, it was aſked, ‘"What has Chriſt Jeſus to do with Belial? What has darkneſs [507] to do with light? If ſurplices, corner caps, and tippets have been badges of idolaters in the very act of their idolatry; why ſhould the preacher of Chriſtian liberty, and the open rebuker of all ſuperſtition partake with the dregs of the Romiſh beaſt? Yea, who is there that ought not rather to be afraid of tak⯑ing in his hand or on his forehead the print and mark of that odious beaſt?^*"’ But this application was rejected by the Engliſh church.

THERE was only one inſtance, where the ſpirit of contradiction to the Ro⯑maniſts took place univerſally in England: The altar was removed from the wall, was placed in the middle of the church, and was thenceforth denominated the communion-table. The reaſon, why this reformation met with ſuch general compliance, was, that the nobility and gentry got thereby a pretence for making ſpoil of the plate, veſtures, and rich ornaments, which belonged to the altars^†.

THESE diſputes, which had been ſtarted during the reign of Edward, were carried abroad by the proteſtants, who fled from the perſecutions of Mary; and as their zeal had received an encreaſe from the furious cruelty of their enemies, they were generally inclined to carry their oppoſition to the utmoſt extremity againſt the practices of the church of Rome. Their communication with Calvin and the other reformers, who followed the diſcipline and worſhip of Geneva, confirmed them farther in this obſtinate reluctance; and tho' ſome of the refu⯑gees, particularly thoſe eſtabliſhed at Frankfort, ſtill adhered to King Edward's liturgy, the prevailing ſpirit carried theſe confeſſors to ſeek a ſtill farther re⯑formation. On the acceſſion of Elizabeth, they returned to their native coun⯑try; and being regarded with general veneration on account of their zeal and paſt ſufferings, they ventured to inſiſt on the eſtabliſhment of their projected mo⯑del; nor did they want countenance from many of the conſiderable perſons in the Queen's council. But the Princeſs herſelf, ſo far from being willing to de⯑ſpoil religion of the few ornaments and ceremonies, which remained in it, was of herſelf rather inclined to bring the public worſhip ſtill nearer to the Romiſh ritual^‡; and ſhe thought, that the reformation had already gone too far in ſhak⯑ing [508] off thoſe forms and obſervances, which, without diſtracting men of more refined apprehenſions, tend in a very innocent manner to allure, and amuſe, and engage the vulgar. She took care to have a law for uniformity ſtrictly enacted: She was empowered by the parliament to add any new ceremonies, which ſhe thought proper: And tho' ſhe was ſparing in the exerciſe of this prerogative, ſhe con⯑tinued rigid in exacting an obſervance of the eſtabliſhed laws, and in puniſhing all nonconformity. The zealots, therefore, who harboured a ſecret antipathy to the epiſcopal order and to the whole liturgy, were obliged, in a great meaſure, to conceal theſe ſentiments, which would have been regarded as highly audacious and criminal; and they confined their avowed objections to the ſurplice, the con⯑firmation of children, the ſign of the croſs in baptiſm, the ring in marriage, kneeling at the ſacrament, and bowing at the name of Jeſus. So fruitleſs is it for ſovereigns to watch with a rigid care over orthodoxy, and employ the ſword in religious controverſy, that the work, perpetually renewed, is perpetually to begin; and a garb, a geſture, nay, a metaphyſical or grammatical diſtinction, when rendered important by the diſputes of theologians and the zeal of the ma⯑giſtrate, is ſufficient to deſtroy the unity of the church and even the peace of ſo⯑ciety. Theſe controverſies had already excited ſuch ferment among the people, that in ſome places they refuſed to frequent the churches where the habits and ceremonies were uſed, would not ſalute the conforming clergy, and proceeded ſo far as to revile them in the ſtreets, to ſpit in their faces, and to uſe them with all manner of contumely^†. And while the ſovereign authority checked theſe ex⯑ceſſes, the flame was confined, not extinguiſhed; and burning fiercer from con⯑finement, it burſt out in the ſucceeding reigns to the deſtruction of the church and monarchy.

ALL enthuſiaſts, indulging themſelves in rapturous flights, extaſies, viſions, inſpirations, have a natural averſion to epiſcopal authority, to ceremonies, rites, and forms, which they denominate ſuperſtition, or beggarly elements, and which ſeem to reſtrain the liberal effuſions of their zeal and devotion: But there was another ſet of opinions adopted by theſe innovators, which rendered them in a peculiar manner the object of Elizabeth's averſion. The ſame bold and daring ſpirit, which accompanied them in their addreſſes to the divinity, appear⯑ed in their political ſpeculations; and the principles of civil liberty, which, during ſome reigns had been very little avowed in the nation, and which were totally incompatible with the preſent exorbitant prerogative, had been ſtrongly adopted by this new ſect. Scarce any ſovereign before Elizabeth, and none after [509] her, carried higher, both in ſpeculation and practice, the authority of the crown; and the puritans (ſo theſe ſectaries were called, on account of their pretending to a greater purity of worſhip and diſcipline) could not recommend themſelves worſe to her favour, than by preaching up the doctrine of reſiſting or reſtraining princes. From all theſe motives, the Queen neglected no opportunity of depreſ⯑ſing thoſe zealous innovators; and while they were countenanced by ſome of her moſt favoured miniſters, Cecil, Leiceſter, Knolles, Bedford, Walſingham, ſhe never was, to the end of her life, reconciled to their principles and practices.

WE have thought proper to inſert in this place an account of the riſe and the genius of the puritans; becauſe Camden marks the preſent year, as the period when they began to make themſelves moſt conſiderable in England. We now return to our narration.

year 1569 Duke of Nor⯑folk's conſpi⯑racy. THE Duke of Norfolk was the only peer, who enjoyed the higheſt title of no⯑bility; and as there were at preſent no princes of the blood, the ſplendor of his family, the opulence of his fortune, and the extent of his influence, had rendered him without compariſon the firſt ſubject in England. The qualities of his mind correſponded to his high ſtation: Beneficent, affable, generous, he had acquired the affections of the people; prudent, moderate, obſequious, he poſſeſſed with⯑out jealouſy the good graces of his ſovereign. His grandfather and father had long been regarded as the leaders of the catholics; and this hereditary attach⯑ment, joined to the alliances of blood, had procured him the friendſhip of the moſt conſiderable men of that party: But as he had been educated among the refor⯑mers, was ſincerely devoted to their principles, and maintained that ſtrict decorum and regularity of life, by which the proteſtants were at that time diſtinguiſhed; he thereby enjoyed the rare felicity of being popular even with the moſt oppoſite factions. The height of his proſperity alone was the ſource of his misfortunes, and engaged him into attempts, from which his virtue and prudence would na⯑turally have for ever kept him at a diſtance.

NORFOLK was at this time a widower; and being of a ſuitable age to eſpouſe the Queen of Scots, that marriage had appeared ſo natural, that it had occurred to ſeveral of his friends and thoſe of that princeſs: But the firſt perſon, who, after ſecretary Lidington, opened the ſcheme to the duke is ſaid to be the earl of Mur⯑ray, before his departure for Scotland^*. That nobleman ſet before Norfolk both the advantage of compoſing the differences in Scotland by an alliance which would be ſo generally acceptable, and the proſpect of reaping the ſucceſſion of England; and in order to bind Norfolk's intereſt the faſter with Mary's, he propoſed that the [510] duke's daughter ſhould eſpouſe the young king of Scotland. The obtaining pre⯑viouſly Elizabeth's conſent, was regarded both by Murray and Norfolk as a cir⯑cumſtance eſſential to the ſucceſs of their project; and all circumſtances being adjuſted between them, Murray took care, by the means of Sir Robert Melvil, to have the deſign communicated to the Queen of Scots. That princeſs replied, that the vexations, which ſhe had met with in her two laſt marriages, had made her more inclined to lead a ſingle life; but ſhe was determined to ſacrifice her own inclinations to the public welfare: And therefore, ſo ſoon as ſhe ſhould be legally divorced from Bothwel, ſhe would be determined by the opinion of her nobility and people in the choice of another huſband^†.

IT is probable, that Murray was not ſincere in this propoſal. He had two motives to engage him to diſſimulation. He knew the danger, which he muſt run in his return thro' the North of England, from the power of the Earls of Northumberland and Weſtmoreland, Mary's partizans in that country; and he dreaded an inſurrection in Scotland from the duke of Chatelrault; and the earls of Argyle and Huntley, whom ſhe had appointed her lieutenants during her ab⯑ſence. By theſe feigned appearances of friendſhip, he both engaged Norfolk to write in his favour to the northern noblemen^‡; and he perſwaded the Queen of Scots to give her lieutenants permiſſion, and even advice, to make a ceſſation of hoſtilities with the regent's party^‖.

THE duke of Norfolk, tho' he had agreed, that Elizabeth's conſent ſhould be previouſly obtained, before the completion of his marriage, had good reaſon to apprehend, that he never would prevail with her voluntarily to make that con⯑ceſſion. He knew her perpetual and unrelenting jealouſy againſt her heir and rival; he was acquainted with her former reluctance to all propoſals of marriage with the Queen of Scots; he foreſaw, that that princeſs's eſpouſing a perſon of his power, and character, and intereſt, would give the greateſt umbrage; and as it would then become neceſſary to re-inſtate Mary in poſſeſſion of her throne on ſome tole⯑rable terms, and even endeavour to re-eſtabliſh her character, he dreaded, that Elizabeth, whoſe politics had now taken a different turn, would never agree to ſuch indulgent and generous conditions. He therefore endeavoured previouſly to gain the conſent and approbation of ſeveral of the moſt conſiderable nobility; and he was ſucceſsful with the earls of Pembroke, Arundel, Derby, Bedford, Shrewſbury, Southampton, Northumberland, Weſtmoreland, Suſſex^§. The lord Lumley, and Sir Nicholas Throcmorton embraced cordially the propoſal: Even the earl of Leiceſter, Elizabeth's declared favourite, who had forme [...]ly en⯑tertained [511] ſome views of eſpouſing Mary, willingly reſigned all his pretenſions, and ſeemed to enter zealouſly into Norfolk's intereſts^*. There were other mo⯑tives, beſides affection to the duke, which produced this general combination of the nobility.

SIR William Cecil, ſecretary of ſtate, was the moſt vigilant, active, and pru⯑dent miniſter ever known in England; and as he was governed by no views but the intereſts of his ſovereign, which he inflexibly purſued, his authority over her became every day more predominant. Ever cool himſelf, and uninfluenced by prejudice or affection, he checked thoſe ſallies of paſſion, and ſometimes of caprice, to which ſhe was ſubject; and if he failed of perſwading her in the firſt movement, his perſeverance, and remonſtrances, and arguments were ſure at laſt to recommend themſelves to her ſound diſcernment. The more credit he gained with his miſtreſs, the more was he expoſed to the envy of her other coun⯑ſellors; and as he had been ſuppoſed to adopt the intereſts of the houſe of Suf⯑folk, whoſe claim ſeemed to carry with it no danger to the preſent eſtabliſhment, his enemies, in oppoſition to him, were naturally led to attach themſelves to the Queen of Scots. Elizabeth ſaw, without uneaſineſs, this emulation among her courtiers, which ſerved to augment her authority; and tho' ſhe ſupported Cecil, wherever matters came to extremity, and diſſipated every conſpiracy againſt him, particularly one laid about this time to have him thrown into the Tower under ſome pretence or other^†, ſhe never gave him ſuch unlimited confidence as might enable him entirely to cruſh his adverſaries.

NORFOLK, ſenſible of the difficulty, which he muſt meet with in controling Cecil's councils, eſpecially where they concurred with the inclinations, as well as intereſts of the Queen, durſt not open to her his intentions of marrying the Queen of Scots; but proceeded ſtill in the ſame courſe of encreaſing his intereſt in the kingdom, and engaging more of the nobility to take part in his meaſures. A letter was wrote to Mary by Leiceſter, and ſigned by ſeveral men of the firſt rank, recommending Norfolk for her huſband, and ſtipulating conditions for the advantage of both kingdoms: That ſhe ſhould give ſufficient ſurety to Elizabeth, and the heirs of her body, for the free enjoyment of the crown of England; that a perpetual league, offenſive and defenſive, be made between their realms and ſubjects; that the proteſtant religion be eſtabliſhed by law in Scotland; and that ſhe ſhould grant an amneſty to her rebels in that kingdom^‡. When Mary re⯑turned a favourable anſwer to this application, Norfolk applied himſelf with new ardor to the execution of his project; and beſides ſecuring the intereſts of many [512] of the conſiderable gentry and nobility who reſided at court, he wrote letters to ſuch as lived at their country ſeats, and poſſeſſed the greateſt authority in the ſeve⯑ral counties^‖. The Kings of France and Spain, who intereſted themſelves ex⯑tremely in Mary's cauſe, were ſecretly conſulted, and expreſſed their approbation of theſe meaſures^§. And tho' Elizabeth's conſent was always ſuppoſed as a previous condition to the finiſhing this alliance, it was apparently Norfolk's in⯑tention, when he proceeded ſuch lengths without conſulting her, to render his party ſo ſtrong, that it ſhould no longer be in her power to refuſe it^*.

IT was impoſſible, that ſo extenſive a conſpiracy could entirely eſcape the Queen's vigilance and that of Cecil. She dropt ſeveral ſurmiſes to the duke, by which he might learn, that ſhe was acquainted with his deſigns; and ſhe fre⯑quently warned him to beware on what pillow he repoſed his head^†: But he never had the prudence or the courage to open to her his full intentions. The firſt certain intelligence, which ſhe received of this dangerous combination was from the earl of Murray^‡, who, if ever he was ſincere in promoting Norfolk's marriage, which is much to be ſuſpected, had at leaſt propoſed, for his own ſafety and that of his party, that Elizabeth ſhould, in reality as well as in appearance, be entire arbiter of the conditions, and ſhould not have her conſent extorted by any confederacy of her own ſubjects. This information gave great alarm to the court of England; and the more ſo, that thoſe intrigues were attended with other circumſtances, of which, it is probable, Elizabeth was not wholly igno⯑rant.

AMONG the nobility and gentry, that ſeemed to enter into Norfolk's views, there were many, who were zealouſly attached to the catholic religion, who had no other deſign than that of reſtoring Mary to her liberty, and who would gladly, by a combination with foreign powers, or even at the expence of a civil war, have placed her on the throne of England. The earls of Northumberland and Weſtmoreland, who poſſeſſed great power in the north, were leaders of this party; and the former nobleman made offer to the Queen of Scots, by Leonard Dacres, brother to lord Dacres, that he would free her from con⯑finement, and convey her to Scotland or any other place, to which ſhe ſhould think proper to retire^{{inverted †}}. Sir Thomas and Sir Edward Stanley, ſons to the earl of Derby, Sir Thomas Gerard, Rolſtone, and other gentlemen, whoſe intereſt [513] lay in the neighbourhood of the place where Mary reſided, concurred in the ſame views, and required, that, in order to facilitate the execution of the ſcheme, a diverſion ſhould, in the mean time, be made from the ſide of Flanders^‡. Nor⯑folk diſcouraged, and even in appearance ſuppreſſed, theſe conſpiracies; both becauſe his duty to Elizabeth would not allow him to think of effecting his pur⯑poſe by rebellion, and becauſe he foreſaw, that, if the Queen of Scots came into the poſſeſſion of theſe men, they would rather chooſe for her huſband the King of Spain, or ſome foreign prince, who had power, as well as inclination, to re⯑eſtabliſh the catholic religion^*.

WHEN men of honour and good principles, like the duke of Norfolk, engage in dangerous enterprizes, they are commonly ſo unfortunate as to be criminal by halves; and while they ballance between the execution of their deſigns and their remorſes, their fear of puniſhment and their hope of pardon, they render themſelves an eaſy prey to their enemies. The duke, in order to repreſs the ſur⯑mizes, ſpread againſt him, ſpoke contemptuouſly to Elizabeth of the Scotch alliance; affirmed that his eſtate in England was more valuable than the revenue of a kingdom waſted by civil wars and factions; and declared, that, when he amuſed himſelf in his own tennis-court at Norwich amidſt his friends and vaſſals, he eſteemed himſelf at leaſt a petty prince, and was fully contented with his condition^†. Finding, that he did not convince her by theſe aſſeverations, and that he was looked on with a jealous eye by the courtiers, he retired to his country-ſeat without taking leave^¶. He ſoon after repented of this meaſure, and ſet out on his return to court, with a view of uſing every expedient to regain the Queen's good graces; but he was met at St. Albans by Fitz-Garret, lieutenant of the band of penſioners, by whom he was conveyed to Burnham, three miles from Windſor, where the court then reſided^{{inverted †}}. He was ſoon after committed to the Tower, under the cuſtody of Sir Henry Nevil^‖. Leſley, biſhop of Roſs, the Queen of Scots's ambaſſador, was examined and confronted with Norfolk before the council^§. The earl of Pembroke was confined to his own houſe: Arundel, Lumley, and Throcmorton were taken into cuſtody. The Queen of Scots herſelf was re⯑moved to Coventry; all acceſs to her was, during ſome time, more ſtrictly pro⯑hibited; and the viſcount Hereford was joined to the earls of Shrewſbury and Huntingdon, in the office of guarding her.

Inſurrections in the north. A RUMOUR had been very generally diffuſed in the north of an intended re⯑bellion; and the earl of Suſſex, preſident of York, alarmed with the danger, ſent [514] for Northumberland and Weſtmoreland, in order to examine them; but not finding any proof againſt them, he allowed them to depart. The report mean⯑while gained ground daily; and many appearances of its reality being diſco⯑vered, orders were diſpatched by Elizabeth to theſe two noblemen, to appear at court, and anſwer for their conduct^*. They had already proceeded ſo far in their criminal deſigns, that they dared not to truſt themſelves in her hands: They had prepared meaſures for a rebellion; had communicated their deſign to Mary and her miniſters^†; had entered into a correſpondence with the duke of Alva, gover⯑nor of the Low Countries; had obtained his promiſe of a reinforcement of troops, and of a ſupply of arms and ammunition; and had prevailed on him to ſend over to London Chiapini Vitelli, one of his moſt famous captains, under pretence of adjuſting ſome differences with the Queen, but in reality with a view of put⯑ting him at the head of the northern rebels. The ſummons, ſent to the two earls, precipitated the riſing before they were fully prepared; and Northumber⯑land remained in ſuſpence between oppoſite dangers, when he was informed, that ſome of his enemies were on the way with a commiſſion to arreſt him. He took horſe inſtantly, and haſtened to his aſſociate Weſtmoreland, whom he found ſurrounded with his friends and vaſſals, and deliberating with regard to the mea⯑ſures, which he ſhould follow in the preſent emergence. They determined to begin the inſurrection without delay; and the great credit of theſe two noblemen, with that zeal for the catholic religion, which ſtill prevailed in the neighbourhood, ſoon drew together multitudes of the common people. They publiſhed a mani⯑feſto, in which they maintained, that they intended to attempt nothing againſt the Queen, to whom they vowed unſhaken allegiance; and that their ſole aim was to re-eſtabliſh the religion of their anceſtors, to remove evil counſellors, and to reſtore the duke of Norfolk and other faithful peers to their liberty and to the Queen's favour^‖. Their number amounted to four thouſand foot and ſixteen hundred horſe, and they expected the concurrence of all the catholics in Eng⯑land^‡.

THE Queen was not negligent in her defence, and ſhe had beforehand, from her prudent and wiſe conduct, acquired the general good will of her people, the beſt ſecurity of a ſovereign; inſomuch that even the catholics in moſt counties ex⯑preſſed an affection for her ſervice^{{inverted †}}; and the duke of Norfolk himſelf, tho' he had loſt her favour, and lay in confinement, was not wanting, as far as his ſitu⯑ation permitted, to promote the levies among his friends and retainers. Suſſex, [515] attended with the earls of Rutland, the lords Hunſdon, Evers, and Willoughby of Parham marched againſt the rebels at the head of ſeven thouſand men, and found them already advanced to the biſhopric of Durham, of which they had taken poſſeſſion. They retired before him to Hexham; and hearing that the earl of Warwic and lord Clinton were advancing upon them with a greater body, they found no other expedient but to diſperſe themſelves without ſtriking a blow. The common people retired to their houſes: The leaders fled into Scotland. Northumberland was found ſkulking in that country, and was confined by Mur⯑ray to the caſtle of Lochlevin. Weſtmoreland received ſhelter from the cheif⯑tains of the Kers and Scots, partizans of Mary; and perſuaded them to make an inroad into England, with a view of exciting a quarrel between the two king⯑doms. After they had committed great ravages, they retreated to their own country; and Weſtmoreland made his eſcape into Flanders, where he was pro⯑tected. This ſudden and precipitate rebellion was followed ſoon after by ano⯑ther ſtill more imprudent, raiſed by Leonard Dacres. Lord Hunſdon, at the head of the garriſon of Berwic, was able, without other aſſiſtance, to quell theſe [...]nfurgents. Great ſeverity was exerciſed againſt the people, who had taken part in thoſe raſh enterprizes. Sixty-ſix petty conſtables were hanged^*; and no leſs than eight hundred perſons are ſaid, on the whole, to have ſuffered by the hands of the executioner^†. But the Queen was ſo well pleaſed with Norfolk's behaviour, that ſhe releaſed him from the Tower, allowed him to live under ſome ſhew of confinement in his own houſe, and only exacted a promiſe from him not to proceed any farther in his pretenſions to marriage with the Queen of Scots^‡.

ELIZABETH now found that the detention of Mary in England was attended with all the ill conſequences, which ſhe had foreſeen when ſhe firſt embraced that meaſure. This latter princeſs recovering, by means of her misfortunes and her own natural good ſenſe, from that delirium, in which ſhe ſeems to have been thrown during her attachment to Bothwel, had behaved with ſuch modeſty and judgment, and even dignity, that every one, who approached her, was charmed with her demeanor, and her friends were enabled, on ſome plauſible grounds, to deny the reality of all thoſe crimes, which had been imputed to her^‖. The compaſſion for her ſituation, and the neceſſity of effecting her relief, proved an incitement among all her partizans to be active in promoting her cauſe; and a [...] her delivery from captivity, it was thought, could no way be effected but by [516] attempts, dangerous to the eſtabliſhed government, Elizabeth had reaſon to ex⯑pect little tranquillity ſo long as the Scotch Queen remained a priſoner in her hands. But as this inconvenience had been preferred to the danger of allowing that prin⯑ceſs to enjoy her liberty, and to ſeek relief in all the catholic courts of Europe, it behoved the Queen to ſupport the meaſure which ſhe had adopted, and to guard by every prudent expedient againſt the miſchiefs to which it was expoſed. She ſtill flattered Mary with hopes of her protection, maintained an ambiguous con⯑duct between that Queen and her enemies in Scotland, negotiated perpetually concerning the terms of her reſtoration, made conſtant profeſſions of friendſhip to her; and by theſe artifices endeavoured both to prevent her from making any deſperate efforts for her delivery, and to ſatisfy the French and Spaniſh ambaſſa⯑dors, who never intermitted their ſollicitations, ſometimes accompanied with menaces, in her favour. This deceit was received with the ſame deceit by the Queen of Scots: Profeſſions of confidence were returned by profeſſions equally inſincere: And while an appearance of friendſhip was maintained on both ſides, the animoſity and jealouſy, which had long prevailed between them, was every day becoming more inveterate and incurable. Theſe two princeſſes, in addreſs, capacity, activity, and ſpirit, were nearly a match for each other; but unhap⯑pily, Mary, beſides her preſent forlorn condition, was always inferior in perſonal conduct and diſcretion, as well as in power, to her illuſtrious rival.

ELIZABETH and Mary wrote at the ſame time letters to the regent. The Queen of Scots deſired, that her marriage with Bothwel might be examined, and a divorce legally pronounced between them. The Queen of England gave Murray the choice of three conditions; that Mary ſhould be reſtored to her dignity on certain terms; that ſhe ſhould be aſſociated with her ſon, and the ad⯑miniſtration remain in the regent's hands, till the young prince ſhould come to years of diſcretion; or that ſhe ſhould be allowed to live at liberty as a private perſon in Scotland, and have an honourable ſettlement made upon her^*. Murray ſummoned a convention, in order to deliberate on theſe propoſals of the two Queens. No anſwer was made by them to Mary's letter, under pretence that ſhe had there maintained the ſtyle of a ſovereign, addreſſing herſelf to her ſubjects; but in reality, becauſe they ſaw that her requeſt was calculated to prepare the way for a marriage with Norfolk, or ſome powerful prince, who could ſupport her cauſe, and reſtore her to the throne. They replied to Elizabeth, that the two former conditions were ſo derogatory to the royal authority of their prince, that they could not ſo much as deliberate concerning them: The third alone [517] could be the ſubject of treaty. It was evident, that Elizabeth, in propoſing conditions ſo unequal in their importance, invited the Scotch to a refuſal of thoſe which were moſt advantageous to Mary; and as it was difficult, if not impoſſible, to adjuſt all the terms of the third, ſo as to render it ſecure and eligible to all par⯑ties, it was concluded that ſhe was not ſincere in any of them^‡.

year 1570 IT is pretended, that Murray had entered into a private negociation with the Queen, to get Mary delivered into his hands^‖; and as Elizabeth found the de⯑tention of her in England ſo dangerous, it is probable, that ſhe would have been pleaſed, on any honourable or ſafe terms, to rid herſelf of a priſoner who gave her ſo much inquietude. 23 January. Aſſaſſination of the earl of Murray. But all theſe projects vaniſhed by the ſudden death of the regent, who was aſſaſſinated, in revenge of a private injury, by a gentleman of the name of Hamilton. Murray was a perſon of conſiderable vigour, ability, and conſtancy; but tho' he was not unſucceſsful, during his regency, in com⯑poſing the diſſentions in Scotland, his talents ſhone out more eminently in the beginning than in the end of his life. His manners were rough and auſtere; and he poſſeſſed not that perfect integrity, which frequently accompanies, and can alone atone for, that unamiable character.

BY the death of the regent, Scotland relapſed into its former anarchy. Mary's party aſſembled together, and made themſelves maſters of Edinburgh. The caſtle, commanded by Kirkaldy of Grange, ſeemed to favour her cauſe; and as many of the principal nobility had embraced that ſide, it became probable, tho' the people were in general averſe to her, that her authority might again acquire the aſcendant. To check its progreſs, Elizabeth diſpatched Suſſex, with an ar⯑my, to the North, under colour of chaſtizing the ravages committed by the borderers. He entered Scotland, and laid waſte the lands of the Kers and Scots, ſeized the caſtle of Hume, and committed hoſtilities on all Mary's partizans, who, he ſaid, had offended his miſtreſs, by harbouring the Engliſh rebels. Sir William Drury was afterwards ſent with a body of troops, and he threw down the houſes of the Hamiltons, who were engaged in the ſame faction. The Eng⯑liſh armies were afterwards recalled by agreement with the Queen of Scots, who promiſed, that no French troops ſhould be introduced into Scotland, and that the Engliſh rebels ſhould, by her partizans, be delivered up to the Queen^*.

BUT tho' the Queen, covering herſelf with the pretence of revenging her own quarrel, ſo far contributed to ſupport the party of the young King, ſhe was cautious not to declare openly againſt the Queen of Scots; and ſh even ſent a [518] requeſt, which was equal to a command, to the enemies of that princeſs, not to elect, during ſome time, a regent in the place of Murray^†. Lenox, the King's grandfather, was, therefore, choſen temporary governor, under the title of Lieutenant. Hearing afterwards, that Mary's partizans, inſtead of deliver⯑ing up Weſtmoreland, and the other fugitives, as they had promiſed, had allow⯑ed them to eſcape into Flanders; ſhe permitted the King's party to give Le⯑nox the title of regent^‡, and ſhe ſent Randolf, as her reſident, to maintain a correſpondence with him. But notwithſtanding this ſlep, taken in favour of Mary's enemies, ſhe never laid aſide her ambiguous conduct, or quitted the pre⯑tenſions of amity to that princeſs. Being importuned by the biſhop of Roſs, and her other agents, as well as by foreign ambaſſadors, ſhe twice procured a ſuſpenſion of arms between the Scotch factions, and by that means ſtopped the hands of the regent, who was likely to obtain advantages over the oppoſite par⯑ty^‖. By theſe ſeeming contrarieties ſhe kept alive the factions in Scotland, in⯑creaſed their mutual animoſity, and rendered the whole country a ſcene of de⯑vaſtation and of miſery^{{inverted †}}. She had no intention to conquer the kingdom, and conſequently no intereſt nor deſign to inſtigate the parties againſt each other; but this conſequence was an accidental effect of her cautious politics, by which ſhe was engaged, as far as poſſible, to keep on good terms with the Queen of Scots, and never to violate the appearances of friendſhip with her, at leaſt thoſe of neutrality^*.

THE better to amuſe Mary with the proſpect of an accommodation, Cecil and Sir Walter Mildway were ſent to her, with propoſals from Elizabeth. The terms were ſomewhat rigorous, ſuch as a captive Queen might expect from a jealous rival; and they thereby bore the greater appearance of ſincerity on the part of the Engliſh court. It was required, that the Queen of Scots, beſides renouncing all title to the crown of England during the life-time of Elizabeth, ſhould make a perpetual league, offenſive and defenſive, between the kingdoms; that ſhe ſhould marry no Engliſhman without Elizabeth's conſent, nor any other perſon without the conſent of the ſtates of Scotland; that redreſs ſhould be made [519] for the late ravages committed in England; that juſtice ſhould be executed on the murderers of the late King; that the young prince ſhould be ſent into Eng⯑land, to be educated there; that ſix hoſtages, all of them noblemen, ſhould be delivered to the Queen of England, with the caſtle of Hume, and ſome other fortreſs, for the ſecurity of performance^*. Such were the conditions upon which Elizabeth promiſed to contribute her endeavours towards the reſtoration of the de⯑poſed Queen. The neceſſity of Mary's affairs obliged her to conſent to them; and the Kings of France and Spain, as well as the pope, when conſulted by her, approved of her conduct; chiefly on account of the civil wars by which all Eu⯑rope was at that time agitated, and which incapacitated the catholic princes from giving her any aſſiſtance^†.

ELIZABETH'S commiſſioners propoſed alſo to Mary a plan of accommodation with her ſubjects in Scotland; and after ſome reaſoning on that head, it was agreed, that the Queen ſhould require Lenox, the regent, to ſend up commiſſi⯑oners, to treat of conditions under her mediation. The partizans of Mary boaſt⯑ed, that all terms were fully ſettled with the court of England, and that the Scotch rebels would ſoon be conſtrained to ſubmit to the reſtoration of their ſove⯑reign: But Elizabeth took care that theſe rumours ſhould meet with no credit, and that the King's party ſhould not be diſcouraged, nor ſink too low in their demands. Cecil wrote to inform the regent, that all the Queen of England's propoſals, ſo far from being fixed and irrevocable, were to be diſcuſſed anew in the conference; and deſired him to ſend commiſſioners, who ſhould be conſtant to the King's cauſe, and cautious not to make conceſſions which might be preju⯑dicial to their party^‡. Suſſex alſo, in his letters, dropped hints to the ſame purpoſe; and Elizabeth herſelf ſaid to the abbot of Dunfermling, whom Lenox had ſent to the court of England, that ſhe would not inſiſt on Mary's reſtoration, provided the Scotch could make the juſtice of their cauſe appear to her ſatisfac⯑tion; and that even, if their reaſons ſhould fall ſhort of full conviction, ſhe would take effectual care to provide for their future ſecurity^‖.

year 1571 1ſt of March, THE Scotch Parliament appointed the Earl of Morton, the Abbot of Dun⯑fermling, and Sir James Macgill to manage the treaty. Theſe commiſſioners firſt preſented memorials, containing reaſons for the depoſition of their Queen; and they ſeconded their arguments, with examples drawn from the Scotch hiſtory, with the authority of laws, and with the ſentiments of many famous divines. The loſty ideas, which Elizabeth had entertained of the abſolute, indeſe [...]zable [520] right of ſovereigns, made her be ſhocked with theſe republican topics; and ſhe told the Scotch commiſſioners, that ſhe was no-wiſe ſatisfied with their reaſons for juſtifying the conduct of their countrymen; and that they might therefore pro⯑ceed to propoſe the conditions, which they required for their ſecurity^*. They replied, that their commiſſion did not empower them to treat of any terms, which might infringe the title and ſovereignty of their young king; but they would gladly hear whatever propoſals ſhould be made them by her majeſty. The con⯑ditions, recommended by the Queen, were not diſadvantageous to Mary; but as the commiſſioners ſtill inſiſted, that they were not authorized to treat, in any manner, concerning the reſtoration of that Princeſs^†, the conferences were ne⯑ceſſarily at an end; and Elizabeth diſmiſſed the Scotch commiſſioners with in⯑junctions, that they ſhould return, after having procured more ample powers from their Parliament^‡. The biſhop of Roſs complained openly to the Engliſh council, that they had abuſed his miſtreſs by fair promiſes and profeſſions; and Mary herſelf was no longer at a loſs to judge of Elizabeth's inſincerity. By reaſon of theſe diſappointments, matters came ſtill nearer to extremity between the two Princeſſes; and the Queen of Scots, finding all her hopes eluded, was more ſtrongly incited to make, at all hazards, every poſſible attempt for her li⯑berty and ſecurity.

AN incident alſo happened about this time, which tended to widen the breach between Mary and Elizabeth, and to encreaſe the vigilance and jealouſy of the latter Princeſs. Pope Pius the fifth, who had ſucceeded Paul, after having en⯑deavoured in vain to conciliate by gentle means the friendſhip of Elizabeth, whom his predeceſſor's violence had irritated, iſſued at laſt a bull of excommu⯑nication againſt her, deprived her of all title to the crown, and abſolved her ſub⯑jects from their oaths of allegiance^‖. It ſeems probable, that this attack on the Queen's authority was made in concert with Mary, who intended by that means to forward the northern rebellion; a meaſure, which was at that time pro⯑jected^§. John Felton affixed this bull to the gates of the biſhop of London's palace; and ſcorning either to fly or deny the fact, he was ſeized, and condemned, and received the crown of martyrdom, for which he appears to have entertained ſo violent an ambition^†.

2d of April. A Parliament. A new Parliament, after five years interval, was aſſembled at Weſtminſter; and as the Queen, by the rage of the pope againſt her, was become ſtill more [521] the head of the ruling party, it might be expected, both from this incident and from her own prudent and vigorous conduct, that her authority over the two houſes would be abſolutely uncontrouleable. It was ſo in fact; yet is it remark⯑able, that it prevailed not without ſome ſmall oppoſition; and that too ariſing chiefly from the height of zeal for proteſtantiſm; a diſpoſition of the Engliſh, which, in general, contributed extremely to encreaſe the Queen's popularity. We ſhall be ſomewhat particular in relating the tranſactions of this feſſion, be⯑cauſe they ſhow, as well the extent of the royal power during that age, as the diſpoſition of Elizabeth and the genius of her government. It will be curious alſo to obſerve the faint dawnings of the ſpirit of liberty in the Engliſh, the jea⯑louſy with which that ſpirit was repreſſed by the ſovereign, the imperious con⯑duct which was maintained in oppoſition to it, and the eaſe with which it was ſubdued by this arbitrary Princeſs.

THE Lord keeper, Bacon, after the ſpeaker of the commons was elected, told the Parliament, in the Queen's name, that ſhe enjoined them not to meddle with any matters of ſtate^†: Such was his expreſſion; by which he probably meant, the queſtions of the Queen's marriage and the ſucceſſion, about which they had before given her ſome trouble: For as to the other great points of government, alliances, peace and war, or foreign negotiations; no Parliament in that age ever had the preſumption to take them under conſideration, or queſtion, in theſe par⯑ticulars, the conduct of their ſovereign.

IN the former Parliament, the puritans had introduced ſeven bills for a far⯑ther reformation in religion; but they had not been able to prevail in any one of them^‡. This houſe of commons had ſat a very few days, when Stricland, a member, revived one of the bills, that for the amendment of the liturgy^‖. The chief objection, which he mentioned, was the ſign of the croſs in baptiſm. Ano⯑ther member added, the kneeling at the ſacrament; and remarked, that if a poſ⯑ture of humiliation was requiſite in that act of devotion, it were better, that the communicants ſhould throw themſelves proſtrate on the ground, in order to keep at the wideſt diſtance from former ſuperſtition^*.

RELIGION was a point, of which Elizabeth was, if poſſible, ſtill more jea⯑lous than of matters of ſtate. She pretended, that, in quality of ſupreme head or governor of the church, ſhe was fully empowered, by her prerogative alone, to decide all queſtions which might ariſe with regard to doctrine, diſcipline, or wor⯑ſhip; and ſhe never would allow her Parliaments ſo much as to take theſe points [522] into conſideration^*. The courtiers forgot not to inſiſt on this topic: The treaſurer of the houſhold, tho' he allowed, that any hereſy might be condemn⯑ed by Parliament, (a conceſſion which ſeems to have been very raſh and unguard⯑ed; ſince the act, inveſting the crown with the ſupremacy, or rather acknow⯑ledging that prerogative, gave the ſovereign full power to reform all hereſies) yet he affirmed, that it belonged to the Queen alone, as head of the church, to regulate every queſtion of ceremony in worſhip^†. The comptroller ſeconded this argument; inſiſted on the extent of the Queen's prerogative; and ſaid, that the houſe might, from former examples, have taken warning not to meddle with ſuch matters. One Piſtor oppoſed theſe remonſtrances of the courtiers. He was ſcandalized, he ſaid, that affairs of ſuch infinite conſequence (viz. kneeling and making the ſign of the croſs) ſhould be paſſed over ſo lightly. Theſe queſtions, he added, concern the ſalvation of our ſouls, and intereſt every one of us more deeply than the monarchy of the whole world. This cauſe he ſhewed to be God's; the reſt were all but terrene, yea trifles in compariſon, call you them ever ſo great: Subſidies, crowns, kingdoms, he knew not what weight they had, when laid in the ballance with ſubjects of ſuch unſpeakable importance^‡. Tho' the zeal of this member ſeems to have been highly approved of, the houſe, over⯑awed by the prerogative, voted upon the queſtion, that a petition ſhould be pre⯑ſented to her majeſty, for her licence to proceed farther in this bill; and in the mean time to ſtop all debate or reaſoning concerning it^‖.

MATTERS would probably have reſted here, had not the Queen been ſo highly offended with Stricland's preſumption, in moving the bill for reformation of the liturgy, that ſhe ſent for him to the council, and prohibited him thenceforth to appear in the houſe of commons^{{inverted †}}. That act of power was too violent even for this ſubmiſſive Parliament to endure. Carleton took notice of the matter, com⯑plained that the liberties of the houſe were violated; obſerved that Stricland was not a private man, but repreſented a multitude; and moved, that he might be ſent for, and if he was guilty of any offence, might anſwer for it at the bar of the houſe, which he inſinuated to be the only competent tribunal^**. Yelverton enforced the principles of liberty with ſtill greater boldneſs. He ſaid, that the precedent was dangerous: And tho' in this happy time of lenity, among ſo many good and honourable perſonages as were at preſent inveſted with authority, no⯑thing of extremity or injury was to be apprehended; yet the times might alter; what now is permitted, hereafter might be conſtrued as duty, and might be en⯑forced [523] even on the ground of the preſent permiſſion. He added, that all matters not treaſonable, or which implied too much derogation of the imperial crown, might, without offence, be introduced into Parliament; where every queſtion that con⯑cerned the community, muſt be conſidered, and where even the right of the crown itſelf muſt finally be determined. He remarked, that men ſat not in that houſe in their private capacities, but as elected by their country; and tho' it was proper, that the prince ſhould retain his prerogative, yet was that preroga⯑tive limited by law: As the ſovereign could not of himſelf make laws, neither could he break them, merely from his own authority^*.

THESE principles were popular, and noble, and generous; but the open aſſer⯑tion of them was ſomewhat new in England: And the courtiers were more war⯑ranted by preſent practice, when they advanced a contrary doctrine. The trea⯑ſurer warned the houſe to be cautious in their proceedings; neither to venture farther than their aſſured warrant might extend, nor hazard their good opinion with her majeſty in any doubtful cauſe. The member, he ſaid, whom they re⯑quired, was not detained on account of any liberty of ſpeech, but for the exhibit⯑ing a bill in the houſe againſt the prerogative of the Queen; a temerity which was not to be tolerated. And he concluded with obſerving, that even ſpeeches made in that houſe, have been queſtioned and examined by the ſovereign^†. Cleere, another member, remarked, that the ſovereign's prerogative is not ſo much as diſputable, and that the ſafety of the Queen is the ſafety of the ſubjects. He added, that in queſtions of divinity, every man was for his inſtruction to re⯑pair to his ordinary; and he ſeems to imply, that the biſhops themſelves, for their inſtruction, muſt repair to the Queen^‡. Mr. Fleetwood obſerved, that, in his memory, he knew a man, who, in the fifth of the preſent Queen, had been called to account for a ſpeech in the houſe. But left this example ſhould be eſteemed too recent, he would inform them, from the parliament rolls, that in the reign of Henry the fifth, a biſhop was committed to priſon by the King's command, on account of his freedom of ſpeech; and the Parliament preſumed not to go farther than to be humble ſuitors for him: In the ſubſequent reign, the ſpeaker himſelf was committed, with another member; and the houſe found no other remedy than a like ſubmiſſive application. He adviſed the houſe to have recourſe to the ſame expedient; and not to preſume, either to ſend for their member, or demand him as of right^‖. During this ſpeech, thoſe members of the council who ſat in the houſe, whiſpered together; upon which the ſpeaker moved, that the houſe ſhould make ſtay of all farther proceedings: A motion, [524] which was immediately complied with. The Queen, finding that the experiment which ſhe had made, was likely to excite a great commotion, ſaved her honour by this ſilence of the houſe; and that the queſtion might no more be reſumed, ſhe ſent next day to Stricland her permiſſion to give his attendance in Parlia⯑ment^*.

NOTWITHSTANDING this rebuke from the throne, the zeal of the commons ſtill engaged them to continue the diſcuſſion of thoſe other bills which regarded religion; but they were interrupted by a ſtill more arbitrary proceeding of the Queen, in which the lords condeſcended to be her inſtrument. That houſe ſent a meſſage to the commons, deſiring that a committee might attend them. Some members were accordingly appointed for that purpoſe; and the upper houſe in⯑formed them, that the Queen's majeſty being informed of the articles of reforma⯑tion which they had canvaſſed, approved of them, intended to publiſh them, and to make the biſhops execute them, by virtue of her regal authority, as ſu⯑preme head of the church of England: But that ſhe would not permit them to be treated of in Parliament^†. The houſe, tho' they did not entirely ſtop pro⯑ceedings on account of this injunction, ſeem no-wiſe to have been offended at ſuch haughty treatment; and in the iſſue all their bills came to nothing.

A MOTION, made by Robert Bell, a puritan, againſt an excluſive patent grant⯑ed to a company of merchants at Briſtol^‡, gave alſo occaſion to ſome remark⯑able incidents. The Queen, ſome days after the motion was made, ſent her or⯑ders, by the mouth of the ſpeaker, commanding the houſe to ſpend little time in motions, and to avoid long ſpeeches. All the members underſtood that ſhe had been offended, becauſe a matter had been moved which ſeemed to touch her prerogative^‖. Fleetwood accordingly ſpoke of this delicate ſubject. He ob⯑ſerved, that the Queen had a prerogative of granting patents; that to queſtion the validity of any patent, was to invade the royal prerogative; that all foreign trade was entirely ſubjected to the pleaſure of the ſovereign; that even the ſtatute which gave liberty of commerce, admitted of all prohibitions from the crown; and that the prince, when he granted an excluſive patent, only employed the power veſted in him, and prohibited all others from dealing in any particular branch of commerce. He quoted the Clerk of the Parliament's book, to prove, that no man might ſpeak in Parliament of the ſtatute of wills, unleſs the King firſt gave licence; becauſe the royal prerogative in the wards was thereby touch⯑ed. He ſhewed likewiſe the ſtatutes of Edward the firſt, Edward the third, and Henry the fourth, with a ſaving of the prerogative. And in Edward the ſixth's [525] time, the protector was applied to, for his allowance to mention matters of pre⯑rogative^*.

SIR Humphrey Gilbert, the gallant ſea-adventurer, carried theſe topics ſtill farther. He endeavoured to prove, the motion made by Bell; to be a vain de⯑vice, and perillous to be treated of; ſince it tended to the derogation of the pre⯑rogative imperial, which, whoever ſhould attempt ſo much as in fancy, could not, he ſaid, be otherwiſe accounted than an open enemy. For what difference is there between ſaying, that the Queen is not to uſe the privilege of the crown, and ſaying that ſhe is not Queen? And tho' experience has ſhewn ſo much cle⯑mency in her majeſty, as might, perhaps, make the ſubjects forget their duty; it is not good to ſport or venture too much with princes. He remembered them of the fable of the hare, who, upon the proclamation, that all horned beaſts ſhould depart the court, immediately fled, leſt his ears ſhould be conſtrued to be horns; and by this apologue he ſeems to inſinuate, that even thoſe who heard or permitted ſuch dangerous ſpeeches, would not themſelves be entirely free from danger. He deſired them to beware, leſt, if they meddled farther with theſe matters, the Queen might look to her own power, and finding herſelf able to ſuppreſs their challenged liberty, and to exert an arbitrary authority, might imi⯑tate the example of Lewis the eleventh of France, who, as he termed it, deli⯑vered the crown from wardſhip^†.

THO' this ſpeech gave ſome diſguſt, no body, at the time, replied any thing, but that Sir Humphrey miſtook the meaning of the houſe, and of the member who made the motion: They never had other purpoſe, than to repreſent their grievances in due and ſeemly form unto her majeſty. But, in a ſubſequent de⯑bate, Peter Wentworth, a man of a ſuperior free ſpirit, called that ſpeech an in⯑ſult on the houſe; noted Sir Humphrey's diſpoſition to flatter and fawn on the prince; compared him to the cameleon, which can change itſelf into all colours, except white; and recommended to the houſe, a due care of liberty of ſpeech, and of the privileges of Parliament^‡. It appears, on the whole, that the mo⯑tion againſt the excluſive patent had no effect. Bell, the member who firſt in⯑troduced it, was ſent for by the council, and was ſeverely reprimanded for his temerity. He returned to the houſe with ſuch an amazed countenance, that all the members, well informed of the reaſon, were ſtruck with terror; and during ſome time, no one durſt riſe to ſpeak of any matter of importance, for fear of giving offence to the Queen and the council. Even after the fears of the com⯑mons were ſomewhat abated, the members ſpoke with extreme precaution; and [526] by employing moſt of their diſcourſe in preambles and apologies, they ſhewed their conſcious terror of the rod which was hanging over them. Wherever any delicate point was touched; tho' ever ſo gently; nay ſeemed to be approached, tho' at ever ſo great a diſtance, the whiſper ran about the houſe, ‘"The Queen will be offended; the council will be extremely diſpleaſed:"’ And by theſe ſur⯑mizes men were warned of the danger to which they expoſed themſelves. It is remarkable, that the patent which the Queen defended with ſuch imperious vio⯑lence, was contrived for the profit of four courtiers, and was attended with the utter ruin of ſeven or eight thouſand of her induſtrious ſubjects^*.

29th May. THUS every thing which paſſed the two houſes, was extremely reſpectful and ſubmiſſive; yet did the Queen think it incumbent on her, at the concluſion of the ſeſſion, to check, and that with great ſeverity, thoſe feeble efforts for liberty, which had appeared in the motions and ſpeeches of ſome members. The lord keeper told the commons, in her majeſty's name, that, tho' the majority of the lower houſe had ſhewed themſelves, in their proceedings, diſcreet, and dutiful, yet a few of them had diſcovered a contrary character, and had juſtly merited the reproach of audacious, arrogant, and preſumptuous: Contrary to their duty, both as ſubjects and parliament-men, nay contrary to the expreſs injunctions given them from the throne at the beginning of the ſeſſion; injunctions, which it might well have become them to have better attended to; they had preſumed to call in queſtion her majeſty's grants and prerogatives. But her majeſty warns them, that ſince they will thus wilfully forget themſelves, they are otherwiſe to be admoniſhed: Some other ſpecies of correction muſt be found for them; ſince neither the commands of her majeſty, nor the example of their wiſer brethren, can reclaim their audacious, arrogant, and preſumptuous folly, by which they are thus led to meddle with what no way belongs to them, and what lies not within the compaſs of their underſtanding^†.

IN all theſe tranſactions appears clearly the opinion which Elizabeth had en⯑tertained of the duty and authority of Parliaments. They were not to canvaſs any matters of ſtate: Still leſs were they to meddle with the church. Queſtions of either kind were far above their reach, and were appropriated to the prince alone, or to thoſe councils and miniſters with whom he was pleaſed to entruſt them. What then was the office of Parliaments? They might give directions for the due tanning of leather, or milling of cloth; for the preſervation of phea⯑ſants and partridges; for the reparation of bridges and highways; for the pu⯑niſhment of vagabonds or common beggars. Regulations concerning the police of the country came properly under their inſpection; and the laws of this kind [527] which they preſcribed, had, if not a greater, yet a more durable authority, than thoſe derived ſolely from the proclamations of the ſovereign. Precedents or re⯑ports could fix a rule for deciſions in private property, or the puniſhment of crimes; but no alteration or innovation in the municipal law could proceed from any other ſource than the Parliament; nor would the courts of juſtice be induced to change their eſtabliſhed practice by an order of council. But the moſt ac⯑ceptable part of parliamentary tranſactions was the granting of ſubſidies; the attainting and puniſhing the obnoxious nobility, or any miniſter of ſtate after his fall; the countenancing ſuch great efforts of power, as might be deemed ſome⯑what exceptionable, where they proceeded entirely from the ſovereign. The re⯑dreſs of grievances was ſometimes promiſed to the people; but ſeldom could have place, while it was an eſtabliſhed rule, that the prerogatives of the crown muſt not be abridged, or ſo much as queſtioned and examined in Parliament. Even tho' monopolies and excluſive companies had already reached an enormous height, and were every day encreaſing, to the deſtruction of all liberty, and extinction of all induſtry; it was criminal in a member to propoſe, in the moſt dutiful and regular manner, a parliamentary application againſt any of them.

THESE maxims of government were not kept ſecret by Elizabeth, or ſmoothed over by any fair appearances or plauſible pretences. They were openly avowed in her ſpeeches and meſſages to Parliament; and were accompanied with all the haughtineſs, nay ſometimes bitterneſs of expreſſion, which the meaneſt ſervant could look for from his offended maſter. Yet notwithſtanding this conduct, Elizabeth continued the moſt popular ſovereign that ever ſwayed the ſcepter of England; becauſe the maxims of her reign were conformable to the principles of the times, and to the opinion which was generally entertained with regard to the conſtitution. The continued encroachments of popular aſſemblies on Eliza⯑beth's ſucceſſors have ſo changed our ideas of theſe matters, that the paſſages above mentioned appear to us extremely curious, and even at firſt ſurprizing; but they were ſo little remarked, during the time, that neither Camden, tho' a contemporary writer, nor any other hiſtorian, has taken any notice of them. So abſolute was the authority of the crown, that the precious ſpark of liberty had been kindled, and was preſerved, by the puritans alone; and it was to this ſect, whoſe principles appear ſo frivolous and habits ſo ridiculous, that the Engliſh owe the whole freedom of their conſtitution. Actuated by that zeal which be⯑longs to innovators, and by the courage which enthuſiaſm inſpires, they hazarded the utmoſt indignation of their ſovereign; and employing all their induſtry to be elected into Parliament; a matter not difficult, while a feat was rather regarded [528] as a burthen than an advantage^*; they firſt acquired a majority in that aſſembly, and then obtained an aſcendant over the church and monarchy.

THE following were the principal laws enacted this ſeſſion of Parliament. It was declared treaſon, during the life-time of the Queen, to affirm, that ſhe was not the lawful ſovereign, or that any other poſſeſſed a better title, or that ſhe was an heretic, ſchiſmatic, or infidel, or that the laws and ſtatutes cannot limit and de⯑termine the right of the crown and the ſucceſſor thereof: To maintain in writing or printing, that any perſon, except the natural iſſue of her body, is or ought to be the Queen's heir or ſucceſſor, ſubjected the perſon and all his abettors, for the firſt offence, to impriſonment during a year, and to the forfeiture of half their goods: The ſecond offence ſubjected them to the penalty of a premunire^†. This law was plainly leveled againſt the Queen of Scots and her partizans; and implyed an avowal, that Elizabeth never intended to declare her ſucceſſor▪ It may be noted, that the uſual phraſe of lawful iſſue, which the Parliament thought indecent towards the Queen, as if ſhe could be ſuppoſed to have any other, was changed into that of natural iſſue. But this alteration was the ſource of great ridicule during the time; and ſome perſons ſuſpected a deeper deſign, as if Leiceſter intended, in caſe of the Queen's death, to produce ſome baſtard of his own, and affirm that he was her offspring^‡.

IT was alſo enacted, that whoſoever by bulls ſhall publiſh abſolutions or other reſcripts of the pope, or ſhall by means of them reconcile any man to the church of Rome, ſuch offenders, as well as thoſe who were ſo reconciled, ſhould be guilty of treaſon. The penalty of a premunire was impoſed on every one who imported any Agnus Dei, crucifix, or ſuch other implement of ſuperſtition, con⯑ſecrated by the pope^§. The former laws againſt taking intereſt, which was de⯑nominated uſury, were enforced by a new ſtatute^{{inverted †}}. A ſupply of one ſubſidy and two fifteenths was granted by Parliament. The Queen, as ſhe was deter⯑mined to yield to them none of her power, was very cautious of aſking from them any ſupplies. She endeavoured, either by a rigid frugality to make her ordinary revenues ſuffice for the neceſſities of the crown, or ſhe employed her prerogative and acquired money by the granting of patents, monopolies, or by ſome ſuch ruinous expedient.

THO' Elizabeth poſſeſſed ſuch uncontrouled authority over her parliaments, and ſuch extenſive influence over her people; tho' during a courſe of thirteen [529] years, ſhe had been able to maintain the public tranquillity, which was only in⯑terrupted by the haſty and ill concerted inſurrection of the north; ſhe was ſtill kept in great anxiety, and felt her throne perpetually totter under her. The violent commotions, excited in France and the Low Countries, as well as in Scot⯑land, ſeemed in one view to ſecure her againſt any diſturbance; but they ſerved, on more reflection, to inſtruct her in the danger of her ſituation, when ſhe re⯑marked, that England, no leſs than theſe neighbouring countries, contained the ſeeds of inteſtine diſcord, the differences of religious opinion, and the furious intolerance and animoſity of the oppoſite ſectaries.

Civil wars of France. THE league, formed at Bayonne in 1566 for the extermination of the prote⯑ſtants, had not been concluded ſo ſecretly but intelligence of it had reached Condé, Coligni, and the other leaders of the hugonots; and finding, that the meaſures of the court agreed with their ſuſpicions, they were determined to prevent the cruel perfidy of their enemies, and to ſtrike a blow before the catholics were aware of the danger. The hugonots, tho' diſperſed over the whole kingdom, formed a kind of empire within itſelf; and being cloſely united, as well by their religious zeal, as by the dangers, to which they were perpetually expoſed, they obeyed with entire ſubmiſſion the orders of their leaders, and were ready on every alarm to fly to arms. The King and Queen-mother were living in great ſecurity at Monceaux in Brie; when they found themſelves ſurrounded by proteſtant troops, which had ſecretly marched thither from all quarters; and had not a body of Swiſs come haſtily to their relief, and conducted them with great intrepidity to Paris, they muſt have fallen, without reſiſtance, into the hands of the inſur⯑gents. A battle was afterwards fought in the plains of St. Dennis, where, tho' the old conſtable Montmorency, the general of the catholics, was killed combating bravely at the head of his troops, the hugonots were finally defeated. Condé collecting his broken troops, and receiving a ſtrong reinforcement from the Ger⯑man proteſtants, appeared again in the field; and laying ſiege to Chartres, a place of great importance, obliged the court to agree to a new accommodation. Such was the mutual animoſity of theſe religioniſts, that, even had the leaders on both ſides been ever ſo ſincere in their intentions for peace, and repoſed ever ſo great con⯑fidence in each other, it would have been difficult to have retained the people in tranquillity; much more, where ſuch extreme jealouſy prevailed, and where the court employed every pacification as a ſnare for their enemies. A plan was laid for ſeizing the perſon of the prince and admiral; who narrowly eſcaped to Rochelle, and ſummoned their partizans to their aſſiſtance^*. The civil wars [530] were renewed with greater fury than ever, and the parties became ſtill more ex⯑aſperated againſt each other. The young duke of Anjou, brother to the King, commanded the forces of the catholics; and fought in 1569 a great battle at Jarnac with the hugonots, where the prince of Condé was killed, and his army defeated. This diſcomfiture, with the loſs of ſo great a leader, reduced not the hugonots to deſpair. The admiral ſtill ſupported the cauſe; and having placed at the head of the proteſtants, the prince of Navarre, then ſixteen years of age, and the young prince of Condé, he encouraged the party rather to periſh bravely in the field, than ignominiouſly by the hands of the executioner. He collected ſuch numbers, ſo determined to endure every extremity, that he was enabled to make head againſt the duke of Anjou; and being ſtrengthened by a new reinforcement of Germans, he obliged that prince to retreat and to divide his forces. Coligni then laid ſiege to Poitiers; and as the eyes of all France were turned on this en⯑terprize, the duke of Guiſe, emulous of the renown, which his father had ac⯑quired by the defence of Metz, threw himſelf into the place, and ſo animated the garriſon by his valour and conduct, that the admiral was obliged to raiſe the ſiege. Such was the commencement of that unrivaled fame and grandeur, after⯑wards attained by this duke of Guiſe. The attachment, which all the catholics had borne to his father, was immediately transferred to the ſon; and men pleaſed themſelves in comparing all the great and heroic qualities, which ſeemed, in a manner, hereditary in that family. Equal in affability, in munificence, in ad⯑dreſs, in eloquence, and in every quality, which engages the affections of men; equal alſo in valour, in conduct, in enterprize, in capacity; there ſeemed only this difference between them, that the ſon, educated in more turbulent times, and finding a greater diſſolution of all law and order, exceeded the father in ambition and temerity, and was engaged in enterprizes ſtill more deſtructive to the authority of his ſovereign and to the repoſe of his native country.

ELIZABETH, who kept her attention fixed on the civil commotions of France, was no wiſe pleaſed with this new riſe of her enemies, the Guiſes; and being anxious for the fate of the proteſtants, whoſe intereſts were connected with her own^*, ſhe was engaged, notwithſtanding her averſion againſt all rebellion, and all oppoſition to the will of the ſovereign, to give them ſecretly ſome aſſiſtance. Beſides employing her authority with the German princes, ſhe ſent money to the Queen of Navarre, and received ſome jewels as pledges for the loan. And ſhe permitted Henry Champernon to levy, and tranſport over into France, a re⯑giment of an hundred gentlemen voluntiers; among whom Walter Raleigh, then a young man, began to diſtinguiſh himſelf in that great ſchool of military va⯑lour [531] ^†. The admiral, conſtrained by the impatience of his troops, and by the difficulty of ſubſiſting them, fought with the duke of Anjou, the battle of Mon⯑contour in Poictou, where he was wounded and defeated. The court of France, notwithſtanding their frequent experience of the obſtinacy of the hugonots, and the vigour of Coligni, vainly flattered themſelves that the force of the rebels was at laſt finally annihilated; and they neglected farther preparations againſt a foe, who, they thought, could never more become dangerous. They were ſur⯑prized to hear, that that leader had appeared in another quarter of the kingdom; had encouraged the young princes, whom he governed, to equal conſtancy; had aſſembled an army; had taken the field; and was even ſtrong enough to threaten Paris. The public finances, diminiſhed by the continued diſorders of the king⯑dom, and waſted by ſo many fruitleſs military enterprizes, could no longer bear the charge of a new armament; and the King, notwithſtanding his extreme ani⯑moſity againſt the hugonots, was obliged, in 1570, to conclude an accommodation with them, to grant them a pardon for all paſt offences, and to renew the edicts for liberty of conſcience.

THO' a pacification was ſeemingly concluded, the mind of Charles was no way reconciled to his rebellious ſubjects; and this accommodation, like all the forego⯑ing, was nothing but a ſnare, by which the perfidious court had projected to deſtroy at once, without danger, all its formidable enemies. As the two young princes, the admiral, and all the leaders of the hugonots, inſtructed by paſt ex⯑perience, diſcovered an extreme diſtruſt of the King's intentions, and kept them⯑ſelves in ſecurity, at a diſtance, all poſſible artifices were employed to remove their apprehenſions, and convince them of the ſincerity of the new councils, which ſeemed to be embraced. The terms of the peace were exactly obſerved to them; the toleration was regularly maintained; all attempts, made by the zealous catholics to infringe it, were puniſhed with ſeverity; offices, and favours, and honours were beſtowed on the principal nobility among the proteſtants; and the King and council every where declared, that, tired of civil diſorders, and convinced of the impoſſibility of forcing men's conſcience, they were thenceforth determined to allow every one the free exerciſe of his religion.

AMONG the other artifices, employed to [...]ull the proteſtants into a fatal ſecurity, Charles aſſected to enter into cloſe connexions with Elizabeth; and as it ſeemed not the intereſt of France to forward the union of the two kingdoms of Great Britain, that princeſs the more eaſily flattered herſelf, that the French monarch would prefer her friendſhip to that of the Queen of Scots. The better to deceive her, propoſals of marriage were made her with the duke of Anjou; a prince [532] whoſe youth, beauty, and reputation for valour might naturally be ſuppoſed to recommend him to a woman, who had appeared not altogether indifferent to theſe endowments. The Queen immediately founded on this offer the project of deceiv⯑ing the court of France; and being intent on the artifice of that ſcheme, ſhe laid herſelf the more open to be deceived. Negotiations were entered into with regard to the marriage; terms of the contract were propoſed; difficulties ſtarted and re⯑moved; and the two courts, equally inſincere, tho' not equally criminal, ſeemed to approach every day nearer each other in their demands and conceſſions. The great obſtacle ſeemed to lie in adjuſting the differences of religion; becauſe Elizabeth, who recommended toleration to Charles, was determined not to grant it in her own dominions, not even to her huſband; and the duke of Anjou ſeemed unwilling to ſubmit, for the ſake of intereſt, to the diſhonour of an apoſtacy^*.

THE artificial politics of Elizabeth never triumphed ſo much in any contivances as in thoſe which were conjoined with her coquetry; and as her character in this particular was generally known, the court of France thought that they might, without danger of forming any final concluſion, venture the farther in their con⯑ceſſions and offers to her. The Queen alſo had other motives for diſſimulation. Beſides the advantage of diſcouraging Mary's partizans by the proſpect of an al⯑liance between France and England, her ſituation with Philip demanded her ut⯑moſt vigilance and attention; and the preſent revolutions in the Low Countries made her glad of fortifying herſelf even with the appearance of a new con⯑federacy.

Affairs of the Low Coun⯑tries. THE theological controverſies, which had long agitated Europe, had, from the beginning, penetrated into the Low Countries; and as theſe provinces main⯑tained a very extenſive commerce, they had early received from every king⯑dom, with which they correſponded, a tincture of religious innovation. An opinion at that time prevailed, which had been zealouſly propagated by the prieſts, and implicitly received by ſovereigns, that hereſy was cloſely connected with rebellion, and that every great or violent alteration in the church involved a like revolution in the ſtate and civil government. The forward zeal of the reformers would ſeldom allow them to wait the conſent of the magiſtrate to their innovations; they became leſs dutiful when they were oppoſed and per⯑ſecuted; and tho' their pretended ſpirit of reaſoning and enquiry was in reality nothing but a new ſpecies of implicit faith, the prince took the alarm; as if no inſtitutions could be ſecure from the temerity of their reſearches. The emperor [533] Charles, who propoſed to augment his authority under the pretence of defending the catholic faith, eaſily adopted theſe political principles; and notwithſtanding the limited prerogative, which he poſſeſſed in the Netherlands, he publiſhed the moſt arbitrary, ſevere, and tyrannical edicts againſt the proteſtants, and he took care that the execution of them ſhould be no leſs violent and ſanguinary. He was neither cruel nor bigotted in his natural diſpoſition; yet an hiſtorian, cele⯑brated for moderation and caution, has computed, that, in the ſeveral perſecu⯑tions, promoted by that monarch, no leſs than an hundred thouſand perſons periſhed by the hands of the executioner^*. But theſe ſevere remedies, ſo far from anſwering the purpoſe intended, had rather ſerved to augment the numbers as well as zeal of the reformers; and the magiſtrates of the ſeveral towns, ſeeing no end of thoſe barbarous executions, felt their humanity rebel againſt their principles, and declined any farther perſecution of the new doc⯑trines.

WHEN Philip ſucceeded to his father's dominions, the Flemings were juſtly alarmed with new apprehenſions; leſt their prince, obſerving the lenity of the magiſtrates, ſhould take the execution of the edicts from ſuch remiſs hands, and eſtabliſh the inquiſition in the Low Countries, accompanied with all the ini⯑quities and barbarities which attended it in Spain. The ſevere and unrelenting character of the man, his profeſſed attachment to Spaniſh manners, the inflexible bigotry of his principles; all theſe circumſtances encreaſed their terror: And when he left the Netherlands, with a known intention never to return, the diſ⯑guſt of the inhabitants was extremely augmented, and their dread of thoſe tyran⯑nical orders, which their ſovereign, ſurrounded with Spaniſh miniſters, would iſſue from his cabinet of Madrid. He left the dutcheſs of Parma governeſs of the Low Countries; and the natural good ſenſe and good temper of that princeſs, had ſhe been entruſted with the ſole power, would have preſerved the ſubmiſſion of thoſe opulent provinces, which were loſt from that refinement of treacherous and barbarous politics, on which Philip ſo highly valued himſelf. The Flemings [...]ound, that the name alone of regent remained with the dutcheſs; that cardinal Granville poſſeſſed entirely the King's confidence; that attempts were every day made on their liberties; that a reſolution was taken never more to aſſemble the ſ [...]ates; that new biſhoprics were arbitrarily elected, in order to enforce the exe⯑cution of the perſecuting edicts; and that on the whole, they muſt make ac⯑count of being reduced to the condition of a province under the Spaniſh mo⯑narchy. The diſcontents of the nobility gave countenance to the complaints of the [534] gentry, which encouraged the mutiny of the populace; and all orders of men ſhowed a ſtrong diſpoſition to revolt. Aſſociations were formed, tumultuary petitions preſented, names of diſtinction aſſumed, badges of party diſplayed; and the current of the people, irritated by feeble reſiſtance, and impelled by re⯑ligious zeal, roſe to ſuch a height, that in ſeveral towns, particularly in Antwerp, they made an open invaſion on the eſtabliſhed worſhip, pillaged the churches and monaſteries, broke the images, and committed the moſt unwarrantable diſ⯑orders.

THE wiſer part of the nobility, particularly the prince of Orange, and the counts Egmont and Horn, were alarmed with theſe exceſſes, to which their diſ⯑contents had at firſt given countenance; and ſeconding the wiſdom of the go⯑verneſs, they ſuppreſſed thoſe dangerous inſurrections, puniſhed the ringleaders, and reduced all the provinces to a ſtate of order and ſubmiſſion. But Philip was not contented with the re-eſtabliſhment of his antient authority: He con⯑ſidered, that provinces, ſo remote from the ſeat of government, could not be ruled by a limited prerogative; and that a prince, who muſt entreat rather than command, would neceſſarily, when he reſided not among the people, feel every day a diminution of his power and influence. He was determined, therefore, to lay hold of the late popular mutinies as a pretence for aboliſhing entirely the privileges of the Low Country provinces; and for ruling them thenceforth with a military and arbitrary authority. In the execution of this violent deſign, he employed a man, who was a proper inſtrument in the hands of ſuch a tyrant. Ferdinand of Toledo, duke of Alva, had been educated entirely amidſt arms; and having attained a conſummate knowlege in the military art, his habits led him to transfer into all government the ſevere diſcipline of a camp, and to con⯑ceive no meaſures between prince and ſubject but thoſe of rigid command and implicit obedience. This general, in 1568, conducted from Italy to the Low Countries a powerful body of veteran Spaniards; and his avowed animoſity to the Flemings, with his known character, ſtruck that whole people with terror and conſternation. It belongs not to our ſubject to relate at length thoſe vi⯑olences, which Alva's natural barbarity, ſteeled by reflection, and aggravated by inſolence, exerciſed on thoſe flouriſhing provinces. It ſuffices to ſay, that all their privileges, the gift of ſo many princes and the inheritance of ſo many ages, were openly and expreſsly aboliſhed by edict; arbitrary and ſanguinary tribunals erected; the counts Fgmont and Horn, notwithſtanding their great merits and paſt ſervices, brought to the ſcaffold; multitudes of all ranks thrown into pri [...]on; and thence delivered over to the executioner: And notwithſtanding the peaceable [535] ſubmiſſion of all men, nothing was heard of but confiſcation, impriſonment, exile, torture, and death.

ELIZABETH was equally diſpleaſed to ſee the progreſs of that ſcheme, laid for the extermination of the proteſtants, and to obſerve the erection of ſo great a military power, in a ſtate ſituated ſo near her. She gave protection to all the Fle⯑miſh exiles who took ſhelter in her dominions; and as many of theſe were the moſt induſtrious inhabitants of the Netherlands, and had rendered that country ſo celebrated for its arts, ſhe reaped the advantage of introducing into England ſome uſeful manufactures, which were formerly unknown in that kingdom. Foreſeeing that the violent government of Alva could not long ſubſiſt without exciting ſome commotion, ſhe ventured to commit an inſult upon him, which ſhe would have been cautious not to hazard againſt a more eſtabliſhed authority. Some Genoeſe merchants had engaged by contract with Philip, to tranſport into Flanders the ſum of four hundred thouſand crowns; and the veſſels in which this money was embarked, had been attacked in the Channel by ſome privateers equip⯑ed by the French Hugonots, and had taken ſhelter in Plymouth and Southamp⯑ton. The commanders of the ſhips pretended, that the money belonged to the King of Spain; but the Queen finding, upon enquiry, that it was the property of Genoeſe merchants, took poſſeſſion of it as a loan; and by that means de⯑prived the duke of Alva of this reſource in the time of his greateſt neceſſity. Alva, in revenge, ſeized all the Engliſh merchants in the Low Countries, threw them into priſon, and confiſcated their effects. The Queen retaliated by a like violence on the Flemiſh and Spaniſh merchants; and gave all the Engliſh liberty to make reprizals on the ſubjects of Philip. Theſe differences were afterwards accommodated by treaty, and mutual reparations were made to the merchants: But nothing could repair the loſs which ſo well-timed a blow inflicted on the Spa⯑niſh government in the Low Countries. Alva, in want of money, and dreading the immediate mutiny of his troops, to whom large arrears were due, impoſed by his arbitrary will the moſt ruinous taxes on the people. He not only required the hundredth penny, and the twentieth of all immoveable goods: He alſo de⯑manded the tenth of all moveable goods on every ſale; an abſurd tyranny, which would not only have deſtroyed all arts and commerce, but even have reſtrained the common intercourſe of life. The people refuſed compliance: The duke had recourſe to his uſual expedient of hanging: And thus matters came ſtill nearer the laſt extremity between the Flemings and the Spaniards^‡.

ALL the enemies of Elizabeth, in order to revenge themſelves for her inſul [...], had naturally recourſe to one expedient, the ſupporting the cauſe and pr [...]tenſions [536] of the Queen of Scots; and Alva, whoſe meaſures were ever violent, ſoon open⯑ed a ſecret intercourſe with that princeſs. New conſpi⯑racy of the duke of Nor⯑folk. There was one Radolphi, a Floren⯑tine merchant, who had reſided about fifteen years at London, and who, at the ſame time that he conducted his commerce in England, had managed all the in⯑trigues of the court of Rome with the catholic nobility and gentry^‖. He had been thrown into priſon at the time when the duke of Norfolk's intrigues with Mary were diſcovered; but either no proof was found againſt him, or the part which he had acted was not very criminal; and he ſoon after recovered his liber⯑ty. This man, zealous for promoting the catholic faith, had formed a ſcheme, in concert with the Spaniſh ambaſſador, for ſubverting the government, by a fo⯑reign invaſion, and a domeſtic inſurrection; and when he communicated his pro⯑ject, by letter, to Mary, he found, that as ſhe was now fully convinced of Eli⯑zabeth's artifices, and deſpaired of ever recovering her authority, or even her li⯑berty, by pacific meaſures, ſhe very willingly gave her concurrence. The great number of diſcontented catholics were the chief ſource of their hopes on the ſide of England; and they alſo obſerved, that the kingdom was, at that time, full of indigent gentry, chiefly younger brothers, who having at preſent, by the late decay of the church, and the yet languiſhing ſtate of commerce, no proſpect of a livelihood ſuitable to their birth, were ready to throw themſelves into any deſ⯑perate enterprize^‡. But in order to inſpire ſpirit and courage into all theſe male⯑contents, it was requiſite, that ſome great nobleman ſhould put himſelf at their head; and no one appeared to Rodolphi, and to the biſhop of Roſs, who en⯑tered into all theſe intrigues, ſo proper, both on account of his power and his po⯑pularity, as the duke of Norfolk.

THIS nobleman, when releaſed from confinement in the Tower, had given his promiſe, that he would drop all intercourſe with the Queen of Scots^*; but find⯑ing that he had loſt, and, as he feared, beyond all recovery, the confidence and favour of Elizabeth, and being ſtill, in ſome degree, reſtrained from his li⯑berty, he was tempted, by impatience and deſpair, to violate his word, and to open anew his correſpondence with the captive princeſs^†. A promiſe of mar⯑riage was renewed between them; the duke engaged to enter into all her intereſts; and as his remorſes gradually decayed in the courſe of theſe tranſactions, he was puſhed to give his aſſent to enterprizes ſtill more criminal. Rodolphi's plan was, that the duke of Alva ſhould, under ſome other pretence, aſſemble a great quan⯑tity of ſhipping in the Low Countries; ſhould tranſport a body of ſix thouſand foot, and four thouſand horſe, into England; ſhould land them at Harwich, [537] where the duke of Norfolk was to join them with all his friends; ſhould thence march directly to London, and oblige the Queen to ſubmit to whatever conditions the conſpirators ſhould pleaſe to impoſe upon her^‡. Norfolk gave his conſent to this plan; and three letters, in conſequence of it, were wrote in his name by Rodolphi to Alva, the pope, and the King of Spain; but the duke, apprehenſive of the dan⯑ger, refuſed to ſign them^‖. He only ſent to the Spaniſh ambaſſador a ſervant and confident, named Barker, as well to notify his concurrence in the plan, as to vouch the authenticity of theſe letters; and Rodolphi, having obtained a letter of credence from the ambaſſador, proceeded on his journey to Bruſſels and to Rome. The duke of Alva and the pope embraced the ſcheme with alacrity: Rodolphi informed Norfolk of their intentions^{{inverted †}}: and every thing ſeemed to concur in forwarding the undertaking.

NORFOLK, notwithſtanding theſe criminal enterprizes, had never entirely for⯑got his duty to his ſovereign, his country, and his religion; and tho' he had laid the plan both for an invaſion and an inſurrection, he ſtill flattered himſelf, that the innocence of his intentions would juſtify the violence of his meaſures, and that, as he aimed at nothing but the liberty of the Queen of Scots, and the obtaining Elizabeth's conſent to his marriage, he could not juſtly reproach himſelf as a rebel and a traitor^§. It is certain, however, that, conſidering the Queen's vi⯑gour and ſpirit, the ſcheme, if ſucceſsful, muſt finally have ended in her dethrone⯑ment; and her authority was here expoſed to the utmoſt danger. The conſpi⯑racy had hitherto entirely eſcaped the vigilance of Elizabeth, and that of ſecre⯑tary Cecil, who now bore the title of lord Burleigh. It was from another attempt of Norfolk, that they firſt obtained a hint, which, being diligently traced, led at laſt to a full diſcovery. Mary had intended to ſend a ſum of money to lord Herreis, and her partizans in Scotland; and Norfolk undertook to have it con⯑veyed to Banniſter, a ſervant of his, at that time in the north, who was to find ſome expedient to have it delivered to lord Herreis^*. He entruſted the money to a ſervant, who was not in the ſecret, and told him that the bag contained a ſum of ſilver, which he was to deliver to Banniſter with a letter: But the ſer⯑vant, conjecturing from the weight and ſize of the bag, that it was full of gold, carried the letter to Burleigh; who immediately ordered Banniſter, Barker, and Hicford, the duke's ſecretary, to be put under arreſt, and to undergoe a ſevere examination. The fear of torture made them confeſs the whole truth; and as Hicford, tho' ordered to burn all papers, had carefully kept them concealed un⯑der [538] the mats of the duke's chamber, and under the tiles of the houſe, full evi⯑dence now appeared againſt his maſter^†. Norfolk himſelf, who was entirely ignorant of the diſcoveries made by his ſervants, was brought before the council, and tho' exhorted to attone for his guilt by a full confeſſion, he perſiſted in deny⯑ing every accuſation with which he was charged. The Queen always declared, that if he had given her this proof of his ſincere repentance, ſhe would have pardoned all his former offences^‡; but finding him obſtinate, ſhe committed him to the Tower, and ordered him to be brought to his trial. The biſhop of Roſs had, on ſome ſuſpicion, been committed to cuſtody before the diſcovery of Norfolk's guilt; and every expedient was employed to make him reveal his ſhare in the conſpiracy. He at firſt inſiſted on his privilege as an ambaſſador; but he was told, that as his miſtreſs was no longer a ſovereign, he would not be regarded as an ambaſſador, and that even if that character was allowed, it did not warrant him in conſpiring againſt the ſovereign in whoſe court he reſided^‖. As he ſtill refuſed to anſwer interrogatories, he was informed of the confeſſion made by Norfolk's ſervants; after which he entertained no longer any ſcruple to make a full diſco⯑very, and his evidence put the guilt of that nobleman beyond all queſtion. year 1572 12 January. Trial of Nor⯑folk. A jury of twenty-five peers unanimouſly paſſed ſentence upon him. The trial was quite regular, even according to the ſtrict rules obſerved at preſent in theſe mat⯑ters; except that the witneſſes gave not their evidence in court, and were not confronted with the criminal: A laudable practice, which was not at that time obſerved in trials for high treaſon.

THE Queen ſtill heſitated concerning Norfolk's execution; whether that ſhe was really moved by friendſhip and compaſſion, towards a peer of that rank and merit, or, that affecting the praiſe of clemency, ſhe only put on the appearance of theſe ſentiments. His execu⯑tion. Twice ſhe ſigned a warrant for his execution, and twice re⯑voked the fatal ſentence^*; and tho' her miniſters and counſellors puſhed her to rigour, ſhe ſtill appeared irreſolute and undetermined. 8 May. After four months heſi⯑tation, a Parliament was aſſembled; and the commons addreſſed her, in very ſtrong terms, for the execution of the duke; a ſanction which, when added to the greatneſs and certainty of his guilt, would, ſhe thought, juſtify, in the eyes of all the world, her ſeverity againſt that nobleman. 2 June. Norfolk died with great calmneſs and conſtancy; and tho' he cleared himſelf of any diſloyal intentions againſt the Queen's authority, he acknowleged the juſtice of the ſentence by which he ſuffered^{{inverted †}}. That we may relate together affairs of a like nature, we [539] ſhall mention, that the earl of Northumberland, being delivered up to the Queen by the regent of Scotland, was alſo a few months after brought to the ſcaffold for his rebellion.

THE Queen of Scots was either the occaſion or the cauſe of all theſe diſturbances but as ſhe was a ſovereign princeſs, and might reaſonably, from the harſh treat⯑ment which ſhe had met with, think herſelf entitled to uſe any expedient for her relief, Elizabeth durſt not, as yet, form any reſolution of proceeding to extre⯑mity againſt her. She only ſent lord Delawar, Sir Ralph Sadler, Sir Thomas Bromley, and Dr. Wilſon, to expoſtulate with her, and to require ſatisfaction for all thoſe parts of her conduct, which, from the beginning of her life, had given exception to Elizabeth: Her aſſuming the arms of England, refuſing to ratify the treaty of Edinburgh, her intending to marry Norfolk without the Queen's conſent, her concurring in the northern rebellion^*, practiſing with Ro⯑dolphi to engage the King of Spain in an invaſion of England^†, procuring the pope's bull of excommunication, and allowing her friends abroad to give her the title of Queen of England. Mary juſtified herſelf from the ſeveral articles of this charge, either by denying the facts imputed to her, or by caſting the blame on others^‡. But the Queen was little ſatisfied with her apology; and the Par⯑liament was ſo enraged againſt her, that the commons made a direct application for her immediate trial and execution. They employed ſome topics derived from practice and reaſon, and the laws of nations; but the chief ſtreſs was laid on paſſages and examples from the Old Teſtament^‖, which, if conſidered as a ge⯑neral rule of conduct, (an intention which it is unreaſonable to ſuppoſe) would imply conſequences dangerous to all the principles of humanity and morality. Matters were here carried to greater extremity than Elizabeth intended; and being ſatisfied with ſhewing Mary the diſpoſition of the nation, ſhe ſent to the houſe her expreſs commands not to deal any farther at preſent in the affair of the Scot⯑tiſh Queen^{{inverted †}}. Nothing could be a ſtronger proof that the puritanical intereſt prevailed in the houſe, than the intemperate uſe of authorities derived from ſcrip⯑ture, eſpecially from the Old Teſtament; and the Queen was ſo little a lover of that ſect, that ſhe was not likely to make any conceſſion merely in deference to their ſollicitation. She ſhewed this ſeſſion her diſapprobation of their ſchemes in another remarkable inſtance. There had paſſed in the lower houſe two bills, for regulating eccleſiaſtical ceremonies; but ſhe ſent them a like imperious meſſage [540] with the foregoing, and by the terror of her prerogative ſtopt all farther pro⯑ceedings^{{inverted †}}.

BUT tho' Elizabeth would not proceed to ſuch extremities againſt Mary, as were recommended to her by the Parliament, ſhe was alarmed with the great intereſt and the reſtleſs ſpirit of that princeſs, as well as her cloſe connections with Spain; and ſhe thought it neceſſary both to increaſe the rigour and ſtrictneſs of her con⯑finement, and to follow maxims different from what ſhe had hitherto purſued in her management of Scotland^*. Scotch affairs. That kingdom remained ſtill in a ſtate of anar⯑chy. The caſtle of Edinburgh, commanded by Kirkaldy of Grange, had de⯑clared for the Queen; and the lords of that party, encouraged by his countenance, had taken poſſeſſion of the capital, and carried on a vigorous war againſt the regent. By a ſudden and unexpected inroad, they ſeized that nobleman at Stir⯑ling; but finding that his friends, ſallying from the caſtle, were likely to relieve him, they inſtantly put him to death. The earl of Marre was choſen regent in his place; and found the ſame difficulties to encounter in the government of that divided country. He was therefore glad to accept of the mediation of the French and Engliſh ambaſſadors, and to conclude on equal terms a truce with the Queen's party^†. He was a man of a free and generous ſpirit, and ſcorned to ſubmit to any dependance on England; and for this reaſon Elizabeth, who had formed cloſe connections with France, yielded with leſs reluctance to the ſollicita⯑tions of that court, ſtill maintained the appearance of neutrality between the par⯑ties, and allowed matters to remain on a ballance in Scotland^‡. But affairs ſoon after took a new turn, Marre died of melancholy, with which the diſtracted ſtate of the country affected him: Morton was choſen regent; and as this nobleman had ſecretly taken all his meaſures with Elizabeth, who no longer relied on the friendſhip of the French court, ſhe reſolved to exert herſelf more effectually for the ſupport of that party, whom ſhe had always favoured. She ſent Sir Henry Killigrew ambaſſador into Scotland, who found Mary's partizans ſo diſcouraged by the diſcovery and puniſhment of Norfolk's conſpiracy, that they were glad to ſubmit to the King's authority, and accept of an indemnity for all paſt of⯑fences^‖. The duke of Chatelrault, and the earl of Huntley, with the moſt con⯑ſiderable of Mary's friends, laid down their arms on theſe conditions. The gar⯑riſon alone of the caſtle of Edinburgh continued refractory. Kirkaldy's fortunes were deſperate; and he flattered himſelf with aſſiſtance from the Kings of France and Spain, who encouraged his obſtinacy, in hopes of being able, from that quarter, to give diſturbance to England. Elizabeth was alarmed with the dan⯑ger; [541] ſhe no more apprehended the coming to extremity with the Queen of Scots, who, ſhe found, could not any longer be amuſed by her artifices; ſhe had an entire reliance on Morton; and ſhe ſaw, that, by the ſubmiſſion of all the conſi⯑derable nobility, the pacification of Scotland would be an eaſy, as well as a moſt important undertaking. She, therefore, ordered Sir William Drury, governor of Berwic, to march with ſome troops and artillery to Edinburgh, and to beſiege the caſtle^*. The garriſon ſubmitted at diſcretion; Kirkaldy was delivered to his countrymen, by whom he was tried and executed: Secretary Lidington, who had taken part with him, died ſoon after a voluntary death, as is ſuppoſed; and Scotland, ſubmitting entirely to the regent, gave not, during a long time, any farther inquietude to Elizabeth.

French affairs. THE events which happened in France, were not ſo agreeable to the Queen's intereſts and inclinations. The fallacious pacifications which had been ſo often made with the Hugonots, gave them good reaſon to ſuſpect the preſent intentions of the court; and after all the other leaders of that party were deceived into a dangerous credulity, the ſagacious admiral ſtill remained doubtful and uncertain. But his ſuſpicions were at laſt overcome, partly by the profound diſſimulation of Charles, partly by his own earneſt deſire to end the miſeries of France, and return again to the performance of his duty towards his prince and country. He conſidered beſides, that as the former violent conduct of the court had ever met with ſuch fatal ſucceſs, it was not unlikely, that a prince, who had newly come to years of diſcretion, and was not rivetted in any dangerous animoſities or prejudices, would be induced to govern himſelf by more moderate maxims. And as Charles was young, was of a paſſionate haſty temper, and addicted to pleaſure^†, ſuch deep perfidy ſeemed either remote from his character, or difficult, and almoſt impoſ⯑ſible to be ſo uniformly ſupported by him. Moved by theſe conſiderations, the admiral, the Queen of Navarre, and all the Hugonots began to repoſe them⯑ſelves in full ſecurity, and gave credit to the treacherous careſſes and profeſſions of the French court. Elizabeth herſelf, notwithſtanding her great experience and penetration, entertained not the leaſt miſtruſt of Charles's ſincerity; and being pleaſed to find her enemies of the houſe of Guiſe removed from all authority, and to obſerve an animoſity every day growing between the French and Spaniſh monarchs, 11th April. ſhe concluded a defenſive league with the former^‡, and regarded this alliance as an invincible barrier to her throne. Walſingham, her ambaſſador, ſent her over, by every courier, the moſt ſatisfying accounts of the honour, and plain-dealing, and fidelity of that perfidious prince.

[542] THE better to blind the eyes of the jealous Hugonots, and draw their leaders into the ſnare prepared for them, Charles offered his ſiſter, Margaret, in mar⯑riage to the prince of Navarre; and the admiral, with all the conſiderable nobi⯑lity of that party, had come to Paris, in order to aſſiſt at the celebration of theſe nuptials, which, it was hoped, would finally, if not compoſe the differences, at leaſt appeaſe the bloody animoſity of the two religions. The Queen of Navarre was poiſoned by orders from the court; the admiral was dangerouſly wounded by an aſſaſſin: 24 Auguſt. Yet Charles, by redoubling his diſſimulation, was ſtill able to retain the Hugonots in their ſecurity: Maſſacre of Paris. Till on the evening of St. Bartholomew, the day of the marriage, the ſignal was given for a general maſſacre of theſe religioniſts, and the King himſelf in perſon led the way to theſe aſſaſſinations. The hatred long entertained by the Pariſians againſt the proteſtants, made them ſecond, with⯑out any preparation, the fury of the court; and all conditions, ages and ſexes, ſuſpected of any propenſity to that religion, were involved in an undiſtinguiſhed ruin. The admiral, his ſon-in-law Teligni, Soubize, Rochefoucaut, Pardail⯑lon, Piles, Lavardin; men, who, during the late wars, had diſtinguiſhed them⯑ſelves by the moſt heroic actions, were miſerably butchered without reſiſtance; the ſtreets of Paris flowed with blood; and the populace, more enraged than ſa⯑tiated with their cruelty, as if repining that death had ſaved the victims from far⯑ther inſult, exerciſed on their dead bodies all the rage of the moſt licentious bru⯑tality. About five hundred gentlemen and men of rank periſhed in this maſſa⯑cre; and near ten thouſand of inferior condition^*. Orders were ſuddenly diſ⯑patched to all the provinces for a like general execution of the proteſtants; and in Roüen, Lyons, and many other cities, the people emulated the fury of the ca⯑pital. Even the murder of the King of Navarre, and the prince of Condé, had been propoſed by the duke of Guiſe; but Charles, ſoftened by the amiable man⯑ners of the King of Navarre, and hoping that theſe young princes might eaſily be converted to the catholic faith, was determined to ſpare their lives, tho' he ob⯑liged them to purchaſe their ſafety by a ſeeming change of their religion.

CHARLES, in order to cover this barbarous perfidy, pretended, that a conſpi⯑racy of the Hugonots to ſeize his perſon had been ſuddenly diſcovered; and that he had been neceſſitated, for his own defence, to proceed to this ſeverity againſt them. He ſent orders to Fenelon, his ambaſſador in England, to aſk an audi⯑ence, and to give Elizabeth this account of the late tranſaction. That mini⯑ſter, who was a man of probity, abhorred the treachery and cruelty of his court, and even ſcrupled not to declare, that he was now aſhamed to bear the name of a Frenchman^†; yet was he obliged to obey his orders, and make uſe of the apo⯑logy, [543] which had been preſcribed to him. He met with that reception from all the courtiers, which, he knew, the conduct of his maſter had ſo well merited. Nothing could be more awful and affecting than the ſolemnity of his audience. A melancholy ſorrow ſat on every face: Silence, as in the dead of night, reigned thro' all the chambers of the royal apartment: The courtiers and ladies, clad in deep mourning, were ranged on each ſide, and allowed him to paſs, without affording him one ſalute or favourable look; till he was admitted to the Queen herſelf^*. That princeſs received him with a more eaſy, if not a more gracious countenance; and heard his apology, without diſcovering any viſible ſymptoms of indignation. She told him, that, tho', on the firſt rumour of this dreadful intelligence, ſhe had been aſtoniſhed, that ſo many brave men and loyal ſubjects, who reſted ſecure on the faith of their ſovereign, ſhould have been ſuddenly butchered in ſo barbarous a manner; ſhe had hitherto ſuſpended her judgment, till farther and more certain information ſhould be brought her: That the account, which he had given, even if founded on no miſtake or bad information; tho' it might alleviate, would by no means remove the blame of the King's counſellors, or juſtify the ſtrange irregularity of their proceedings: That the ſame force, which without reſiſtance had maſſacred ſo many defenceleſs men, could eaſily have ſecured their perſons, and have reſerved them for a trial, and for puniſhment by a formal ſentence, which would have diſtinguiſhed the innocent from the guilty: That the admiral in particular, being dangerouſly wounded, and environed by the guards of the King, on whoſe protection he ſeemed entirely to rely, had no means of eſcape, and might ſurely, before his death, have been convicted of the crimes imputed to him: That it was more worthy of a ſovereign to re⯑ſerve in his own hands the ſword of juſtice, than to commit it to bloody mur⯑derers, who, being the declared and mortal enemies of the perſons accuſed, em⯑ployed it without mercy and without diſtinction: That if theſe ſentiments were juſt, even ſuppoſing the conſpiracy of the proteſtants to be real; how much more, if that crime was nothing but a calumny of their enemies, invented for their ruin and deſtruction? That if upon enquiry the innocence of theſe unhappy victims ſhould afterwards appear, it was the King's duty to turn his vengeance on their enemies and calumniators, who had thus cruelly abuſed his confidence, had murdered ſo many of his brave ſubjects, and bad done what in them lay to cover him with infamy and diſhonour: And that for her part, ſhe ſhould form her judgment of his intentions by his ſubſequent conduct; and in the mean time [544] ſhould act as deſired by the ambaſſador, and rather pity than blame his maſter for the extremities, to which he had been carried^{{inverted †}}.

ELIZABETH was fully ſenſible of the dangerous ſituation in which ſhe now ſtood. In the maſſacre of Paris, ſhe ſaw the reſult of that general conſpiracy, which had been formed, for the extermination of the proteſtants; and ſhe knew, that ſhe herſelf, as the head and protector of that religion, was expoſed to the utmoſt fury and reſentment of the catholics. The violences and cruelties of the Spaniards in the Low Countries were another branch of the ſame conſpiracy; and as Charles and Philip, two princes nearly allied in perfidy and barbarity, as well as in bigotry, had now laid aſide their pretended quarrel, and had avowed the moſt entire friendſhip^*, ſhe had reaſon, ſo ſoon as they had appeaſed their domeſtic commotions, to dread the effects of their united councils. The duke of Guiſe alſo and his family, whom Charles, in order to deceive the admiral, had hitherto kept at a diſtance, had now acquired an open and entire aſcendant in the court of France; and ſhe was ſenſible, that theſe princes, from perſonal as well as political reaſons, were her declared and implacable enemies. The Queen of Scots, their near relation and cloſe confederate, was the pretender to her throne; and tho' detained in cuſtody, was actuated by a reſtleſs ſpirit, and beſides her foreign allies, poſſeſſed very numerous and zealous partizans in the heart of the kingdom. For theſe reaſons, Elizabeth thought it more prudent not to break all terms with the French monarch; but ſtill to liſten to the pro⯑feſſions of friendſhip, which he made her. She allowed even the negotiati⯑ons to be renewed for her marriage with the duke of Alancon, Charles's third brother^†: Thoſe with the duke of Anjou had already been broke off. She ſent the earl of Worceſter to aſſiſt in her name at the baptiſm of a young princeſs, born to Charles; but before ſhe agreed to give this laſt mark of condeſcenſion, ſhe thought it becoming her dignity, to renew her expreſſions of blame and even of deteſtation againſt the cruelties exerciſed on his proteſtant ſubjects^‡. Mean⯑while, ſhe prepared herſelf for that attack, which ſeemed to threaten her from the combined power and violence of the Romaniſts: She fortified Portſmouth, put her fleet in order, exerciſed her militia, cultivated popularity with her ſub⯑jects, acted with vigour for the farther reduction of Scotland under obedience to the young King, and renewed her alliance with the German princes, who were no leſs alarmed than herſelf at theſe treacherous and ſanguinary meaſures, ſo uni⯑verſally embraced by the catholics.

[545] French affairs. BUT tho' Elizabeth cautiouſly avoided the coming to extremities with Charles, the greateſt ſecurity, which ſhe poſſeſſed againſt his violence, was derived from the difficulties, which the obſtinate reſiſtance of the hugonots ſtill created to him.year 1573 Such of that ſect as lived near the frontiers, immediately, on the firſt news of the maſſacres, fled into England, Germany or Switzerland, where they excited the compaſſion and indignation of the proteſtants, and prepared themſelves, with encreaſed forces and redoubled zeal, to return into France, and revenge the treacherous ſlaughter of their brethren. Thoſe who lived in the middle of the kingdom, took ſhelter in the neareſt garriſons occupied by the hugonots; and find⯑ing, that they could repoſe no faith in capitulations, and expect no clemency, were determined to defend themſelves to the laſt extremity. The ſect, which Charles had thought at one blow to exterminate, had now an army of eighteen thouſand men on foot, and poſſeſſed in different parts of the kingdom above an hundred cities, caſtles, or fortreſſes^*; nor could that prince deem himſelf ſe⯑cure from the invaſion threatened him by all the other proteſtants of Europe. The nobility and gentry of England were rouzed to ſuch a pitch of reſentment, that they offered to levy an army of twenty-two thouſand foot and four thouſand horſe, to tranſport them into France, and to maintain them ſix months at their own charge: But Elizabeth, who was cautious in her meaſures, and who feared to inflame the quarrel between the two religions by theſe dangerous croiſades, refuſed her conſent, and moderated the zeal of her ſubjects^†. The German princes, leſs political, or more ſecure from the reſentment of France, forwarded the levies made by the proteſtants; and the prince of Condé, having eſcaped from court, put himſelf at the head of theſe troops, and prepared to enter the kingdom. The duke of Alençon, the King of Navarre, the family of Montmorenci, and many conſiderable men even among the catholics, diſpleaſed, either on a private or public account, with the meaſures of the court, favoured the progreſs of the hugonots; and every thing relapſed into confuſion. year 1574 The King, inſtead of re⯑penting his violent councils, which had brought matters to ſuch extremity, called aloud for new ſeverities^‡; nor could even the mortal diſtemper, under which he laboured, moderate the rage and animoſity, by which he was actuated. 30th May. He died without male iſſue, at the age of twenty-five years; a prince, whoſe cha⯑racter, containing that unuſual mixture of diſſimulation and ſerocity, of quick reſentment and unrelenting vengeance, executed the greateſt miſchiefs, and threatened ſtill worſe, both to his native country and to all Europe. Henry, duke of Anjou, who had, ſome time before, been elected King of Poland, no [546] ſooner heard of his brother's death, than he haſtened to take poſſeſſion of the crown of France; and found the kingdom, not only involved in the greateſt preſent diſorders, but expoſed to infirmities, for which it was extremely difficult to provide any ſuitable remedy. year 1575 The people were divided into two theological factions, furious from their zeal, and mutually enraged from the injuries which they had committed or received; and as all faith had been violated and mode⯑ration baniſhed, it ſeemed impracticable to frame any terms of compoſition be⯑tween them. Each party had devoted itſelf to leaders, whoſe commands had more authority than the will of the ſovereign; and even the catholics, to whom the King was attached, were conducted entirely by the councils of Guiſe and his family. The religious connexions had, on both ſides, ſuperceded the civil; or rather (for men will always be guided by preſent intereſt) two empires being ſecretly formed in the kingdom, every individual was engaged by new views of intereſt to follow thoſe leaders, to whom, during the courſe of paſt convulſions, he had been indebted for his honours and preferment. Henry, obſerving the low condition of the crown, had laid a ſcheme of reſtoring his own authority, by acting as umpire between the parties, by moderating their differences, and by reducing both to a dependance upon himſelf. He poſſeſſed all the talents of diſſimulation requiſite for the execution of this delicate plan; but being deficient in vigour, application, and ſound underſtanding, inſtead of acquiring a ſuperi⯑ority over both factions, he loſt the confidence of both, and taught the parti⯑zans of each to adhere more cloſely to their particular leaders, whom they found more hearty, cordial, and ſincere, in the cauſe, which they purſued. year 1576 The hu⯑gonots were fortified by the acceſſion of a German army under the prince of Condé and prince Caſimir; but much more, by the credit and perſonal virtues of the King of Navarre, who, having fled from court, had placed himſelf at the head of that formidable party. Henry, in proſecution of his plan, entered into a compoſition with them; and being deſirous of preſerving a balance between the facts, he granted them peace on the moſt advantageous conditions. This was the fifth general peace made with the hugonots; but tho' it was no more ſincere on the part of the court than any of the former, it gave the higheſt diſ⯑guſt to the catholics; and afforded the duke of Guiſe the deſired pretence of declaiming againſt the meaſures, and maxims, and conduct of the King. That artful and bold leader took thence an occaſion of reducing his party into a more formed and regular body; and he laid the firſt foundations of the famous LEAGUE, which, without any regard to the royal authority, aimed at the entire ſuppreſſion of the hugonots. Such was the unhappy condition of France, from the paſt ſeverities and violences of its princes, that toleration could no longer be admitted; [547] and a conceſſion for liberty of conſcience, which would have probably appeaſed the reformers, excited the moſt violent reſentment and animoſity in the catholics. year 1577 Henry, in order to divert the force of the league from himſelf, and even to clude its efforts againſt the hugonots, declared himſelf the head of that ſeditious confederacy, and took the field as leader of the Romaniſts. But his dilatory and feeble meaſures diſcovered his reluctance to the undertaking; and after ſome unſucceſsful attempts, he concluded a new peace, which, tho' leſs favorable than the former to the proteſtants, gave no contentment to the catholics. year 1578 Mutual diffidence ſtill prevailed between the parties; the King's moderation was ſuſpi⯑cious to both; each faction continued to fortify itſelf againſt that breach, which, they foreſaw, muſt ſpeedily enſue; theological controverſy daily whetted the ani⯑moſity of the ſects; and every private injury became the ground of a public quarrel. The King, hoping, by his artifice and ſubtlety, to allure the nation into a love of pleaſure and repoſe, was himſelf caught in the ſnare; and ſinking into diſſoluteneſs and indolence, wholly loſt the eſteem, and, in a great meaſure, the affections of the nation. Inſtead of advancing ſuch men of character and ability, as were neuters between theſe dangerous factions, he gave all his confidence to young agreeable favourites, who, unable to prop his falling authority, leaned en⯑tirely upon it, and encreaſed the general odium againſt his adminiſtration. The public burthens, encreaſed by his profuſe liberality, and feeling more heavy on a diſordered kingdom, became another ground of complaint; and the uncontrouled animoſity of parties, joined to the multiplicity of taxes, rendered peace more calamitous than any open ſtate of foreign or even domeſtic hoſtility. year 1579 The arti⯑fices of the King were too refined to ſucceed, and too frequent to be concealed; and the plain, direct, and avowed conduct of the duke of Guiſe on the one ſide, and that of the King of Navarre on the other, drew by degrees the generality of the nation to devote themſelves without reſerve to the one or the other of thoſe great leaders.

THE civil commotions of France were of too great importance to be over⯑looked by the other princes of Europe; and Elizabeth's foreſight and vigilance, tho' ſomewhat reſtrained by her frugality, led her to take ſecretly ſome part in them. Beſides employing on all occaſions her good offices in favour of the hu⯑gonots, ſhe had expended no inconſiderable ſums of money in levying that army of Germans, which the prince of Condé and prince Caſimir conducted into France^†; and notwithſtanding all her negotiations with the court, and her profeſſions of amity, ſhe always conſidered her own intereſts as connected with the proſperity of the French proteſtants and the depreſſion of the houſe of Guiſe. Philip, on [548] the other hand, had declared himſelf protector of the league; had entered into the cloſeſt correſpondence with Guiſe; and had employed all his authority in ſup⯑porting the credit of that factious leader. The ſympathy of religion, which of itſelf begot a connexion of intereſts, was one conſiderable inducement; but that mo⯑narch had alſo in view, the ſubduing his rebellious ſubjects in the Nether⯑lands; who, as they received great encouragement from the French proteſtants, would, he hoped, finally deſpair of ſucceſs, after the entire ſuppreſſion of their friends and confederates.

Civil wars of the Low Countries. THE ſame political views, which engaged Elizabeth to ſupport the hu⯑gonots, would have led her to aſſiſt the diſtreſſed proteſtants in the Low Countries; but the mighty power of Philip, the tranquillity of all his other dominions, and the great force, which he maintained in theſe mutinous provinces, kept her in awe, and obliged her, notwithſtanding all temptations and all provocations, to preſerve ſome terms of amity with that monarch. The Spaniſh ambaſſador remonſtrated with her, that many of the Flemiſh exiles, who infeſted the ſeas, and preyed on his maſter's ſubjects, were received into the har⯑bours of England, and were there permitted to diſpoſe of their prizes; and by theſe remonſtrances the Queen found herſelf under a neceſſity of denying them all entrance into her dominions. But this meaſure proved in the iſſue extremely prejudicial to the intereſts of Philip. Theſe deſperate exiles, finding no longer any poſſibility of ſubſiſtance, were forced to attempt the moſt perillous enter⯑prizes; and they made an aſſault on the Brille, a ſeaport town in Holland, where they met with ſucceſs, and, after a ſhort reſiſtance, became maſters of the place^*. The duke of Alva was alarmed with the danger; and ſtopping thoſe bloody executions, which he was making on the defenceleſs Flemings, he haſtened with his army to extinguiſh the flame, which, falling on materials ſo well prepared for combuſtion, ſeemed to menace a general conflagration. His fears ſoon appeared to be well grounded. The people in the neighbourhood of the Brille, enraged by that complication of cruelty, oppreſſion, inſolence, uſurpa⯑tion, and perſecution, under which they laboured, flew to arms; and in a few days almoſt the whole provinces of Holland and Zealand had revolted from the Spaniards, and had openly declared againſt the tyranny of Alva. This event happened in the year 1572.

WILLIAM, prince of Orange, deſcended from a ſovereign family of great luſtre and antiquity in Germany, inheriting the poſſeſſions of a ſovereign family in France, had fixed his reſidence in the Low Countries; and on account of his [549] noble birth and immenſe riches, as well as of his perſonal virtues, was univer⯑ſally regarded as the greateſt ſubject, who lived in thoſe provinces. He had op⯑poſed by all regular and dutiful means the progreſs of the Spaniſh uſurpations; and when Alva conducted his army into the Netherlands, and aſſumed the go⯑vernment, this prince, well acquainted with the violent character of the man, and the tyrannical ſpirit of the court of Madrid, wiſely fled from the danger which threatened him, and retired to his paternal eſtate and dominions in Germany. He was cited to appear before Alva's tribunal, was condemned in abſence, was declared a rebel, and his ample poſſeſſions in the Low Countries were confiſcated. In revenge, he levied an army of proteſtants in the empire, and made ſome at⯑tempts to reſtore the Flemings to liberty; but was ſtill repulſed with loſs by the vigilance and military conduct of Alva, and by the great bravery as well as diſcipline, of thoſe veteran Spaniards who ſerved under that general. The revolt of Holland and Zealand, provinces which the Prince of Orange formerly com⯑manded, and where he was infinitely beloved, called him anew from his retreat; and he added conduct, no leſs than ſpirit, to that obſtinate reſiſtance, which was here made to the Spaniſh dominion. By uniting the revolted towns into a league, he laid the foundation of that illuſtrious commonwealth, the offspring of induſtry and liberty, whoſe arms and policy have made long ſo ſignal a figure in every tranſaction of Europe. He inflamed the inhabitants by every motive, which religion, reſentment, or love of freedom could inſpire. Tho' the pre⯑ſent greatneſs of the Spaniſh monarchy might deprive them of all courage, he ſtill flattered them with the concurrence of the other provinces, and with aſſiſt⯑ance from the neighbouring ſtates; and he exhorted them, in defence of their re⯑ligion, their liberties, their lives, to endure the utmoſt extremities of war. From this ſpirit proceeded the deſperate defence of Harlem; a defence, which nothing but the moſt conſuming famine could overcome, and which the Spaniards re⯑venged by the execution of more than two thouſand of the inhabitants^*. This extreme ſeverity, inſtead of ſtriking terror into the Hollanders, animated them by deſpair; and the vigorous reſiſtance made at Alcmaer, where Alva was finally repulſed, ſhowed them that their inſolent enemies were not wholly invincible. The duke, finding at laſt the pernicious effects of his violent councils, ſollicited to be recalled from the government: Medina-celi, who was appointed his ſuc⯑ceſſor, refuſed to accept the charge: Requeſens, commendator of Caſtile, was ſent from Italy to replace Alva; and this tyrant departed from the Netherlands in 1574; leaving his name in execration to the inhabitants, and boaſting in his [550] turn, that, during the courſe of five years government, he had delivered above eighteen thouſand of theſe rebellious heretics into the hands of the executioner^*.

REQUESENS, tho' a man of milder diſpoſitions, could not appeaſe the violent hatred, which the revolted Hollanders had entertained againſt the Spaniſh govern⯑ment; and the war continued as obſtinate as ever. In the ſiege of Leyden, un⯑dertaken by the Spaniards, the Dutch opened the dykes and ſluices, in order to drive them from that enterprize; and the very peaſants were active in ruining their fields by an inundation, rather than fall again under the hated tyranny of Spain. But notwithſtanding this repulſe, the governor ſtill purſued the war; and the conteſt ſeemed too unequal between ſo mighty a monarchy, and two ſmall provinces, however fortified by nature, and however defended by the deſperate reſolution of the inhabitants. The prince of Orange, therefore, in 1575, was reſolved to ſue for foreign aſſiſtance, and to make applications to one or other of his great neighbours, Henry or Elizabeth. The court of France was not exempt from that ſpirit of tyranny and perſecution which prevailed with the Spaniards; and that kingdom, torne by domeſtic diſſenſions, ſeemed not to en⯑joy, at preſent, either leizure or ability to pay regard to foreign intereſts. But England, long connected both by commerce and alliance with the Netherlands, and now more concerned in the fate of the revolted provinces by a ſympathy in religion, ſeemed naturally intereſted in their defence; and as Elizabeth had juſtly entertained great jealouſy againſt Philip, and governed her powerful and opulent kingdom in perfect tranquillity, great hopes were entertained, that her policy, her ambition, or her generoſity, would engage her to ſupport them under their preſent calamities. They ſent, therefore, a ſolemn embaſſy to London, con⯑ſiſting of St. Aldegonde, Douza, Nivelle, Buys, and Melſen; and after em⯑ploying the moſt humble ſupplications to the Queen, they proferred her the poſſeſſion and ſovereignty of their provinces, if ſhe would employ her power in their defence.

THERE were many ſtrong motives which might impel Elizabeth to accept ſo liberal an offer. She was apprized of the injuries which Philip had done her, by his intrigues with the malecontents in England and Ireland^‡: She was diſpleaſed to ſee a violent and military government e [...]ected in her neighbourhood: She foreſaw the danger which ſhe ſhould incur from a total prevalence of the catholics in the Low Countries: And the maritime ſituation of thoſe provinces, as well as their command over the great rivers, was a very inviting circumſtance to a nation like the Engliſh, who were beginning to cultivate commerce and naval power. But [551] this princeſs, tho' magnanimous, had never entertained the ambition of making conqueſts, or gaining new acquiſitions; and the whole purpoſe of her vigilant and active politics, was to maintain, by the moſt frugal and cautious expedients, the tranquillity of her own dominions. An open war with the Spaniſh monarchy was the apparent conſequence of her accepting the dominion of theſe provinces; and after taking the inhabitants under her protection, ſhe could never afterwards in honour abandon them, but, however deſperate their defence might become, ſhe muſt embrace it, even farther than her convenience or intereſt would per⯑mit. For theſe reaſons, ſhe refuſed, in plain terms, the ſovereignty profered her; but told the ambaſſadors, that, in return for the good-will which the prince of Orange and the States had ſhewn her, ſhe would endeavour to mediate an agreement for them, on the moſt reaſonable conditions which could be obtained^†. She ſent accordingly Sir Henry Cobham to Philip; and repreſented to him, the danger which the whole Low Countries, as well as the revolted provinces, would incur, if France could obtain the leaſt interval from her inteſtine diſorders, and find leizure to offer her protection to that mutinous and diſcontented people. Philip ſeemed to take this remonſtrance in good part; but no accord enſued, and the war continued with the ſame rage and violence as before.

IT was an accident that delivered the Hollanders from their preſent deſperate ſituation. Requeſens, the governor, dying ſuddenly, the Spaniſh troops, diſ⯑contented for want of pay, and licentious for want of a proper authority to com⯑mand them, broke out into a furious mutiny; and threw every thing into confu⯑ſion. They ſacked and pillaged the cities of Maeſtricht and Antwerp, and com⯑mitted great ſlaughter on the inhabitants: They threatned all the other cities with a like fate: And the whole provinces, excepting Luxembourg, united for mu⯑tual defence againſt their violence, and called in the prince of Orange and the Hol⯑landers, as their protectors. A treaty, commonly called the Pacification of Ghent, was formed by common agreement; where the removal of foreign troops, and the reſtoration of their ancient liberties, were the objects which the provinces ſtipulated to purſue. Don John of Auſtria, natural brother to Philip, being appointed governor, found, on his arrival at Luxembourg, that the States had ſo fortified themſelves, and that the Spaniſh troops were ſo divided by their ſitua⯑tion, that there was no poſſibility of reſiſtance; and he agreed to the terms re⯑quired of him. The Spaniards were recalled; and theſe provinces ſeemed at laſt to breathe a little from their calamities.

BUT it was not eaſy for an entire peace to be ſettled, while the thirſt of re⯑venge and dominion governed the King of Spain, and while the Flemings were ſo [552] ſtrongly agitated with reſentment of paſt, and fear of future injuries. The am⯑bition of Don John, who coveted this great theatre for his military talents, en⯑gaged him rather to enflame than appeaſe the quarrel; and as he found the States determined to impoſe very ſtrict limitations on his authority, he broke all arti⯑cles, ſeized Namur, and procured the recall of the Spaniſh army from Italy. This prince, endowed with a lofty genius, and animated by the proſperous ſuc⯑ceſſes of his youth, had opened his mind to vaſt undertakings; and looking much beyond the conqueſt of the revolted provinces, had projected to marry the Queen of Scots, and to acquire in her right the dominion of the Britiſh kingdoms^*. Elizabeth was aware of his intentions; and ſeeing now, from the union of all the provinces, a fair proſpect of making a long and vigorous defence againſt Spain, ſhe no longer ſcrupled to embrace the protection of their liberties, which ſeemed to be ſo intimately connected with her own ſafety. After ſending them over a ſum of money, about twenty thouſand pounds, for the immediate pay of their troops, ſhe concluded a treaty with them; in which ſhe ſtipulated to aſſiſt them with five thouſand foot and a thouſand horſe, at the charge of the Flemings; and to lend them a hundred thouſand pounds, on receiving the bonds of ſome of the moſt conſiderable towns of the Netherlands, for her re-payment within the year. It was farther agreed, that the commander of the Engliſh army, ſhould be admitted into the council of the States; and nothing be deter⯑mined concerning war or peace, without previouſly informing the Queen or him of it; that they ſhould enter into no league without her conſent; that if any diſcord aroſe among themſelves, it ſhould be referred to her arbitration; and that, if any prince, on any pretext, ſhould attempt hoſtilities againſt her, they ſhould ſend to her aſſiſtance an army equal to that which ſhe employed in their defence. This alliance was ſigned on the 7th of January, 1578^†. One conſiderable in⯑ducement to the Queen for entering into treaty with the States, was to prevent their throwing themſelves into the arms of France; and ſhe was deſirous to make the King of Spain believe, that it was her ſole motive. She repreſented to him, by her ambaſſador, Thomas Wilkes, that ſhe had hitherto acted religiouſly the part of a good neighbour and ally; had refuſed the ſovereignty of Holland and Zealand, when profered her; had counſelled the prince of Orange to ſub⯑mit to the King; and had even accompanied her advice with menaces, in caſe of his refuſal. She perſevered, ſhe ſaid, in the ſame friendly intentions; and, as a proof of it, would venture to interpoſe with her advice for the compoſure of the preſent differences: Let Don John, whom ſhe could not but regard as her mortal enemy, be recalled; let ſome other prince more popular be ſubſti⯑tuted in his place; let the Spaniſh armies be withdrawn; let the Flemings [553] be reſtored to their ancient liberties and privileges: And if, after theſe conceſſi⯑ons, they are ſtill obſtinate not to return to their duty, ſhe promiſed to join her arms to thoſe of the King of Spain, and force them to a compliance. Philip diſſembled his reſentment againſt the Queen; and ſtill continued to ſupply Don John with money and troops. That prince, tho' once repulſed at Rimenant, by the valour of the Engliſh under Norris, and tho' oppoſed, as well by the army of the States as by prince Caſimir, who had conducted to the Low Countries a great body of Germans, paid by the Queen, gained a great advantage over the Flemings at Cemblours; but was cut off in the midſt of his proſperity by poi⯑ſon, given him ſecretly, as was ſuſpected, by orders from Philip, who dreaded his ambition. The prince of Parma ſucceeded to the command, who uniting va⯑lour and clemency, negociation and military exploits, made great progreſs againſt the revolted Flemings, and advanced the progreſs of the Spaniards by his arts as well as by his arms.

DURING theſe years, while Europe was almoſt every where in great commo⯑tion, England enjoyed a profound tranquillity; owing chiefly to the prudence and vigour of the Queen's adminiſtration, and to the wiſe precautions which ſhe employed in all her meaſures. By ſupporting the zealous proteſtants in Scotland, ſhe had twice given them the ſuperiority over their antagoniſts, had connected their intereſts cloſely with her own, and had procured herſelf entire ſecurity from that quarter, whence the moſt dangerous invaſions could be made upon her. She ſaw in France her enemies, the Guiſes, tho' extremely powerful, yet coun⯑terballanced by the Hugonots, her zealous partizans; and even hated by the King, who was jealous of their reſtleſs and exorbitant ambition. The bigotry of Philip gave her juſt ground of anxiety; but the ſame bigotry had happily excited the moſt obſtinate oppoſition among his own ſubjects, and had created him enemies, which his arms and policy were not likely ſoon to overcome. The Queen of Scots, her antagoniſt and rival, and the pretender to her throne, was a priſoner in her hands; and by her impatience and high ſpirit had been engaged in practices which afforded the Queen a pretence for rendring her confinement more rigorous, and for cutting off her communication with her partizans in England. Re⯑ligion was the capital point, on which depended all the political tranſactions of that age; and the Queen's conduct in this particular, making allowance for the prevail⯑ing prejudices of the age, could ſcarcely be accuſed of ſeverity or imprudence. She eſtabliſhed no inquiſition into men's boſoms; ſhe impoſed no oaths of ſupre⯑macy, except on thoſe who received truſt or emolument from the public: And tho' the exerciſe of all religion but the eſtabliſhed was prohibited, the violation of this law, by the ſaying maſs, and receiving the ſacrament, in private houſes, [554] was, in many inſtances, connived at^*; while, at the ſame time, the catholics, in the beginning of her reign, ſhewed little reluctance againſt going to church, or frequenting the ordinary duties of public worſhip. The pope, ſenſible that this practice would by degrees reconcile all his partizans to the reformed religion, haſtened the publication of the bull, excommunicating the Queen, and freeing her ſubjects from all oaths of allegiance; and great pains were taken by the emiſſaries of Rome, to render the breach between the two religions as wide as poſſible, and to make the frequenting proteſtant churches appear highly criminal to the catholics^†. Theſe practices, with the rebellions which enſued, increaſed the vigilance and ſeverity of the government; but the Romaniſts, if their con⯑dition was compared with that of the Nonconformiſts in other countries, and with their own practices where they domineered, could not juſtly complain much of violence or perſecution. The Queen appeared rather more anxious to keep a ſtrict hand over the puritans; who, tho' their pretenſions were not ſo immediate⯑ly dangerous to her authority, ſeemed to be actuated by a more unreaſonable ob⯑ſtinacy, and to retain claims, of which, both in civil and eccleſiaſtical matters, it was, as yet, difficult to diſcern the full ſcope and intention. Some ſecret at⯑tempts of that ſect to eſtabliſh a ſeparate congregation and diſcipline, had been carefully repreſſed in the beginning of this reign^‡; and when any of the eſta⯑bliſhed clergy diſcovered a tendency to their principles, by omitting the legal ha⯑bits or ceremonies, the Queen had ſhewn a determined reſolution to puniſh them by fines and deprivations^‖; tho' her orders to that purpoſe had, by the protec⯑tion which theſe ſectaries received from ſome of the moſt conſiderable courtiers, been frequently eluded. But what chiefly tended to gain Elizabeth the hearts of her ſubjects, was, her frugality, which, tho' carried ſometimes to an extreme, led her not to amaſs treaſures, but only to prevent impoſitions upon the people, who were at that time very little accuſtomed to bear the burthens of government. By means of her rigid oeconomy, ſhe paid all the debts which ſhe found on the crown, with their full intereſt; tho' ſome of theſe debts had been contracted even during the reign of her father^{{inverted †}}. She repaid ſome loans, which ſhe had ex⯑acted at the commencement of her reign; a practice in that age ſomewhat unu⯑ſual^§: And ſhe eſtabliſhed her credit on ſuch a footing, that no ſovereign in Europe could more readily command any ſum which the public exigencies might at any time require^**. During this peaceable and uniform government, Eng⯑land [555] furniſhes few materials for hiſtory; and except the ſmall part which Eliza⯑beth took in foreign tranſactions, there ſcarce paſſed any occurrence which re⯑quires a particular detail.

A Parliament. THE moſt memorable event in this period was a ſeſſion of Parliament, ſum⯑moned on the 8th of February, 1576, where debates were ſtarted, which may appear ſomewhat curious and ſingular. Peter Wentworth, a puritan, who had ſignalized himſelf former Parliaments, by his free and undaunted ſpirit, opened this ſeſſion with a premeditated harangue, which drew on him the indig⯑nation of the houſe, and gave great offence to the Queen and the courtiers. As it ſeems to contain the firſt rude ſketch of thoſe principles of liberty which hap⯑pily gained afterwards the aſcendant in England, it may not be improper to give, in a few words, the ſubſtance of it. He premiſed, that the very name of liberty is ſweet; but the thing itſelf is precious beyond the moſt ineſtimable treaſure: And that it behoved them to be careful, leſt, contenting themſelves with the ſweetneſs of the name, they forego the ſubſtance, and abandon what of all earth⯑ly poſſeſſions was of the higheſt value to the kingdom. He then proceeded to obſerve, that freedom of ſpeech in that houſe, a privilege ſo uſeful both to ſove⯑reign and ſubject, had been formerly infringed in many eſſential articles, and was, at preſent, expoſed to the moſt imminent danger: That it was uſual, when any ſubject of importance was handled, eſpecially if it regarded religion, to ſurmize, that theſe topics were diſagreeable to the Queen, and that the farther proceeding in them would draw down her indignation upon their temerity: That Solomon had juſtly affirmed, the King's diſpleaſure to be a meſſenger of death; and it was no wonder that men, even tho' urged by motives of conſcience and duty, ſhould be inclined to ſtop ſhort, when they found themſelves expoſed to ſo ſevere a penalty: That by employing this argument, the houſe was incapacitated from ſerving their country, or even from ſerving the Queen herſelf; whoſe ears, beſieged by perni⯑cious flatterers, were thereby rendered inacceſſible to the moſt ſalutary truths: That it was a mockery to call an aſſembly a Parliament, and yet deny them that privilege, which was ſo eſſential to their being, and without which they muſt de⯑generate into an abject ſchool of ſervitude and diſſimulation: That as the Parlia⯑ment was the great guardian of the laws, they ought to have liberty to diſcharge their truſt, and to maintain that authority whence even Kings themſelves derive their being: That a King was conſtituted ſuch by law, and tho' he was not dependant on man, yet was he ſubordinate to God and the law, and was obliged to make their preſcriptions, not his own will, the rule of his conduct: That even his commiſſion, as God's vicegerent, enforced, inſtead of looſening, this obligation; ſince he was thereby inveſted with authority to execute on earth the will of God, [556] which is nothing but law and juſtice: That tho' theſe ſurmizes of diſpleaſing the Queen by their proceedings, had impeached, in a very eſſential point, all free⯑dom of ſpeech, a privilege granted them by a ſpecial law; yet was there a more expreſs and more dangerous invaſion made on their liberties, by frequent meſſages from the throne: That it had become a practice, when the houſe were entering on any queſtion, either eccleſiaſtical or civil, to bring an order from the Queen, prohibiting them abſolutely to treat of ſuch matters, and barring them all farther diſcuſſion of theſe momentuous articles: That the prelates, emboldened by her royal protection, had aſſumed a deciſive power in all queſtions of religion, and required that every one ſhould implicitly ſubmit his faith to their arbitrary deter⯑minations: That the love which he bore his ſovereign, forbad him to be ſilent under ſuch abuſes, or to ſacrifice, on this important occaſion, his duty to ſervile flattery and complaiſance: And that, as no earthly creature was exempt from fault, ſo neither was the Queen herſelf; but in impoſing this ſervitude on her faithful commons, had committed a great, and even dangerous, fault againſt herſelf and the whole realm^*.

IT is eaſy to obſerve, from this ſpeech, that in theſe firſt dawnings of liberty, the parliamentary ſtile was ſtill crude and unformed; and that the proper deco⯑rum of attacking miniſters and counſellors, without intereſting the honour of the crown, or mentioning the perſon of the ſovereign, was not as yet entirely eſta⯑bliſhed. The commons expreſſed great diſpleaſure at this unuſual licence: They ſequeſtered Wentworth from the houſe, and committed him priſoner to the ſer⯑jeant at arms. They even ordered him to be examined by a committee, conſiſt⯑ing of all thoſe members who were alſo members of the privy-council, and a re⯑port to be made next day to the houſe. This committee met in the Star-cham⯑ber, and wearing the aſpect of that arbitrary court, ſummoned Wentworth to appear before them, and anſwer for his behaviour. But tho' the commons had diſcovered ſo little delicacy or precaution, in thus confounding their own autho⯑rity with that of the Star-chamber; Wentworth underſtood better the principles of liberty, and refuſed to give theſe counſellors any account of his conduct in Parliament, till he was ſatisfied that they acted not as members of the privy-coun⯑cil, but as a committee of the houſe^†. He juſtified himſelf by pleading the rigour and hardſhip of the Queen's meſſages; and notwithſtanding that the committee ſhewed him, by inſtances in other reigns, that the practice of ſending ſuch meſſages was not unprecedented, he would not agree to expreſs any ſorrow or repentance. The iſſue of the affair was, that, after a month's confinement, the Queen ſent to the com⯑mons, informing them, that, from her ſpecial grace and favour, ſhe had reſtored him [557] to his liberty and to his place in the houſe^§. By this ſeeming lenity, ſhe indirectly retained the power which ſhe had aſſumed, of impriſoning the members, and oblig⯑ing them to anſwer before her for their conduct in Parliament. And Sir Walter Mildmay endeavoured to make the houſe ſenſible of her Majeſty's goodneſs, in ſo gently remitting the indignation which ſhe might juſtly conceive at the teme⯑rity of their member: But he informed them, that they had not the liberty of ſpeaking what and of whom they pleaſed; and that indiſcreet freedoms uſed in that houſe, had, both in the preſent and foregoing ages, met with a proper pu⯑niſhment. He warned them, therefore, not to abuſe farther the Queen's cle⯑mency; leſt ſhe be conſtrained, contrary to her inclination, to turn an unſucceſſ⯑ful lenity into a neceſſary ſeverity^*.

THE behaviour of the two houſes was, in other reſpects, equally tame and ſubmiſſive. Inſtead of a bill, which was at firſt introduced^†, for the reforma⯑tion of the church, they were contented to preſent a petition to her majeſty for that purpoſe: And when ſhe told them, that ſhe would give orders to her bi⯑ſhops, to amend all abuſes, and if they were negligent, ſhe would herſelf, by her ſupreme power and authority over the church, give ſuch redreſs as would en⯑tirely ſatisfy the nation; the Parliament willingly acquieſced in this ſovereign and peremptory deciſion^‡.

THO' the commons ſhewed ſo little ſpirit in oppoſing the authority of the crown, they maintained, this ſeſſion, their dignity againſt an incroachment of the lords, and would not agree to a conference which, they thought, was deſired of them in an irregular manner. They acknowleged, however, with all humble⯑neſs, (ſuch was their expreſſion) the ſuperiority of the lords: They only refuſed to give that houſe any reaſon for their proceedings; and aſſerted, that where they altered a bill ſent them by the peers, it belonged to them to deſire a conference, not to the upper houſe to require it^‖.

THE commons granted an aid of one ſubſidy and two fifteenths. Mildmay, in order to ſatisfy the houſe concerning the reaſonableneſs of this grant, entered into a detail of the Queen's paſt expences in ſupporting the government, and of the increaſing charges of the crown, from the daily increaſe in the price of all com⯑modities. He did not, however, forget to admoniſh them, that they were to re⯑gard this detail as the pure effect of the Queen's condeſcenſion, ſince ſhe was not bound to yield them any account how ſhe employed her treaſure^{{inverted †}}.

CHAP. IV.

THE greateſt and moſt abſolute ſecurity which Elizabeth enjoyed during her whole reign, never exempted her from vigilance and attention; but the ſcene began now to be more overcaſt, and danger gradually multiplied on her from more than one quarter.

Scotch affairs. THE earl of Morton had hitherto retained Scotland in ſtrict alliance with the Queen, and had alſo reſtored domeſtic tranquillity: But it was not likely, that the factitious and legal authority of a regent would long maintain itſelf in a country unacquainted with law and order; where even the natural dominion of hereditary princes ſo often met with oppoſition and controul. The nobility be⯑gan anew to break into factions: The people were diſguſted with ſome inſtances which appeared of Morton's avarice: And the clergy, who complained of far⯑ther innovations on their narrow revenue, joined and increaſed the diſcontent of the other orders. The regent was ſenſible of his dangerous ſituation; and hav⯑ing dropt ſome peeviſh expreſſions, as if he were willing or deſirous to reſign the government, the noblemen of the oppoſite party, favourites of the young King, laid hold of this conceſſion, and required that demiſſion which he ſeemed ſo frankly to offer them. James was at this time but eleven years of age; yet Mor⯑ton, having ſecured himſelf, as he imagined, by a general pardon, reſigned his authority into the hands of the King, who pretended to conduct, in his own name, the adminiſtration of the kingdom. The regent retired from the govern⯑ment, and ſeemed to employ himſelf entirely in the care of his domeſtic affairs; but either tired with this tranquillity, which appeared inſipid after the agitations of ambition, or thinking it time to throw off diſſimulation, he returned again to court, acquired an aſcendant in the council; and tho' he reſumed not the title of regent, governed with the ſame authority as before. The oppoſite party, after holding ſeparate conventions, took to arms, under pretence of delivering their [559] year 1580 prince from captivity, and reſtoring him to the free exerciſe of his government: Queen Elizabeth interpoſed by her ambaſſador, Sir Robert Bowes, and mediated an agreement between the factions: Morton kept poſſeſſion of the government; but his enemies were numerous and vigilant, and his authority ſeemed to become every day more precarious.

THE count d'Aubigney, of the houſe of Lenox, couſin-german to the King's father, had been born and educated in France; and being a young nobleman of a good addreſs, and a ſweet diſpoſition, he appeared to the duke of Guiſe a very proper inſtrument for detaching James from the Engliſh intereſt, and connect⯑ing him with his mother and her relations. He no ſooner appeared at Stir⯑ling, where James reſided, than he acquired the affections of the young monarch; and joining his intereſts with James Stuart of the houſe of Ochiltree, a young man of profligate manners, who had acquired the King's favour, he employed himſelf, under the appearance of play and amuſement, in inſtilling into the ten⯑der mind of the prince, new ſentiments of politics and government. He repre⯑ſented to him the injuſtice which had been done Mary in her depoſition, and made him entertain thoughts, either of reſigning the crown into her hands, or of aſſo⯑ciating her with him in the adminiſtration^*. Elizabeth, alarmed with the dan⯑ger which might enſue from the prevalence of this intereſt in Scotland, ſent anew Sir Robert Bowes to Stirling; and accuſing Aubigney, now created earl of Le⯑nox, of an attachment to the French; warned James againſt entertaining ſuch ſuſpicious and dangerous connections^†. The King excuſed himſelf, by Alexan⯑der Hume his ambaſſador; and Lenox, finding that the Queen had openly de⯑clared againſt him, was farther confirmed in his intention of overturning the Engliſh intereſt, and particularly of ruining Morton, who was regarded as the head of it. That nobleman was arreſted in council, accuſed as an accomplice in the late King's murder, committed to priſon, brought to trial, and condemned to ſuffer as a traitor. He confeſſed, that Bothwel had communicated to him the deſign, had pleaded Mary's aſſent, and had deſired his concurrence; but he de⯑nied, that he had ever given his approbation to that crime; and in excuſe for his concealment, alledged the danger of revealing it, either to Henry, who had no reſolution nor conſtancy, or to Mary, who appeared to be an accomplice in the murder^‡. Sir Thomas Randolph was ſent by the Queen to intercede in favour of Morton; and that ambaſſador, not content with diſcharging this duty of his function, engaged, by his perſuaſion, the earls of Argyle, Montroſe, Angus, [558] [...] [559] [...] [560] Marre, and Glencarne, to enter into confederacy for protecting, even by force of arms, the life of the priſoner. The more to overawe that nobleman's enemies, Elizabeth ordered forces to be aſſembled on the borders of England; but this expedient ſerved only to haſten his ſentence and execution^‖. Morton died with that conſtancy and reſolution which had attended him thro' all the various events of his life; and left a reputation, which was leſs diſputed with regard to ability than probity and virtue. But this concluſion of the ſcene happened not till the ſubſequent year.

Spaniſh affairs. ELIZABETH was at this time extremely anxious on account of every revolu⯑tion in Scotland; becauſe that country alone, not being ſeparated from England by ſea, and bordering on all the catholic and malecontent counties, afforded her enemies a ſafe and eaſy method of attacking her; and becauſe ſhe was ſenſible, that Mary, thinking herſelf abandoned by the French monarch, had been en⯑gaged by the Guiſes to have recourſe to the powerful protection of Philip, who, tho' he had not yet come to an open rupture with the Queen, was every day, both by the injuries which he committed and received, more exaſperated againſt her. That he might retaliate for the aſſiſtance which ſhe gave to his rebels in the Low Countries, he had ſent under the name of the pope^*, a body of ſeven hundred Spaniards and Italians into Ireland; where the inhabitants, always turbulent, and diſcontented with the Engliſh government, were now more alienated by religious prejudices, and were ready to join every invader. The Spaniſh general, San Joſepho, built a fort in Kerry; and being there beſieged by the earl of Ormond, preſident of Munſter, who was ſoon after joined by lord Gray, the deputy, he made a very weak and cowardly reſiſtance. After ſome aſſaults, feebly ſuſtained, he ſurrendered at diſcretion; and Gray, who was attended with a very ſmall force, finding himſelf embarraſſed with ſo many priſoners, put all the Spaniards and Itali⯑ans to the ſword without mercy, and hanged about fifteen hundred Iriſh: A cruelty which gave great diſpleaſure to Elizabeth^†.

Sir Francis Drake. WHEN the Engliſh ambaſſador made complaints of this invaſion, he was an⯑ſwered by like complaints of the pyracies committed by Francis Drake, a bold ſeaman, who had aſſaulted the Spaniards in the place where they eſteemed them⯑ſelves the moſt ſecure, in the new world. This man, ſprung from mean parents in the county of Devon, having acquired conſiderable riches by ſome depreda⯑tions made on the Spaniards in the iſthmus of Panama, and having there got a ſight of the Pacific ocean, was ſo ſtimulated by ambition and avarice, that he ſcru⯑pled [561] not to employ his whole fortune in a new adventure thro' thoſe ſeas, ſo much unknown at that time to all the European nations^*. By means of Sir Chriſto⯑pher. Hatton, then vice chamberlain, a great favourite of the Queen, he obtained her conſent and approbation; and ſet ſail from Plymouth in 1577, with four ſhips and a pinnace, on board of which were 164 able ſailors^†. He paſſed into the South Sea by the Straits of Magellan, and falling on the Spaniards, who ex⯑pected no enemy in theſe quarters, he took many rich prizes, and prepared to return with the immenſe booty, which he had acquired. Apprehenſive of being intercepted by the enemy, if he took the ſame way homewards, by which [...]e had reached the Pacific Ocean, he attempted to find a paſſage by the north of Cali⯑fornia; and failing in that enterprize, he ſet ſail for the Eaſt Indies, and returned ſafely this year by the Cape of Good Hope. He was the firſt Eng iſhman who compaſſed the Globe; and the firſt commander in chief: For Magellan, whoſe ſhip executed the ſame adventure, died in his paſſage. His name became very celebrated on account of ſo bold and fortunate an attempt; but many, appre⯑hending the reſentment of the Spaniards, endeavoured to perſuade the Queen, that it would be more prudent to diſown the enterprize, to puniſh Drake, and to reſtore the treaſure. But Elizabeth, who admired valour, and who was allured by the proſpect of ſharing in the riches, was determined to countenance that gallant ſailor: She conferred on him the honour of knighthood, and accepted of a banquet from him at Deptford, on board the ſhip which had atchieved ſo me⯑morable a voyage. When Philip's ambaſſador, Mendoza, exclaimed againſt Drake's pyracies, ſhe told him, that the Spaniards, by arrogating a right to the whole new world, and excluding thence all other European nations, who ſhould ſail thither, even with a view of exerciſing the moſt lawful commerce, very na⯑turally tempted others to make a violent irruption into theſe countries^‡. To pacify, however, the Spaniſh monarch, ſhe cauſed part of the booty to be re⯑ſtored to Pedro Sebura, a Spaniard, who pretended to be agent for the merchants, whom Drake had ſpoiled. year 1581 Having learned afterwards, that Philip had ſeized the money, and had employed part of it againſt herſelf in Ireland, part of it in the pay of the prince of Parma's troops, ſhe was determined to make no more reſtitutions.

THERE was another cauſe, which induced the Queen to take this reſolution: She was in ſuch want of money, that ſhe was obliged to aſſemble a Parliament; a meaſure, which, as ſhe herſelf openly declared, ſhe never embraced, ex⯑cept [562] when obliged by the neceſſity of her affairs. 16th January. A Parliament. The Parliament, beſides granting her a ſupply of one ſubſidy and two fifteens, enacted ſome ſtatutes for the ſecurity of the government, chiefly againſt the attempts of the catholics. Whoever, in any way, reconciled any one to the church of Rome, or was him⯑ſelf reconciled, was declared to be guilty of treaſon: To ſay maſs was ſubjected to the penalty of a year's impriſonment, and a fine of two hundred merks; the hearing it was puniſhable by a year's impriſonment and a fine of an hundred merks: A fine of twenty pounds a month was impoſed on every one who con⯑tinued, during that time, abſent from church^*. To utter ſlanderous or ſeditious words againſt the Queen was puniſhable, for the firſt offence, with the pillory and loſs of ears; the ſecond offence was declared felony: The writing or printing ſuch words was felony even on the firſt offence^†. The puritans prevailed to have farther application made for reformation in religion^‡. Paul Wentworth, brother to the member of that name, who had diſtinguiſhed himſelf in the preced⯑ing ſeſſion, moved, that the commons, from their own authority, ſhould appoint a general faſt and prayers; and the commons raſhly aſſented to his motion. For this preſumption, they were ſeverely reprimanded by a meſſage from the Queen, as encroaching on the royal prerogative and ſupremacy; and they were obliged to ſubmit, and aſk forgiveneſs^‖.

THE Queen and Parliament were engaged to paſs theſe ſevere laws againſt the catholics, by ſome late diſcoveries, which had been made of the treaſonable practices of the Romiſh prieſts. When the worſhip of the catholics was ſuppreſſed, and the reformation introduced into the univerſities, the King of Spain reflected, that as ſome ſpecies of literature was requiſite for the ſupport of theſe doctrines and controverſies, the Romiſh communion muſt totally decay in England, if no means were found to give erudition to the eccleſiaſtics; and for this reaſon, he founded a ſeminary at Doüay, where the catholics ſent their children, chiefly thoſe intended for the prieſthood, in order to receive the rudiments of their education. The cardinal of Lorraine imitated this example by erecting a like ſeminary in his dioceſe of Rheims; and tho' Rome was ſomewhat diſtant, the pope would not neglect to adorn, with a foundation of the ſame nature, that capital of orthodoxy. Theſe ſeminaries, founded with this hoſtile intention, ſent over every year a colony of prieſts, who maintained the catholic ſuperſtition in the full height of its bigotry; and being educated with a view to the crown of martyrdom, were not deterred, either by danger or fatigue, from maintaining and propagating their principles. They infuſed into all their votaries an extreme [563] hatred againſt the Queen; whom they treated as an uſurper, a ſchiſmatic, a he⯑retic, a perſecutor of the orthodox, and one ſolemnly and publickly anathema⯑tized by the holy father. Sedition, rebellion, and even ſometimes aſſaſſination, were the expedients, by which they propoſed to effectuate their purpoſes againſt her; and the ſevere reſtraint, not to ſay perſecution, under which the catholics laboured, made them the more willingly receive, from their ghoſtly fathers, ſuch violent doctrines.

THESE ſeminaries were all of them under the direction of the jeſuits, a new order of regular prieſts erected in Europe; when the court of Rome perceived, that the lazy monks and beggarly friars, who ſufficed in times of ignorance, were no longer able to defend the ramparts of the church, aſſailed on every ſide, and that the inquiſitive ſpirit of the age required a ſociety more active and more learned, to oppoſe its dangerous progreſs. Theſe men, as they ſtood foremoſt in the conteſt againſt the proteſtants, drew on them the extreme animoſity of that whole ſect; and by aſſuming a ſuperiority over the other more numerous and more antient orders of their own communion, were even expoſed to the envy of their brethren: So that it was no wonder, if the blame to which their principles and conduct might be expoſed, has, in many inſtances, been much exag⯑gerated. This reproach, however, they muſt bear from poſterity, that, by the very nature of their inſtitution, they were engaged to pervert learning, the only effectual remedy againſt ſuperſtition, into a nouriſhment of that infirmity; and as their eru⯑dition was chiefly of the eccleſiaſtical and ſcholaſtic kind (tho' a few members have cultivated polite literature) they were only the more enabled, by that acquiſition, to refine away the plaineſt dictates of morality, and to erect a regular ſyſtem of caſuiſtry, by which prevarication, perjury, and every crime, where it ſerved their ghoſtly purpoſes, might be juſtified and defended.

THE jeſuits, as devoted ſervants to the court of Rome, exalted the preroga⯑tive of the ſovereign pontiff above all earthly power; and by maintaining his authority of depoſing Kings, ſet no bounds, either to his ſpiritual or temporal juriſdiction. This doctrine became ſo prevalent among the zealous catholics in England, that the excommunication, fulminated againſt Elizabeth, excited many ſcruples of a ſingular kind, to which it behoved the holy father to provide a remedy. The bull of Pius, in abſolving the ſubjects from their oaths of allegi⯑ance, required them to reſiſt the Queen's uſurpation; and many Romaniſts were apprehenſive, that, by this clauſe, they were obliged in conſcience, even tho' no favourable opportunity offered, to rebel againſt her, and that no dangers nor difficulties could free them from this indiſpenſible duty. But Parſons and Cam⯑pian, two jeſuits, were ſent over with a mitigation and explanation of the doc⯑trine; [564] and they taught their votaries, that, tho' the bull was for ever binding on Elizabeth and her partizans, it did not oblige the catholics to obedience, except when the ſovereign pontiff ſhould think proper, by a new ſummons, to require it^*. Campian was afterwards detected in treaſonable practices; and being put to the rack, and confeſſing his guilt, he was publicly executed. His execution was ordered at the very time, when the duke of Anjou was in England, and proſe⯑cuted with the greateſt appearance of ſucceſs his marriage with the Queen; and this ſeverity was probably intended to appeaſe her proteſtant ſubjects, and to ſatisfy them, that, whatever meaſures ſhe might purſue, ſhe never would depart from the principles of the reformation.

WHILE hoſtilities were daily multiplying between Spain and England, and while Elizabeth knew, that Philip, from reſentment, from bigotry, and from intereſt, was ſtrongly, tho' ſecretly, induced to effect her ruin, ſhe ſaw the neceſſity of ſecuring herſelf againſt the efforts of ſo powerful and political a monarch. The obſtinate reſiſtance of the ſtates in the Netherlands gave her hopes, that his force and treaſure would be waſted in ſubduing theſe provinces; but the admirable conduct and rapid progreſs of the prince of Parma ſtruck her with apprehenſions; and as the acquiſition, which Philip, about this time, made of Portugal, brought him a great acceſſion of riches and naval power, the expe⯑diency of ſeeking the protection of ſome powerful alliance became every day the more apparent. The animoſity, which ſtill encreaſed between the French mo⯑narch and the duke of Guiſe, and the confederacy, which the latter prince had ſecretly formed with Philip, opened the proſpect of a cloſe alliance between the ſovereigns of France and England; and the general apprehenſions, entertained by all Europe of the Spaniſh power, ſeemed to require ſome general union for reſiſt⯑ing its farther progreſs.

Negotiations of marriage with the duke of Anjou. THE duke of Alençon, now created duke of Anjou, had never entirely dropped his pretenſions to eſpouſe Elizabeth; and that princeſs, tho' her ſuitor was near twenty-five years younger than herſelf, and had no knowlege of her perſon but by pictures or deſcriptions, was ſtill pleaſed with the counterfeit image, which his addreſſes afforded her of love and tenderneſs. The duke, in order to forward his ſuit, beſides employing his brother's ambaſſadors, ſent over Simier, an agent of his own; an artful man, of an agreeable converſation, who, ſoon remarking the Queen's humour, amuſed her with gay diſcourſe, and inſtead of ſerious political reaſonings, which, he found, only awakened her ambition, and hurt his maſter's intereſts, introduced every moment all the topics of paſſion and [565] of gallantry. The pleaſure, which ſhe found in this man's ſociety, ſoon pro⯑duced a great familiarity between them; and amidſt the greateſt hurry of buſineſs, her wiſeſt miniſters had not ſuch ready acceſs to her perſon, as had Simier, who, under pretence of negotiation, entertained her with accounts of the tender attach⯑ment borne her by the duke of Anjou. The earl of Leiceſter, who had never before been alarmed with any courtſhip made to her, and who always truſted that her love of dominion would prevail over her inclination to marriage, began to apprehend, that ſhe was at laſt caught in her own ſnare, and that the artful encouragement, which ſhe had given to this young ſuitor, had unawares engaged her affections. To render Simier odious, he availed himſelf of the credulity of the times, and ſpread reports, that that miniſter had gained an aſcendant over the Queen, not by any natural principles of her conſtitution, but by incantations and love poti⯑ons. Simier, in revenge, endeavoured to diſcredit Leiceſter, and revealed to her a ſecret, which none of her courtiers dared to diſcover, that this nobleman was ſecret⯑ly, without her conſent, married to the widow of the earl of Eſſex; an action, which the Queen interpreted either to proceed from want of reſpect to her, or as a violation of their mutual attachment; and which ſo provoked her, that ſhe threatened to ſend him priſoner to the Tower^*. The quarrel went ſo far between Leiceſter and the French agent, that the former was ſuſpected of having em⯑ployed one Tudor, a bravo, to take away the life of his enemy; and the Queen thought it neceſſary, by proclamation, to put Simier under her own protection. It happened, that while the Queen was rowed in her barge on the Thames, at⯑tended by Simier, and ſome of her courtiers, a ſhot was fired which wounded one of her bargemen; but Elizabeth finding, upon enquiry, that the piece had been diſcharged by accident, gave the perſon his liberty, without farther puniſhment. So far was ſhe from entertaining any ſuſpic on againſt her people, that ſhe was many times heard to ſay, ‘"That ſhe would lend [...]re▪ it to nothing againſt them, which parents would not believe of their own children^†."’

THE duke of Anjou, encouraged by the accounts, which he received of the Queen's prepoſſeſſions in his favour, paid her ſecretly a viſit at Greenwich; and after ſome conference with her, the purpo [...] of which i [...] not kn wn, he de⯑parted. It appeared, that, tho' his figure was not advance [...] [...] ground by being perſonally known to her; and [...] now treaſurer, Suſſex, Leiceſter, [...] Walſingham, to concert with the French an [...] contract. Henry had ſent over on this occaſſion a very [...] conſiſting of Francis de Bourbon, [...] [...]phiny, at [...] [566] rable noblemen; and as the Queen had in a manner the power of preſcribing what terms ſhe pleaſed, the articles were ſoon ſettled with the Engliſh commiſ⯑ſioners. It was agreed, that the marriage ſhould be celebrated within ſix weeks after the ratification of the articles; that the duke and his retinue ſhould have the exerciſe of their religion; that after the marriage he ſhould bear the title of King, exerciſe of their religion; that after the marriage he ſhould bear the title of King, but the adminiſtration ſhould remain ſolely in the Queen; that their children, male or female, ſhould ſucceed to the crown of England; that if there be two males, the eldeſt, in caſe of Henry's death without iſſue, ſhould be King of France, the younger of England; that if there be but one male, and he ſucceed to the crown of France, he ſhould be obliged to reſide in England eight months every two years; that the laws and cuſtoms of England ſhould be pre⯑ſerved inviolate; and that no foreigner ſhould be promoted by the duke to any office in England^‡. Theſe articles, providing for the ſecurity of England, in caſe of its annexation to the crown of France, opened but a diſmal proſpect to the Engliſh; had not the age of the Queen, who was now in her forty-ninth year, contributed very much to allay their apprehenſions of this nature. The Queen alſo, as a proof of her ſtill remaining uncertainty, added a clauſe, that ſhe was not bound to compleat the marriage, till farther articles, which are not ſpecified, ſhall be agreed on between the parties, and till the King of France be certified of their agreement. Soon after the Queen ſent over Walſingham, as ambaſſador to France, in order to form cloſer connexions with Henry, and enter into a league offenſive and defenſive againſt the encreaſing power and dan⯑gerous uſurpations of Spain. The French King, who had been extremely diſ⯑turbed with the unquiet ſpirit, the reſtleſs ambition, the enterprizing, and yet timid and inconſtant diſpoſition of Anjou, had already ſought to free the kingdom from his intrigues, by opening a ſcene for his activity in Flanders; and having al⯑lowed him to embrace the protection of the ſtates, had ſecretly ſupplied him with men and money for that undertaking. The proſpect of ſettling him in England was for a like reaſon very agreeable to that monarch; and he was de⯑ſirous to cultivate, by every expedient, the favourable ſentiments, which Eliza⯑beth ſeemed to entertain towards them. But this princeſs, tho' ſhe had gone far⯑ther in her amorous dalliance^* than could be juſtified or accounted for by any principles of policy, was not yet determined to bring matters to a final con⯑cluſion; and ſhe confined Walſingham, in his inſtructions, to the negotiating con⯑ditions of a mutual alliance between France and England^†. Henry with reluc⯑tance ſubmitted to hold conferences on that ſubject; but no ſooner had Walſing⯑ham begun to ſettle the conditions of alliance, than he was informed, that the [567] Queen, foreſeeing hoſtility with Spain to be the reſult of this confederacy, had declared, that ſhe would prefer the marriage with the war, before the war with⯑out the marriage^‡. The French court, pleaſed with this change of reſolution, broke off the conferences concerning the league, and opened a negotiation for the marriage^‖: But matters had not long proceeded in this train, before the Queen again declared for the league in preference to the marriage, and ordered Wal⯑ſingham to renew the conferences for that purpoſe. Before he had leizure to bring this point to maturity, he was interrupted by a new change of reſolution^§; and not only the court of France, but Walſingham himſelf, Burleigh, and all the wiſeſt miniſters of Elizabeth, were in amaze, doubtful where this conteſt be⯑tween inclination and reaſon, love and ambition, would at laſt terminate.

IN the courſe of this affair, Elizabeth felt another variety of intentions, from a new conteſt between her reaſon and her ruling paſſions. The duke of Anjou ex⯑pected ſome aſſiſtance of money, by which he might be enabled to open the campaign in Flanders; and the Queen herſelf, tho' her frugality made her long reluctant, was ſenſible that this ſupply was neceſſary; and ſhe was at laſt induced, after much heſitation, to comply with his requeſt^*. She ſent him a preſent of an hundred thouſand crowns; by which, joined to his own demeſns and the aſ⯑ſiſtance of his brother and the Queen dowager, he levied an army, and took the field againſt the prince of Parma. He was ſucceſsful in raiſing the ſiege of Cambray; and being choſen by the ſtates governor of the Netherlands, he put his army into winter quarters, and came over to England, in order to proſecute his ſuit to the Queen. The reception, which he met with, made him promiſe himſelf entire ſucceſs, and gave him hopes, that Elizabeth had ſurmounted all her ſcruples, and was finally determined to make choice of him for her huſband. 17th Novem⯑ber. In the midſt of the pomp, which attended the anniverſary of her coronation, ſhe was ſeen, after long and intimate diſcourſe with him, to take a ring from her own finger, and to put it upon his; and all the ſpectators concluded, that, in this ceremony, ſhe had given him a promiſe of marriage, and was even deſirous of ſignifying her intention to all the world. St. Aldegonde, ambaſſador from the ſtates, diſpatched immediately a letter to his maſters, informing them of this great event; and the inhabitants of Antwerp, who, as well as the other lemings, regarded the Queen as a kind of tutelar divinity, teſtified their joy by boneſires and the diſcharge of their great ordnance^†. A puritan of Lincoln's Inn had wrote a paſſionate book, which he intituled, ‘"The Gulph in which England will [568] be ſwallowed by the French Marriage."’ He was apprehended and proſecuted by order from the Queen, and was condemned to loſe his right hand as a libeller. Such was the conſtancy and loyaity of the man, that, immediately after the ſen⯑tence was executed, he took off his hat with his other hand, and waving it over his head, cried ‘"God ſave the Queen."’

BUT notwithſtanding this attachment, which Elizabeth ſo openly diſcovered to the duke of Anjou, the conteſt of her ſentiments was not entirely over; and her ambition, as well as prudence, rouzing itſelf by intervals, ſtill filled her breaſt with doubt and heſitation. Almoſt all the courtiers, whom ſhe truſted and fa⯑voured, Leiceſter, Hatton, and Walſingham, diſcovered an extreme averſion to the marriage; and the ladies of her bed chamber made no ſcruple of oppoſing her reſolution with the moſt zealous remonſtrances^*. Among other enemies to the match, Sir Philip Sidney, ſon to Sir Henry Sidney, lord deputy of Ireland, and nephew to Leiceſter; a young man the moſt accompliſhed of that age; uſed the freedom to write her a letter, where he diſſwaded her from her preſent reſolution, with an unuſual elegance of expreſſion, as well as force of reaſoning. He told her, that the ſecurity of her government depended entirely on the af⯑fections of her proteſtant ſubjects; and ſhe could not, by any meaſure, more effectually diſguſt them than by eſpouſing a prince, who was ſon to the perfidious Catherine, brother to the cruel and perfidious Charles, and who had himſelf embrued his hands in the blood of the innocent and defenceleſs proteſtants: That the catholics were her mortal enemies, and believed either that ſhe had originally uſurped the crown, or was now lawfully depoſed by the pope's bull of excommu⯑nication; and nothing had ever ſo much elevated their hopes as the proſpect of her marriage with the duke of Anjou: That her chief ſecurity at preſent againſt the efforts of ſo numerous, rich, and united a ſaction was, that they poſſeſſed no head who could conduct their dangerous enterprizes; and ſhe herſelf was raſhly ſupplying that defect, by giving an intereſt in the kingdom to a prince, whoſe education had zealouſly attached him to that communion: That tho' he was a ſtranger to the royal blood, the diſpoſitions of men were now ſuch, that they preferred the religious to the civil connexions; and were more influenced by the ſympathy of religion than by the principles of legal and hereditary government: That the duke himſelf had diſcovered a very reſtleſs and turbulent ſpirit; and having often violated his loyalty to his elder brother and his ſovereign, there re⯑mained no hopes that he would paſſively ſubmit to a woman, whom he might think himſelf intitled, in quality of huſband, to command: That the French nation, ſo populous, ſo much abounding in ſoldiers, ſo full of nobility, who were [569] devoted to arms, and, for ſome time, accuſtomed to ſerve for plunder, would ſupply him with partizans, dangerous to a people, unwarlike and defenceleſs like the generality of her ſubjects: That the plain and honourable path, which ſhe had followed, of cultivating the affections of her people, had hitherto rendered her reign ſecure and happy; and however her enemies might ſeem to multiply upon her, the ſame invincible rampart was ſtill able to protect and defend her: That ſo long as the throne of France was filled by Henry or his poſterity, it was vain to hope that the ties of blood would enſure the amity of that kingdom, preferably to the maxims of policy or the prejudices of religion; and if ever the crown devolved to the duke of Anjou, the conjunction of France and England would prove a burthen, rather than a protection, to the latter kingdom: That the example of her ſiſter Mary was ſufficient to inſtruct her in the danger of ſuch connections; and to prove, that the affections and confidence of the Engliſh could never be maintained, where they had ſuch reaſon to apprehend that their intereſts would every moment be ſacrificed to thoſe of a foreign and hoſtile na⯑tion: That notwithſtanding theſe great inconveniencies, diſcovered by paſt expe⯑rience, the houſe of Burgundy, it muſt be confeſſed, was more popular in the nation than the family of France; and, what was of chief moment, Philip was of the ſame communion with Mary, and was connected with her by this great band of intereſt and affection: And that however the Queen might remain child⯑leſs, even tho' old age ſhould grow upon her, the ſingular felicity and glory of her reign would preſerve her from contempt; the affections of her ſubjects, and thoſe of all the proteſtants in Europe, would defend her from attacks; and her own prudence, without other aid or aſſiſtance, would baffle all the efforts of her moſt malignant enemies^*.

THESE reflections kept the Queen in great anxiety and irreſolution; and ſhe was obſerved to paſs ſeveral nights without any ſleep or repoſe. At laſt her ſet⯑tled habits of prudence and ambition prevailed over her temporary inclination; and having ſent for the duke of Anjou, ſhe had a long converſation with him in private, where ſhe was ſuppoſed to have made him apologies for the breaking her former engagements. He expreſſed great diſguſt on his departure; threw away the ring which ſhe had given him; and uttered many curſes on the mutability of women, and of iſlanders^†. Soon after, he went over to his government of the Netherlands; loſt the confidence of the States, by a raſh and violent attempt on their liberties; was expelled that country; retired into France; and there died. The Queen, by her timely reflection, ſaved herſelf from the numerous miſchiefs which muſt have attended ſo imprudent a marriage: And the preſent diſtracted [570] year 1582 ſtate of the French monarchy, prevented her feeling any effects of that reſent⯑ment which ſhe bad reaſon to dread from the affront ſo wantonly put upon that royal family.

Scotch affairs. THE anxiety of the Queen, from the attempts of the Engliſh catholics, never ceaſed during the whole courſe of her reign; but the variety of revolutions which happened in all the neighbouring kingdoms, were the ſource ſometimes of her hopes, ſometimes of her apprehenſions. This year the affairs of Scotland ſtrong⯑ly engaged her attention. The influence which the earl of Lenox, and James Stuart, who now aſſumed the title of earl of Arran, had acquired over the young King, was but a ſlender foundation of authority; while the generality of the nobles, and all the preachers, were ſo much diſcontented with their adminiſtra⯑tion. The aſſembly of the church appointed a ſolemn faſt; of which one of the avowed reaſons was the danger in which the King ſtood from the company of wicked perſons^*: And on that day the pulpits reſounded with declamations againſt Lenox, Arran, and the King's preſent counſellors. When the minds of the people were ſufficiently prepared by theſe lectures, a conſpiracy of the nobi⯑lity was formed, probably with the concurrence of Elizabeth, for ſeizing the per⯑ſon of James at Ruthven, a ſeat of the earl of Gowry; and the deſign, being kept very ſecret, ſucceeded without any oppoſition. 23 Auguſt. The leaders in this enter⯑prize were, the earl of Gowry himſelf, the earl of Marre, the lords Lindeſey and Boyd, the maſters of Glamis and Oliphant, the abbots of Dunfermline, Paiſley, and Cambuſkenneth. The King wept when he found himſelf detained a pri⯑ſoner; but the maſter of Glamis ſaid, ‘"No matter for his tears: Better that boys ſhould weep than bearded men:"’ An expreſſion which James could never afterwards forget^†. But notwithſtanding his reſentment, he found it neceſſary to ſubmit to the preſent neceſſity. He pretended an entire acquieſcence in the con⯑duct of the aſſociators; acknowleged the detention of his perſon to be acceptable ſervice; and agreed, to ſummon both an aſſembly of the church and a convention of eſtates, in order to ratify that enterprize. The aſſembly, tho' they had eſtabliſh⯑ed it as an inviolable rule, that the King, on no account, and on no occaſion, ſhould ever intermeddle in eccleſiaſtical matters, made no ſcruple of taking civil affairs under their cognizance, and of giving their verdict, that the attempt of the conſpirators was acceptable to all that feared God, or tendered the preſerva⯑tion of the King's perſon, and proſperous ſtate of the realm. They even enjoin⯑ed all the clergy to recommend theſe ſentiments from the pulpit; and they threat⯑ened with eccleſiaſtical cenſures every man who ſhould oppoſe the authority of the conſederated lords^‡. The convention, being compoſed chiefly of theſe lords them⯑ſelves, [571] added their ſanction to theſe proceedings. Arran was confined a priſoner to his own houſe: Lenox, tho' he had power to reſiſt, yet rather than excite a civil war, or be the cauſe of bloodſhed^‖, choſe to retire into France, where he ſoon after died. He perſevered to the laſt in his converſion to the proteſtant reli⯑gion; which the Scotch clergy would never be perſuaded that he had ſincerely embraced. The King ſent for his family, reſtored his ſon to his paternal honours and eſtate, took care to eſtabliſh the fortunes of all his other children; and to his laſt moments never forgot the early friendſhip which he had borne their father: A ſtrong proof of the good diſpoſitions of that prince^{{inverted †}}.

NO ſooner was this revolution known in England, than the Queen ſent Sir Henry Cary, and Sir Robert Bowes to James, in order to congratulate him on his deliverance from the pernicious counſels of Lenox and Arran; to exhort him not to reſent the ſeeming violence of the lords' enterprize; and to procure from him permiſſion for the return of the earl of Angus, who, ever ſince Morton's fall, had lived in England. They eaſily prevailed in the laſt application; and as James ſuſpected, that Elizabeth had not been entirely unacquainted with the project of his detention, he thought proper, before the Engliſh ambaſſadors, to diſſemble his reſentment againſt the confederated noblemen. Soon after La Mothe-Fenelon, and Menneville, appeared as ambaſſadors from France: year 1583 Their errand was to enquire concerning the ſituation of the King, make profeſſions of their maſter's friendſhip, confirm the ancient league with France, and procure an ac⯑commodation between him and the Queen of Scots. This laſt propoſal gave great umbrage to the clergy; and the aſſembly had already voted, the ſettling of terms between the mother and ſon, to be a moſt wicked undertaking. The pul⯑pits reſounded with declamations againſt the French ambaſſadors; particularly Fene⯑lon, whom they called the Meſſenger of the bloody murderer, meaning the duke of Guiſe: And as that miniſter, being knight of the Holy Ghoſt, wore a white croſs on his ſhoulder, they commonly denominated it in contempt, the badge of Antichriſt. The King endeavoured, tho' in vain, to repreſs theſe inſolencies; but in order to make the ambaſſadors ſome compenſation, he deſired the magiſtrates of Edinburgh to give them a ſplendid dinner before their departure. To prevent this entertainment, the clergy appointed that very day for a public faſt; and finding that their orders were not regarded, they employed their whole ſermons in thundering curſes on the magiſtrates, who, by the King's direction, had put this mark of reſpect on the ambaſſadors. They even purſued them afterwards with the cenſures of the church; and it was with difficulty they prevented from [572] paſſing the ſentence of excommunication againſt them, on account of their ſub⯑miſſion to royal, preferably to clerical, authority^*.

WHAT increaſed the alarm with regard to an accommodation between James and Mary, was, that the Engliſh ambaſſadors ſeemed to concur with the French in this propoſal; and the clergy were ſo ignorant as to credit the ſincerity of the profeſſions made by the former. The Queen of Scots had often made overtures to Elizabeth, which had been entirely neglected; Letter of Queen Mary to Elizabeth. but hearing of James's deten⯑tion, ſhe wrote a letter in a more pathetic and more ſpirited ſtrain than uſual; craving the aſſiſtance of that princeſs, both for her own and her ſon's liberty. She ſaid, that the account of the prince's captivity had excited her moſt tender concern; and the experience which ſhe herſelf, during ſo many years, had of the extreme infelicity attending that ſituation, had made her the more apprehenſive, leſt a like fate ſhould her unhappy offspring: That the long train of in⯑juſtice which ſhe had ſuffered; the calumnies to which ſhe had been expoſed; were ſo grievous, that, finding no place for right or truth among men, ſhe was reduced to make her laſt appeal to heaven, the only competent tribunal between princes of equal juriſdiction, degree, and dignity: That after her rebellious ſub⯑jects, ſecretly inſtigated by Elizabeth's miniſters, had expelled her from the throne, had confined her to priſon, had purſued her with arms, ſhe had voluntarily thrown herſelf under the protection of England, fatally allured by thoſe reiter⯑ated profeſſions of amity which had been made her, and by her confidence in the generoſity of a friend, an ally, and a kinſwoman: That not contented with de⯑barring her from her preſence, with ſupporting the uſurpers of her throne, with contributing to the deſtruction of her faithful ſubjects, Elizabeth had reduced her to a worſe captivity than that from which ſhe had eſcaped, and had made her this cruel return for the unlimited truſt which ſhe had repoſed in her: That tho' her reſentment of ſuch ſevere uſage had never carried her farther than to uſe ſome diſappointed efforts for her deliverance, unhappy to herſelf, and fatal to others, ſhe found the rigours of confinement daily multiplied upon her; and at length carried to ſuch a height as ſurpaſſed the bounds of all human patience any longer to endure them: That ſhe was cut off from all communication, not only with the reſt of mankind, but alſo with her only ſon; and her maternal fondneſs, which was now more enlivened by their unhappy ſympathy in ſituation, and was her ſole remaining attachment to the world, deprived even of that melancholy ſolace, which letters or meſſages could give: That the bitterneſs of her ſorrows, ſtill more than her cloſe conſinement, had preyed upon her health, and had added the inſufferable weight of bodily infirmity to all thoſe other calamities under which [573] ſhe laboured: That while the daily experience of her maladies opened to her the comfortable proſpect of an approaching deliverance into a region where pain and ſorrow are no more, her enemies envied her that laſt conſolation; and having ſe⯑cluded her from every joy on earth, had done what in them lay to debar her from all hopes in her future and eternal exiſtence: That the exerciſe of her religion was refuſed her; the uſage of thoſe rites in which ſhe had been educated; the commerce with thoſe holy miniſters, whom heaven had appointed to receive the acknowlegement of our tranſgreſſions, and to ſeal our penitence by a ſolemn re-admiſſion into heavenly favour and forgiveneſs: That it was in vain to com⯑plain of the rigours of perſecution exerciſed in other kingdoms; when a Queen, and an innocent woman, was excluded from an indulgence which never yet, in the moſt barbarous countries, had been denied to the meaneſt and moſt criminal malefactor: That could ſhe ever be induced to deſcend from that royal dignity in which Providence had placed her, or depart from her appeal to Heaven, there was only one other tribunal to which ſhe would appeal from all her enemies; to the juſtice and humanity of Elizabeth's own breaſt, and to that lenity, which, uninfluenced by malignant counſel, ſhe would naturally be induced to exerciſe to⯑wards her: And that ſhe finally intreated her, to reſume her natural diſpoſition, and to reflect on the ſupport, as well as comfort, which ſhe might receive from her ſon and herſelf, if, joining the obligations of gratitude to the ties of blood, ſhe would deign to raiſe them from their preſent melancholy ſituation, and re⯑inſtate them in that liberty and authority to which they were entitled^*.

ELIZABETH was chiefly induced to obſtruct Mary's reſtoration, becauſe ſhe foreſaw an unhappy alternative attending that event. If this princeſs recovered any conſiderable ſhare of authority in Scotland, her reſentment, ambition, zeal, and connections, both domeſtic and foreign, might render her a dangerous neigh⯑bour to England, and enable her, after ſuppreſſing the Engliſh party among her ſubjects, to revive thoſe pretenſions which ſhe had formerly advanced to the crown, and which her partizans in both kingdoms ſtill ſupported with great in⯑duſtry and aſſurance. If ſhe was reinſtated in power, with ſuch ſtrict limitations as could not be broken, ſhe might be diſguſted with her ſituation; and flying abroad, form more deſperate attempts than any ſovereign, who had a crown to hazard, would willingly undertake. Mary herſelf, ſenſible of theſe difficulties, and convinced by experience, that Elizabeth would for ever debar her the throne, was now become more humble in her wiſhes; and as age and infirmities had repreſſed thoſe ſentiments of ambition and indignation, by which ſhe was former⯑ly ſo much agitated, ſhe was willing to ſacrifice all her hopes of power and [574] grandeur, in order to obtain a little more liberty; a bleſſing to which ſhe very naturally aſpired with the fondeſt impatience. She propoſed, therefore, that ſhe ſhould be aſſociated with her ſon in the title to the crown of Scotland, but that the adminiſtration ſhould remain ſolely in him: And ſhe was contented to live in England, in a private ſtation, and even in a kind of reſtraint; but with ſome more liberty, both for exerciſe and company, than ſhe had enjoyed ſince the firſt diſcovery of her intrigues with the duke of Norfolk. But Elizabeth, who was afraid leſt ſuch a looſe method of guarding her, would facilitate her eſcape into France or Spain, or, at leaſt, would encourage and increaſe her partizans, and enable her to conduct thoſe intrigues to which ſhe had already diſcovered ſo ſtrong a propenſity, was ſecretly determined to deny her requeſts; and tho' ſhe feigned to aſſent to them, ſhe well knew how to diſappoint the expectations of the unhap⯑py princeſs. While Lenox maintained his authority in Scotland, ſhe never gave any reply to all the applications made her by the Scottiſh Queen^†: At preſent, when her own creatures had acquired poſſeſſion of the government, ſhe was re⯑ſolved to throw the odium of the refuſal upon them; and pretending, that no⯑thing was required to a perfect accommodation, but the concurrence of the coun⯑cil of ſtate of Scotland, ſhe ordered her ambaſſador, Bowes, to open the nego⯑ciation for Mary's liberty, and her aſſociation with her ſon in the title to the crown. Tho' ſhe ſeemed to make this conceſſion to Mary, ſhe refuſed her the liberty of ſending any ambaſſador of her own; and that princeſs could eaſily conjecture, from this circumſtance, what would be the iſſue of the pretended ne⯑gociation. The Scotch council, inſtigated by the clergy, rejected all treaty; and James, who was now a captive in their hands, affirmed, that he had never aſſented to an aſſociation with his mother, and that the matter had never gone farther than ſome looſe propoſals for that purpoſe^‡.

THE affairs of Scotland remained not long on the preſent footing. James, impatient of reſtraint, made his eſcape from his keepers; and flying to St. An⯑drews, ſummoned his friends and partizans to attend him. The earls of Argyle, Marſhal, Montroſe, and Rothes, haſtened to pay their duty to their ſovereign; and the oppoſite party found themſelves unable to reſiſt ſo powerful a combina⯑tion. They were offered a pardon, upon their ſubmiſſion, and an acknowlege⯑ment of their fault, in ſeizing the King's perſon, and reſtraining him from his liberty. Some of them accepted of the terms: The greater number, particu⯑larly Angus, Hamilton, Marre, Glamis, left the country; and took ſhelter in [575] Ireland or England, where they were protected by Elizabeth. The earl of Arran was recalled to court; and the malecontents, who could not brook the authority of Lenox, a man of virtue and moderation, found, that, by their reſiſtance, they had thrown all the power into the hands of a perſon whoſe councils were as vio⯑lent as his manners were profligate^‖.

ELIZABETH wrote a letter to James; where ſhe quoted a moral ſentence from Iſocrates, and indirectly reproached him with inconſtancy, and a breach of his engagements. James, in his reply, juſtified his meaſures; and turned two paſ⯑ſages of Iſocrates againſt her, for one which ſhe had directed againſt him^*. She next ſent Walſingham in an embaſſy to him; and her chief purpoſe in employ⯑ing that aged miniſter on an errand where ſo little buſineſs was to be tranſ⯑acted, was to learn, from a man of ſo much penetration and diſcernment, the real character and capacity of James. This young prince poſſeſſed very good parts, tho' not accompanied with that vigour and induſtry which his ſtation re⯑quired; and as he excelled in general diſcourſe and converſation, Walſingham entertained a higher idea of his talents than he was afterwards found, when real buſineſs was tranſacted, to have fully merited^†. The account which he gave his miſtreſs, induced her to treat him thenceforth with ſome more regard than ſhe had hitherto been inclined to pay him.

year 1584 THE King of Scots, perſevering in his preſent views, ſummoned a Parliament; where it was enacted, that no clergyman ſhould preſume, in his ſermons, to utter falſe, untrue, or ſcandalous ſayings againſt the King, the council, or the public meaſures, or to meddle, in an improper manner, with the affairs of his majeſty and the ſtates^‡. The clergy, finding that the pulpit would be no longer a ſanctuary for them, were extremely offended: They ſaid, that the King was become popiſh in his heart; and they gave their adverſaries the epithets of groſs libertines, belly gods, and infamous perſons^{{inverted †}}. The violent conduct of Arran ſoon brought over the popularity to their ſide. The earl of Gowry, tho' pardoned for the late at⯑tempt, was committed to priſon, was tried on ſome new accuſations, condemned, and executed. Many innocent perſons ſuffered from the tyranny of this favou⯑rite; and the baniſhed lords, being aſſiſted by Elizabeth, now found the time favourable for the recovery of their eſtates and authority. After they had been ſoiled in one attempt upon Stirling, they prevailed in another; and being ad⯑mitted to the King's preſence, were pardoned, and reſtored to his favour.

[576] ARRAN was degraded from authority; deprived of that eſtate and title which he had uſurped; and the whole country ſeemed to be compoſed to tran⯑quillity. Elizabeth, after oppoſing, during ſome time, the credit of this fa⯑vourite, had found it more expedient, before his fall, to compoſe all differences with him, by the means of Daviſon, a miniſter whom ſhe ſent to Scotland: But having more confidence in the lords, whom ſhe had helped to reſtore, ſhe was pleaſed with this alteration of affairs; and maintained a good correſpondence with the new court and miniſtry of James.

Conſpiracies in England. THESE revolutions in Scotland would have been regarded as of ſmall import⯑ance to the repoſe and ſecurity of Elizabeth, had her own ſubjects been entirely united, and had not the zeal of the catholics, excited by conſtraint, more pro⯑perly than perſecution, daily threatened her with ſome dangerous inſurrection. The vigilance of the miniſters, particularly of Burleigh and Walſingham, was raiſed in proportion to the activity of the malecontents; and many arts, which had been blameable in a more peaceable government, were employed to detect con⯑ſpiracies, and even diſcover the ſecret inclinations of men. Counterfeit letters were wrote in the name of the Queen of Scots, or of the Engliſh exiles, and privately conveyed to the houſes of the catholics: Spies were hired to obſerve the actions and diſcourſe of ſuſpected perſons: Informers were countenanced: And tho' the ſagacity of theſe two great miniſters helped them to diſtinguiſh the true from the falſe intelligence, many calumnies were, no doubt, hearkened to, and all the ſubjects, particularly the catholics, kept in the utmoſt anxiety and in⯑quietude. Henry Piercy, earl of Northumberland, brother to the earl be⯑headed ſome years before, and Philip Howard, earl of Arundel, ſon to the un⯑fortunate duke of Norfolk, fell under ſuſpicion; and the latter was, by order of the council, confined to his own houſe. Francis Throcmorton, a private gentle⯑man, was committed to cuſtody, on account of a letter which he had wrote to the Queen of Scots, and which was intercepted. Lord Pager, and Charles Arundel, who had been engaged with him in treaſonable deſigns, immediately withdrew beyond ſea. Throcmorton confeſſed, that a plan for an invaſion and inſurrection had been laid; and tho', on his trial, he was deſirous of retracting this confeſſion, and imputing it to the fear of torture, he was found guilty and executed. Men⯑doza, the Spaniſh ambaſſador, having promoted this conſpiracy, was ordered to depart the kingdom; and Wade was ſent into Spain, to excuſe his diſmiſſion, and to deſire the King to ſend another ambaſſador in his place: But Philip would not ſo much as admit the Engliſh ambaſſador to his preſence. Creighton, a Scotch Jeſuit, coming over on board a veſſel which was ſeized, tore ſome papers, with [577] an intention of throwing them into the ſea; but the wind blowing them back upon the ſhip, they were put together, and diſcovered ſome dangerous ſecrets^*.

MANY of theſe conſpiracies were, with great appearance of reaſon, imputed to the contrivances of the Queen of Scots^†; and as her name was employed in all of them, the council thought, that they could not uſe too many pre⯑cautions againſt the danger of her claims, and the reſtleſs activity of her temper. She was removed from under the care of the earl of Shrewſbury, who, tho' vi⯑gilant and faithful in that truſt, had alſo been indulgent to his priſoner, parti⯑cularly with regard to air and exerciſe: And ſhe was committed to the cuſtody of Sir Amias Paulet and Sir Drue Drury; men of honour, but inflexible and rigid in their care and attention. An aſſociation was alſo ſet on foot by the earl of Leiceſter and other courtiers; and as Elizabeth was extremely beloved by the whole nation, except the more zealous catholics, men of all ranks willingly flocked to the ſubſcription of it. The purport of this aſſociation was to defend the Queen, to revenge her death or any injury committed againſt her, and to ex⯑clude from the throne any perſon, whatever title they poſſeſſed, by whoſe ſug⯑geſtion, or for whoſe behoof, any violence ſhould be offered to her majeſty^‡. The Queen of Scots was ſenſible, that this aſſociation was levelled againſt her; and to remove all ſuſpicion from herſelf, ſhe alſo deſired leave to ſub⯑ſcribe it.

23d Novem⯑ber. A Parliament. ELIZABETH, that ſhe might the more diſcourage all malecontents, by ſhewing them the concurrence of the nation in her favour, ſummoned a new Parliament; and ſhe met with that dutiful attachment, which ſhe expected. The aſſociation was confirmed by Parliament; and a clauſe was added, by which the Queen was em⯑powered to name commiſſioners for the trial of any pretender to the crown, who ſhould attempt or imagine any invaſion, inſurrection, or aſſaſſination againſt the Queen: Upon condemnation, pronounced by theſe commiſſioners, the perſon was excluded from all claim to the ſucceſſion, and was farther puniſhable, as her majeſty ſhould direct. And for the greater ſecurity, a council of regency, in caſe of the Queen's violent death, was appointed to govern the kingdom, to ſettle the ſucceſſion, and to take vengeance of that act of treaſon^‖.

A SEVERE law was alſo enacted againſt jeſuits and popiſh prieſts: That they ſhould depart the kingdom within forty days; that thoſe who ſhould remain be⯑yond that time, or ſhould afterwards return, ſhould be guilty of high treaſon; that thoſe who harboured or relieved them ſhould be guilty of felony; that [578] thoſe who were educated in ſeminaries, if they returned not in ſix months after notice given, and ſubmitted not themſelves to the Queen, before a biſhop or two juſtices, ſhould be guilty of high treaſon: And that if any, ſo ſubmitting themſelves, ſhould, within ten years, approach the Queen's court, or come within ten miles of it, their ſubmiſſion ſhould be void^†. By this law, the exerciſe of the catholic religion, which had formerly been prohibited under lighter penalties, and which was, in many inſtances, connived at, was totally ſuppreſſed. In the ſubſequent part of the Queen's reign, the law was ſometimes executed, by the capital puniſhment of prieſts; and tho' the partizans of that princeſs aſſerted, that they were puniſhed for their treaſon, not their religion, the apology muſt only be ſo underſtood that this ſevere law was enacted on account of the treaſon⯑able views and attempts of the ſect, not that every individual, who ſuffered the penalty of the law, was convicted of treaſon^‡. The catholics, therefore, might now juſtly complain of a very violent perſecution; which, we may ſafely affirm, in ſpite of the rigid and bigotted maxims of that age, not to be the beſt method of converting them, or of reconciling them to the eſtabliſhed government and religion.

THE Parliament, beſides arming the Queen with theſe powers, granted her a ſupply of one ſubſidy and two fifteenths. The only circumſtance, in which their proceedings were diſagreeable to her, was an application, which the commons made for a farther reformation in eccleſiaſtical matters. Yet even in this attempt, which affected her, as well as them, in a very delicate point, they diſcovered how much they were overawed by her authority. The majority of the houſe were puritans, or inclined to that ſect^*; but the ſevere reprimands, which they had already, in former ſeſſions, met with from the throne, deterred them from introducing any bill concerning religion; a proceeding which would have been interpreted as an incroachment on the royal prerogative: They were contented to proceed by way of humble petition, and that not to her majeſty, which would certainly have given ſome offence, but to the houſe of lords, or rather to the biſhops, who had a ſeat in that houſe, and from whom alone they were con⯑tented [579] to receive all advances towards reformation^*. A ſtrange departure from what we now apprehend to be the dignity of the commons!

THE commons deſired in their humble petition, that no biſhop ſhould exerciſe his function of ordination but with the conſent and concurrence of ſix preſbyters: A demand, which as it would have introduced a change of eccleſiaſtical government, was firmly rejected by the prelates. They deſired, that no clergyman ſhould be inſtituted into any benefice, without previous warning being given to the pariſh, that they might examine whether there lay any objection to his life or doctrine: But this attempt towards a popular model naturally met with the ſame fate. In another article of the petition, they prayed, that the biſhops ſhould not inſiſt upon every ceremony, or deprive incumbents for omitting a part of the ſervice: As if uniformity in public worſhip had not been eſtabliſhed by law; or as if the prelates had been endowed with a diſpenſing power. They complained of abuſes, which prevailed, in denouncing the ſentence of excommunication, and entreated the reverend fathers to think of ſome law for the remedy of theſe abuſes: Im⯑plying, that thoſe matters were too high for the commons of themſelves to meddle with them.

BUT the moſt material article, which the commons touched upon in their pe⯑tition, was the eccleſiaſtical commiſſion, and the oath ex officio, as it was called, exacted by that court. This is a ſubject of ſuch importance, as to merit ſome explanation.

The eccleſiaſ⯑tical court. THE firſt primate after the Queen's acceſſion, was Parker; a man rigid in ex⯑acting conformity to the eſtabliſhed worſhip, and in puniſhing by fines or depri⯑vations, all the puritans, who attempted to innovate any thing in the habits, ceremonies, or liturgy of the church. He died in 1575; and was ſucceeded by Grindal, who, as he himſelf inclined to the new ſect, was with great difficulty brought to execute the law againſt them, or to puniſh the nonconforming clergy. He declined obeying the Queen's orders for the ſuppreſſion of prophecyings, which, ſhe apprehended, had become ſo many academies of fanaticiſm; and for this offence, ſhe had, by an order of the Star Chamber, ſequeſtered him from his archiepiſcopal function, and confined him to his own houſe. Upon his death, which happened in 1583, ſhe was determined not to fall into the ſame error in her next choice; and ſhe named Whitgift, a zealous churchman, who had al⯑ready ſignalized his pen in controverſy, and who, having in vain attempted to convince the puritans by argument, was now determined to open their eyes by power, and by the execution of penal ſtatutes. He informed the Queen, that all the ſpiritual authority lodged in the prelates was vain without the ſanction of the [580] crown; and as there was no eccleſiaſtical commiſſion at that time in force, he engaged her to iſſue a new one; more arbitrary than any of the former, and conveying more unlimited authority^*. She appointed forty-four commiſſioners, twelve of whom were eccleſiaſtics; three commiſſioners could exerciſe the whole power of the court; their juriſdiction extended over the whole kingdom, and over all orders of men; and every circumſtance of their authority, and all their methods of proceeding, were contrary to the cleareſt principles of law and na⯑tural equity. They were empowered to viſit and reform all errors, hereſies, ſchiſms, in a word, to regulate all opinions, as well as to puniſh all breach of uniformity in the exerciſe of public worſhip. They were directed to make en⯑quiry, not only by the legal methods of juries and witneſſes, but by all other means and ways, which they could deviſe; that is, by the rack, by torture, by inquiſition, by impriſonment. Where they thought proper to ſuſpect any perſon, they might adminiſter to him an oath, called ex officio, by which he was bound to anſwer all queſtions, and might thereby be obliged to accuſe himſelf or his moſt intimate friend. The fines, which they impoſed, were merely diſcretionary, and often occaſioned the total ruin of the offenders, con⯑trary to the eſtabliſhed law of the kingdom. The impriſonment, to which they condemned any delinquent, was limited by no rule but their own plea⯑ſure. They aſſumed a power of impoſing on the clergy what new articles of ſubſcription, and conſequently of faith, they thought proper. Tho' all other ſpiritual courts were ſubject, ſince the reformation, to inhibitions from the ſu⯑preme courts of law, the eccleſiaſtical commiſſioners exempted themſelves from that legal juriſdiction, and were liable to no controul. And the more to enlarge their authority, they were empowered to puniſh all inceſts, adulteries, fornica⯑tions; all outrages, miſbehaviours, and diſorders in marriage: And the puniſh⯑ments, which they might inflict, were according to their wiſdom, conſcience, and diſcretion. In a word, this court was a real inquiſition; attended with all the iniquities, as well as cruelties, inſeparable from that horrid tribunal. And as the juriſdiction of the eccleſiaſtical court was deſtructive of all law, ſo its erection was deemed by many a mere uſurpation of this imperious princeſs, and had no other foundation than a clauſe of a ſtatute, reſtoring the ſupremacy to the crown, and empowering the ſovereign to appoint commiſſioners for exerciſing that pre⯑rogative. But prerogative in general, and eſpecially the ſupremacy, were ſup⯑poſed in that age to involve powers, which no law, precedent, or reaſon could limit and determine.

[581] BUT tho' the commons, in their humble petition to the prelates, had touched ſo gently and ſubmiſſively the eccleſiaſtical grievances, the Queen, in a ſpeech from the throne at the end of the ſeſſion, could not forbear taking notice of their preſumption, and reproving them for thoſe murmurs, which, for fear of offend⯑ing her, they had pronounced ſo low as not directly to reach her royal ears. After giving them ſome general thanks for their attachment to her, and making profeſſions of affection to her ſubjects, ſhe told them, that whoever found fault with the church threw a ſlander upon her, ſince ſhe was appointed by God ſu⯑preme ruler over it, and no hereſies or ſ [...]hiſms could prevail in the kingdom but by her permiſſion and negligence: That ſome abuſes muſt neceſſarily have place in every thing; but ſhe warned the prelates to be watchful; for if ſhe found them careleſs of their charge, ſhe was fully determined to depoſe them: That ſhe was commonly ſuppoſed to have employed herſelf in many ſtudies, particu⯑larly philoſophical (by which, I ſuppoſe, ſhe meant theological) and ſhe would confeſs, that few, whoſe leizure had not allowed them to make profeſſion of ſcience, had read or reflected more: That as ſhe could diſcern the preſumption of many, in curiouſly canvaſſing the ſcriptures, and ſtarting innovations, ſhe would no longer endure this licence; but meant to guide her people, by God's rule, in the juſt mean between the corruptions of Rome and the errors of mo⯑dern ſectaries: And that as the Romaniſts were the inveterate enemies of her perſon, ſo the other innovators were dangerous to all kingly government; and under colour of preaching the word of God, preſumed to exerciſe their private judgment, and to cenſure the actions of the prince^*.

FROM the whole of this tranſaction, we may obſerve, that the commons, in their general application to the prelates, as well as ſome particular articles of their petition, ſhowed themſelves wholly ignorant, no leſs than the Queen, of the principles of liberty and a legal conſtitution. And it may not be unworthy of remark, that Elizabeth, ſo far from yielding to the diſpleaſure of the Parliament againſt the eccleſiaſtical commiſſion, granted a new commiſſion before the end of her reign; in which ſhe enlarged, rather than reſtrained, the powers of the com⯑miſſioners^†.

[582] DURING this ſeſſion of Parliament, there was diſcovered a conſpiracy, which much encreaſed the natural animoſity againſt the catholics, and ſtill farther widened the breach between the religious parties. William Parry, a catholic gentleman, had received the Queen's pardon for a crime, by which he was ex⯑poſed to capital puniſhment; and having got permiſſion to travel, he retired to Milan, and made open profeſſion of his religion, which he had concealed while he remained in England. He was here perſuaded by Palmio, a jeſuit, that he could not perform a more meritorious action, than to take away the life of his ſovereign and his benefactreſs; the nuncio, Campeggio, when conſulted, approved extremely of this pious undertaking; and Parry, tho' ſtill agitated with doubts, came to Paris, with an intention of paſſing over to England, and executing his bloody purpoſe. He was here encouraged in the deſign by Thomas Morgan, a gentleman of great credit in the party; and tho' Watts and ſome other catholic prieſts told him, that the enterprize was criminal and impious, he preferred the authority of Raggazzoni, the pope's nuncio at Paris, and was determined to perſiſt in his reſolution. He here wrote a letter to the pope, which was conveyed to cardinal Como; communicated his intention to the holy father; and craved his abſolution and paternal benediction. He received an anſwer from the cardi⯑nal, by which he perceived that his purpoſe was extremely applauded; and he came over to England with a full deſign of carrying it into execution. So deeply are the ſentiments of morality engraved in mens breaſts, that it is very difficult even for the prejudices of falſe religion totally to efface them; and this bigotted aſſaſſin reſolved, before he came to extremity, to try every other expedient for alleviating the perſecutions, under which the catholics at that time laboured. He found means of being introduced to the Queen; aſſured her that many conſpira⯑cies were formed againſt her; and exhorted her, as the only means of ſaving her life, to give the Romaniſts ſome more indulgence in the exerciſe of their religion: But leſt he ſhould be tempted by the opportunity to aſſaſſinate her, he always came to court unprovided of every offenſive weapon. He even procured himſelf to be elected member of Parliament; and having made a vehement ſpeech againſt the ſevere laws enacted this laſt ſeſſion, was committed to cuſtody for his freedom, and ſequeſtred from the houſe. His failure in theſe attempts confirmed him the more in his former reſolution, and he communicated his intentions to Nevil, who entered zealouſly into the deſign, and was determined to have a ſhare in the merits of its execution. A book, newly publiſhed by Dr. Allen, afterwards created a cardinal, ſerved farther to efface all their ſcruples, with regard to the murder of a heretical prince; and having agreed to ſhoot the Queen as ſhe was riding on horſeback, they reſolved, if they could not make their eſcape, to ſacrifice their [583] lives in fulfilling a duty, ſo agreeable, as they imagined, to the will of God, and to true religion. But while they were watching an opportunity for the exe⯑cution of their purpoſe, the earl of Weſtmoreland happened to die in exile; and as Nevil was next heir to that family, he began to entertain hopes, that, by doing an acceptable ſervice to the Queen, he might recover the eſtate and ho⯑nours which had been forfeited by the rebellion of the laſt earl. year 1585 He betrayed the whole conſpiracy to the miniſters; and Parry, being thrown into priſon, con⯑feſſed the guilt, both to them, and to the jury who tried him. The letter from cardinal Como being produced in court, put Parry's narrative beyond all queſ⯑tion; and that criminal, having received ſentence of death^*, ſuffered the puniſh⯑ment, which the law appointed for his treaſonable conſpiracy^†.

THESE bloody deſigns now appeared every where, as the reſult of that bigotted ſpirit by which the two religions, eſpecially the catholic, were at this time actu⯑ated. One Somerville, a gentleman of the county of Warwic, ſomewhat diſ⯑ordered in his underſtanding, had heard ſo much of the merit attending the aſ⯑ſaſſination of heretics and perſecutors, that he came to London with a view of murdering the Queen; but having betrayed his deſign by ſome extravagances, he was thrown into priſon, and there periſhed by a voluntary death^‡. Affairs of the Low Coun⯑tries. About the ſame time, Baltazar Gerard, a Burgundian, undertook, and executed the ſame deſign againſt the prince of Orange; and that great man periſhed at Delſt, by the hands of a deſperate aſſaſſin, who, with a reſolution worthy of a better cauſe, ſacrificed his own life, in order to deſtroy the famous reſtorer and pro⯑tector of religious liberty. The Flemings, who regarded that prince as their fa⯑ther, were filled with infinite regret, as well when they conſidered the miſerable end of ſo brave a patriot, as their own forlorn condition, from the loſs of ſo [584] powerful and prudent a leader, and from the rapid progreſs of the Spaniſh arms. The prince of Parma had made every year great advances upon them, had re⯑duced ſeveral of the provinces to obedience, and had laid cloſe ſiege to Antwerp, the richeſt and moſt populous city of the Netherlands, whoſe ſubjection, it was foreſeen, would give a mortal blow to the already declining affairs of the revolted States. The only hopes which remained to them, aroſe from the proſpect of fo⯑reign ſuccours. Being well acquainted with the cautious and frugal maxims of Elizabeth, they promiſed themſelves better ſucceſs in France; and in the view of engaging Henry to embrace their defence, they tendered him the ſove⯑reignty of their provinces. But the preſent condition of that monarchy ob⯑liged the King to reject ſo advantageous an offer. The duke of Anjou's death, which, he thought, would have delivered him from the intrigues of that fickle and turbulent prince, plunged him into the deepeſt diſtreſs; and the King of Navarre, a profeſſed Hugonot, being next heir to the crown, the duke of Guiſe took thence occaſion to revive the catholic league, and to urge Henry, by the moſt violent expedients, to ſeek the excluſion and ſuppreſſion of that brave and virtuous prince. Henry himſelf, tho' a zealous catholic, yet, becauſe he declined complying with their precipitant meaſures, became an object of averſion to the league; and as his zeal in practiſing all the ſuperſtitious obſervances of the Romiſh church, was accompanied with a very licentious conduct in private life, the catholic faction, in contradiction to the moſt vulgar experience, embraced thence the pretext of repreſenting his devotion as mere hypocriſy and deceit. Finding his authority to decline, he was obliged to declare war againſt the Hugonots, and to put arms into the hands of the League, whom, both on ac⯑count of their dangerous pretenſions at home, and their cloſe alliance with Philip, he ſecretly regarded as his more dangerous enemies. Conſtrained by the ſame po⯑licy, he perceived the danger of aſſociating himſelf with the revolted proteſtants in the Low Countries, and was obliged to renounce that inviting occaſion of re⯑venging himſelf for all the hoſtile intrigues and enterprizes of Philip.

THE States, reduced to this extremity, ſent over a ſolemn embaſſy to London, and made offer to the Queen, of acknowleging her for their ſovereign, on con⯑dition of obtaining her protection and aſſiſtance. Elizabeth's wiſeſt counſellors were very much divided in opinion, in regard to the conduct which ſhe ſhould hold in this critical and important emergence. Some adviſed the rejecting the offer of the States, and repreſented the imminent dangers, as well as injuſtice, attending the acceptance of them. They ſaid, that the rebellion of ſubjects was the common cauſe of all ſovereigns, and the encouragement of a revolt in the Flemiſh, might prove the example to a like pernicious practice in the Engliſh: [585] That tho' princes were bound by the laws of the Supreme Being, not to oppreſs their ſubjects, the people never were entitled to forget all duty to their ſovereign, or transfer, from every fancy or diſguſt, or even from the juſteſt ground of complaint, their obedience to any other maſter: That the Queen, in the ſuccours hitherto afforded the Flemings, had conſidered them as labouring under oppreſ⯑ſion, not as entitled to freedom; and had intended only to admoniſh Philip not to perſevere in his tyranny, without any view of raviſhing from him theſe pro⯑vinces, which he enjoyed by hereditary right from his anceſtors: That her ſitua⯑tion in Ireland, and even in England, would afford that powerful monarch ſuffi⯑cient opportunity of retaliating upon her; and ſhe muſt henceforth expect, that, inſtead of ſecretly ſomenting faction, he would openly employ his whole force in the protection and defence of the catholics. That the pope would undoubtedly unite his ſpiritual arms to the temporal ones of Spain; and that the Queen would ſoon repent her making ſo ſmall and precarious an acquiſition in foreign countries, by expoſing her own dominions to ſuch imminent danger^*.

OTHER counſellors of Elizabeth maintained a contrary opinion. They aſ⯑ſerted, that the Queen had not even from the beginning of her reign, but cer⯑tainly had not at preſent, the choice, whether ſhe would embrace friendſhip or hoſtility with Philip: That by the whole tenor of that prince's conduct it ap⯑peared, that his ſole aims were, the extenſion of his empire, and the utter ex⯑termination of the proteſtants, under the ſpecious pretence of maintaining the ca⯑tholic faith: That the provocations which ſhe had already given him, joined to this general ſcheme of policy, would for ever render him her implacable enemy; and as ſoon as he had ſubdued his revolted ſubjects, he would undoubtedly fall, with the whole force of his united empire, on her defenceleſs ſtate: That the only queſtion was, whether ſhe would maintain a war, abroad and ſupported by allies, or wait till the ſubjection of all the confederates of England, ſhould give her enemies leiſure to begin their hoſtilities in the bowels of that kingdom: That the revolted provinces, tho' in a declining condition, poſſeſſed ſtill conſiderable force; and by the aſſiſtance of England, by the advantages of their ſituation, and by their inveterate antipathy to Philip, might ſtill be enabled to maintain the conteſt againſt the Spaniſh monarchy: That their maritime power, united to the Queen's would give her entire ſecurity on that ſide from which alone ſhe could be aſſaulted, and would even enable her to make inroads on Philip's dominions, both in Europe and the Indies: That a war which was neceſſary, could never be unjuſt; and ſelf-defence was concerned, as well in warding certain dangers at a diſtance, as in repelling any immediate invaſion: And that ſince hoſtility with [586] Spain was the unavoidable conſequence of the preſent intereſts and ſituations of the two monarchies, it was better to compenſate that danger and loſs by the ac⯑quiſition of ſuch important provinces to the Engliſh empire^*.

AMIDST theſe oppoſite councils, the Queen, apprehenſive of the conſequences attending each extreme, was inclined to ſteer a middle courſe; and tho' ſuch con⯑duct is ſeldom prudent, ſhe was not, in this reſolution, guided by any prejudice or affection. She was determined not to ſee, without oppoſition, the total ruin of the revolted provinces, whoſe intereſts ſhe eſteemed ſo cloſely connected with her own: But foreſeeing, that the acceptance of their ſovereignty would engage her to employ her whole force in their defence, would give umbrage to her neigh⯑bours, and would expoſe her to the reproach of ambition and uſurpation, impu⯑tations which ſhe had hitherto carefully avoided, ſhe immediately rej cted this offer. She concluded a league with the States on the following conditions: That ſhe ſhould ſend over an army to their aſſiſtance, of five thouſand foot and a thou⯑ſand horſe, and pay them during the war; that the general, and two others, whom ſhe ſhould appoint, ſhould be admitted into the council of the States; that neither party ſhould make peace without the conſent of the other; that her expences ſhould be refunded after the concluſion of the war; and that the towns of Fluſhing and the Brille, with the caſtle of Rammekins, ſhould, in the mean time, be conſigned into her hands, by way of ſecurity.

THE Queen knew that this meaſure would immediately engage her in open hoſtilities with Philip; yet was ſhe not terrified with the view of the preſent greatneſs of that ambitious, and enterprizing monarch. The continent of Spain was at that time rich and populous; and the late addition of Portugal, beſides ſecuring internal tranquillity, had annexed an opulent kingdom to Philip's dominions, had made him maſter of many ſettlements in the Eaſt-Indies, and of the whole commerce of thoſe regions, and had mightily increaſed his naval power, in which he was before chiefly deficient. All the princes of Italy, even the pope and the court of Rome, were reduced to a kind of ſubjection under him, and ſeemed to poſſeſs their ſovereignty on very precarious and uncertain terms. The Auſtrian branch in Germany, with all their dependant principalities, was cloſely connected with him, and was ready to ſupply him with troops for every enter⯑prize. The whole treaſures of the Weſt Indies were in his poſſeſſion; and the preſent ſcarcity of the precious metals in every country of Europe, rendered the inſſuence of his riches the more forcible and extenſive. The Netherlands ſeem⯑ed on the point of relapſing into ſervitude; and ſmall hopes were entertained of [587] their withſtanding thoſe numerous and veteran armies which, under the command of the moſt experienced generals, he employed againſt them. Even France, which uſed to counterballance the Auſtrian greatneſs, had loſt all her force from inteſtine commotions; and as the catholics, the ruling party, were cloſely con⯑nected with him, he rather expected thence an augmentation, than a diminution, of his power. Upon the whole, ſuch prepoſſeſſions were every where entertained concerning the force of the Spaniſh monarchy, that the King of Sweden, when he heard that Elizabeth had openly embraced the defence of the revolted Flem⯑ings, ſcrupled not to ſay, that ſhe had now taken the diadem from her head, and had adventured it upon the doubtful chance of war^*. Yet was this princeſs ra⯑ther cautious than enterprizing in her natural temper: She ever needed more to be impelled by the vigour, than reſtrained by the prudence of her miniſters: But when ſhe ſaw an evident neceſſity, ſhe braved danger with magnanimous courage; and truſting to her own conſummate wiſdom, and to the affections, however di⯑vided, of her people, ſhe prepared herſelf to reſiſt, and even to aſſault, the whole force of the catholic monarch.

THE earl of Leiceſter was ſent over to Holland, at the head of the Engliſh auxiliary forces. He carried with him a ſplendid retinue; being accompa⯑nied with the young earl of Eſſex, his ſon in-law, the lords Audley and North, Sir William Ruſſel, Sir Thomas Shirley, Sir Arthur Baſſet, Sir Walter Waller. Sir Gervaſe Clifton, and a ſelect troop of five hundred gentlemen. He was re⯑ceived, on his arrival at Fluſhing, by his nephew, Sir Philip Sidney, the go⯑vernor; and every town thro' which he paſſed, expreſſed their joy by acclama⯑tions, and triumphal arches, as if his preſence, and the Queen's protection, had brought them the moſt certain deliverance. The States, deſirous of engaging Elizabeth ſtill farther in their defence, and knowing the intereſt which Leiceſter [...]ſſed with her, conſerred on him the title of governor and captain-general of the United Provinces, appointed a guard to attend him, and treated him, in [...] reſpects, as their ſovereign. But this ſtep had a contrary effect to what they expected. The Queen was diſpleaſed with the artifice of the States, [...] of Leiceſter. She reprimanded both of them very ſeverely by l [...]tters and it was with ſome difficulty, that, after many humble ſubmiſſions, they were able to appeaſe her.

[...]. AMERICA was regarded as the chief [...]ource of Philip's power, as will as the [...]oll deſenceleſs part of his dominions; and Elizabeth finding that an [...] reach with that monarch was unavoidable, reſolved not to leave him unmoleſted on that [588] quarter. The great ſucceſs of the Spaniards and Portugueze in both Indies had excited a ſpirit of emulation in England; and as the ſucceſs of commerce, ſtill more of planting colonies, is ſlow and gradual, it was happy, that a war, in this critical age, had opened a more flattering proſpect to the avarice and ambition of the Eng⯑liſh, and had tempted them, by the view of ſudden and exorbitant profit, to en⯑gage in naval enterprizes. A fleet of twenty ſail was equipped to attack the Spa⯑niard in the Weſt-Indies: Two thouſand three hundred volunteers, beſides ſea⯑men, engaged on board of it: Sir Francis Drake was appointed admiral; Chriſ⯑topher Carliſle commander of the land forces. They took St. Jago, near Cape Verde, by ſurprize; and found in it plenty of proviſions, but no riches. year 1586 1 January. They ſailed to Hiſpaniola; and eaſily making themſelves maſter of St. Domingo by aſ⯑ſault, obliged the inhabitants to ranſom their houſes by a ſum of money. Cartha⯑gena fell next into their hands, after ſome more reſiſtance, and was treated in the ſame manner. They burned St. Anthony and St. Helens, two towns on the coaſt of Florida. Sailing along the coaſt of Virginia, they found the ſmall remains of a colony which had been planted there by Sir Walter Raleigh, and which had gone extremely to decay. This was the firſt attempt of the Engliſh to form ſuch ſet⯑tlements; and tho' they have ſince ſurpaſſed all European nations, both in the ſituations of their colonies, and in the noble principles of liberty and induſtry, on which they are founded; they had here been ſo unſucceſsful, that the miſe⯑rable planters abandoned their ſettlements, and prevailed on Drake to carry them with him to England. He returned with ſo much riches as encouraged the vo⯑lunteers, and with ſuch accounts of the Spaniſh weakneſs in thoſe countries as ſerved extremely to inflame the ſpirits of the nation to future enterprizes. The great mortality which the climate had produced in his fleet, was, as is uſual, but a feeble reſtraint on the avidity and ſanguine hopes of young adventurers^†. It is thought that Drake's fleet firſt introduced the uſe of tobacco into England.

THE enterprizes of Leiceſter were much leſs ſucceſsful than thoſe of Drake. This man poſſeſſed neither courage nor capacity, equal to the truſts repoſed in him by the Queen; and as he was the only bad choice whom ſhe made for any conſiderable advancement, men naturally believed, that ſhe had here been influ⯑enced by an affection ſtill more partial than that of friendſhip. He gained at firſt ſome advantage in an action againſt the Spaniards; and threw ſuccours into Grave, by which that place was enabled to make a vigorous defence: But the cowardice of the governor, Van Hemert, rendered all theſe efforts uſeleſs. He capitulated after a very feeble reſiſtance; and being tried for his conduct, ſuffered a capital puniſhment from the ſentence of a court martial. The prince of Par⯑ma [589] next undertook the ſiege of Venlo, which was ſurrendered to him, after ſome reſiſtance. The fate of Nuys was more diſmal; being taken by aſſault, while the garriſon was treating of a capitulation. Rhimberg, which was garriſoned by twelve hundred Engliſh, under the command of colonel Morgan, was afterwards beſieged by the Spaniards; and Leiceſter, thinking himſelf too weak to attempt raiſing the ſiege, endeavoured to draw off the prince of Parma by forming ſome other enterprize. He firſt attacked Doeſberg, and ſucceeded: He then ſat down before Zutphen, which the Spaniſh general thought ſo important a place, that he haſtened to its relief. He made the marqueſs of Guaſto advance with a convoy, which he intended to throw into the place. They were favoured by a fog; but falling by chance on a body of Engliſh cavalry, a furious action enſued, in which the Spaniards were worſted, and the marqueſs of Gonzaga, an Italian nobleman of great reputation and family, was ſlain. The purſuit was ſtopt by the advance of the prince of Parma with the main body of the Spaniſh army; and the Engliſh cavalry, on their return from the field, found their advantage more than compen⯑ſated by the loſs of Sir Philip Sidney, who, being mortally wounded in the ac⯑tion, was carried off by the ſoldiers, and ſoon after died. This perſon is de⯑ſcribed by the writers of that age as the moſt perfect model of an accompliſhed gentleman which was ever formed even by the wanton imagination of poetry or fiction. Virtuous conduct, polite converſation, heroic valour, and elegant erudition, all concurred to render him the ornament and delight of the Engliſh court; and as the credit which he poſſeſſed with the Queen and the earl of Lei⯑ceſter, was wholly employed in the encouragement of genius and literature, his praiſes have been tranſmitted with advantage to poſterity. No perſon was ſo low as not to become an object of his humanity. After this laſt action, while he was lying on the field, mangled with wounds, a bottle of water was brought him to relieve his thirſt; but obſerving a ſoldier near him in a like miſerable condition, he ſaid, This man's neceſſity is ſtill greater than mine: And reſigned to him the bottle of water. The King of Scots, ſtruck with admiration of Sidney's virtue, celebrated his memory by a copy of Latin verſes, which he compoſed on occaſion of the death of that young hero.

THE Engliſh, tho' a long peace had deprived them of all experience, were ſtrongly poſſeſſed of military genius; and the advantages gained by the prince of Parma were not attributed to the ſuperior bravery and diſcipline of the Spaniards, but ſolely to the miſconduct of Leiceſter. The States were much diſcontented with his management of the war; but ſtill more with his arbitrary and imperious conduct; and at the end of the campaign, they applied to him for a redreſs of [590] all their grievances. But Leiceſter, without giving them any ſatisfaction, de⯑parted ſoon after for England^*.

THE Queen, while ſhe provoked ſo powerful an enemy as the King of Spain, was not forgetful to ſecure herſelf on the ſide of Scotland; and ſhe endeavoured both to cultivate the friendſhip and alliance of her kinſman, James, and to re⯑move all grounds of quarrel between them. An attempt which ſhe had made ſome time before, was not well calculated to gain the confidence of that prince. She diſpatched Wotton as her ambaſſador to Scotland; but tho' ſhe gave him pri⯑vate inſtructions with regard to her affairs, ſhe informed James, that when ſhe had any political buſineſs to diſcuſs with him, ſhe would employ another miniſter▪ that this man was not fitted for ſerious negociations; and that her chief purpoſe in ſending him, was to entertain the King with witty and facetious converſation, and to partake without reſerve of his pleaſures and amuſements. Wotton was maſter of profound diſſimulation, and knew how to cover, under the appearance of a careleſs gaiety, the deepeſt deſigns, and moſt dangerous artifices. When but a youth of twenty, he had been employed by his uncle, Dr. Wotton, ambaſ⯑ſador in France during the reign of Mary, to enſnare the conſtable, Montmo⯑rency; and had not his purpoſe been fruſtrated by pure accident, his cunning had prevailed over all the caution and experience of that aged miniſter. It is no wonder, that, after years had ſo much improved him in all arts of deceit, he ſhould gain an aſcendent over a young prince, of ſo open and unguarded a temper as James, eſpecially when the Queen's recommendation prepared the way for his artifices. He was admitted into all the pleaſures of the King; made himſelf ma⯑ſter of all his ſecrets; and had ſo much the more authority with him in political tranſactions, that he did not ſeem to pay the leaſt attention or regard to theſe mat⯑ters. The Scotch miniſters, who obſerved the growing intereſt of this man, en⯑deavoured to acquire his friendſhip; and ſcrupled not to ſacrifice to his intrigues the moſt eſſential intereſts of their maſter. Elizabeth's uſual jealouſies with re⯑gard to her heirs began now to be levelled againſt James; and as that prince had a tained the years proper for marriage, ſhe was apprehenſive, leſt, by being ſtrengthened with children and alliances, he ſhould acquire the greater intereſt and authority with her Engliſh ſubjects. She directed Wotton to form a ſecret con⯑cert with ſome Scotch nobleman, and to procure their promiſe, that James, during three years, ſhould not, on any account, be permitted to marry. In conſequence of this view, they endeavoured to embroil him with the King of Denmark, who had ſent ambaſſadors to Scotland, under pretence of demanding the reſtitution of the [591] Orkneys, but really with a view of opening a propoſal of marriage between James and his daughter. Wotton is ſaid to have employed his intrigues to purpoſes ſtill more dangerous. He formed a conſpiracy with ſome malecontents, to ſeize the per⯑ſon of the King, and to deliver him into the hands of Elizabeth, who would pro⯑bably have denied all concurrence in the deſign, but who would have been care⯑ful to retain him in perpetual thraldom, if not captivity. The conſpiracy was diſcovered, and Wotton fled haſtily from Scotland, without taking leave of the King^*.

JAMES'S ſituation obliged him to diſſemble his reſentment of this traiterous attempt, and his natural temper inclined him ſoon to forgive and forget it. The Queen found no difficulty to renew the negociations for a ſtrict alliance between Scotland and England; and the more effectually to gain the prince's affections, ſhe granted him a penſion, equivalent to his claim on the inheritance of his grandmother the counteſs of Lenox, lately deceaſed^†. A league was formed between Elizabeth and James, for mutual defence of their dominions, and of their religion, now menaced by the open combination of all the catholic powers of Europe. It was ſtipulated, that if Elizabeth was invaded, James ſhould aid her with a body of two thouſand horſe and five thouſand foot; that Elizabeth, in a like caſe; ſhould ſend to his aſſiſtance three thouſand horſe and ſix thouſand foot; that the charge of theſe armies ſhould be defrayed by the prince who demanded aſſiſtance; that if the invaſion ſhould be made upon England, within ſixty miles of the frontiers of Scotland, this latter kingdom ſhould march its whole forces to the aſſiſtance of the former; and that the preſent league ſhould ſupercede all former alliances of either ſtate with any foreign kingdom, ſo far as religion was concerned^‡.

BY this league James ſecured himſelf againſt all attempts from abroad, opened a way for acquiring the confidence and affection of the Engliſh, and might en⯑tertain ſome proſpect of domeſtic tranquillity, which, ſo long as he lived on bad terms with Elizabeth, he could never expect long to enjoy. Beſides the turbulent diſpoſition, and inveterate feuds of the nobility, ancient maladies of the Scotch government, the ſpirit of fanaticiſm had introduced a new diſorder; ſo much the more dangerous, that religion, when corrupted by falſe opinion, is not reſtrained by any rules of morality, and is even ſearcely to be accounted for in its operati⯑ons, by any principles of ordinary conduct and policy. The inſolence of the Scotch preachers, who triumphed in their dominion over the populace, had, at [592] this time, reached an extreme height; and they carried their arrogance ſo far, not only againſt the King, but againſt the Parliament, and the whole civil power, that they dared to excommunicate the archbiſhop of St. Andrews, becauſe he had been active for promoting a law which reſtrained their ſeditious ſermons^*: Nor could that prelate ſave himſelf any way from this terrible ſentence, but by re⯑nouncing all pretenſions to eccleſiaſtical authority. One Gibſon ſaid in the pulpit, that captain James Stuart (meaning the late earl of Arran) and his wife, Jeza⯑bel, had been eſteemed the chief perſecutors of the church; but it was now ſeen, that the King himſelf was the great offender: And for this crime the preacher denounced againſt him, the curſe which fell on Jeroboam, that he ſhould die childleſs, and be the laſt of his race^†.

THE ſecretary, perceiving the King ſo much moleſted with eccleſiaſtical affairs, and with the refractory diſpoſition of the clergy, adviſed him to leave them to their own courſes: For that in a ſhort time they would become ſo intolerable, that the people would riſe againſt them, and chace them out of the country. ‘"True," replied the King: "If I purpoſed to undo the church and religion, your counſel were good: But my intention is to maintain both; therefore cannot I ſuffer the clergy to follow ſuch a conduct, as will in the end bring religion into con⯑tempt^‡."’

CHAP. V.

THE dangers which aroſe from the character, principles, and pretenſions of the Queen of Scots, had engaged, very early, Elizabeth to conſult, in her treatment of that unfortunate princeſs, the dictates of jealouſy and politics, [593] rather than of friendſhip or generoſity: The reſentment of this uſage had puſhed Mary into enterprizes, which had very nearly threatened the repoſe and authority of Elizabeth: The rigour and reſtraint, which were thence redoubled upon the captive Queen^†, ſtill impelled her to attempt greater extremities; and while her impa⯑tience of confinement, her revenge^*, and her high ſpirit concurred with religious [594] zeal, and the ſuggeſtions of deſperate bigots, ſhe was at laſt engaged in deſigns, which afforded her enemies, who waited for the opportunity, a pretext or reaſon for effectuating her final ruin.

Zeal of the catholics. THE Engliſh ſeminary at Rheims had wrought themſelves up to a high pitch of rage and animoſity againſt the Queen. The recent perſecutions, from which they had fled: The new rigours, which, they knew, awaited them in the courſe of their miſſions: The liberty which for the preſent they enjoyed of declaim⯑ing againſt that princeſs: And the contagion of religious fury, which every where ſurrounded them in France: All theſe cauſes had obliterated with them every maxim of common ſenſe, and every principle of morals or humanity. Intoxi⯑cated with admiration of the omnipotence and infallibility of the pope, they re⯑vered his bull by which he excommunicated and depoſed the Queen; and ſome of them had gone to that height of extravagance, as to aſſert, that that perfor⯑mance had been immediately dictated by the Holy Ghoſt. The aſſaſſination of heretical ſovereigns, and of that princeſs in particular, was repreſented as the moſt meritorious of all enterprizes; and they taught, that whoever periſhed in ſuch pious attempts enjoyed without diſpute the glorious and never-fading crown of martyrdom. By ſuch doctrines, they inſtigated John Savage, a man of deſ⯑perate courage, who had ſerved ſome years in the Low Countries under the prince of Parma, to attempt the life of Elizabeth; and this aſſaſſin, having made a vow to perſevere in his deſign, was ſent over to England, and recommended to the confidence of the more zealous catholics.

ABOUT the ſame time, John Ballard, a prieſt of that ſeminary, had returned to Paris from his miſſion in England and Scotland; and as he had diſcovered a ſpirit of mutiny and rebellion very prevalent among the catholic devotees in theſe countries, he had founded on that diſpoſition the project of dethroning Eli⯑zabeth, and of reſtoring by force of arms the exerciſe of the antient religion in England^*. The ſituation of affairs abroad ſeemed favourable to this enterprize: The pope, the Spaniard, the duke of Guiſe, the prince, created by the pope duke, of Parma, concurring in intereſts, had formed a reſolution to make ſome at⯑tempt upon the Queen: And Mendoza, the Spaniſh ambaſſador at Paris, ſtrongly encouraged Ballard to hope for ſuccours from theſe princes. Charles Paget alone, a zealous catholic and a devoted partizan of the Queen of Scots, being well ac⯑quainted with the prudence, vigour, and general popularity of Elizabeth, al⯑ways [595] maintained, that ſo long as that princeſs was allowed to live, it was in vain to expect any ſucceſs from an enterprize upon England. Ballard, perſuaded of this truth, ſaw more clearly the neceſſity of executing the deſign, formed at Rheims: He came over to England in the diſguiſe of a ſoldier, and aſſumed the name of captain Forteſcue: And he bent his endeavours to effectuate at once the project of an aſſaſſination, an inſurrection and an invaſion^†.

Babington's conſpiracy. THE firſt perſon, to whom he addreſſed himſelf, was Anthony Babington of Dothic in the county of Derby. This young gentleman was of a good fa⯑mily, poſſeſſed a plentiful fortune, had diſcovered an excellent capacity, and was accompliſhed in literature beyond moſt of his years or ſtation. Being zealouſly devoted to the catholic communion, he had ſecretly made a journey to Paris ſome time before; and had fallen into intimacy with Thomas Morgan, a bigotted fugitive from England, and with the biſhop of Glaſgow, Mary's ambaſſador to the court of France. By continually extolling the amiable accompliſhments and heroical virtues of that princeſs, they inflamed the unguarded mind of young Babington to make ſome attempt for her ſervice; and they employed every prin⯑ciple of ambition, gallantry, and religious zeal to give him a contempt of thoſe dangers, which attended any enterprize againſt the vigilant government of Eli⯑zabeth. Finding him well diſpoſed for their purpoſe, they ſent him back to England, and ſecretly, unknown to himſelf, recommended him to the Queen of Scots as a perſon worth engaging in her ſervice. She wrote him a letter, full of friendſhip and confidence; and Babington, ſanguine in his temper and zealous in his principles, thought, that theſe advances now bound him in honour to de⯑vote himſelf entirely to the ſervice of that unfortunate princeſs. During ſome time, he had found means of conveying to her all her foreign correſpondence; but after ſhe was put under the cuſtody of Sir Amias Paulet, and reduced to a more rigorous confinement, he experienced ſo much difficulty and danger in rendering her this ſervice, that he had deſiſted from every attempt of that nature.

WHEN Ballard began to open his intentions to Babington, he found his zeal ſuſpended, not extinguiſhed: His former ardour revived on the mention of any enterprize, which ſeemed to promiſe ſucceſs in the cauſe of Mary or of the ca⯑tholic religion. He had entertained, however, ſentiments conformable to thoſe of Paget, and repreſented the ſolly of all attempts, which, during the life-time of Elizabeth, could be formed againſt the eſtabliſhed religion and government of England. Ballard, encouraged by this hint, proceeded to diſcover to him the deſign undertaken by Savage^*; and was pleaſed to obſerve, that, inſtead of [596] being ſhocked with that project, Babington only thought it not ſecure enough, when entruſted to one ſingle hand, and propoſed to join four others with Savage in this deſperate and bloody enterprize.

IN proſecution of theſe views, Babington employed himſelf in augmenting the number of his aſſociates; and he ſecretly drew into the conſpiracy many catholic gentlemen, diſcontented with the preſent government. Barnwel, of a noble family in Ireland, Charnoc, a gentleman of Lancaſhire, and Abington, whoſe father had been cofferer to the houſhold, readily undertook the aſſaſſination of the Queen. Charles Tilney the heir of a very antient family, and Titchborne of Southampton, when the deſign was propoſed to them, expreſſed ſome ſcruples, which were at laſt removed by the arguments of Babington and Ballard. Savage alone refuſed for ſome time to ſhare the glory of the enterprize with any others^†; he challenged the whole to himſelf; and it was with ſome difficulty he was in⯑duced to depart from this prepoſterous ambition.

THE delivery of the Queen of Scots, at the very ſame inſtant, when Eliza⯑beth ſhould be aſſaſſinated, was requiſite for effecting the purpoſe of the conſpi⯑rators; and Babington undertook, with a party of an hundred horſe, to attack her guards, while ſhe ſhould be taking the air on horſeback. In this enterprize, he engaged Edward Windſor, brother to the lord of that name, Thomas Saliſbury, Robert Gage, John Travers, John Jones, and Henry Donne; moſt of them men of family and intereſt. The conſpirators much wanted, but could not find, any nobleman of name, whom they might place at the head of their enterprize; but they truſted, that the great events, of the Queen's death and Mary's delivery, would rouze all the zealous catholics to arms; and that foreign forces, taking ad⯑vantage of the general confuſion, would eaſily fix the Queen of Scots on the throne, and re-eſtabliſh the antient religion.

THESE deſperate projects had not eſcaped the vigilance of Elizabeth's council, particularly of Walſingham, ſecretary of ſtate. That artful miniſter had engaged Maud, a catholic prieſt, whom he retained in pay, to attend Ballard in his jour⯑ney to France, and had thereby got a hint of the deſigns, entertained by the fu⯑gitives. Polly, another of his ſpies, had found means to inſinuate himſelf among the conſpirators in England; and tho' not entirely truſted, had obtained ſome in⯑ſight into their dangerous ſecrets. But the bottom of the conſpiracy was never fully known, till Gifford, a ſeminary prieſt, came over, and made a tender of his ſervice to Walſingham. By his means, the diſcovery became of the utmoſt importance, [597] and involved the fate of Mary, as well as of thoſe zealous partizans of that princeſs.

BABINGTON and his aſſociates, having laid ſuch a ſcheme, as, they thought, promiſed infallible ſucceſs, were impatient to communicate the deſign to the Queen of Scots, and to obtain her approbation and concurrence. For this ſervice, they employed Gifford, who immediately applied to Walſingham, that the intereſt of that miniſter might forward his ſecret correſpondence with Mary. Walſingham propoſed the matter to Paulet, and deſired him to connive at Gifford's corrupt⯑ing one of his ſervants: But Paulet was averſe to the introducing ſuch a perni⯑cious precedent into his family, and deſired, that they would rather think of ſome other expedient. Gifford found a brewer, who ſupplied the family with ale; and bribed him to convey letters to the captive Queen. The letters, by Paulet's connivance, were thruſt thro' a chink in the wall; and anſwers were returned by the ſame conveyance.

BALLARD and Babington were at firſt diffident of Gifford's fidelity; and to make trial of him, they gave him only blank papers made up like letters: But find⯑ing by the anſwers, that theſe had been faithfully delivered, they laid aſide all farther ſcruple, and conveyed by his hands the moſt criminal and dangerous parts of their conſpiracy. Babington informed Mary of the deſign laid for a fo⯑reign invaſion, the plan of an inſurrection at home, the ſcheme for her delivery, and the conſpiracy for aſſaſſinating the uſurper, by ſix noble gentlemen, as he termed them, all of them his private friends, who, from the zeal, which they bore to the catholic cauſe and her majeſty's ſervice, would undertake the tragical execution. Mary aſſents to the conſpi⯑racy. Mary replied, that ſhe approved highly of the deſign, that the gentle⯑men might expect all the rewards, which it ſhould ever be in her power to con⯑ler, and that the death of Elizabeth was a requiſite circumſtance, before any at⯑tempts were made either for her own delivery or an inſurrection^*. Theſe letters, with others to Mendoza, Charles Paget, the archbiſhop of Glaſgow, and Sir Francis Ingelfield, were carried by Gifford to ſecretary Walſingham; were de⯑cyphered by the art of Philips, his clerk; and copies taken of them. Walſing⯑ham employed a new artifice, in order to obtain full inſight into the plot: He ſubjoined to a letter of Mary's a poſtſcript in the ſame cypher; in which he made her deſire Babington to inform her of the names of the ſix conſpirators. The indiſcre⯑tion of Babington furniſhed Walſingham with ſtill another means of detection as well as of defence. That gentleman had made a picture be drawn, where he himſelf was repreſented ſtanding amidſt the ſix aſſaſſins; and a motto was ſubjoined, ex⯑preſſing, that their common perils were the band of their conſederacy. A copy [598] of this picture was brought to Elizabeth, that ſhe might know the aſſaſſins, and guard herſelf againſt their approach to her perſon.

MEANWHILE, Babington, anxious to enſure and haſten the foreign ſuccours, reſolved to diſpatch Ballard into France; and he procured for him, under a feigned name, a licence to travel. In order to remove from himſelf all ſuſpicion, he applied to Walſingham, pretended great zeal for the Queen's ſervice, offered to go abroad, and promiſed to employ that confidence, which he had gained among the catholics, to the detection and diſappointment of their conſpiracies. Wal⯑ſingham commended his loyal purpoſes; and promiſing his own council and aſ⯑ſiſtance in the execution of them, ſtill fed him with hopes, and maintained a cloſe correſpondence with him. A warrant, meanwhile, was iſſued for ſeizing Ballard; and this incident, joined to the conſciouſneſs of guilt, begot in all the conſpirators the utmoſt anxiety and concern. Some adviſed that they ſhould immediately make their eſcape: Others propoſed, that Savage and Charnoc ſhould without delay execute their purpoſe againſt Elizabeth; and Babington, in proſecution of this ſcheme, furniſhed Savage with money, that he might buy good cloaths, and have thereby the more eaſy acceſs to the Queen's perſon. Next day, they began to apprehend, that they had taken the alarm too haſtily; and Babington, having renewed his correſpondence with Walſingham, was perſuaded by that ſubtle miniſter, that the ſeizure of Ballard had proceeded entirely from the uſual diligence of informers in the detection of popiſh and ſeminary prieſts. He even conſented to take ſecretly lodgings in Walſingham's houſe, that they might have more frequent conferences together, before his intended departure for France: But obſerving, that he was watched and guarded, he made his eſcape, and gave the alarm to the other conſpirators. They all took to flight, covered themſelves with ſeveral diſguiſes, and lay concealed in woods or barns; The conſpira⯑tors ſeized and executed. but were ſoon diſcovered and thrown into priſon. In their examinations, they contradicted each other; and the leaders were obliged to make a full confeſſion of the truth. September. Fourteen were condemned and executed: Of whom, ſeven acknow⯑leged the crime on their trial; the reſt were convicted by evidence.

THE leſſer conſpirators being diſpatched, meaſures were taken for the trial and conviction of the Queen of Scots; on whoſe account, and by whoſe concurrence, all theſe attempts had been made againſt the life of the Queen, and the tranqui⯑lity of the kingdom. Some of Elizabeth's counſellors were averſe to this proce⯑dure; and thought, that the cloſe confinement of a woman, who was become very ſickly, and who would probably put a ſpeedy end to their anxiety by her natural death, might give ſufficient ſecurity to the government, without attempting a meaſure of which there ſcarcely remains any example in hiſtory. Leiceſter ad⯑viſed, [599] that Mary ſhould be ſecretly diſpatched by poiſon; and he ſent a divine to convince Walſingham of the lawfulneſs of that action: But Walſingham de⯑clared his abhorrence of it; and inſiſted ſtill, in conjunction with the majo⯑rity of the counſellors, for the open trial of the Queen of Scots. The ſituation of England, and of the Engliſh miniſters had, indeed, been hitherto not a little dangerous. No ſucceſſor of the crown was declared; but the heir of blood, to whom the people in general were likely to adhere, was, by education, an ene⯑my to the national religion; was, from multiplied injuries, an enemy to the mi⯑niſters and principal nobility: And their perſonal ſafety, as well as the ſecurity of the government, ſeemed to hang alone on the Queen's life, who was now ſome⯑what advanced in years. No wonder, therefore, that Elizabeth's counſellors, knowing themſelves to be ſo obnoxious to the Queen of Scots, endeavoured to puſh every meaſure to extremity againſt her; and were even more anxious than the Queen herſelf, to prevent her from ever mounting the throne of England.

THO' all England was acquainted with the detection of Babington's conſpiracy, every avenue to the Queen of Scots was ſo ſtrictly guarded, that ſhe remained in utter ignorance of the whole matter; and it was a great ſurprize to her, when Sir Thomas Gorges, by Elizabeth's orders, informed her, that all her partizans were diſcovered and arreſted. He choſe the time for giving her this intelligence, when ſhe was mounted on horſeback to go a hunting; and ſhe was not permitted to return to her former place of abode, but was conducted from one gentleman's houſe to another, till ſhe was landed in Fotheringhay caſtle in the county of Northampton, which it was determined to make the laſt ſtage of her trial and ſufferings. Her two ſecretaries, Nau, a Frenchman, and Curle, a Scot, were immediately arreſted: All her papers were ſeized, and ſent up to the council: Above ſixty different keys to cyphers were diſcovered: There were alſo found many letters from perſons beyond ſea; and ſeveral too from Engliſh noblemen, containing expreſſions of reſpect and attachment. The Queen took no notice of this laſt diſcovery; but the perſons themſelves, knowing their correſpondence to be detected, thought that they had no other method of making atonement for their imprudence, than declaring themſelves thenceforth the moſt inveterate enemies to the Queen of Scots^*.

Reſolution to try the Queen of Scots. IT was reſolved to try Mary, not by the common ſtatutes of treaſon, but by the act which had paſſed the former year, with a view to this very event; and the Queen, in terms of that act, appointed a commiſſion, conſiſting of forty noble⯑men and privy-counſellors, and empowered them to examine and paſs ſentence on [600] Mary, whom ſhe denominated the late Queen of Scots, and heir to James the fifth of Scotland. The commiſſioners came to Fotheringhay caſtle, and ſent to her Sir Walter Mildmay, Sir Amias Paulet, and Edward Barker, who delivered her a letter from Elizabeth, informing her of the commiſſion, and of the ap⯑proaching trial. Mary received the intelligence without any commotion or aſto⯑niſhment. She ſaid, however, that it ſeemed ſtrange to her, that the Queen ſhould command her, as a ſubject, to ſubmit to a trial and examination before ſubjects: That ſhe was an abſolute independant princeſs, and would yield to no⯑thing which might derogate either from her royal majeſty, from the ſtate of ſo⯑vereign princes, or from the dignity and rank of her ſon: That, however op⯑preſſed by misfortunes and calamities, her ſpirits were not yet ſo much broke, as her enemies flattered themſelves; nor would ſhe, on any account, be acceſſary to her own degradation and diſhonour: That ſhe was ignorant of the laws and ſta⯑tutes of England; was utterly deſtitute of council; and could not conceive who were intitled to be called her peers, or could legally ſit as judges on her trial: That tho' ſhe had lived in England for many years, ſhe had lived in captivity; and not having received the protection of the laws, ſhe could not, merely by her involuntary reſidence in the country, be ſuppoſed to have ſubjected herſelf to their juriſdiction and authority: That notwithſtanding the ſuperiority of her rank, ſhe was willing to give an account of her conduct before an Engliſh Parliament; but could not view theſe commiſſioners in any other light, than as men appointed to juſtify, by ſome colour of legal proceeding, her condemnation and execution: And that ſhe warned them to look to their conſcience and their character, in trying an innocent perſon; and to reflect, that theſe tranſactions would ſome⯑where be ſubject to reviſion, and that the theatre of the whole world was much wider than the kingdom of England.

The commiſ⯑ſioners prevail on her to ſub⯑mit to the trial. IN return, the commiſſioners ſent a new deputation, informing her, that her plea, either from her royal dignity or from her impriſonment, could not be ad⯑mitted; and that they were empowered to proceed againſt her, even tho' ſhe ſhould refuſe to appear before them. Burleigh, the treaſurer, and Bromley, the chancellor, employed much reaſoning to make her ſubmit to the trial; but the perſon whoſe arguments had the chief influence, was Sir Chriſtopher Hatton, vice-chamberlain. His ſpeech was to this purpoſe. ‘"You are accuſed, Ma⯑dam," ſaid he, "but not condemned, of having conſpired the deſtruction of our Lady and Queen anointed. You ſay, you are a Queen: But, in ſuch a crime as this, and ſuch a ſituation as yours, the royal dignity itſelf, neither by the civil nor canon law, nor by the law of nature or of nations, is exempt from judgment. If you be innocent, you wrong your reputation in avoiding [601] a trial. We have been preſent at your proteſtations of innocence; but Queen Elizabeth thinks otherwiſe; and is heartily ſorry for the appearances which lie againſt you. To examine, therefore, your cauſe, ſhe has appointed com⯑miſſioners, honourable perſons, prudent and upright men, who are ready to hear you with equity, and even with favour, and will rejoice if you can clear yourſelf of the imputations which have been thrown upon you. Believe me, Madam, the Queen herſelf will rejoice, who affirmed to me at my departure, that nothing which ever befel her, had given her ſo much uneaſineſs, as that you ſhould be ſuſpected of a concurrence in theſe criminal enterprizes. Lay⯑ing aſide, therefore, the fruitleſs claim of privilege from your royal dignity, which can now avail you nothing, truſt to the better defence of your inno⯑cence, make it appear in an open trial, and leave not upon your memory that ſtain of infamy which muſt attend your obſtinate ſilence on this occaſion^*."’

BY this artful ſpeech, Mary was perſuaded to appear before the court; and thereby gave an appearance of legal procedure to the trial, and prevented thoſe difficulties, which the commiſſioners muſt have fallen into, had ſhe perſevered in maintaining ſo ſpecious a plea as that of her ſovereign and independant character. Her conduct in this particular muſt be regarded as the more imprudent, that for⯑merly, when Elizabeth's commiſſioners pretended not to exerciſe any juriſdiction over her, and only entered into her cauſe by her own conſent and approbation, ſhe declined juſtifying herſelf, when her honour, which ought to have been dearer to her than life, ſeemed abſolutely to require it.

The trial. ON her firſt appearance before the commiſſioners, Mary, either ſenſible of her imprudence, or ſtill unwilling to degrade herſelf by ſubmitting to a trial, renewed her proteſtation againſt the authority of her judges: The chancellor anſwered her by pleading the ſupreme authority of the Engliſh laws over every one who reſided in England: And the commiſſioners accommodated matters, by ordering both her proteſtation and his anſwer to be recorded.

THE lawyers of the crown then opened the charge againſt the Queen of Scots. They proved, by intercepted letters, that ſhe had allowed cardinal Allen and others to treat her as Queen of England; and that ſhe had kept a correſpon⯑dence with lord Paget and Charles Paget, in a view of engaging the Spaniards to invade the kingdom. Mary ſeemed not a [...]xious to clear herſelf from either of theſe imputations. She only ſaid, that ſhe could not hinder others from uſing what ſtyle they pleaſed in writing to her; and that it was lawful for her to em⯑ploy every expedient for the recovery of her liberty.

[602] AN intercepted letter of her's to Mendoza was next produced; in which ſhe pro⯑miſed to transfer to Philip her right to the kingdom of England, if her ſon ſhould refuſe to be converted to the catholic faith; an event, ſhe ſaid, of which there was no expectation, while he remained in the hands of his Scotch ſubjects^*. Even this part of the charge, ſhe took no pains to deny, or rather ſhe ſeemed to ac⯑knowledge it. She ſaid, that ſhe had no kingdoms to diſpoſe of; yet was it law⯑ful for her to give at her pleaſure what was her own, and ſhe was not accountable to any for her actions. She added, that ſhe had formerly rejected that propoſal from Spain, but now, ſince all her hopes in England were gone, ſhe was fully determined not to refuſe foreign aſſiſtance. There was alſo produced evidence to prove, that Allen and Parſons were at that very time negotiating by her or⯑ders in Rome the conditions of transferring her Engliſh crown to the King of Spain, and of diſinheriting her heretical ſon^†.

IT is remarkable, that Mary's prejudices againſt her ſon were, at this time, carried ſo far, that ſhe had even entered into a conſpiracy againſt him, had ap⯑pointed lord Claude Hamilton regent of Scotland, and had inſtigated her adhe⯑rents to ſeize the King's perſon and deliver him into the hands of the pope or the King of Spain; whence he was never to be delivered but on the condition of his becoming catholic^‡.

[603] THE only part of the charge, which Mary poſitively denied, was her concur⯑rence in the deſign of aſſaſſinating Queen Elizabeth: This article indeed was the moſt heavy, and the only one, which could fully juſtify the Queen in proceeding to extremities againſt her. In order to prove the accuſation, there were pro⯑duced the following evidence: Copies taken in ſecretary Walſingham's office of the intercepted letters between her and Babington, in which her approbation of the murder was clearly expreſſed; the evidence of her two ſecretaries, Nau and Curle, who had ſworn, without being put to any torture, that ſhe both received theſe letters from Babington, and that they had wrote the anſwers by her order; the confeſſion of Babington, that he had wrote the letters and received the an⯑ſwers^‡; and the confeſſion of Ballard and Savage, that Babington had ſhowed them theſe letters of Mary, wrote in the cypher, which had been ſettled between them.

IT is evident, that this ſeeming complication of evidence reſolves itſelf finally into the teſtimony of the two ſecretaries, who alone were acquainted with their miſtreſs's concurrence in Babington's conſpiracy, and who knew themſelves ex⯑poſed to all the rigours of impriſonment, torture and death, if they refuſed to give any evidence, which might be required of them. In the caſe of an ordi⯑nary [604] criminal, this proof, with all its diſadvantages, would be eſteemed legal, and even ſatisfactory, if not oppoſed by ſome other circumſtances, which ſhake the credit of the witneſſes: But on the preſent trial, where the abſolute power of the proſecutor concurred with ſuch important intereſts and ſuch a ſtrong incli⯑nation to have the princeſs condemned; the teſtimony of two witneſſes, even tho' men of character, ought to be ſupported by very ſtrong circumſtances, in order to remove all ſuſpicion of tyranny and injuſtice. The proof againſt Mary, it muſt be confeſſed, is not deſtitute of this advantage; and it is very difficult, if not impoſſible, to account for Babington's receiving an anſwer, wrote in her name, and in the cypher concerted between them, without allowing, that the matter had been communicated to that princeſs. Such is the light in which this matter appears, even after time has diſcovered every thing, which could guide our judg⯑ment with regard to it: No wonder, therefore, that the Queen of Scots, unaſſiſted by council, and confounded by ſo extraordinary a trial, found herſelf incapable of making a ſatisfactory defence before the commiſſioners. Her reply conſiſted chiefly in her own denial: Whatever force may be in that denial was much weakened, by her poſitively affirming, that ſhe never had had any correſpondence of any kind with Babington; a fact, however, of which there remains not the leaſt queſtion^*. She aſſerted, that as Nau and Curle had taken an oath of ſecrecy and fidelity to her, their evidence againſt her ought not to be credited. She confeſſed, however, that Nau had been in the ſervice of her uncle, the cardinal of Lorraine, and had been recommended to her by the King of France, as a man in whom ſhe might ſafely confide. She alſo acknowleged Curle to be a very honeſt man, but ſimple, and eaſily impoſed on by Nau. If theſe two men had received any letters, or had wrote any anſwers, without her knowlege; the imputation, ſhe ſaid, could never lie on her. And ſhe was the more inclined, ſhe added, to enter⯑tain this ſuſpicion againſt them, that Nau had, in other inſtances, been guilty of a [605] like temerity, and had ventured to tranſact buſineſs in her name, without com⯑municating the matter to her^*.

THE ſole circumſtance of her defence, which to us may appear to have ſome force, was her requiring that Nau and Curle ſhould be confronted with her, and [606] affirming that they never would to her face perſiſt in their evidence. But that de⯑mand, however equitable, was not ſupported by law in trials of high treaſon, and was often refuſed even in other trials where the crown was proſecutor. The clauſe, contained in an act of the 13th of the Queen, was a novelty; that the ſpecies of treaſon there enumerated muſt be proved by two witneſſes, confronted with the criminal^*. But Mary was not tried upon that act; and the miniſters and crown lawyers of this reign were always ſure to refuſe every indulgence beyond what the ſtrict letter of the law and the ſettled practice of the courts of juſtice required of them. Not to mention, that theſe ſecretaries were not probably at Fotherin⯑gay during the time of the trial, and could not, upon Mary's demand, be pro⯑duced by the commiſſioners^†.

[607] THERE paſſed two incidents in this trial, which may be worth obſerving. A letter between Mary and Babington was read, in which mention was made of the earl of Arundel and his brothers: On hearing their names ſhe broke into a ſigh, ‘"Alas," ſaid ſhe, "what has that noble houſe of the Howards ſuffered for my ſake!"’ She affirmed, with regard to the ſame letter, that it was eaſy to forge the hand-writing and cypher of another; ſhe was afraid, that this was too familiar a practice with Walſingham, who, ſhe alſo heard, had frequently prac⯑tiſed both againſt her life and her ſon's. Walſingham, who was one of the com⯑miſſioners, roſe up when he heard this accuſation. He proteſted, that in his private capacity, he had never acted any thing againſt the Queen of Scots: In his pub⯑lic capacity, he owned, that his concern for his ſovereign's ſafety had made him very diligent in ſearching out, by every expedient, all deſigns againſt her ſacred perſon or her authority. For attaining that end, he would not only make uſe of the aſſiſtance of Ballard or any other conſpirator: He would alſo reward them for betraying their companions. But if he had tampered in any manner, unworthy of his character and office, why did none of the late criminals either at their trial or execution, accuſe him of ſuch practices? Mary endea⯑voured to pacify him by ſaying that ſhe ſpoke from information; and ſhe begged him, that he would thenceforth give no more credit to ſuch as ſtandered her, than ſhe would to ſuch as accuſed him. The great character indeed, which Sir Francis Walſingham bears for probity and honour, ſhould remove from him all ſuſpicion of ſuch baſe arts as forgery and ſubornation; arts, which even the moſt corrupt miniſters in the moſt corrupt times would ſcruple to employ.

25th October. HAVING finiſhed the trial, the commiſſioners adjourned from Fotheringay, and met in the Star-Chamber at London; where, after taking the oaths of Mary's two ſecretaries, who, voluntarily, without hope or reward, vouched the authenticity of thoſe letters before produced, they pronounced ſentence of death upon the Queen of Scots, and confirmed it by their ſeals and ſubſcriptions. Sentence a⯑gainſt Mary. The ſame day, a declaration was publiſhed by the commiſſioners and the judges, ‘"that the ſentence did no way derogate from the title and honour of James, King of Scotland; but that he was in the ſame place, degree, and right, as if the ſentence had never been pronounced^*."’

THE Queen had now brought her affairs with Mary to that ſituation, which ſhe had long ardently deſired; and had ſound a plauſible reaſon for executing vengeance on a competitor, whom, from the beginning of her reign, ſhe had [608] ever equally dreaded and hated. But ſhe was reſtrained from gratifying inſtantly her reſentment, by ſeveral important conſiderations. She foreſaw the invidious colours in which this example of uncommon juriſdiction would be repreſented by the numerous partizans of Mary, and the reproach, to which ſhe herſelf might be expoſed with all foreign princes, perhaps with all poſterity. The rights of hoſpitality, of kindred, and of royal majeſty, ſeemed in one ſignal inſtance to be all violated; and this ſacrifice of generoſity to intereſt, of clemency to re⯑venge, might appear equally unbecoming a ſovereign and a woman. Elizabeth, therefore, who was an excellent hypocrite, pretended the utmoſt reluctance to proceed to the execution of the ſentence, affected the moſt tender ſympathy with her priſoner, diſplayed all her ſcruples and objections, rejected the ſollicitation of her courtiers and miniſters, and affirmed, that, were ſhe not moved by the deepeſt concern for her people's ſafety, ſhe would not heſitate a moment in pardoning all the injuries, which ſhe herſelf had received from the Queen of Scots.

29th October. THAT the voice of her people might be more audibly heard in the demand of juſtice upon Mary, ſhe ſummoned a new Parliament; and ſhe knew, both from the uſual diſpoſitions of that aſſembly, and from the influence of her miniſters over them, that ſhe ſhould not want the moſt earneſt ſollicitation to conſent to that meaſure, which was ſo agreeable to her ſecret inclinations. She opened not this aſſembly in perſon, but appointed for that purpoſe three commiſſioners, the chancellor Bromley, the treaſurer Burleigh, and the earl of Derby. The reaſon aſſigned for this meaſure, was, that the Queen, foreſeeing that the affair of the Queen of Scots would be tried in Parliament, found her tenderneſs and delicacy ſo much hurt by that melancholy incident, that ſhe had not the courage to be preſent while it was under deliberation, but withdrew her eyes from what ſhe could not behold without the utmoſt reluctance and uneaſineſs. She was alſo willing, that, by this unuſual caution, the people ſhould ſee the danger, to which her perſon was hourly expoſed; and ſhould thence be more ſtrongly incited to take vengeance on the criminal, whoſe reſtleſs intrigues and bloody conſpiracies had ſo long expoſed her to the moſt imminent perils^*.

THE Parliament anſwered the Queen's expectations: The ſentence againſt Mary was unanimouſly ratiſied by both houſes; and an application was agreed on to obtain Elizabeth's conſent to its publication and execution^†. She gave them an anſwer ambiguous, embarraſſed; full of real artifice, and ſeeming irre⯑ſolution. She mentioned the extreme danger to which her life was continually expoſed; ſhe declared her willingneſs to die, did ſhe not foreſee the great cala⯑mities, [609] which would thence fall upon the nation; ſhe made profeſſions of the greateſt tenderneſs to her people; ſhe diſplayed the clemency of her temper, and expreſſed her violent reluctance to proceed to extremity againſt her unhappy kinſwoman; ſhe affirmed, that the late law, by which that princeſs was tried, ſo far from being made to enſnare her, was only intended to give her warning be⯑forehand, not to engage in ſuch attempts, as might expoſe her to the penalties, with which ſhe was thus openly menaced; and ſhe begged them to think once again, whether it was poſſible to find any other expedient beſides the death of the Queen of Scots for ſecuring the public tranquillity^*. The Parliament, in obedience to her commands, took the affair again under deliberation; but could find no other poſſible expedient. They reiterated their ſollicitations and entreaties and arguments: They even remonſtrated, that mercy to the Queen of Scots was cruelty to them, her ſubjects and children: And they affirmed, that it were injuſ⯑tice to deny execution of the law to any individual; much more, to the whole bo⯑dy of the people, now unanimouſly and earneſtly ſuing for this pledge of her paren⯑tal care and tenderneſs. This ſecond addreſs ſet the pretended doubts and ſcruples of Elizabeth anew in agitation: She complained of her own unfortunate ſitua⯑tion; expreſſed her uneaſineſs from their importunity; renewed the profeſſions of affection to her people; and diſmiſſed the committee of Parliament in an uncer⯑tainty, what, after all this deliberation, might be her final reſolution^†.

[610] BUT tho' the Queen affected reluctance to execute the ſentence againſt Mary, ſhe complied with the Parliament's requeſt to publiſh it; and the proclamation [611] ſeemed to be attended with the unanimous and hearty rejoicings of the people. The lord Buckhurſt, and Beale, clerk to the council, were ſent to the Queen of Scots, and notified to her the ſentence pronounced againſt her, its ratification by Parliament, and the earneſt applications made for its execution by that aſſembly, who thought, that their religion could never, while ſhe was alive, attain a full ſettlement and ſecurity. Mary was no way diſmayed at this intelligence: On the contrary, ſhe joyfully laid hold of the laſt circumſtance mentioned to her; and inſiſted, that ſince her death was demanded by the proteſtants for the eſtabliſh⯑ment of their faith, ſhe was really a martyr to her religion, and was intitled to all the merits, attending that glorious character. She added, that the Engliſh had often imbrued their hands in the blood of their ſovereigns: No wonder, they exerciſed cruelty towards her, who derived her deſcent from theſe monarchs^*. Paulet, her keeper, received orders to take down her canopy, and to ſerve her no longer with that reſpect, due to ſovereign princes. He told her, that ſhe was now to be conſidered as a dead perſon; and incapable of any dignity^†. This inſult ſhe received without any ſeeming emotion. She only replied, that ſhe received her royal character from the hands of the Almighty, and no earthly power was ever able to bereave her of it.

THE Queen of Scots wrote her laſt letter to Elizabeth; full of dignity, with⯑out departing from that ſpirit of meekneſs and of charity, which appeared ſuit⯑able to this concluding ſcene of her unfortunate life. She preferred no petition [612] for averting the fatal ſentence: On the contrary, ſhe expreſſed her gratitude to heaven for thus bringing to a ſpeedy period her ſad and lamentable pilgrimage. She requeſted ſome favours of Elizabeth, and entreated her, that ſhe might be beholden for them to her own goodneſs alone, without making applications to thoſe miniſters, who had diſcovered ſuch an extreme antipathy to her perſon and her religion. She deſired, that, after her enemies ſhould be ſatiated with her innocent blood, her body, which, it was determined, ſhould never enjoy reſt, while her ſoul was united to it, might be conſigned to her ſervants, and be conveyed by them into France, there to repoſe in a catholic land, with the ſa⯑cred relicts of her mother. In Scotland, ſhe ſaid, the ſepulchres of her anceſtors were violated, and the churches either demoliſhed or profaned; and in England, where ſhe might be interred among the antient kings, her own and Elizabeth's progenitors, ſhe could entertain no hopes of being accompanied to the grave with thoſe rites and ceremonies, which her religion required. She deſired that no one might have the power of inflicting a private death upon her, without Eliza⯑beth's knowlege; but that her execution ſhould be public, and attended with her antient ſervants, who might bear teſtimony of her perſeverance in the faith, and of her ſubmiſſion to the will of heaven. She begged, that theſe ſervants might afterwards be allowed to depart whither they pleaſed, and might enjoy thoſe legacies which ſhe ſhould leave them. And ſhe conjured her to grant theſe favours, by their near kindred, by the ſoul and memory of Henry the ſeventh, the common anceſtor of both, and by the royal dignity of which they equally participated^*. Elizabeth made no anſwer to this letter; being unwilling to give Mary a refuſal in her preſent ſituation, and foreſeeing inconveniencies from grant⯑ing ſome of her requeſts.

WHILE the Queen of Scots thus prepared herſelf to meet her fate, great efforts were made by foreign powers with Elizabeth to prevent the execution of the ſentence, pronounced againſt her. Beſides employing L'Aubeſpine, the French reſident at London, a man devoted to the houſe of Guiſe, Henry ſent over Bellievre, with a profeſſed intention of interceding for the life of Mary. The duke of Guiſe and the league, at that time, threatened very nearly the King's authority; and Elizabeth knew, that, tho' that monarch might, from decency and policy, think himſelf obliged to interpoſe publicly in behalf of the Queen of Scots, he could not ſecretly be much diſpleaſed with the death of a princeſs, on whoſe fortune and elevation his mortal enemies had always founded ſo many da [...]ing and ambitious projects^†. It is even pretended, that Bellievre [613] had orders, after making public and vehement remonſtrances againſt the exe⯑cution of Mary, to exhort privately the Queen, in his maſter's name, not to defer an act of juſtice, ſo neceſſary for their common intereſts^*. But whether the French King's interceſſion was ſincere or not, it had no weight with the Queen; and ſhe ſtill perſiſted in her former reſolution.

Interpoſition of King James THE interpoſition of the young King of Scots, tho' it was not able to change Elizabeth's determination, ſeemed, on every account, to merit more atten⯑tion. So ſoon as James heard of the trial and condemnation of his mother, he ſent William Keith, gentleman of his bed chamber, to London; and wrote a letter to the Queen, in which he remonſtrated, in very ſevere terms, againſt the indignity of the procedure. He ſaid, that he was aſtoniſhed to hear of the pre⯑ſumption of Engliſh noblemen and councellors, who had dared to ſit in judg⯑ment and paſs ſentence upon a Queen of Scotland, deſcended from the royal blood of England; but was ſtill more aſtoniſhed to hear, that thoughts were ſeriouſly entertained of putting that ſentence in execution: That he entreated Elizabeth to reflect on the diſhonour, which ſhe would draw on her name, by embruing her hands in the blood of her near kinſwoman, a perſon of the ſame royal dignity and the ſame ſex with herſelf: That in this unparalelled attempt, ſhe offered an affront to all diadems, and even to her own; and by reducing ſo⯑vereigns to a level with other men, taught the people to neglect all duty towards thoſe whom Providence had appointed to rule over them: That for his part, he muſt eſteem the injury and inſult ſo enormous, as to be incapable of all attone⯑ment; nor was it poſſible for him thenceforth to remain on any terms of corre⯑ſpondence with a perſon, who, without any pretence of legal authority, had de⯑liberately inflicted an ignominious death upon his parent: And that even if the ſentiments of nature and duty did not inſpire him with this purpoſe of venge⯑ance, his own honour required it of him; nor could he ever acquit himſelf in the eyes of the world, if he did not uſe every effort, and endure every hazard, to revenge ſo great an indignity^†. Soon after, James ſent the maſter of Gray and Sir Robert Melvil to enforce the remonſtrances of Keith; and to employ with the Queen every expedient of argument and menaces. Elizabeth was at firſt offended with ſharpneſs of theſe applications; and ſhe replied in a like ſtrain to the Scotch ambaſſadors. When ſhe afterwards reflected, that this earneſtneſs was no more than what duty required of James, ſhe was pacified; but retained ſtill her reſolution of proceeding to extremities againſt Mary^‡. It is believed, that the maſter of Gray, gained by the enemies of that princeſs, gave ſecretly his advice not to ſpare her, and undertook at all adventures to pacify his maſter. [614] The Queen alſo, from many circumſtances, was induced to pay ſmall attention to the applications of James, and to diſregard all the efforts, which he could em⯑ploy in behalf of his mother. She was well acquainted with his character and intereſts, the factions which prevailed among his people, and the inveterate hatred, which the zealous proteſtants, particularly the preachers, bore to the Queen of Scots. The preſent incidents put theſe diſpoſitions of the clergy in a full light. James, obſerving the fixed purpoſe of Elizabeth, ordered prayers to be offered up for his mother in all the churches; and knowing the captious humour of the eccleſiaſtics, he took care that the form of the petition ſhould be moſt cau⯑tious, as well as humane and charitable: ‘"That it might pleaſe God to illumi⯑nate Mary with the light of his truth, and ſave her from the apparent danger with which ſhe was threatened."’ But excepting the King's own chaplains, and one clergyman more, all the preachers refuſed to pollute their churches by pray⯑ers for a papiſt, and would not ſo much as prefer a petition for her converſion. James, unwilling or unable to puniſh this diſobedience, and deſirous of giving the preachers an opportunity of amending their fault, appointed a new day when prayers ſhould be ſaid for his mother; and that he might at leaſt ſecure himſelf from any inſult in his own preſence, he deſired the archbiſhop of St. Andrews to preach before him. In order to diſappoint this purpoſe, the clergy inſtigated one Couper, a young man, who had not yet received holy orders, to take poſ⯑ſeſſion of the pulpit early in the morning, and to exclude the prelate. When the King came to church, and ſaw the pulpit occupied by Couper, he cal⯑led to him from his ſeat, and told him, that the place was deſtined for another; yet ſince he was there, if he would obey the charge given, and remember the Queen in his prayers, he might proceed to divine ſervice. The preacher replied, that he would do as the ſpirit of God ſhould direct him. This anſwer ſuffi⯑ciently inſtructed James in his purpoſe; and he commanded him to leave the pulpit: As Couper ſeemed not diſpoſed to obey, the captain of the guard went to pull him from his place; upon which the young man cried aloud, that this day would be a witneſs againſt the King in the great day of the Lord; and he denounced a woe upon the inhabitants of Edinburgh for permitting him to be treated in that manner^*. The audience at firſt appeared deſirous to take part with him; but the ſermon of the prelate brought them over to a more dutiful and more humane diſpoſition.

ELIZABETH, when ſollicited, either by James or by foreign princes, to pardon the Queen of Scots, ſeemed always determined to proceed to extremities againſt her: But when her miniſters urged her to interpoſe no more delays in the execu⯑tion, [615] her ſcruples and her heſitation returned; her humanity could not allow her to embrace ſuch violent and ſanguinary meaſures; and ſhe was touched with com⯑paſſion for the misfortunes, and with reſpect for the dignity of the unhappy pri⯑ſoner. The courtiers, ſenſible that they could do nothing more acceptable to her, than to employ perſuaſion on this head, failed not to enforce every motive for the puniſhment of the Queen of Scots, and to combat all the objections urged againſt that act of juſtice. Reaſons for the execution of Mary. They ſaid, that the treatment of that princeſs in England had been, on her firſt reception, ſuch as ſound reaſon and policy re⯑quired; and if ſhe had been governed by principles of equity, ſhe would not have refuſed willingly to acquieſce in it: That the obvious inconveniencies, either of allowing her to retire into France, or of reſtoring her by force to her throne, in oppoſition to the proteſtants, and the Engliſh party in Scotland, had obliged the Queen to detain her in England, till time ſhould offer ſome opportunity of ſerving her, without danger to the kingdom, or to the proteſtant religion: That her uſage had there been ſuch as became her rank; her own ſervants, in conſiderable numbers, had been permitted to attend her; exerciſe had been allowed her for her health, and all acceſs of company for amuſement; and theſe indulgencies would, in time, have been carried farther, if by her ſubſequent conduct ſhe had appeared worthy of them: That after ſhe had inſtigated the rebellion of Northumberland, the conſpiracy of Norfolk, the bull of excommunication of pope Pius, an invaſion from Flanders; after ſhe had ſeduced the Queen's friends, and incited every ene⯑my, foreign or domeſtic, againſt her; it became neceſſary to treat her as a moſt dangerous rival, and to render her confinement more ſtrict and rigorous: That the Queen, notwithſtanding theſe repeated provocations, had, in her favour, re⯑jected the importunity of her Parliaments, and the advice of her ſageſt mini⯑ſters^*; and was ſtill, in hopes of her amendment, determined to delay coming to the laſt extremity againſt her: That Mary, even in this forlorn condition, retained ſo high and unconquerable a ſpirit, that ſhe acted as competitor to the crown, and allowed her partizans every where, and in their very letters, addreſſ⯑ed to herſelf, to treat her as Queen of England: That ſhe had carried her animo⯑ſity ſo far as to encourage the atrocious deſign of aſſaſſinating the Queen; and this crime was unqueſtionably proved upon her, by her own letters, by the evi⯑dence of her ſecretaries, and by the dying confeſſion of her accomplices▪ That ſhe was but a titular Queen, and at preſent poſſeſſed no where any right of ſove⯑reignty; much leſs in England, where every one was ſubject to the laws, and to Elizabeth, the only true ſovereign: That even allowing her to be ſtill the Queen's equal in rank and dignity, ſelf-defence was permitted by a law of nature, [616] which could never be abrogated; and every one, ſtill more a Queen, had ſuffi⯑cient juriſdiction over an enemy, who by open violence, and ſtill more, who by ſecret treachery, threatned the utmoſt danger againſt her life: That the general combination of the catholics to exterminate the proteſtants, was no longer a ſe⯑cret; and as the ſole reſource of the latter perſecuted ſect lay in Elizabeth, ſo the chief hope which the former entertained of final ſucceſs, conſiſted in the per⯑ſon, and in the title of the Queen of Scots: That this very circumſtance brought matters to extremity between theſe princeſſes, and rendering the life of the one the death of the other, pointed out to Elizabeth the path, which either regard to ſelf-preſervation, or to the happineſs of her people, ſhould direct her to follow: And that neceſſity, more powerful than policy, thus demanded of the Queen, that reſolution which equity would authorize, and which duty preſcribed^*.

year 1587 WHEN Elizabeth thought that as many importunities had been uſed, and as much delay interpoſed, as decency required, ſhe was at laſt determined to carry the ſentence into execution: But even in this laſt reſolution ſhe could not proceed without diſplaying a new ſcene of duplicity and artifice. In order to alarm the vulgar, rumours were previouſly diſperſed, that the Spaniſh fleet was arrived in Milford Haven; that the Scots had made an irruption into England; that the duke of Guiſe was landed in Suſſex with a ſtrong army; that the Queen of Scots was eſcaped from priſon, and had raiſed an army; that the northern counties had begun an inſurrection; that there was a new conſpiracy on foot to aſſaſſinate the Queen, and ſet the city of London on fire; nay, that the Queen was actually aſſaſſinated^†. A criminal attempt of this nature was even imputed to L'Aubeſ⯑pine, the French ambaſſador; and that miniſter was obliged to leave the king⯑dom. The Queen, affecting to be in great terror and perplexity, was obſerved to ſit much alone, penſive and ſilent, and ſometimes to mutter to herſelf half ſen⯑tences, importing the difficulty and diſtreſs to which ſhe was reduced^‡. She at laſt called Daviſon, a man of parts, but eaſy to be impoſed on, and who had lately, for that very reaſon, been made ſecretary; and ſhe ordered him, to draw out ſecretly a warrant for the execution of the Queen of Scots; which, ſhe after⯑wards ſaid, ſhe intended to keep by her, in caſe any attempt ſhould be made for the delivery of that princeſs. She ſigned the warrant; and then commanded Da⯑viſon to carry it to the chancellor, in ord r to have the ſeal affixed to it. Next day ſhe ſent Killigrew to Daviſon, enjoining him to forbear ſome time executing her former orders; and when Daviſon came and told her, that the warrant had already paſſed the ſeals, ſhe ſeemed to be ſomewhat moved, and blamed him for his preci⯑pitation. Daviſon, being in ſome perplexity, acquainted the council with this [617] whole tranſaction; and they endeavoured to perſuade him to ſend off Beale, clerk of the council, with the warrant: If the Queen ſhould be diſpleaſed, they pro⯑miſed to juſtify his conduct, and to take on themſelves the whole blame of this meaſure^‖. The ſecretary, not perceiving their intention, complied with the ad⯑vice; and the warrant was diſpatched to the earls of Shrewſbury and Kent, and ſome others, ordering them to ſee the ſentence executed upon the Queen of Scots.

7th February. The execu⯑tion. THE two earls came to Fotheringhay; and being introduced to Mary, inform⯑ed her of their commiſſion, and told her to prepare for death next morning at eight o'clock. She was no-wiſe diſmayed, tho' ſomewhat ſurprized, with the in⯑telligence. She ſaid, with a chearful, and even a ſmiling countenance, that ſhe did not think the Queen, her ſiſter, would have conſented to her death, or have executed the ſentence againſt a perſon who was not ſubject to the laws and ju⯑riſdiction of England. ‘"But as ſuch is her will," ſaid ſhe, "death, which puts an end to all my miſeries, ſhall be to me moſt welcome; nor can I eſteem that ſoul worthy the felicities of heaven, which cannot ſupport the body under the horrors of the laſt paſſage to theſe bliſsful manſions^†."’ She then requeſted the two noblemen, that they would permit ſome of her ſervants, and particularly her confeſſor, to attend her: But they told her, that compliance with this laſt demand was contrary to their conſcience^*, and that Dr. Fletcher, dean of Peterborow, a man of great learning, ſhould be preſent, to inſtruct her in the principles of true religion. Her refuſal to have any conference with this divine inflamed the earl of Kent's zeal; and he bluntly told her, that her death would be the life of their religion; as, on the contrary, her life would have been the death of it. Mention being made of Babington, ſhe conſtantly denied his con⯑ſpiracy to have been at all known to her; and the revenge of her wrong, ſhe re⯑ſigned into the hands of the Almighty.

WHEN the earls had left her ſhe ordered ſupper to be haſtened, that ſhe might have the more leizure to finiſh the few affairs which remained to her in this world, and to prepare for her paſſage to another. It was neceſſary for her, ſhe ſaid, to take ſome ſuſtenance, left a failure of her bodily ſtrength ſhould depreſs her ſpi⯑rits on the morrow, and leſt her behaviour ſhould thereby betray a weakneſs un⯑worthy of herſelf^‡. She ſupped ſparingly, as her manner uſually was; and her [618] wonted chearfulneſs did not even deſert her on this occaſion. She comforted her ſervants under the affliction which overwhelmed them, and which was too pow⯑erful for them to conceal from her. Turning to Bourgoin, her phyſician, ſhe aſked him, whether he did not remark the great and invincible force of truth. ‘"They pretend," ſaid ſhe, "that I muſt die, becauſe I conſpired againſt the Queen's life: But the earl of Kent avowed, that there was no other cauſe of my death, but the apprehenſions, which, if I ſhould live, they entertain for their religion. My conſtancy in the faith is my real crime: The reſt is only a colour, invented by intereſted and deſigning men."’ Towards the end of ſupper, ſhe called in all her ſervants, and drank to them: They pledged her, in order, on their knees; and craved her pardon for any paſt neglect of their duty: She deigned, in return, to aſk their pardon for her offences towards them; and a plentiful effuſion of tears attended this laſt ſolemn farewel, and exchange of mutual forgiveneſs^‖.

HER care of her ſervants was the ſole remaining affair which employed her concern in this world. She peruſed her will, in which ſhe had provided for them by legacies: She ordered the inventory of her goods, cloaths, and jewels to be brought her; and ſhe wrote down the names of thoſe to whom ſhe bequeathed each particular: To ſome ſhe diſtributed money with her own hands; and ſhe adapted the recompence to their different degrees of rank and merit. She wrote alſo letters of recommendation for her ſervants to the French King, and to her couſin the duke of Guiſe, whom ſhe made the chief executor of her teſta⯑ment. At her wonted time ſhe went to bed, ſlept ſome hours; and then riſing, ſpent the reſt of the night in prayer. Having foreſeen the difficulty of exerciſing the rites of her religion, ſhe had had the precaution to obtain a conſecrated hoſt from the hands of pope Pius, and ſhe had reſerved the uſe of it for this laſt pe⯑riod of her life. By this expedient ſhe ſupplied, as much as ſhe could, the want of a prieſt and confeſſor, who was refuſed her^†.

TOWARDS the morning ſhe dreſſed herſelf in a rich habit of ſilk and velvet, the only one which ſhe had reſerved to herſelf. She told her maids, that ſhe would willingly have left them this dreſs rather than the plain garb which ſhe wore the day before: But it was neceſſary for her to appear at the enſuing ſolemnity in a de⯑cent habit.

THOMAS Andrews, ſheriff of the county, entered the room, and informed her, that the hour was come, and that he muſt attend her to the place of execu⯑tion. She replied, that ſhe was ready; and bidding adieu to her ſervants, ſhe leaned [619] on two of Sir Amias Paulet's guards, becauſe of an infirmity in her limbs; and ſhe followed the ſheriff with a ſerene and compoſed aſpect. In paſſing thro' a hall adjoining to her chamber, ſhe was met by the earls of Shrewſbury and Kent, Sir Amias Paulet, Sir Drue Drury, and many other gentlemen of diſtinction. Here ſhe alſo found Andrew Melvil, her ſteward, who flung himſelf on his knees before her; and, wringing his hands, cried aloud: ‘"Ah! madam! unhappy me! What man was ever before the meſſenger of ſuch heavy tidings as I muſt carry, when I ſhall return to my native country, and ſhall report, that I ſaw my gracious Queen and Miſtreſs beheaded in England?"’ His tears prevented further ſpeech; and Mary too felt herſelf moved, more from ſympathy than af⯑fliction. ‘"Ceaſe, my good ſervant," ſaid ſhe, "ceaſe to lament: Thou haſt cauſe rather to rejoice than to mourn: For now ſhalt thou ſee the troubles of Mary Stuart receive their long expected period and determination."’ ‘"Know," continued ſhe, "good ſervant, that all the world at beſt is vanity, and ſubject ſtill to more ſorrow than a whole ocean of tears is able to bewail. But I pray thee, carry this meſſage from me, that I die a true woman to my religion, and unalterable in my affections to Scotland and to France. Heaven forgive them, that have long deſired my end, and have thirſted for my blood as the hart panteth after the water brooks."’ ‘"O God," added ſhe, "thou that art the author of truth and truth itſelf, thou knoweſt the inmoſt receſſes of my heart: Thou knoweſt, that I was ever deſirous to preſerve an entire union between Scotland and England, and to obviate the ſource of all theſe fatal diſcords. But recommend me, Melvil, to my ſon, and tell him, that notwithſtanding all my diſtreſſes, I have done nothing prejudicial to the ſtate and kingdom of Scotland."’ After theſe words, reclining herſelf, with weeping eyes, and face bedewed with tears, ſhe kiſſed him. ‘"And ſo," ſaid ſhe, "good Melvil, fare⯑wel: Once again, farewel, good Melvil; and grant the aſſiſtance of thy prayers to thy Queen and miſtreſs^*."’

SHE then turned about to the noblemen who attended her, and made a peti⯑tion in behalf of her ſervants, that they might be well treated, that they might be allowed to enjoy the preſents which ſhe had made them, and be ſent ſafely into their own country. Having received a favourable anſwer, ſhe moved another re⯑queſt, that they might be permitted to attend her at her death: In order, ſaid ſhe, that their eyes may behold, and their hearts bear witneſs, how patiently their Queen and miſtreſs can bear her execution, and how conſtantly ſhe perſe⯑veres in her attachments to her religion. The earl of Kent oppoſed this deſire, and told her, that they would be apt, by their ſpeeches and cries, both to diſturb [620] herſelf and the ſpectators: He was alſo apprehenſive, leſt they ſhould practiſe ſome ſuperſtition, unmeet for him to ſuffer; ſuch as dipping their handkerchiefs in her blood: For that was the inſtance which he made uſe of. ‘"My lord," ſaid the Queen of Scots, "I will give my word (altho' it be but dead) that they ſhall not incur any blame in any of the actions which you have named. But alas! poor ſouls! it would be a great conſolation to them to bid their miſtreſs farewel. And I hope," added ſhe, "that your miſtreſs, being a maiden Queen, would vouchſafe, in regard of womanhood, that I ſhould have ſome of my own people about me at my death. I know, that her majeſty hath not given you any ſuch ſtrict command, but that you might grant me a requeſt of far greater courteſy, even tho' I were a woman of much inferior rank to that which I bear."’ Finding that the earl of Kent perſiſted ſtill in his refuſal, her mind, which had fortified itſelf againſt the terrors of death, was affected by this circumſtance of indignity, for which ſhe was not prepared. ‘"I am couſin to your Queen," cried ſhe, "and deſcended from the blood-royal of Henry the ſeventh, and a married Queen of France, and an anointed Queen of Scotland."’ The commiſſioners perceiving how invidious their obſtinacy would appear, con⯑ferred a little together, and agreed, that ſhe might carry a few of her ſervants along with her. She made choice of four men, and two maid-ſervants, for that purpoſe.

SHE then paſſed into another hall, where was erected the ſcaffold, covered with black; and ſhe ſaw, with an undiſmayed countenance, the two executioners, and all the preparations of death. The room was crowded with ſpectators, and no one was ſo ſteeled againſt all ſentiments of humanity, as not to be moved, when he reflected on her royal dignity, conſidered the ſurprizing train of her miſ⯑fortunes, beheld her mild but inflexible conſtancy, recalled her amiable accom⯑pliſhments, or ſurveyed her beauties, which, tho' faded by years, and yet more by her afflictions, ſtill diſcovered themſelves in this fatal moment. Here the war⯑rant for her execution was read to her; and during this ceremony ſhe was ſilent, but ſhewed, in her behaviour, an indifference and unconcern, as if the buſineſs had no way regarded her. Before the executioners performed their office, the dean of Peterborow ſtepped forth; and tho' the Queen frequently told him, that he needed not concern himſelf about her, that ſhe was ſettled in the ancient catho⯑lic and Roman religion, and that ſhe meant to lay down her life in defence of that faith; he ſtill thought it his duty to perſiſt in his lectures and exhortations, and to endeavour her converſion. He told her, that the Queen of England had in this moment ſhewn a tender care of her; and notwithſtanding the puniſhment juſtly to be inflicted on her, for her manifold treſpaſſes, was determined to uſe [621] every expedient for ſaving her ſoul from that deſtruction with which it was ſo nearly threatned: That ſhe was now ſtanding upon the brink of eternity, and had no other means of eſcaping endleſs perdition, but by repenting her former wickedneſs, by juſtifying the ſentence pronounced againſt her, by acknowleging the Queen's favours, and by exerting a true and lively faith in Chriſt Jeſus: That the ſcriptures were the only rule of doctrine, the merits of Chriſt the only means of ſalvation; and if ſhe truſted in the inventions or devices of men, ſhe muſt expect in a moment to fall into utter darkneſs, into a place where ſhall be weep⯑ing, howling, and gnaſhing of teeth: That the hand of death was upon her, the ax was laid to the root of the tree, the throne of the great judge of heaven was erected, the book of her life was ſpread wide, and the particular ſentence and judgment was ready to be pronounced upon her: And that it was now, during this important inſtant, in her choice, either to riſe to the reſurrection of life, and hear that joyful ſalutation, Come, ye bleſſed of my Father, or to ſhare the reſur⯑rection of condemnation, replete with ſorrow and grief; and to ſuffer that dread⯑ful denunciation, Go ye curſed into everlaſting fire ^*.

DURING this diſcourſe the Queen could not forbear ſometimes betraying her im⯑patience, by interrupting the preacher; and the dean, finding that he had profited nothing by his lecture, at laſt bid her change her opinion, repent her of her former wickedneſs, and ſettle her faith upon this ground, that only in Chriſt Jeſus could ſhe hope to be ſaved. She anſwered, again and again, with great earneſtneſs: ‘"Trouble not yourſelf any more about the matter: For I was born in this religion, I have lived in this religion, and in this religion I am reſolved to die."’ Even the two earls perceived, that it was fruitleſs to harraſs her any further with theological diſputes; and they ordered the dean to deſiſt from his unſeaſonable exhortations, and to pray for her converſion. During the dean's prayer, ſhe employed herſelf in private devotion from the office of the Virgin; and after he had finiſhed, ſhe pro⯑nounced aloud ſome petitions in Engliſh, for the afflicted church, for an end of her own troubles, for her ſon, and for Queen Elizabeth; and prayed God, that that princeſs might long proſper, and be employed in his ſervice. The earl of Kent obſerving, that in her devotions ſhe made frequent uſe of the crucifix, could not forbear reproving her, for her attachment to that popiſh trumpery, as he termed it; and he exhorted her to have Chriſt in her heart, not in her hand^†. She replied with preſence of mind, that it was difficult to hold ſuch an object in her hand, without feeling her heart touched with ſome compunction^‡.

[622] SHE now began, with the aid of her two women, to diſrobe herſelf; and the executioner alſo lent his hand, to aſſiſt them. She ſmiled, and ſaid, that ſhe was not accuſtomed to undreſs herſelf before ſo large a company, nor to be ſerv⯑ed by ſuch valets. Her ſervants, ſeeing her in this condition, ready to lay her head upon the block, burſt into tears and lamentations: She turned about to them; put her finger upon her lips, as a ſign of impoſing ſilence upon them^*; and hav⯑ing given them her bleſſing, deſired them to pray for her. One of her maids, whom ſhe had appointed for that purpoſe, covered her eyes with a handkerchief; ſhe laid herſelf down, without any ſign of fear or trepidation; and her head was ſevered from her body at two ſtrokes by the executioner.

Mary's cha⯑racter. THUS died, in the forty-ſixth year of her age, and the nineteenth of her cap⯑tivity in England, Mary Queen of Scots; a princeſs of great accompliſhments both of body of mind, natural as well as acquired; but unfortunate in her life, and during one period, very unhappy in her conduct. The beauties of her per⯑ſon, and of her air, combined to make her the moſt amiable of women; and the charms of her addreſs and converſation aided the impreſſion which her lovely figure made on the hearts of all beholders. Ambitious and active in her temper, yet inclined to chearfulneſs and ſociety; of a lofty ſpirit, conſtant and even vehe⯑ment in her purpoſe; yet polite, and gentle, and affable in her demeanor; ſhe ſeemed to partake only ſo much of the male virtues as to render her eſtimable, with⯑out relinquiſhing thoſe ſoft graces which compoſe the proper ornaments of her ſex. In order to form a juſt idea of her character, we muſt ſet aſide one part of her con⯑duct, while ſhe abandoned herſelf to the guidance of a profligate man; and muſt conſider theſe faults, whether we admit them to be imprudences or crimes, as the reſult of an inexplicable, tho' not uncommon, inconſtancy in the human mind, of the frailty of our nature, of the violence of paſſion, and of the influence which ſitu⯑ations, and ſometimes momentary incidents, have on perſons, whoſe principles are not thoroughly confirmed by experience and reflection. Enraged by the ungrate⯑ful conduct of her huſband, ſeduced by the treacherous counſels of one in whom ſhe repoſed confidence, tranſported by the violence of her own temper, which never lay ſufficiently under the guidance of diſcretion; ſhe was betrayed into ac⯑tions, which may, with ſome difficulty, be accounted for, but which admit of no apology, nor even of alleviation. An enumeration of her qualities might carry the appearance of a panegyric; an account of her conduct muſt, in ſome parts, wear the aſpect of a ſevere ſatire and invective.

HER numerous misfortunes, the ſolitude of her long and tedious captivity, and the perſecutions to which ſhe had been expoſed on account of her religion, [623] had wrought her up to a degree of bigotry during her latter years; and ſuch was the prevalent ſpirit and principles of that age, that it is the leſs wonder, if her zeal, her reſentment and her intereſt uniting, induced her to give conſent to a deſign, which conſpirators, actuated only by the firſt of theſe motives, had formed againſt the life of Elizabeth.

The Queen's affected ſor⯑row. WHEN the Queen heard of Mary's execution, ſhe affected the utmoſt ſurprize and indignation. Her countenance changed, her ſpeech faltered and failed her, and for a long time, her ſorrow was ſo deep that ſhe could not expreſs it, but ſtood fixed, like a ſtatue, in ſilence and mute aſtoniſhment. After her grief was able to find vent, it burſt out in loud wailings and lamentations; ſhe put herſelf into deep mourning for this deplorable event; and ſhe was ſeen perpetu⯑ally bathed in tears, and ſurrounded only by her maids and women. None of her miniſters or councellors dared to approach her; or if any aſſumed ſuch te⯑merity, ſhe chaced them from her, with the moſt violent expreſſions of rage and reſentment: They had all of them been guilty of an unpardonable crime, in put⯑ting to death her dear ſiſter and kinſwoman, contrary to her fixed purpoſe and intention^*, of which they were ſufficiently apprized and acquainted.

No ſooner was her ſorrow ſo much abated as to leave room for reflection, than ſhe wrote a letter of apology to the King of Scots, and ſent it by Sir Robert Cary, ſon to lord Hunſdon. She there told him, that ſhe wiſhed he knew, but not felt, the unutterable grief of mind, ſhe experienced, on account of that lamentable accident, which, without her knowlege, much leſs concurrence, had happened in England: That as her pen trembled, when ſhe attempted to write it, ſhe found herſelf obliged to commit the relation of it to the meſſenger, her kinſman; who would likewiſe inform his majeſty of every circumſtance, which attended this diſmal and unlooked for misfortune: That ſhe appealed to the Supreme Judge of heaven and earth for her innocence; and was alſo ſo happy, amidſt her other afflictions, as to find, that many perſons in her court could bear witneſs to her veracity in this proteſtation: That ſhe abhorred hypocriſy and diſſimulation, eſteemed no⯑thing more worthy of a prince than a ſincere and open conduct, and could never ſurely be eſteemed ſo baſe and poor-ſpirited, as that, if ſhe had really given or⯑ders for this latal execution, ſhe could, on any conſideration, be induced to deny it: That tho' ſhe was ſenſible of the juſtice of the ſentence, ſhe was determined from clemency never to carry it into execution; and could not but reſent the temerity of thoſe, who on this occaſion had diſappointed her intentions: And that as no one loved him more dearly than herſelf, or bore a more anxious con⯑cern [624] for his welfare; ſhe hoped, that he would conſider every one as his enemy, who endeavoured, on account of the preſent incident, to excite any animoſity between them^†.

IN order the better to appeaſe James, ſhe committed Daviſon to priſon, and ordered him to be tried in the Star-Chamber for his miſdemeanour. The ſecre⯑tary was confounded; and being ſenſible of the danger, which muſt attend his entering into a conteſt with the Queen, he expreſſed penitence for his error, and ſubmitted very patiently to be railed at by thoſe very counſellors, whoſe perſuaſion had induced him to incur the guilt, and who had promiſed to countenance and protect him. He was condemned to impriſonment during the Queen's pleaſure, and to pay a fine of ten thouſand pounds. He remained a long time in priſon; and the fine, tho' it reduced him to want and beggary, was ſtrictly levied upon him. All the favour, which he could obtain from the Queen, was the ſending him ſmall ſupplies from time to time, to keep him from periſhing in neceſſity^*. He privately wrote an apology to his friend Walſingham, which contains many curious particulars: The French and Scotch ambaſſadors, he ſaid, had been remonſtrating with the Queen in Mary's behalf; and immediately after their departure, ſhe commanded him, of her own accord, to deliver her the warrant for the execution of that princeſs. She ſigned it readily and or⯑dered it to be ſealed with the great ſeal of England. She appeared in ſuch good humour on this occaſion, that ſhe ſaid to him in a jocular manner, ‘"Go tell all this to Walſingham, who is now ſick: Tho' I fear he will die for ſorrow, when he hears it."’ She added, that, tho' ſhe had ſo long delayed the execution, leſt ſhe ſhould ſeem to be actuated by malice or cruelty, ſhe was all along ſenſible of the neceſſity of it. In the ſame converſation, ſhe blamed Drury and Paulet, that they had not before eaſed her of this trouble; and ſhe expreſſed her deſire that Walſingham would bring them to a compliance in that particular. She was ſo bent on this purpoſe, that, ſome time after, ſhe aſked Daviſon, whether any letter had come from Paulet with regard to the ſervice expected of him. Daviſon ſhowed her Paulet's letter; in which that gentleman flatly refuſed to act any thing inconſiſtent with the principles of honour and juſtice. The Queen fell into a paſſion, and accuſed Paulet, as well as Drury, of perjury, that, having taken the oath of aſſociation, in which they had bound themſelves to avenge her wrongs, they had yet refuſed to lend their hand on this occaſion. ‘"But others," ſhe ſaid, "will be ſound leſs ſcrupulous."’ Daviſon adds, that nothing but the conſent and exhortations of the whole council could have engaged him [625] to ſend off the warrant. He was well aware of his danger, and remembered, that the Queen, after having ordered the execution of the duke of Norfolk, had endeavoured, in like manner, to throw the whole blame and odium of that ac⯑tion upon lord Burleigh^†.

ELIZABETH'S diſſimulation was ſo groſs, that it could deceive no body who was not previouſly reſolved to be blinded; but as James's concern for his mo her was certainly more ſincere and cordial, he diſcovered the higheſt reſentment, a [...] refuſed to admit Cary into his preſence. He recalled his ambaſſadors from [...] land; and ſeemed to breathe nothing but war and vengeance. The States of [...] being aſſembled, entered into the quarrel, and profeſſed, that they [...] ready to ſpend their lives and ſortenes in revenge of his mother's dea h, and [...] defence of his title to the crown of England. Many of his nobility inſtigated i am to take arms: Lord Sinclair, when the courtiers appeared in deep mourning, preſented himſelf to the King arrayed in compleat armour, and ſaid, that that was the proper mourning for the Queen. The catholics took the opportunity of [...]rting James to ally himſelf with the King of Spain, to lay imm diate claim to the crown of England, and to prevent the danger, which, from his mother's example, he might conclude, would certainly, if Elizabeth's power prevailed, overwhelm his perſon and his kingdom. The Queen was ſ nſible of the danger attending theſe councils; and, after allowing James ſome decent interval to vent his grief and anger, ſhe employed her emiſſaries to pacify him, and to ſet before him every motive of hope or fear, which might induce him to live in peace and friendſhip with her.

[...] WALSINGHAM wrote to lord Thirlſtone, the Scotch ſecretary of ſtate, a very judi⯑cious letter to the ſame purpoſe. He ſaid, that he was much ſurprized to hear of the violent reſolutions taken in Scotland, and of the paſſion diſcovered by a prince of ſo much judgment and temper as James: That a war, founded merely on the principle of revenge, and that too on account of an act of juſtice, which neceſſity had extorted, would for ever be expoſed to blame, and could not be excuſed by any principles of equity or reaſon: That if theſe views were deemed leſs mo⯑mentous among princes, policy and intereſt ought certainly to be attended to; and theſe motives did ſtill more evidently oppoſe all thoughts of a rupture with England, and all revival of expioded claims and pretenſions to the Engliſh throne: That the inequality between the two [...] [...]ived James of any hopes of in [...]ſs if he truſted merely to the force of his own ſlate, and had no recourſe to foreign powers for aſſiſtance: That the objections, attending the introduction [626] of ſuccours from a more powerful monarch, appeared ſo evident from all the tranſactions of hiſtory, that they could not eſcape a perſon of the King's extenſive knowlege; but there were in the preſent caſe, ſeveral peculiar circumſtances, which ought for ever to prevent him from having recourſe to ſo dangerous an expe⯑dient: That the French monarch, the antient ally of Scotland, might willingly uſe the aſſiſtance of that kingdom againſt England; but would be diſpleaſed to ſee the union of theſe two crowns on the head of James; an union, which would ever after exclude him from all hopes of practicing that policy, formerly ſo uſeful to France and ſo pernicious to the Scotch nation: That Henry, beſides, infeſted with fac⯑tion and domeſtic war, was not in a condition of ſupporting diſtant allies; much leſs, would he undergo any hazard or expence, in order to aggrandize a near kinſ⯑man to the houſe of Guiſe, the moſt determined enemies of his repoſe and authority: That the extenſive power and exorbitant ambition of the Spaniſh monarch ren⯑dered him a ſtill more dangerous ally to James; and as he evidently aſpired to an univerſal monarchy in the weſt, and had in particular advanced ſome claims on England, as if he were deſcended from the houſe of Lancaſter, he was at the ſame time the common enemy of all princes, who deſired to maintain their li⯑berty and independance; and the immediate rival and competitor of the King of Scots: That the Queen, by her own naval power, and her alliance with the Hol⯑landers, would probably intercept all ſuccours which James might receive from abroad, and be enabled to decide the controverſy in this iſland with the ſuperior forces of her own kingdom, oppoſed to thoſe of Scotland: That if the King revived his mother's pretenſions to the crown of England, he muſt alſo embrace her religion, by which alone they could be juſtified; and muſt thereby undergo the infamy of abandoning thoſe principles, in which he had been ſtrictly educated, and to which he had hitherto religiouſly adhered: That as he would, by ſuch an apoſtacy, totally alienate all the proteſtants in Scotland and England, he could never gain the confidence of the catholics, who would ſtill entertain a very rea⯑ſonable doubt of his honour and ſincerity: That by advancing a preſent claim to the crown, he forfeited the certain proſpect of his ſucceſſion; and revived that national animoſity, which the late peace and alliance between the kingdoms had happily extinguiſhed: That the whole gentry and nobility of England had openly declared themſelves for the execution of the Queen of Scots; and if James ſhowed ſuch violent reſentment againſt that act of juſtice, they would be obliged, for their own ſecurity, to prevent for ever ſo implacable and revengeful a prince from ruling over them: And that, however ſome perſons might repreſent his honour as engaged to ſeek vengeance for the preſent affront and injury, the true honour of a prince conſiſted in wiſdom and moderation and juſtice, not in fol⯑lowing [627] the dictates of blind paſſion, or in purſuing revenge at the expence of every motive and every intereſt^* Theſe conſiderations, joined to the peaceable, unambitious temper of the young prince, prevailed over his reſentment; and he fell gradually into a good correſpondence with the court of England.

WHILE Elizabeth enſured tranquillity from the attempts of her neareſt neigh⯑bour, ſhe was not negligent of more diſtant dangers. Hearing that Philip, while he ſeemed to diſſemble the daily inſults and injuries, which he received from the Engliſh, was ſecretly preparing a great navy to attack her; ſhe ſent Sir Francis Drake with a fleet to intercept his ſupplies, to pillage his coaſt, and to deſtroy his ſhipping. Drake [...] at Cadiz Drake carried out four capital ſhips of the Queen's, and twenty-ſix, great and ſmall, with which the London merchants, in hopes of ſharing in the plunder, had ſupplied him. Having learned from two Dutch ſhips, whom he met in his paſſage, that a Spaniſh fleet, richly laden, was lying at Ca⯑diz, ready to ſet ſail for Liſbon, the rendezvous of the intended Armada; he bent his courſe to the former harbour, and boldly, as well as fortunately, made an attack on the enemy. He obliged ſix gallies, which made head againſt him, to take ſhelter under the forts; he burned about an hundred veſſels, laden with ammunition and naval ſtores; and he deſtroyed a great ſhip of the marqueſs of Santa Croce. Thence, he ſet ſail for Cape St. Vincent, and took by aſſault the caſtle ſituated on that promontory, with three other ſtrong holds. He next in⯑ſulted Liſbon; and finding, that the merchants, who had engaged entirely in expectation of profit, were diſcontented with theſe military enterprizes, he ſet ſail for the Tercera Iſlands, with an intention of lying in wait for a rich Carrack, which was expected in theſe quarters. He was ſo fortunate as to meet with his prize; and in this ſhort expedition, where the public bore ſo ſmall a ſhare, the adventurers were encouraged to attempt farther enterprizes, the Eng⯑liſh ſeamen learned to deſpiſe the great unwieldy ſhips of the enemy, the naval preparations of Spain were deſtroyed, the intended expedition againſt England was retarded a twelvemonth, and the Queen had thereby leizure to take more ſe⯑cure meaſures againſt that formidable invaſion^‡.

THIS year Thomas Cavendiſh, a gentleman of Devonſhire, who had diſſipated his eſtate by living at court, being reſolved to repair his fortune at the expence of the Spaniards, fitted out three ſhips at Plymouth, one of an hundred and twenty tons, another of ſixty, and a third of forty; and with theſe ſmall veſſels he adventured into the South Seas, and committed great depredations on the Spa⯑niards. He took nineteen veſſels, ſome of which were richly laden; and re⯑turning [628] by the Cape of Good Hope, he came to England, and entered the river in a kind of triumph. His mariners and ſoldiers were cloathed in ſilk, his ſails were of damaſk, his top-maſt cloth of gold; and his prize was eſteemed the richeſt that ever had been brought into England^*.

THE land enterprizes of the Engliſh were not, during this campaign, ſo ad⯑vantageous or honourable to the nation. The important place of Deventer was intruſted by Leiceſter to William Stanley, with a garriſon of twelve hundred Eng⯑liſh; and [...]his gentleman, being a catholic, was alarmed with the diſcovery of Babington's conſpiracy, and became apprehenſive, leſt every one of his religion ſhould thenceforth be treated with diſtruſt in England. He entered into a corre⯑ſpondence with the Spaniards, betrayed the city to them for a ſum of money, and engaged the whole garriſon to deſert with him to the Spaniſh ſervice. Ro⯑land York, who commanded a fort near Zutphen, imitated his example; and the Hollanders, formerly diſguſted with Leiceſter, and ſuſpicious of the Engliſh, broke out into loud complaints againſt the improvidence, if not the treachery of his adminiſtration. Soon after, he arrived himſelf in the Low Countries; but his conduct was no-wiſe calculated to give them ſatisfaction, or to remove the ſuſpicions, which they had entertained againſt him. The prince of Parma having beſieged Sluys, he attempted to relieve the place, firſt by ſea, then by land; but failed in both enterprizes, and as he aſcribed his bad ſucceſs to the ill behaviour of the Hollanders, they were equally free in reflections upon his conduct. The breach between them became wider every day: They ſlighted his authority, op⯑poſed his meaſures, and neglected his councils; while he endeavoured, by an im⯑perious behaviour, and by violence, to recover that influence, which he had loſt by his imprudent and ill concerted meaſures. He was even ſuſpected by the Dutch of a deſign to uſurp upon their liberties; and the jealouſy entertained againſt him, began to extend towards the Queen herſelf. That princeſs had made ſome advances towards a peace with Spain: A congreſs had been opened at Bourbourg, a village near G [...]aveline: And tho' the two courts, eſpecially that of Spain, had no other intention than to amuſe each of them its enemy by negotiation, and mutua ly relax the preparations for defence or aſſault, the Dutch, who were determined, on no condition, to return under the Spaniſh yoke, became appre⯑henſive leſt their liberty ſhould be ſacrificed to the political intereſts of England^†. But the Queen, who knew the importance of her alliance with the ſlates in the preſent [...] was reſolved to give them entire ſatisfaction by recalling [...] commanding him to reſign his government. Maurice, ſon to the [629] prince of Orange, a youth of twenty years of age, was elected by the ſtates go⯑vernor in his place; and Peregrine lord Willoughby, was appointed by the Queen commander of the Engliſh forces. The meaſures of theſe two generals were much diſturbed by the malignity of Leiceſter, who had left a faction behind him, and who ſtill attempted, by means of his emiſſaries, to diſturb all the operations of the ſlates. So ſoon as Elizabeth got intelligence of theſe diſorders, ſhe took care to redreſs them, and ſhe obliged all the partizans of England to fall into una⯑nimity with prince Maurice^*. But tho' her good ſenſe ſo far prevailed over her partiality to Leiceſter, ſhe never could be made fully ſenſible of his vices and impru⯑dence: The ſubmiſſions, which he made her, reſtored him to her wonted favour; and the lord Bu [...]khurſt, who had accuſed him of miſconduct in Holland, loſt for ſome time her confidence, and was even committed to cuſtody.

SIR Chriſtopher Hatton was another favourite, who, at this time, received ſome marks of her partiality. Tho' he had never followed the profeſſion of the law, he was made chancellor in the place of Bromley, deceaſed; but notwithſtanding all the expectations and wiſhes of the lawyers, he behaved in a manner not un⯑worthy that high ſtation: His good natural capacity ſupplied the place of experience and ſtudy; and his deciſions were not found deficient either in point of equity or judgment. His enemies had contributed to this promotion, in hopes that his abſence from court, while he attended the buſineſs of chancery, would gradually eſtrange him from the Queen, and give them an opportunity of under⯑mining him in her favour.

year THESE little intrigues and cabals of the court were ſilenced by the account, which came from all quarters, of the vaſt preparations made by the Spaniards for the invaſion of England, and for the entire conqueſt of that kingdom. [...]. Philip, tho' he had not yet declared war, on account of the hoſtilities, whi h Elizabeth every where committed upon him, had long harboured a ſecret and violent de⯑ſire of revenge againſt her. His ambition alſo and the hopes of extending his empire were much encouraged by the preſent proſperous ſituation of his affairs; by the conqueſt of Portugal, the acquiſition of the Indian commerce and [...] ttlements, and the yearly importation of vaſt treaſures from America. The point on which he r [...]ſted his higheſt glory, the perpetual object of his policy, was to ſupport orthodoxy and exterminate hereſy; and as the power and credit of Elizabeth was the chief bulwark of the proteſtants, he hoped, if [...] ſubdue that princeſs, to acquire the eternal [...]nown, of being able to [...] i [...] the [...] chriſtian world in the catholic communion. Above all, his [...] [630] year 1588 againſt his revolted ſubjects in the Netherlands, inſtigated him to attack the Engliſh, who had encouraged that inſurrection, and who, by their near neigh⯑bourhood, were ſo well enabled to ſupport the Hollanders, that he could never hope to reduce theſe rebels, while the power of that kingdom remained entire and unbroken. To ſubdue England ſeemed a neceſſary preparative to the re⯑eſtabliſhment of his authority in the Netherlands; and notwithſtanding all ap⯑pearances, the former was in itſelf, as a more important, ſo a more eaſy, under⯑taking than the latter. That kingdom lay nearer Spain than the Low Countries, and was more expoſed to invaſions from that quarter; after an enemy had ob⯑tained entrance, it was neither fortified by art nor nature; a long peace had de⯑prived it of all military diſcipline and experience; and the catholics, in which it ſtill abounded, would be ready to join any invader, who ſhould free them from thoſe grievous perſecutions, at preſent exerciſed againſt them, and revenge the death of the Queen of Scots, on whom they had fixed all their affections. The fate of England muſt be decided in one battle at ſea, and another at land; and what compariſon between the Engliſh and Spaniards, either in point of naval force, or in the numbers, reputation, and veteran bravery of their armies? Be⯑ſides the acquiſition of ſo great a kingdom, ſucceſs againſt England enſured the immediate ſubjection of the Hollanders, who, attacked on every hand, and de⯑prived of all ſupport, muſt yield their ſtubborn necks to that yoke, which they had ſo long reſiſted. Happily, this conqueſt, as it was of the utmoſt impor⯑tance to the grandeur of Spain, would not at preſent be oppoſed by the jealouſy of the neighbouring powers, naturally ſo much intereſted to prevent the ſucceſs of that enterprize. A truce was lately concluded with the Turks; the empire was in the hands of a friend and near ally; and France, the perpetual rival of Spain, was ſo torn with inteſtine commotions, that ſhe had no leizure to pay at⯑tention to her foreign intereſts. This favourable opportunity, therefore, which might never again preſent itſelf, muſt be ſeized; and one bold effort made for acquiring that aſcendant in Europe, to which the preſent greatneſs and proſperity of the Spaniards ſeemed ſo fully to intitle them^†.

THESE hopes and motives engaged Philip, notwithſtanding his cautions tem⯑per, to undertake this hazardous enterprize; and tho' the duke of Parma, when conſulted, oppoſed the attempt, at leaſt repreſented the neceſſity of previouſly getting poſſeſſion of ſome ſea-port town in the Netherlands, which might afford a retreat to the Spaniſh navy^*, it was determined by the catholic monarch, to proceed im⯑mediately to the execution of his ambitious projects. During ſome time he had [631] been ſecretly making preparations; The Invin⯑cible Armada. but ſo ſoon as the reſolution was fully taken, every part of his vaſt empire reſounded with the noiſe of armaments, and all hisminiſters, generals, and admirals, were employed in forwarding the deſign. The marqueſs of Santo Croce, a ſea officer of great reputation and experience, was deſtin⯑ed to command the fleet; and by his counſel were the naval equipments conducted In all the ports of Sicily, of Naples, of Spain and Portugal, artizans were em⯑ployed in building veſſels of uncommon ſize and force; naval ſtores were bought up at a prodigious expence; proviſions amaſſed; armies levied and quartered in the maritime towns of Spain; and plans laid for fitting out ſuch a fleet and em⯑barkation as had never before had its equal in Europe. The military prepara⯑tions in Flanders were no leſs formidable. Forces from all quarters were every moment aſſembling, to reinforce the duke of Parma. Capizuchi and Spinelli, conducted forces from Italy: The marqueſs of Borgaut, a prince of the houſe of Auſtria, levied troops in Germany: The Walloon and Burgundian regiments were compleated or augmented: The Spaniſh infantry was ſupplied with recruits; and an army of thirty four thouſand men were aſſembled in the Netherlands, and kept in a readineſs to be tranſported into England. The duke of Parma em⯑ployed all the carpenters which he could procure, either in Flanders or in Lower Germany, and the coaſts of the Baltic; and he built at Dunkirk, and Newport, but eſpecially at Antwerp, a great number of boats and flat bottomed veſſels, for the tranſport of his infantry and cavalry into England. The moſt renowned nobility and princes of Italy and Spain were ambitious of ſharing in the honour of this great enterprize. Don Amadeaeus of Savoy, Don John of Medicis, Veſpaſian Gonzaga, duke of Sabionetta, and the duke of Paſtrana, haſtened to join the army under the duke of Parma. About two thouſand volunteers, many of them men of family, had inliſted for the ſervice in Spain. No doubt was en⯑tertained, but ſuch vaſt preparations, conducted by officers of ſuch conſummate ſkill, muſt finally be ſucceſsful. And the Spaniards, oſtentatious of their power, and elevated with vain hopes, had already denominated their navy the Invincible Armada.

NEWS of theſe extraordinary preparations ſoon reached England; and not⯑withſtanding the ſecrecy of the Spaniſh council, and their pretending intentions to employ this force in the Indies, it was eaſily concluded, that they meant to make ſome effort againſt England. Preparations in England. The Queen had foreſeen the invaſion; and finding that ſhe muſt now contend for her crown with the whole force of Spain ſhe made preparations for reſiſtance; nor was ſhe diſmayed with that danger, by which all Europe apprehended ſhe muſt of neceſſity be overwhelmed. Her force ſeemed very unequal to reſiſt ſo powerful an enemy. All the ſeamen in England [632] amounted at that time only to fourteen thouſand two hundred and ninety-five^*. The ſize of the Engliſh ſhipping was, in general, ſo ſmall, that, except a few of the Queen's ſhips of war, there were not four veſſels belonging to the mer⯑chants which exceeded four hundred tuns^†. The royal navy conſiſted only of twenty-eight veſſels^‡, many of which were of very ſmall ſize; none of them exceeding the bulk of our largeſt frigates, and moſt of them deſerving rather the name of pinnaces than of ſhips. The only advantage of the Engliſh fleet, conſiſted in the dexterity and courage of the ſeamen, who being accuſtomed to ſail in tempeſtuous ſeas, and expoſe themſelves to all dangers, as much exceeded in this particular the Spaniſh mariners, as their veſſels were inferior in ſize and force to thoſe of that nation^‖. All the commercial towns of England were re⯑quired to furniſh ſhips for reinforcing this ſmall navy; and they diſcovered, on the preſent occaſion, great alacrity in defending their liberty and religion againſt thoſe imminent perils with which they were menaced. The city of London, in order to ſhew their vigour in the common cauſe, inſtead of fifteen veſſels which they were commanded to equip, voluntarily fitted out double the number^{{inverted †}}. The gentry and nobility hired, and armed, and manned, forty-three ſhips at their own charge^§; and all the loans of money which the Queen demanded, were frankly granted by the perſons applied to. Lord Howard of Effingham, a man of great courage and capacity, was lord admiral, and took on him the command of the navy: Drake, Hawkins, and Frobiſher, the moſt renowned ſeamen in Europe, ſerved under him. The main ſleet was ſtationed at Plymouth. A ſmaller ſqua⯑dron, conſiſting of forty veſſels, Engliſh and Flemiſh, was commanded by the lord Seymour, ſecond ſon of protector Somerſet; and lay off Dunkirk, in or⯑der to intercept the duke of Parma.

THE land forces of England, compared to thoſe of Spain, poſſeſſed contrary qualities to its naval power: They were more numerous than the enemy, but much inferior in diſcipline, reputation, and experience. An army of twenty thouſand men was diſpoſed in different bodies along the ſouth coaſt; and orders were given them, if they could not hinder the Spaniards from landing, to retire backwards, to waſte the country around, and to wait for reinforcement from the neighbouring counties, before they approached the enemy. A body of twenty-two thouſand foot, and a thouſand horſe, under the command of the earl of Lei⯑ceſter, was ſtationed at Tilbury, in order to defend the capital. The main army▪ conſiſted of thirty-four thouſand foot, and two thouſand horſe, and was com⯑manded [633] by lord Hunſdon. Theſe forces were reſerved for the guard of the Queen's perſon; and were appointed to march whitherſoever the enemy ſhould appear. The fate of England, if the whole Spaniſh armies ſhould be able to land, ſeemed to depend on the iſſue of a ſingle battle; and men of reflection enter⯑tained the moſt diſmal apprehenſions, when they conſidered the force of fifty thouſand veteran Spaniards, commanded by experienced officers, under the duke of Parma, the moſt conſummate general of the age; and compared this formid⯑able armament with the military power which England, not enervated by peace▪ but long diſuſed to war, could muſter up againſt it.

THE chief ſupport of the kingdom ſeemed to conſiſt in the vigour and pru⯑dence of the Queen's conduct; who, undiſmayed by the preſent dangers, iſſued all her orders with tranquillity, animated her pe ple to a ſteddy reſiſtance, and employed every reſource, which either her domeſtic ſituation or her foreign alliances could afford her. She ſent Sir Robert Sydney into Scotland; and ex⯑horted the King to remain attached to her, and to conſider the danger which at preſent menaced his ſovereignty no leſs than her own, from the ambition of the Spaniſh tyrant^*: The ambaſſador found James ſufficiently diſpoſed to cultivate an union with England, and he even kept himſelf prepared to march with the force of his whole kingdom to the aſſiſtance of Elizabeth. Her authority with the King of Denmark, and the tye of their common religion, engaged this prince, upon her application, to ſeize a ſquadron of ſhips which Philip had bought or hired in the Daniſh harbours^†: The Hanſe Towns, tho' not at that time on good terms with England, were induced by the ſame motives, to retard ſo long the equipment of ſome veſſels in their ports, that they became uſeleſs to the pur⯑poſe of invading England. All the proteſtants throughout Europe, regarded this enterprize as the critical event which was to decide for ever the fate of their religion; and tho' unable, by reaſon of their diſtance, to join their force to that of Elizabeth, they kept their eyes fixed on her conduct and fortune, and beheld with anxiety, mixed with admiration, the intrepid countenance with which ſhe encountered that dreadful tempeſt, which was every moment approaching to⯑wards her.

THE Queen alſo was ſenſible, that, next to the general popularity which ſhe enjoyed, and the confidence which her ſubjects repoſed in her prudent govern⯑ment, [634] the firmeſt ſupport of her throne conſiſted in the general zeal of the people for the proteſtant religion, and the ſtrong prejudices which they had imbibed againſt popery. She took care, on this occaſion, to revive in the nation this at⯑tachment to their own ſect, and this abhorrence of the oppoſite. The Engliſh were reminded of their former danger from the tyranny of Spain: All the bar⯑barities exerciſed by Mary againſt the proteſtants, were aſcribed to the counſels of that bigotted and imperious nation: The bloody maſſacres in the Indies, the unrelenting executions in the Low Countries, the horrid cruelties and iniquities of the inquiſition, were ſet before men's eyes: A liſt and deſcription was pub⯑liſhed, and pictures diſperſed, of the ſeveral inſtruments of torture with which, it was pretended, the Spaniſh Armada was loaded: And every artifice, as well as reaſon, was employed, to animate the people to a vigorous defence of their religion, their laws, and their liberties.

BUT while the Queen, in this critical emergence, rouzed the animoſity of the nation againſt popery, ſhe treated the partizans of that ſect with moderation, and gave not way to an undiſtinguiſhing fury againſt them. Tho' ſhe knew, that Sixtus Quintus, the preſent pope, famous for his capacity and his tyranny, had fulminated a new bull of excommunication againſt her, had depoſed her from the throne, had abſolved her ſubjects from their oaths of allegiance, had publiſh⯑ed a croiſade againſt England, and had granted plenary indulgence to every one engaged in the preſent invaſion; ſhe would not believe, that all her catholic ſub⯑jects could be ſo blinded, as to ſacrifice to bigotry their duty to their ſovereign, and the liberty and independency of their native country. She rejected all violent counſels, by which ſhe was prompted to ſeek pretexts for diſpatching the leaders of that party: She would not even conſine any conſiderable number of them: And the catholics, ſenſible of this good uſage, generally expreſſed the higheſt zeal for the public defence. Some gentlemen of that ſect, conſcious that they could not juſtly expect any truſt or authority, entered themſelves as volunteers in the fleet or army^*: Some equipped ſhips at their own charge, and gave the command of them to proteſtants: Others were active in animating their tenants and vaſſals, and neighbours, to the defence of their country: And every rank of men, burying for the preſent all party diſtinctions, ſeemed to prepare them⯑ſelves, with order as well as vigour, to reſiſt the violence of theſe invaders.

THE more to excite the martial ſpirit of the nation, the Queen appeared on horſeback in the camp at Tilbury; and riding thro' the lines, diſcovered a chear⯑ful [635] and animated countenance, exhorted the ſoldiers to remember their duty to their country and their religion, and profeſſed her intention, tho' a woman, to lead them herſelf into the field againſt the enemy, and rather to periſh in battle than ſurvive the ruin and ſlavery of her people^†. By this ſpirited behaviour ſhe revived the tenderneſs and admiration of the ſoldiery: An attachment to her perſon became a ſpecies of enthuſiaſm among them: And they aſked one ano⯑ther, whether it were poſſible that Engliſhmen could abandon this glorious cauſe. could diſplay leſs courage than appeared in the female ſex, or could ever, by any dangers, be induced to relinquiſh the defence of their heroic princeſs.

THE Spaniſh Armada was ready on the beginning of May; but the moment it was preparing to ſail, the marqueſs of Santa Croce, the admiral, was ſeized with a violent fever, of which he ſoon after died. The vice-admiral, the duke of Paliano, by a ſtrange concurrence of accident, at the very ſame time, [...] the ſame fate; and the King appointed for admiral, the duke of Me [...]ina Sidonia, the nobleman of the greateſt family in Spain, but unexperienced in action, and utterly unacquainted with ſea affairs. Alcarede was appointed vice-admiral. This misfortune, beſides the loſs of ſo great an officer as Santa Croce, retarded the ſailing of the Armada, and gave the Engliſh more time for their preparations to oppoſe them. At laſt, the fleet, full of hopes and alacrity, ſet ſail from Liſ⯑bon; 29th May. but next day met with a violent tempeſt, which ſcattered the ſhips, ſunk ſome of the ſmalleſt, and forced the reſt to take ſhelter in the Groyne, where they waited till they could be refitted. When news of this event was carried to [636] England, the Queen concluded, that the deſign of an invaſion was diſappointed for this ſummer; and being always ready to lay hold of every pretence for ſaving money, ſhe made Walſingham write to the admiral, directing him to lay up ſome of the larger ſhips, and to diſcharge the ſeamen: But lord Effingham, who was not ſo ſanguine in his hopes, uſed the freedom to diſobey theſe orders; and he beg⯑ed leave to retain the whole ſhips in ſervice, tho' it ſhould be at his own expence^‡. He took advantage of a north wind, and ſailed towards the coaſt of Spain, with an intention of attacking the enemy in their harbours; but the wind changing to the ſouth, he became apprehenſive, leſt they might have ſet ſail, and by paſſing him at ſea, invade England, now expoſed by the abſence of the fleet. He re⯑turned, therefore, with the utmoſt expedition to Plymouth, and lay at anchor in that harbour.

MEANWHILE, the Armada had repaired all her damages; and with freſh hopes ſet out again to ſea, in proſecution of her enterprize. The fleet conſiſted of a hundred and thirty veſſels, of which near a hundred were galleons, and were of greater ſize than any which had ever before been uſed in Europe. It carried on board nineteen thouſand two hundred and ninety-five ſoldiers, eight thouſand four hundred and fifty-ſix mariners, two thouſand and eighty-eight galley ſlaves, and two thouſand ſix hundred and thirty great pieces of braſs ordnance. It was victualled for ſix months; and was attended with twenty leſſer ſhips, called cara⯑vals, and ten ſalves with ſix oars apiece^*.

THE plan formed by the King of Spain, was, that the Armada ſhould ſail to the coaſt oppoſite to Dunkirk and Newport; and having chaſed away all Engliſh or Flemiſh veſſels which might obſtruct the paſſage, (for it was never ſuppoſed they could make oppoſition) ſhould join themſelves with the duke of Parma, ſhould thence make ſail to the Thames, and having landed the whole Spaniſh army, thus compleat at one blow the entire conqueſt of England. In proſecution of this plan, Philip gave orders to the duke of Medina, that, in paſſing along the chan⯑nel, he ſhould ſail as near the coaſt of France as he could with ſafety; that he ſhould by this policy avoid meeting with the Engliſh fleet; and keeping in view the main enterprize, ſhould neglect all ſmaller ſucceſſes, which might prove an obſtacle, or even interpoſe a delay, to the acquiſition of a kingdom^†. After the Armada was under ſail, they took a fiſherman, who informed them, that the Engliſh admiral had been lately at ſea, had heard of the tempeſt which ſcattered the Armada, had retired back into Plymouth, and no longer expecting an inva⯑ſion this ſeaſon, had laid up his ſhips, and diſcharged moſt of the ſeamen. From [637] this falſe intelligence the duke of Medina conceived the great facility of attack⯑ing and deſtroying the Engliſh ſhips in harbour; and he was tempted, by the proſpect of ſo deciſive an enterprize, to break his orders, and make ſail directly for Plymouth: A reſolution which proved the ſafety of England. 19th July. The Armada arrives in the Channel. The Lizard was the firſt land made by the Armada, about ſunſet; and as the Spaniards took it for the Ram-head near Plymouth, they bore out to ſea, with an intention of returning next day, and attacking the Engliſh navy. They were deſcried by Fleming, a Scotiſh pyrate, who was roving in theſe ſeas, and who immediately ſet ſail, to inform the Engliſh admiral of their approach^*: Another fortunate event, which contributed extremely to the ſafety of the fleet. Effingham had juſt time to get out of port, when he ſaw the Spaniſh Armada coming full ſail towards him, diſpoſed in the form of a half-moon, and ſtretching the diſtance of ſeven miles from the extremity of one diviſion to that of the other.

THE writers of that age raiſe their ſtile by a pompous deſcription of this ſpec⯑tacle; the moſt magnificent which had ever appeared upon the ocean, infuſing equal terror and admiration into the minds of all beholders. The lofty maſts, the ſwelling ſails, and the towering prows of the Spaniſh galleons, ſeem impoſ⯑ſible to be juſtly painted, otherwiſe than by aſſuming the colours of poetry; and an eloquent hiſtorian of Italy, in imitation of Camden, has aſſerted, that the Armada, tho' the ſhips bore every ſail, yet advanced with a ſlow motion; as if the ocean groaned with ſupporting, and the winds were tired with impelling, ſo enormous a weight^†. The truth, however, is, the largeſt of the Spaniſh veſ⯑ſels would ſcarce paſs for third rates in the preſent navy of England; yet were they ſo ill framed, or ſo ill governed, that they were quite unwieldy, and could not ſail upon a wind, nor tack on occaſion, nor be managed in ſtormy weather by the ſeamen. Neither the mechanics of ſhip-building, nor the experience of mariners, had attained ſo great perfection as could ſerve for the ſecurity and go⯑vernment of ſuch bulky veſſels; and the Engliſh, who had already had expe⯑rience how unſerviceable they commonly were, were not diſmayed with their tremendous appearance.

EFFINGHAM gave orders, not to come to a cloſe ſight with the Spaniards, where the ſize of the ſhips, he ſuſpected, and the numbers of ſoldiers, would be a diſ⯑advantage to the Engliſh; but to cannonade them at a diſtance, and to wait the opportunity which winds, currents, or various chances muſt afford them, of in⯑tercepting ſome ſcattered veſſels of the enemy. Nor was it long before the event anſwered expectation. A great ſhip of Biſ [...]ay, on board of which was a conſi⯑derable [638] part of the Spaniſh money, was ſet on fire by accident; and while all hands were employed in extinguiſhing it, ſhe fell behind the reſt of the Armada: The great galleon of Andaluzia was detained by the ſpringing of her maſt: And both theſe veſſels were taken, after ſome reſiſtance, by Sir Francis Drake. As the Armada advanced up the channel, the Engliſh hung upon their rear, and ſtill infeſted them with ſkirmiſhes. Each trial abated the confidence of the Spa⯑niards, and added courage to the Engliſh; and the latter ſoon found, that even in cloſe fight the ſize of the Spaniſh ſhips was no advantage to them. Their bulk expoſed them the more to the bullets of the enemy; while their cannon, placed too high, ſhot over the heads of the Engliſh. The alarm having now reached the coaſt of England, the nobility and gentry haſtened out with their veſſels from every harbour, and reinſorced the admiral. The earls of Oxford, Northum⯑berland, and Cumberland, Sir Thomas Cecil, Sir Robert Cecil, Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir Thomas Vavaſor, Sir Thomas Gerrard, Sir Charles Blount; with many others, diſtinguiſhed themſelves by this generous and diſintereſted ſervice of their country. The Engliſh fleet, after the conjunction of theſe ſhips, a⯑mounted to an hundred and forty fail.

THE Armada had now reached Calais, a d caſt anchor before that place, in expectation, that the duke of Parma, who had got intelligence of their ap⯑proach, would put to ſea, and join his forces to them. The Engliſh admi⯑ral practiſed here a very ſucceſsful ſtratagem upon the Spaniards. He took eight of his ſmaller ſhips, and filling them with all combuſtible materials, ſent them, one after another, into the midſt of the enemy. The Spaniards fancied, that they were fireſhips of the ſame contrivance with a famous veſſel which had lately done ſo much execution at Antwerp; and they immediately cut their cables, and took to ſlight with the greateſt diſorder and precipitation. The Engliſh ſell upon them next morning, while in confuſion; and beſides doing great damage to other ſhips, they took or deſtroyed about twelve of the enemy.

BY this time, it was become apparent, that the intention, for which theſe great preparations were made by the Spaniards, was entirely ſruſtrated. The veſſels, provided by the duke of Parma, were made for tranſport, not for ſight⯑ing; and that general, when urged to leave the harbour, utterly refuſed to ex⯑poſe his flouriſhing army to ſuch apparent hazard, as it muſt incur; while the Engliſh, not only were able to keep the ſea, but ſeemed even to triumph over their enemy. The Spaniſh admiral found, in many r [...]ncounters, that while he loſt ſo conſiderable a part of his own navy, he had deſtroyed only one ſmall veſſel of the Engliſh; and he foreſaw, that, by continuing ſo unequal a combat, he muſt draw inevitable deſtruction on all the remainder. He prepared therefore to [639] year 1581 return homewards; but as the winds were contrary in his paſſage thro' the chan⯑nel, he reſolved to ſail northwards, and making the tour of the whole iſland, reach the Spaniſh harbours by the ocean. The Engliſh fleet followed him during ſome time; and had not their ammunition fallen ſhort, by the negligence of the offices in ſupplying them, they had obliged the whole Armada to ſurrender at diſcretion. The duke of Medina had once taken that reſolution; but was di⯑verted from it by the advice of his confeſſor. This concluſion of the enterprize would have been more glorious to the Engliſh; but the event proved equally fatal to the Spaniards. Defeated. A violent tempeſt overtook the Armada after it paſſed the Orkneys: The ſhips had already loſt their anchors, and were obliged to keep to ſea: The mariners, unaccuſtomed to ſuch hardſhips, and not able to govern ſuch unwieldy veſſels, yielded to the fury of the ſtorm, and allowed their ſhips to drive either on the weſtern iſles of Scotland, or on the coaſt of Ireland, where they were miſerably ſhipwrecked. Not a half of the navy returned to Spain; and the ſeamen, as well as ſoldiers, who remained, were ſo overcome with hard⯑ſhip and fatigue, ſo diſpirited by their diſcomfiture, that they filled all Spain with accounts of the valour of the Engliſh, and of the tempeſtuous violence of that ocean which ſurrounds them.

SUCH was the miſerable and diſhonourable concluſion of an enterprize, which had been preparing for three years, which had exhauſted the revenue and force of Spain, and which had long filled all Europe with anxiety or expectation. Philip, who was a ſlave to his paſſions, but had an entire command over his coun⯑tenance, no ſooner heard of the mortifying event, which blaſted all his ſchemes of ambition, than he fell on his knees, and rendering thanks for that gracious diſpenſation of providence, expreſſed his joy that the calamity was not greater. The Spaniſh prieſts, who had ſo ofttn bleſt this holy croiſade, and foretold its intallible ſucceſs, were ſomewhat at a loſs to account for the victory gained over the catholic monarch by excommunicated heretics and an execrable uſurper: But they at laſt diſcovered, that all the calamities of the Spaniards had proceeded from their allowing the infidel Moors to live among them^*.

[640] year 1589 4th February. SOON after the defeat and diſperſion of the Spaniſh Armada, the Queen ſum⯑moned a new Parliament; and received from them a ſupply of two ſubſidies and four fifteenths payable in four years. This is the firſt inſtance that ſubſidies were doubled in one ſupply; and ſo unuſual a conceſſion was probably obtained from the joy of the preſent ſucceſs, and from the general ſenſe of the Queen's neceſſities. Some members objected to this heavy charge, on account of the great burthen of loans, which had lately been impoſed upon them^*.

A Parliament. ELIZABETH foreſaw, that this houſe of commons, like all the foregoing, would be governed by the puritans; and therefore, to obviate their enterprizes, ſhe renewed, at the beginning of the ſeſſion, her uſual injunction, that they ſhould not on any account, preſume to treat of matters eccleſiaſtical. Notwithſtanding this ſtrict inhibition, the zeal of one Damport moved him to preſent a bill to the commons for remedying the grievances, and reſtraining the tyranny, of the [641] eccleſiaſtical commiſſion, which were certainly enormous: But when Mr. ſecre⯑tary Wolley reminded the houſe of her majeſty's commands, no one durſt ſecond the motion; the bill was not ſo much as read; and the ſpeaker returned it back to Damport, without taking the leaſt notice of it^*. Some members of the houſe, notwithſtanding the general ſubmiſſion, were even committed to cuſtody on ac⯑count of this attempt^†.

THE imperious conduct of Elizabeth appeared ſtill more clearly in another parliamentary tranſaction. The right of purveyance was an antient prerogative, by which the officers of the crown could at pleaſure take proviſions for the houſhold from all the neighbouring counties, and the uſe of carts and carriages; and the price of theſe ſervices was fixed and ſtated. The payment of the money was often diſtant and uncertain; and the rates were always much inferior to the market price; ſo that purveyance, beſides the ſlavery of it, was always regarded as a great burthen, and being arbitrary and caſual, was liable to great abuſes. We may fairly preſume, that the hungry courtiers of Elizabeth, ſupported by her unlimited power, would be ſure to render this prerogative very oppreſſive to the people; and the commons had, laſt ſeſſion, found it neceſſary to paſs a bill for regulating theſe exactions: But the bill was loſt in the houſe of peers^‡. The continuance of the abuſes begot a new attempt for redreſs; and the ſame bill was now revived, and ſent up again to the houſe of peers, together with a bill for ſome new regulations in the court of Exchequer. Soon after, the commons received a meſſage from the upper houſe, deſiring them to appoint a committee for a conference. At this conference, the peers informed them, that the Queen, by a meſſage, delivered by lord Burleigh, had expreſſed her diſpleaſure, that the commons ſhould preſume to touch on her prerogative. If there were any abuſes, ſhe ſaid, either in impoſing purveyance, or in the practice of the court of Ex⯑chequer, her majeſty was both able and willing to provide due reformation; but would not permit the Parliament to intermeddle in theſe matters^‖. The com⯑mons, alarmed at this intelligence, appointed a new committee to attend the Queen, and endeavour to ſatisfy her of their humble and dutiful intentions▪ Elizabeth gave a gracious reception to the committee: She expreſſed her great [...]neſtimable loving care towards her loving ſubjects; which, ſhe ſaid, was greater than of her own ſelf, or even than any of them could have of themſelves. She told them, that ſhe had already given orders for an enquiry into the abuſes attending purveyance, but the dangers of the Spaniſh invaſion had retarded the progreſs of that deſign; that ſhe had as much ſkill, will, and power to rule her own houſe⯑hold [642] as any ſubjects whatſoever to govern theirs, and needed as little the aſſiſtance of her neighbours; that the Exchequer was her chamber, conſequently more near to her than even her houſhold, and therefore the leſs proper for them to intermeddle with; and that ſhe would of herſelf, with the advice of her council and the judges, redreſs all grievances in theſe matters, but would not permit them, by laws moved without her privity, to bereave her of the honour attend⯑ing theſe regulations^*. The iſſue of this matter was the ſame that attended all conteſts between Elizabeth and her Parliaments^†. She ſeems even to have been more imperious, in this particular, than her predeceſſors; at leaſt, her more re⯑mote ones: For they often permitted the abuſes of purveyance^‖ to be redreſſed by law^‡. Edward the third allowed ten ſeveral ſtatutes to be enacted for that purpoſe.

[643] IN ſo great awe did the commons ſtand of every courtier, as well as of the crown, that they durſt uſe no freedom of ſpeech, which, they thought, would give the leaſt offence to any of them. Sir Edward Hobby ſhewed in the houſe his great grief, that by ſome great perſonage, not a member of the houſe, he had been ſharply rebuked for ſpeeches delivered in Parliament: He craved the favour of the houſe, and deſired that ſome of the members might inform that great perſonage of his true meaning and intention in theſe ſpeeches^*. The commons, to obviate theſe inconveniencies, paſſed a vote, that no one ſhould reveal the ſecrets of the houſe^†.

[644] THE diſcomfiture of the Armada had begot in the nation a kind of enthuſiaſtic paſſion for enterprizes againſt Spain; and nothing ſeemed now impoſſible to be atchieved by the valour and fortune of the Engliſh. Don Antonio, prior of Crato, was a natural ſon of the royal family of Portugal, who, truſting to the averſion of his countrymen againſt the Caſtilians, had advanced a claim to the crown, and flying firſt to France, thence to England, had been encouraged both by Henry and Elizabeth in his pretenſions. Expedition againſt Por⯑tugal. A deſign was formed by the people, not the court, of England to conquer the kingdom for Don Antonio: Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Norris were the leaders in this romantic enterprize: Near twenty thouſand voluntiers^‡ inliſted themſelves in the ſervice: And ſhips were hired, as well as arms provided, at the ſole charge of the adventurers. The Queen's frugality kept her from contributing more than ſixty thouſand pounds to the expence; and ſhe only allowed ſix of her ſhips of war to attend the expe⯑dition^*. There was more ſpirit and bravery, than foreſight or prudence, in the conduct of this enterprize. The ſmall ſtock of the adventurers would not permit them to buy either proviſions or ammunition ſufficient for ſuch an under⯑taking: They even wanted veſſels to ſtow the numerous voluntiers, who crowded to them; and they were obliged to ſeize by force ſome ſhips of the hanſe towns, which they met with at ſea: An expedient, which ſet them ſomewhat more at their caſe in point of room for their men, but remedied not the deficiency of their proviſions^†. Had they ſailed directly to Portugal, it is believed, that the good will of the people, joined to the defenceleſs ſtate of the kingdom, might have enſured them of ſucceſs: But hearing, that great preparations were making at the Groine for the invaſion of England, they were induced to go thither, and deſtroy this new armament of Spain. They broke into the harbour; burned ſome ſhips of war, particularly one commanded by Recalde, vice admiral of Spain; they defeated an army of four or five thouſand men, which was aſſembled to oppoſe them; they aſſaulted the Groine, and took the lower town, which they pillaged; and they would have taken the higher, tho' well fortified, had they not found their ammunition and proviſions beginning to fall ſhort. The young earl of Eſſex, a nobleman of very promiſing hopes, who, [...]ired with the thirſt of military honour, had ſecretly, unknown to the Queen, ſtole from England, here joined the adventurers; and it was then agreed by common conſent to make [...]ail for Portugal, the main object of their enterprize.

[645] THE Engliſh landed at Paniche, a ſea-port town, twelve leagues from Liſbon; and Norris led the army to that capital, while Drake undertook to ſail up the river, and attack the city with his united forces. By this time, the court of Spain had got leizure to prepare againſt the invaſion of the Engliſh. Forces were thrown into Liſbon: The Portugueſe were diſarmed: All ſuſpected per⯑ſons were taken into cuſtody: And thus, tho' the inhabitants bore great affection to Don Antonio, none of them dared to declare in favour of the invaders. The Engliſh army, however, made themſelves maſters of the ſuburbs, which abounded with riches of all kinds; but as they deſired to conciliate the affections of the Portugueze, and were more intent on honour than profit, they obſerved a ſtrict diſcipline, and abſtained from all plunder. Meanwhile they found their ammu⯑nition and proviſions totally exhauſted; they had not a ſingle cannon to make a breach in the walls; the admiral had not been able to paſs ſome fortreſſes, which guarded the river; there was no appearance of any inſurrection in their favour; ſickneſs from fatigue, hunger, and intemperance in wine and fruits had ſeized the army: So that it was found requiſite to make all haſte poſſible to reimbark. They were not purſued by the enemy; and finding, at the mouth of the river, ſixty ſhips laden with naval ſtores, they ſeized them as lawful prize; tho' they belonged to the Hanſe Towns, a neutral power. They ſailed thence to Vigo, which they took and burned; and having ravaged the country round, they ſet ſail and arrived ſafely in England. Above the half of theſe gallant adventurers periſhed by ſickneſs, famine, fatigue, and the ſword^*; and England reaped much more honour than profit from this extraordinary expedition. It is com⯑puted, that eleven hundred gentlemen embarked on board this fleet, and that only three hundred and fifty ſurvived theſe multiplied diſaſters^†.

WHEN theſe ſhips were on their voyage homewards, they met with the earl of Cumberland, who was outward bound, with a fleet of ſeven ſail, all equipped at his own charge, except one ſhip of war, which the Queen had lent him. That nobleman ſupplied Sir Francis Drake with ſome proviſions; a generoſity, which ſaved the lives of many of Drake's men, but which the others ſuffered ſeverely for afterwards. Cumberland ſailed towards the Ter [...]eras, and took ſeveral prizes from the enemy; but the richeſt, valued at an hundred thouſand pounds, periſhed in her return, with all her cargo, near St. Michael's Mount in Cornwal. Many of theſe adventurers were killed in a raſh attempt at the Terceras: A de⯑ſtructive mortality ſeized the reſt: And it was with difficulty that the few hands, which remained, were able to ſt [...]r the ſhips home into harbour^‡.

[646] Scotch affairs. THO' the ſignal advantages, gained over the Spaniards, and the ſpirit, which they infuſed into the Engliſh, gave Elizabeth great ſecurity during the reſt of her reign, ſhe could not forbear keeping an anxious eye towards Scotland, whoſe ſituation rendered the revolutions of that kingdom always of importance to her. It might have been expected, that this high-ſpirited princeſs, who knew ſo well to encounter danger, would not have retained that ſuſpicious jealouſy towards Scotland, with which, during the life-time of Mary, ſhe had been ſo much agi⯑tated. James had indeed ſucceeded to all his mother's claims; but he had not ſucceeded to the favour of the catholics, which could alone render theſe claims dangerous^*: And as the Queen was now well advanced in years, and enjoyed the moſt uncontrouled authority over her ſubjects, it was not likely, that the King of Scots, who was of an indolent unambitious temper, would ever give her any diſturbance in the poſſeſſion of her throne. Yet all theſe circumſtances could not remove her timorous ſuſpicions: And ſo far from ſatisfying the nation by a ſettlement of the ſucceſſi n, or a declaration of James's title, ſhe was as anxious to prevent every incident, which might raiſe his credit or procure him the regard of the Engliſh, as if he had been her immediate rival and competitor. Moſt of his miniſters and favourites were her penſioners; and as ſhe was deſirous to hinder him from marrying and having children, ſhe obliged them to throw obſtacles in the way of every alliance, even the moſt reaſonable, which could be offered him; and during ſome years, ſhe ſucceeded in this malignant po⯑licy^†. He had fixed on the eldeſt daughter of the King of Denmark, who being a remote prince and not very powerful, could give her no umbrage; yet did ſhe ſo artfully croſs this negotiation, that the Daniſh monarch, impatient of delay, married his daughter to the duke of Brunſwic. James then renewed his ſuit to the younger princeſs; and ſtill found obſtacles from the intrigues of Elizabeth, who, merely with a view of interpoſing delay, propoſed to him the ſiſter of the King of Navarre, a princeſs much older than himſelf, and entirely deſtitute of fortune. The young King, beſides the deſire of ſecuring himſelf by offspring, from thoſe traiterous attempts, too frequent among his ſubjects, had been ſo watched by the rigid auſterities of the eccleſiaſtics, that he had another inducement to marriage, which is not ſo uſual with monarchs. His impatience, therefore, broke thro' all the politics of Elizabeth: The articles of marriage were ſettled: The ceremony was performed by proxy: And the princeſs em⯑barked for Scotland; but was drove by a ſtorm into a port of Norway. This tempeſt, and ſome others, which happened near the ſame time, were univerſally believed in Scotland and Denmark to have proceeded from a combination of the [647] Scottiſh and Daniſh witches; and the dying confeſſion of the criminals was ſup⯑poſed to place the accuſation beyond all controverſy^*. James, however, tho' a great believer in ſorcery, was not deterred by this incident from taking a voyage, in order to conduct his bride home: He arrived in Norway; carried the Queen thence to Copenhagen; and having paſſed the winter in that city, he brought her next ſpring to Scotland, where they were joyfully received by the people. The clergy alone, who never let paſs an opportunity of vexing him, made oppoſition to the Queen's coronation, on account of the ceremony of anointing her, which, they alledged, was either a Jewiſh or a popiſh rite; and therefore utterly antichriſtian and unlawful. But James was as much bent on the ceremony, as they were averſe to it; and after much controverſy and many intrigues, his authority, which had not often happened, at laſt prevailed over their oppoſition^†.

CHAP. VI.

year AFTER a ſtate of great anxiety and many difficulties, Elizabeth had at length reached a ſituation, where, tho' her affairs ſtill required attention, and found employment for her active temper, ſhe was removed from all danger of any immediate revolution, and might regard the efforts of her enemies with ſome degree of confidence and ſecurity. Her ſucceſsful and prudent adminiſtra⯑tion had gained her, together with the admiration of foreigners, the affections of her own ſubjects; and after the death of the Queen of Scots, even the catholics, however diſcontented, pretended not to diſpute her title, or adhere to any other perſon as her rival and competitor. James, curbed by his factious nobility and eccleſiaſtics, poſſeſſed at home very little authority; and was [...] to remain on good terms with Elizabeth and the Engliſh nation, in hopes that time, aided by his patient tranquillity, would ſecure him that rich ſucceſſion, to which his birth entitled him. The Hollanders, tho' overmatched in their conteſt with [648] year 1590 Spain, ſtill made an obſtinate reſiſtance; and ſuch was their unconquerable anti⯑pathy to their old maſters, and ſuch the prudent conduct of young Maurice, their governor, that the ſubduing that ſmall territory, if at all poſſible, muſt be the work of years, and the reſult of many and great ſucceſſes. Philip, who, in his powerful effort againſt England, had been tranſported by reſentment and am⯑bition beyond his uſual cautious maxims, was now diſabled, and ſtill more diſ⯑couraged, from adventuring again on ſuch hazardous enterprizes. The ſituation alſo of affairs in France, began chiefly to employ his attention; but notwith⯑ſtanding all his artifice, and force, and expence, the events in that kingdom proved every day more contrary to his pretenſions, and more favourable to the friends and confederates of England.

French affairs. THE violence of the League having conſtrained Henry to declare war againſt the Hugonots, theſe religioniſt, ſeemed expoſed to the utmoſt danger; and Eli⯑zabeth, ſenſible of the intimate connection between her own intereſts and thoſe of that party, had ſupported the King of Navarre by her negociations in Ger⯑many, and ſtill more by large ſums of money, which ſhe remitted for levying forces in that country. That heroic prince, not diſcouraged by the great ſupe⯑riority of his enemies, took the field; and in the year 1587 gained, at Coutras, a compleat victory over the army of the French King; but as his allies, the Ger⯑mans, were at the ſame time diſcomfited by the army of the League, under the duke of Guiſe, his ſituation, notwithſtanding his victory, ſeemed ſtill as deſpe⯑rate as ever. The chief advantage which he reaped from this diverſity of ſucceſs, was the diviſions which, by that means, took place among his enemies. The inhabitants of Paris, intoxicated with admiration of Guiſe, and ſtrongly preju⯑diced againſt their King, whoſe intentions had become ſuſpicious to them, took to arms, and obliged Henry to fly for his ſafety. That prince, diſſembling his reſentment, entered into negociation with the League; and having conferred many high offices on Guiſe and his partizans, ſummoned an aſſembly of the ſtates at Blois, under preten e of finding means and expedients to ſupport the intended war againſt the Hugonots. The various ſcenes of perſidy and cruelty which had been exhibited in France, had juſtly begot a mutual di [...]idence among all parties; yet Guiſe, truſting more to the timidity than honour of the King, raſhly put himſelf into the hands of that monarch, and expected, by the aſcendant of his own ge⯑nius, to make him ſubmit to all his exorbitant pretenſions. Henry, tho' of an eaſy diſpoſition, not ſteddy to his reſolutions, nor even to his promiſes, wanted neither courage nor capacity; Murder of the duke of [...]. and finding all his ſubtilties eluded by the vigour of Guiſe, and even his throne expoſed to the moſt imminent danger, he embraced [649] more violent counſels than were natural to him, and ordered that duke and his brother, the cardinal of Guiſe, to be aſſaſſinated in his palace.

THIS cruel execution, which the neceſſity of it could alone excuſe, had nearly proved fatal to the author, and ſeemed at firſt to plunge him into greater dangers than thoſe which he ſought to avoid, by taking vengeance on his enemy. The partizans of the league were enflamed with the utmoſt rage againſt him: The populace every where, particularly at Paris, renounced all allegiance to him: The eccleſiaſtics and the preachers filled all places with execrations againſt his name: And the moſt powerful cities, and the moſt opulent provinces, appeared to combine in a reſolution of renouncing monarchy, or of changing their mo⯑narch. Henry, finding ſlender reſources among his catholic ſubjects, was con⯑ſtrained to enter into a confederacy with the Hugonots and the King of Navarre: He enliſted large bodies of Swiſs infantry and German cavalry: And being ſtill ſupported by his chief nobility, he aſſembled, by all theſe means, an army of near forty thouſand men, and advanced to the gates of Paris, ready to cruſh the League, and ſubdue all his enemies. The deſperate reſolution of one man di⯑verted the courſe of theſe great events. Jaques Clement, a Dominican monk, inflamed by that bloody ſpirit of bigotry which diſtinguiſhes this century, and a great part of the following one, beyond all other ages of the world, embraced the reſolution of ſacrificing his own life, in order to ſave the church from the per⯑ſecutions of an heretical tyrant; Murder of Henry the third. and being admitted, under ſome pretext, to the King's preſence, he gave that prince a mortal wound with a knife, and was im⯑mediately put to death, by the courtiers, who haſtily revenged the murder of their ſovereign. This remarkable incident happened on the firſt of Auguſt, 1589.

THE King of Navarre, next heir to the crown, aſſumed the government, un⯑der the title of Henry the fourth; but ſucceeded to much greater difficulties than thoſe which ſurrounded his predeceſſor. The prejudices entertained againſt his re⯑ligion, made a great part of the nobility deſert him; and it was only by his pro⯑miſe of hearkening to conferences and inſtruction, that he could engage any of the catholics to adhere to his undoubted title. The League, governed by the duke of Mayenne, brother to Guiſe, gathered new force; and the King of Spain entertained views, either of diſmembering the monarchy, or of annexing the whole to his own dominions. In theſe diſtreſsful circumſtances, Henry addreſſed himſelf to Elizabeth, and found her well diſpoſed to contribute to his aſſiſtance, and to oppoſe the progreſs of the catholic League, and of the King of Spain, her inveterate and dangerous enemies. To prevent the deſertion of his Swiſs and German troops, ſhe made him a preſent of twenty-two thouſand pounds; a larger [650] ſum than, as he declared, he had ever ſeen before: And ſhe ſent him a reinforce⯑ment of four thouſand men, under lord Willoughby, an officer of reputation, who joined the French at Dieppe. Strengthened by theſe ſupplies, Henry march⯑ed directly to Paris; and having taken the ſuburbs, ſword in hand, he abandon⯑ed them to be pillaged by his ſoldiers. He employed this body of Engliſh troops in many other enterprizes; and found ſtill great cauſe to praiſe their courage and fidelity. The time of their ſervice being elapſed, he diſmiſſed them with many high commendations. Sir William Drury, Sir Thomas Baſkerville, and Sir John Boroughs, acquired reputation this campaign, and revived in France the ancient fame of Engliſh valour.

Progreſs of Henry the fourth. THE army which Henry next campaign led into the field, was much inferior to that of the League; but as it was compoſed of the chief nobility of France, he feared not to encounter his enemies in a pitched battle at Yvr [...], and he gained a compleat victory over them. This ſucceſs enabled him to blockade Paris, and he reduced that capital to the laſt extremity of famine: When the duke of Parma, in conſequence of orders from Philip, marched to the relief of the League, and obliged Henry to raiſe the blockade. Having performed this important ſervice, he retired back to the Low Countries; and by his con⯑ſummate ſkill in the art of war, performed theſe long marches in the face of the enemy, without affording the French monarch that opportunity which he ſought, of giving him battle, or ſo much as putting his army once in diſorder. The only loſs which he ſuſtained, was in the Low Countries; where prince Maurice took advantage of his abſence, and recovered ſome towns which Parma had for⯑merly conquered from the States^*.

year 1591 THE ſituation of Henry's affairs, tho' promiſing, was not ſo well advanced or eſtabliſhed as to make the Queen diſcontinue her ſuccours; and ſhe was ſtill more confirmed in the reſolution of ſupporting him, by ſome advantages gained by the King of Spain. The duke of Mercoeur, governor of Britanny, a prince of the houſe of Lorraine, had declared for the League; and finding himſelf hard preſ⯑ſed by Henry's forces, he had been obliged, in order to his ſecurity, to introduce ſome Spaniſh troops into the ſea-port towns of that province. Elizabeth was [651] alarmed with the danger; and foreſaw, that the Spaniards, beſides infeſting the Engliſh commerce by privateers, might employ theſe harbours as the ſeat of their naval preparations, and might more eaſily, from that near neighbourhood, than from Spain or Portugal, project an invaſion of England. She concluded, there⯑fore, a new treaty with Henry, in which ſhe engaged to ſend over three thouſand men, to be employed in the reduction of Britanny, and ſtipulated, that her charges ſhould, in a twelve month, or ſo ſoon as the enemy was expelled, be refunded her^*. Theſe forces were commanded by Sir John Norris; and under him by his brother Henry, and by Anthony Shirley. Sir Roger Williams was at the head of a ſmall body which garriſoned Dieppe: And a ſquadron of ſhips, under the command of Sir Henry Palmer, lay upon the coaſt of France, and intercept⯑ed all the veſſels belonging to the Spaniards or the Leaguers.

THE events of war can very little be regulated before hand by any treaty or agreement; and Henry, who found it requiſite to lay aſide the projected enter⯑prize againſt Britanny, perſuaded the Engliſh commanders to join his army, and to take a ſhare in the war which he carried on in Picardy^†. Notwithſtand⯑ing the diſguſt which Elizabeth received from this diſappointment, he laid before her a plan for expelling the Leaguers from Normandy, and perſuaded her to ſend over a new body of four thouſand men, to aſſiſt him in that enterprize. The earl of Eſſex was appointed general of theſe forces; a young nobleman, who, by many exterior accompliſhments, and ſtill more real merit, was daily advanc⯑ing in favour with Elizabeth, and ſeemed to occupy that place in her affections which Leiceſter, who was now deceaſed, had ſo long enjoyed. Eſſex, impatient for military fame, was extremely uneaſy to lie ſome time at Dieppe unemployed; and had not the orders which he received from his miſtreſs been ſo poſitive, he would gladly have accepted of Henry's invitation, and have marched to join the French army now in Champagne. This plan of operations was alſo propoſed to Elizabeth, by the French ambaſſador; but ſhe rejected it with great diſpleaſure; and ſhe threatned immediately to recall her troops, if Henry ſhould perſevere any longer in his preſent practice, of breaking all concert with her, and attending to nothing but his own intereſts^‡. Urged by theſe motives, the French King, at laſt, led his army into Normandy, and laid ſiege to Roüen, which he reduced to great difficulties. But the League, who were unable of themſelves to take the field againſt him, had again recourſe to the duke of Parma, who received orders to march to their aſſiſtance. He executed this enterprize with his uſual ability [652] year 1592 and ſucceſs; and, for the preſent, fruſtrated all the projects of Henry and Eliza⯑beth. This princeſs, who kept ſtill in view the intereſts of her own kingdoms in all her foreign tranſactions, was impatient under theſe diſappointments, blam⯑ed Henry for his negligence in the execution of treaties, and complained, that the Engliſh forces were thruſt forward in every hazardous enterprize^‡. It is probable, however, that their own ardent courage, and their deſire of diſtin⯑guiſhing themſelves in ſo celebrated a theatre for war, were the cauſe why they ſo often enjoyed this perilous honour.

NOTWITHSTANDING the indifferent ſucceſs of former enterprizes, the Queen was ſenſible how neceſſary it was to ſupport Henry againſt the League and the Spaniards; and ſhe formed a new treaty with him, in which they agreed, never to make peace with Philip, but by common conſent; ſhe promiſed to ſend him a new ſupply of four thouſand men; and he ſtipulated to repay her charges in a twelvemonth, to employ theſe forces, joined to a body of French troops, in an expedition againſt Britanny, and to conſign into her hands a ſea-port town of that province, for a retreat to the Engliſh^*. Henry knew the impoſſibility of execut⯑ing ſome of theſe articles, and the imprudence of fulfilling others; but finding them rigidly inſiſted on by Elizabeth, he accepted of her ſuccours, and truſted that he might eaſily, under ſome pretence, be able to excuſe his failure in the exe⯑cution of his part of the treaty. This campaign was the leaſt ſucceſsful to Henry of all thoſe which he had yet carried on againſt the League:

Naval enter⯑prizes againſt Spain. DURING theſe military operations in France, Elizabeth employed her naval power againſt Spain, and endeavoured to intercept the Weſt-Indian treaſures, the ſource of that greatneſs which rendered Philip ſo formidable to all his neighbours. She ſent a ſquadron of ſeven ſhips, under the command of lord Thomas How⯑ard, for this ſervice; but the King of Spain, informed of her purpoſe, fitted out a navy of fifty-five ſail, and diſpatched them to eſcort the Indian fleet. They fell in with the Engliſh ſquadron; and by the courageous obſtinacy of Sir Richard Greenville, the vice-admiral, who refuſed to make ſail with the reſt of the ſqua⯑dron, they took one ſhip, the firſt Engliſh man of war which had yet fallen into the hands of the Spaniards^†. The reſt of the ſquadron returned ſafely into [653] England, fruſtrated of their expectations, but pleaſing themſelves with the idea that their attempt had not been altogether fruitleſs in hurting the enemy. The Indian fleet had been ſo long detained in the Havanna, from the fear of the Eng⯑liſh, that they were obliged at laſt to ſet ſail in an improper ſeaſon, and moſt of them periſhed by ſhipwreck ere they reached the Spaniſh harbours^‡. The earl of Cumberland made a like unſucceſsful enterprize againſt the Spaniſh trade. He carried out one ſhip of the Queen's, and ſeven others, equipped at his own ex⯑pence; but the prizes which he made, did not compenſate him for the charge^‖.

THE ſpirit of theſe expenſive and hazardous adventures was very prevalent in England. Sir Walter Raleigh, who had enjoyed great favour with the Queen, finding his intereſt to decline, reſolved to recover her good graces by ſome im⯑portant undertaking; and as his reputation was high in England, he perſuad⯑ed great numbers to engage with him as volunteers, in an attempt on the Weſt-Indies. The fleet was detained ſo long in the Channel, by contrary winds, that the ſeaſon was loſt: Raleigh was recalled by the Queen: Sir Martin Forbiſher ſucceeded to the command, and made a privateering voyage againſt the Spaniards. He took a rich Carrack near the iſland of Flores, and deſtroyed another^*. About the ſame time, Thomas White, a Londoner, took two Spaniſh ſhips, which, beſides fourteen hundred cheſts of quickſilver, contained above two millions of bulls for indulgences; a commodity uſeleſs to the Engliſh, but which had coſt the King of Spain three hundred thouſand florins, and would have been ſold by him in the Indies for five millions.

[654] year 1593 THIS war did great damage to Spain; but it was attended with conſiderable expence to England, and Elizabeth's miniſters computed, that, ſince the com⯑mencement of it, ſhe had expended in Flanders and France, and on her naval expeditions, above one million two hundred thouſand pounds^*; a charge which, notwithſtanding her extreme frugality, was too burthenſome for her narrow reve⯑nues to bear. 19 February. A Parliament She ſummoned, therefore, a Parliament, in order to obtain ſup⯑ply: But ſhe either thought her authority ſo eſtabliſhed, that ſhe needed to make them no conceſſions in return, or ſhe rated her power and prerogative above mo⯑ney: For there was never any Parliament whom ſhe treated in ſo haughty a man⯑ner, whom ſhe made more ſenſible of their own weakneſs, or whoſe privileges ſhe more undervalued. When the ſpeaker, Sir Edward Coke, made the three uſual demands, of freedom from arreſts, of acceſs to her perſon, and of liberty of ſpeech; ſhe replied to him, by the mouth of Puckering, lord-keeper, that liberty of ſpeech was granted the commons, but they muſt know what liberty they were entitled to; not a liberty for every one to ſpeak what he liſteth, or what cometh in his brain to utter; their privilege extended no farther than a liberty of Aye or No: That ſhe enjoined the ſpeaker, if he perceived any idle heads ſo negligent of their own ſafety, as to attempt reforming the church, or innovating in the commonwealth, that he ſhould refuſe any bills exhibited to that purpoſe, till they were examined by ſuch as were fitter to conſider of theſe things, and could better judge of them: That ſhe would not impeach the free⯑dom of their perſons; but they muſt beware, leſt, under colour of this privilege, they imagined, that any neglect of their duty could be covered or protected: And that ſhe would not refuſe them acceſs to her perſon; provided it was upon urgent and weighty cauſes, and at times convenient, and when ſhe might have lei⯑ſure from other important cauſes of the realm^†.

NOTWITHSTANDING the menacing and contemptuous air of this ſpeech, the intrepid and indefatigable Peter Wentworth, not diſcouraged by his former ill ſucceſs, ventured to tranſgreſs the imperial orders of Elizabeth. He preſented to the lord keeper a petition, in which he deſired the upper houſe to join the lower in a ſupplication to her majeſty, for entailing the ſucceſſion of the crown; and declared, that he had a bill ready prepared for that purpoſe. This method of proceeding was ſufficiently reſpectful and cautious; but the ſubject was always ex⯑tremely diſagreeable to the Queen, and what ſhe had expreſsly prohibited any one to meddle with: She ſent Wentworth immediately to the Tower; committed Sir Thomas Bromley, who had ſeconded him, to the Fleet priſon, together with Ste⯑vens, [655] and Welſh, two members, to whom Sir Thomas had communicated his intention^‡ About a fortnight after, a motion was made in the houſe, to peti⯑tion the Queen, for the releaſe of theſe members; but it was anſwered by all the privy counſellors there preſent, that her majeſty had committed them for cauſes beſt known to herſelf, and that to preſs her on that head would only tend to the prejudice of the gentlemen whom they meant to ſerve: She would releaſe them whenever ſhe thought proper, and would be better pleaſed to do it of her own proper motion, than from their ſuggeſtion^‖. The houſe willingly acquieſced in this reaſoning.

SO arbitrary an act, at the commencement of the ſeſſion, might well repreſs all farther attempts for freedom: But the religious zeal of the puritans was not ſo eaſily reſtrained; and it inſpired a courage which no human motive was able to ſurmount. Morrice, attorney of the court of wards, made a motion for re⯑dreſſing the abuſes in the biſhops' courts, but above all, in the high commiſſion; where ſubſcriptions, he ſaid, were exacted to articles at the pleaſure of the pre⯑lates; where oaths were impoſed, obliging perſons to anſwer to all queſtions with⯑out diſtinction, even tho' they ſhould tend to their own condemnation; and where every one who refuſed entire ſatisfaction to the commiſſioners, was impri⯑ſoned, without relief or remedy^*. This motion was ſeconded by ſome mem⯑bers; but the miniſters and privy counſellors oppoſed it; and foretold the con⯑ſequences which enſued. The Queen ſent for the ſpeaker; and after requiring him to deliver Morrice's bill to her, ſhe told him, that it was in her power to call Parliaments, in her power to diſſolve them, in her power to give aſſent or diſſent to any determination which they ſhould form: That her purpoſe in ſummoning thi▪ Parliament was twofold, to have laws enacted for the farther enforcement of uniformity in religion, and to provide for the defence of the nation, againſt the exorbitant power of Spain: That theſe two points ought, therefore, to be the object of their deliberation: She had enjoin d them already, by the mouth of the lord keeper, to meddle neither with matters of ſtate nor of religion; and ſhe wondered how any one could be ſo aſſuming, as to attempt a ſubject ſo ex⯑preſsly contrary to her prohibition: That ſhe was highly offended with this pre⯑ſumption; and took th [...] preſent opportunity to reiterate the commands given by the keeper, and to require, that to bill, regarding other ſtate [...], or re⯑formation in cauſes eccleſiaſtical, be exhibited in the houſe: And that in parti⯑cular ſhe charged the ſpeaker upon his allegiance, that if any ſuch bills were of⯑fered, ab olutely to refuſe them a r a [...]ing, and not ſo much as per [...] them to be [656] debated by the members^*. This command from the Queen was ſubmitted to, without farther queſtion. Morrice was ſeized in the houſe by a ſerjeant at arms, diſcharged from his office of chancellor of the dutchy, diſabled from any practice in his profeſſion as a common lawyer, and kept for ſome years priſoner in Tilbury caſtle^†.

THE Queen having thus expreſsly pointed out, both what the houſe ſhould and ſhould not do, the commons were as obſequious to the one as to the other of her injunctions. They paſſed a very ſevere law againſt recuſants; ſuch a law as was ſuited to the perſecuting ſpirit of Elizabeth, and of that age. It was intitled, An act to retain her majeſty's ſubjects in their due obedience; and was meant, as the preamble declares, to obviate ſuch inconveniencies and perils as might grow from the wicked practices of ſeditious ſectaries and diſloyal perſons: For theſe two ſpecies of criminals were always, at that time, confounded together, as equally dangerous to the peace of ſociety. It was enacted, that any perſon, above ſix⯑teen years of age, who obſtinately refuſed, during the ſpace of a month, to at⯑tend the public worſhip, ſhould be committed to priſon; that, if after being condemned for this offence, he perſiſt three months in his refuſal, he muſt abjure the realm; and that if he either refuſe this condition, or return after baniſhment, he is to ſuffer capitally as a felon, without benefit of clergy^‡. This law bore equally hard upon the puritans as upon the catholics; and had it not been im⯑poſed by the Queen's authority, was probably, in that reſpect, very much con⯑trary to the private ſentiments and inclinations of the majority in the houſe of commons. Very little oppoſition, however, appears there to have been openly made to it^‖.

THE expences of the war with Spain having reduced the Queen to great ne⯑ceſſity of a ſupply, the grant of ſubſidies ſeems to have been the moſt important buſineſs of this Parliament; and it was a ſingular mark of the high ſpirit of Eli⯑beth, that, while conſcious of a preſent dependance on the commons, ſhe opened the ſeſſion with the moſt haughty treatment of them, and covered her weakneſs under ſuch a lofty appearance of ſuperiority. The commons readily voted two ſubſidies and four fifteenths; but this ſum not appearing ſufficient to the court, a very unuſual expedient was fallen upon to induce them to make an enlargement in [657] their conceſſion. The peers informed the commons in a conference, that they could not give their aſſent to the ſupply voted, thinking it too ſmall for the Queen's occaſions: They therefore propoſed a grant of three ſubſidies and ſix fifteenths, and deſired a conference, in order to perſuade the commons to agree to this meaſure. The commons, who had acquired the privilege of beginning all bills of ſubſidy, took offence at this procedure of the lords, and at firſt abſo⯑lutely rejected the conference: But being afraid, on reflection, that they had, by this refuſal, given offence to their ſuperiors, they both agreed to the confe⯑rence, and afterwards voted the additional ſubſidy^*.

THE Queen, notwithſtanding this unuſual conceſſion of the commons, ended the ſeſſion with a ſpeech, containing ſome reprimands to them, and full of the ſame high pretenſions, which ſhe had aſſumed at the opening of the Parliament. She took notice, by the mouth of the keeper, that ſome members ſpent more time than was requiſite, by indulging themſelves in harangues and reaſonings: And ſhe expreſſed her diſpleaſure on account of their not paying the due reve⯑rence to privy counſellors, ‘"who," ſhe told them, "were not to be accounted as common knights and burgeſſes of the houſe, who are counſellors but during the Parliament: Whereas, the others are ſtanding counſellors, and for their wiſdom and great ſervice are called to the council of the ſtate^†."’ The Queen alſo, in her own perſon, made the Parliament a ſpirited harangue; in which ſhe ſpoke of the juſtice and moderation of her government, expreſſed the ſmall am⯑bition ſhe had ever entertained of making conqueſts, diſplayed the juſt grounds of her quarrel with the King of Spain, and diſcovered how little ſhe apprehended the power of that monarch, even tho' he ſhould make a greater effort than that of his Invincible Armada. ‘"But I am informed," added ſhe, "that when he attempted this laſt invaſion, ſome upon the ſea-coaſts forſook their towns, ſled up higher into the country, and left all naked and expoſed to his entrance But I ſwear unto you, by God, if I knew thoſe perſons, or may know of any that ſhall do ſo hereafter, I will make them feel what it is to be ſo fearful in ſo urgent a cauſe^‡."’ By this menace, ſhe probably gave the people to un⯑derſtand that ſhe would exerciſe martial law upon ſuch cowards: For there was no ſtatute by which a man could be puniſhed for changing his habitation.

THE King of France, tho' he had hitherto made war on the league with great bravery and reputation, tho' he had this campaign gained conſiderable advan⯑tages over them, and tho' he was aſſiſted by a conſiderable body of Engliſh un⯑der [658] Norris, who carried hoſtilities into the heart of Britanny; was become ſenſible, that he never could, by force of arms alone, render himſelf maſter of his king⯑dom. The nearer his military ſucceſſes ſeemed to approach him to a full poſ⯑ſeſſion of the throne, the more diſcontent and jealouſy aroſe among thoſe Ro⯑maniſts who adhered to him; and a party was formed in his own court to elect ſome catholic monarch of the royal blood, if he refuſed any longer to ſatisfy them by declaring his converſion. This excellent prince was far from being a bigot to his ſect; and as he eſteemed theſe theological diſputes to be entirely ſub⯑ordinate to the public good, he had tacitly determined, from the beginning, to come, ſome time or other, to the reſolution required of him. He had found, on the death of his predeceſſor, that the hugonots, who formed the braveſt and moſt faithful part of his army, were ſuch determined zealots, that, if he had, at that time, abjured their faith, they would inſtantly have abandoned him to the pre⯑tenſions and uſurpations of the catholics. The more bigoted catholics, he knew, particularly thoſe of the League, had entertained ſuch an unſurmountable preju⯑dice againſt his perſon, and diffidence of his ſincerity, that even his converſion would not reconcile them to his title; and he muſt either expect to be entirely excluded the throne, or to be admitted to it on ſuch terms as would leave him little more than the mere ſhadow of royalty. In this delicate ſituation he had re⯑ſolved to temporize; to retain the hugonots by continuing the profeſſion of their religion; to gain the moderate catholics by giving them hopes of his converſion; to attach both to his perſon by conduct and ſucceſs; and he hoped, either that the animoſity of war againſt the League would make them drop gradually the queſtion of religion, or that he might, in time, after ſome victories over his enemies and ſome conferences with divines, make finally, with more decency and dignity, that abjuration, which muſt have appeared, at firſt, both mean and ſuſ⯑picious to both parties.

Henry IV. embraces the catholic reli⯑gion. WHEN the people are attached to any theological tenets, merely from a general perſuaſion or prepoſſeſſion, they are eaſily induced, by any motive or authority, to change their faith in theſe myſterious ſubjects; as appears from the example of the Engliſh, who, during ſome reigns, generally embraced, without ſcruple, the ſtill varying religion of their ſovereigns. But a nation, like the French, where principles had ſo long been diſplayed as the badges of faction, and where each party had fortified its belief by an animoſity againſt the other, were not found ſo pliable or inconſtant; and Henry was at laſt convinced, that the ca⯑tholics of his party would entirely abandon him, if he gave them not immediate ſatisfaction in this particular. The hugonots alſo, taught by experience, clearly ſaw, that his deſertion of them was become entirely neceſſary for the public [659] ſettlement; and ſo general was this perſuaſion among them, that, the duke of Sully pretends, even the divines of that party purpoſely allowed themſelves to be overcome in the diſputes and conferences; that the King might more readily be convinced of the weakneſs of their cauſe, and might more cordially and ſincerely, at leaſt more decently, embrace the religion, which it was ſo much his intereſt to believe. If this ſelf-denial, in ſo tender a point, ſhould appear in⯑credible and ſupernatural in theologians, it will, at leaſt, be thought very natural, that a prince, ſo little inſtructed in theſe points as Henry, and ſo deſirous to preſerve his ſincerity, ſhould inſenſibly bend his opinion to the neceſſity of his affairs, and ſhould believe that party to have the beſt arguments, who could alone put him in poſſeſſion of a kingdom. All circumſtances, therefore, being prepared for this great event, that monarch renounced the proteſtant religion, and was ſo⯑lemnly received by the French prelates of his party, into the boſom of the church.

ELIZABETH, who was, herſelf, chiefly attached to the proteſtants, by her in⯑tereſts and the circumſtances of her birth, and who ſeems to have entertained ſome propenſity, during her whole life, to the catholic ſuperſtition, at leaſt, to the antient ceremonies, yet pretended to be extremely diſpleaſed with this abjuration of Henry, and ſhe wrote him a very angry letter, reproaching him with this intereſted change of his religion. Senſible, however, that the League and the King of Spain were ſtill their common enemies, ſhe hearkened to his apologies; continued her ſuccours both of men and money; and formed a new league, in which they mutually ſtipulated never to make peace but by common agree⯑ment.

Scotch affairs. THE intrigues of Spain were not limited to France and England: The never failing pretence of religion, joined to the influence of money, excited new diſ⯑orders in Scotland, and gave freſh alarms to Elizabeth. George Ker, brother to the lord Newbottle, had been taken, while he was making his paſſage ſecretly into Spain; and ſome papers were found about him, by which a dangerous con⯑ſpiracy of ſome catholic noblemen with Philip was diſcovered. The earls of Angus, Errol, and Huntley, the heads of three potent families, had entered into a confederacy with the Spaniſh monarch; and had ſtipulated to raiſe all their forces, to join with thirty thouſand Spaniſh troops, which Philip engaged to ſend into Scotland; and after re-eſtabliſhing the catholic religion in that kingdom, to march with their united power, in order to effectuate the ſame purpoſe in Eng⯑land^*. Graham of Fintry, who had alſo entered into this conſpiracy, was taken and arraigned, and executed. Elizabeth ſent lord Borough ambaſſador into Scotland, and exhorted the King to exerciſe the ſame ſeverity on the three earls, [660] to forfeit their eſtates, and by annexing them to the crown, both increaſe his own demeſns, and ſet an example to all his ſubjects of the dangers attending treaſon and rebellion. This advice was certainly very rational, but not eaſy to be executed by the ſmall revenue and limited authority of James. He deſired, therefore, ſome ſupply from her of men and money; but tho' ſhe had reaſon to eſteem the proſecution of the three popiſh earls a common cauſe, he never could obtain the leaſt aſſiſtance from her. The tenth part of the expence, which ſhe be⯑ſtowed in ſupporting the French King and the States, would have ſufficed to exe⯑cute this purpoſe, more immediately eſſential to her ſecurity^†: But ſhe ſeems ever to have borne ſome degree of malignity to James, whom ſhe hated, both as her heir, and as the ſon of Mary, her hated rival and competitor. So far from giving him aſſiſtance to proſecute the catholic conſpirators, ſhe rather con⯑tributed to his inquietude, by countenancing the turbulent diſpoſition of the earl of Bothwel^‡, a nobleman deſcended from a natural ſon of James the fifth. Bothwel more than once attempted to render himſelf maſter of the King's per⯑ſon; and being expelled the kingdom for theſe traiterous deſigns, he took ſhelter in England, was ſecretly protected by the Queen, and lurked near the borders, where his power lay, with a view of ſtill enterprizing ſome new violence. He ſucceeded at laſt in an attempt on the King; and by the mediation of the Engliſh ambaſſador, impoſed very diſhonourable terms upon that prince: But James, with the authority of the convention of ſtates, annulled this agreement as im⯑poſed by violence; again expelled Bothwel the country; and obliged him to take ſhelter in England. Elizabeth, pretending ignorance of the place of his retreat, never executed the treaties, by which ſhe was obliged to deliver up all rebels and fugitives to the King of Scotland. During theſe diſorders, encreaſed by the refractory diſpoſition of the eccleſiaſtics, the proſecution of the catholic earls remained in ſuſpence; but at laſt the Parliament paſſed an act of attainder againſt them, and the King prepared himſelf to execute it by force of arms. The noblemen, tho' they obtained a victory over the earl of Argyle, who acted by the King's commiſſion, found themſelves hard preſſed by James himſelf, and agreed, on certain terms, to leave the kingdom. Bothwel, being detected in a confederacy with them, forfeited the favour of Elizabeth, and was obliged to take ſhelter, firſt in France, then in Italy, where he died, ſome years after, in great poverty.

THE eſtabliſhed authority of the Queen ſecured her from all ſuch attempts as James was expoſed to from the mutinous diſpoſition of his ſubjects; and her ene⯑mies [661] found no other means of giving her any domeſtic diſturbance than by ſuch traiterous and perfidious machinations, as ended in their own diſgrace, and in the ruin of their criminal inſtruments. Roderigo Lopez, a Jew, domeſtic phy⯑ſician to the Queen, being impriſoned on ſuſpicion, confeſſed, that he had received a bribe to poiſon her from Fuentes and Ibarra, who had ſucceeded Parma, lately deceaſed, in the government of the Netherlands; but he maintained, that he had no other intention than to cheat Philip of his money, and never meant to fulfil his promiſe. He was, however, executed for the conſpiracy; and the Queen complained to Philip of theſe diſhonourable attempts of his miniſters, but could obtain no ſatisfaction^*. York and Williams, two Engliſh traitors, were afterwards executed for a like conſpiracy with Ibarra^†.

INSTEAD of revenging herſelf, by retaliating in this ſhameful manner, Eliza⯑beth ſought a more honourable vengeance, by ſupporting the King of France, and aſſiſting him in finally breaking the force of the League, which, after the con⯑verſion of that monarch, went daily to decay, and was threatened with ſpeedy ruin and diſſolution. Norris commanded the Engliſh forces in Britanny, and aſ⯑ſiſted at the taking of Morlaix, Quimpercorentin, and Breſt, towns guarded by Spaniſh forces in that province. In every action, the Engliſh, tho' they had ſo long enjoyed domeſtic peace, diſcovered a ſtrong military diſpoſition; and the Queen, tho' herſelf a heroine, found more frequent occaſion to reprove her ge⯑nerals for encouraging their temerity, than for countenancing their fear or cau⯑tion^‡. Sir Martin Forbiſher, her brave admiral, periſhed with many others, be⯑fore Breſt. Morlaix had been promiſed the Engliſh for a place of retreat; but the duke d'Aumont, the French general, eluded this promiſe by making it be inſerted in the capitulation, that none but catholics ſhould be admitted into that city.

year 1595 NEXT campaign, the French King, who had long carried on hoſtilities with Philip, was at laſt provoked, by the taking of Chatelet and Dourlens, and the attack of Cambray, to declare war againſt that monarch. Elizabeth, being threatened with a new invaſion in England, and with an inſurrection in Ireland, recalled moſt of her forces, and ſent Norris to command in this latter kingdom. Finding alſo, that the French league was almoſt entirely diſſolved, and that the moſt conſiderable leaders had made an accommodation with their prince, ſhe thought that he could well ſupport himſelf by his own force and valour, and [662] ſhe began to be more ſparing in his cauſe, of the blood and treaſure of her ſubjects.

SOME diſguſts, which ſhe had received from the ſtates, joined to the remon⯑ſtrances of her frugal miniſter, Burleigh, made her alſo inclined to diminiſh her charges on that ſide; and ſhe even demanded, by her ambaſſador, Sir Thomas Bodley, to be reimburſed of all the money, which ſhe had expended in ſupport⯑ing them. The ſtates, beſides alledging the conditions of the former treaty, by which they were not obliged to repay her, till the concluſion of a peace, pleaded their preſent poverty and diſtreſs, the great ſuperiority of the Spaniards, and the difficulty of ſupporting the war; much more, of ſaving money to diſcharge their incumbrances. After much negotiation, a new treaty was at laſt formed; by which the ſtates were bound to free the Queen immediately from the charge of the Engliſh auxiliaries, computed at forty thouſand pounds a year, to pay her annu⯑ally twenty thouſand pounds for ſome years, to aſſiſt her with a certain number of ſhips, and to conclude no peace nor treaty without her conſent. They alſo bound themſelves, on the concluſion of the peace with Spain, to pay her annu⯑ally the ſum of an hundred thouſand pounds for four years; but on this condi⯑tion, that the payment ſhould be in lieu of all debts, and that they ſhould be ſupplied, at their own charges, with a body of four thouſand auxiliaries from England^*.

year 1596 THE Queen ſtill retained in her hands the cautionary towns, which were a great check on the riſing power of the ſtates; and ſhe committed the important charge of Fluſhing to Sir Francis Vere, a brave officer, who had been mu [...]h diſtinguiſhed by his valour in the Low Countries. She gave this gentleman the preference to Eſſex, who expected ſo honourable a command; and tho' that earl was daily riſing both in reputation with the people, and favour with herſelf, the Queen, who was commonly reſerved in the advancement of her courtiers, thought proper, on this occaſion, to give him a refuſal. Sir Thomas Baſkerville was ſent over to France at the head of twenty thouſand Engliſh, with which Elizabeth, by a new treaty, concluded with Henry, bound herſelf to ſupply that prince. Some ſtipulations for mutual aſſiſtance were formed by the treaty; and all the former engagements were renewed.

year 1597 THIS body of Engliſh troops were maintained at the expence of the French King; yet did Henry eſteem this ſupply of conſiderable advantage, on account of the great reputation acquired by the Engliſh, in ſo many fortunate enter⯑prizes, [663] undertaken againſt the common enemy. In the great battle of Turn⯑hoult, gained this campaign by prince Maurice, the Engliſh auxiliaries under Sir Francis Vere and Sir Robert Sidney had extremely diſtinguiſhed themſelves; and the fortunate ſucceſs of that day was univerſally aſcribed to their diſcipline and valour.

Naval enter⯑prizes. THO' Elizabeth, at a great expence of blood and treaſure, made war againſt Philip in France and the Low Countries, the moſt ſevere blows, which ſhe gave the Spaniſh greatneſs, were owing to thoſe naval enterprizes, which either ſhe or her ſubjects ſcarce ever intermitted during one ſeaſon. In 1594, Richard Haw⯑kins, ſon to Sir John, the famous navigator, procured the Queen's commiſſion, and ſailed with three ſhips to the South Sea by the ſtraits of Magellan: But his voyage proved unfortunate, and he himſelf was taken priſoner on the coaſt of Chili. James Lancaſter was fitted out the ſame year with three ſhips and a pin⯑nace by the merchants of London; and was more fortunate in his adventures. He took thirty-nine ſhips of the enemy; and not contented with this ſucceſs, he made an attempt on Fernambouc in Brazil, where, he knew, great treaſures were at that time lodged. As he approached the land, he ſaw it lined with great numbers of the enemy; but no-wiſe daunted with this appearance, he placed the ſtouteſt of his men in boats, and ordered them to row with ſuch violence againſt the ſhore as to ſplit them in pieces. By this bold action, he both deprived his men of all hopes of returning but by victory, and terrified the enemy, who fled after a ſhort reſiſtance. He returned home ſafely with the treaſure, which he had ſo bravely acquired. In 1595, Sir Walter Raleigh, who had anew for⯑feited the Queen's friendſhip by an intrigue with one of the maids of honour, and who had been confined in priſon for this miſdemeanor, no ſooner recovered his liberty than he was puſhed by his active and enterprizing genius to attempt ſome great action. The ſucceſs of the firſt Spaniſh adventurers againſt Mexico and Peru had begot an extreme avidity in Europe; and a prepoſſeſſion univer⯑ſally took place, that in the inland parts of South America, called Guiana, a country as yet undiſcovered, there were mines and treaſures and riches far beyond any thing which Cortes or Pizarro had yet met with. Raleigh, whoſe turn of mind was ſomewhat romantic and extravagant, undertook at his own charge the diſcovery of this wonderful country. Having taken the ſmall tower of St. Joſeph in the iſle of Trinidado, where he found no riches, he left his ſhip, and ſailed up the river Oroonoko in pinnaces, but without meeting with any thing to anſwer his expectations. On his return, he publiſhed an account of this country, full of the greateſt and moſt palpable lies, that were ever attempted to be impoſed on the credulity of mankind^*.

[664] year 1596 THE ſame year, Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Hawkins undertook a more important expedition againſt the Spaniſh ſettlements in America; and they car⯑ried with them ſix ſhips of the Queen's and twenty more, which they had either fitted out at their own charges, or which were furniſhed them by private adven⯑turers. Sir Thomas Baſkerville was appointed commander of the land forces, which they carried on board with them. Their firſt deſign was to attempt Porto Rico, where, they knew, a rich carrack was at that time ſtationed; but as they had not preſerved the requiſite ſecrecy, a pinnace, having ſtrayed from the fleet, was taken by the Spaniards, and betrayed the intentions of the Engliſh. Preparations were made in that iſland to receive them; and the Engliſh fleet, notwithſtanding the brave aſſault, which they made on the enemy, was repulſed with loſs. Hawkins ſoon after died; and Drake purſued his courſe to Nombre di Dios, on the iſthmus of Darien; where, having landed his men, he attempted to paſs forward to Panama, with a view of plundering that place, or, if he found ſuch a ſcheme practicable, of keeping and fortifying it. But he met not with the ſame facility, which had attended his firſt enterprizes on theſe parts. The Spaniards, taught by experience, had every where fortified the paſſes, and had ſtationed troops in the woods; which ſo infeſted the Engliſh by continual alarms and ſkirmiſhes, that they were obliged to return, without being able to effectuate any thing. Drake himſelf, from the intemperance of the climates, from the fatigues of his journey, and from the vexation of his diſappointment, was ſeized with a diſtemper, of which he ſoon after died. Sir Thomas Baſkerville took the command of the fleet, which was in a very weak condition; and after having ſought a battle near Cuba with a Spaniſh fleet, of which the event was not deciſive, he returned to England. The Spaniards ſuffered ſome loſs from this enterprize; but the Engliſh reaped no profit^*.

THE bad ſucceſs of this enterprize in the Indies made the Engliſh rather at⯑tempt the Spaniſh dominions in Europe, where, they heard, Philip was making great preparations for a new invaſion of England. A powerful fleet was equipped at Plymouth conſiſting of an hundred and ſeventy veſſels, ſeventeen of which were capital ſhips of war; the reſt tenders and ſmall veſſels: Twenty ſhips were added by the Hollanders. In this fleet there were computed to be ſix thouſand three hundred and ſixty ſoldiers, a thouſand volunteers, and ſix thouſand ſeven hundred and ſeventy-two ſeamen, beſide the Dutch. The land forces were com⯑manded by the earl of Eſſex. The navy by lord Effingham, high admiral. Both theſe commanders had expended great ſums of their own in this armament: For ſuch was the ſpirit of Elizabeth's reign. The lord Thomas Howard, Sir [665] year 1597 Walter Raleigh, Sir Francis Vere, Sir George Carew, and Sir Coniers Clifford had commands in this expedition, and were named as a council to the general and admiral^*.

THE fleet ſet ſail on the firſt of June 1596; and meeting with a fair wind, bent their courſe to Cadiz, at which place, by ſealed orders delivered to all the captains, the general rendeſvous was appointed. They ſent before them ſome armed tenders, which intercepted every ſhip, that could carry intelligence to the enemy; and they themſelves were ſo fortunate when they came near Cadiz, as to take an Iriſh veſſel, by which they learned, that that port was full of merchant ſhips of great value, and that the Spaniards lived in perfect ſecurity, without any ap⯑prehenſions of an enemy. This intelligence much encouraged the Engliſh fleet, and gave them the proſpect of a fortunate iſſue to the enterprize.

AFTER a fruitleſs attempt to land at St. Sebaſtians on the weſtern ſide of the iſland of Cadiz; it was, upon deliberation, reſolved by the council of war to attack the ſhips and gallies in the bay. This attempt was eſteemed very raſh; and the lord admiral himſelf, who was cautious in his temper, had entertained great ſcruples with regard to it: But Eſſex ſtrenuouſly urged the enterprize; and when he found the reſolution at laſt taken, he threw his hat into the ſea, and gave ſymp'oms of the moſt extravagant joy. He felt, however, a great morti⯑fication, when Effingham informed him, that the Queen, who was anxious for his ſafety, and who dreaded the effects of his youthful ardour, had ſecretly given orders, that he ſhould not be permitted to command the van in the attack^†. That duty was performed by Sir Walter Raleigh and the lord Thomas Howard; but Eſſex no ſooner came within reach of the enemy, than he forgot the pro⯑miſe which the admiral had exacted of him to keep in the midſt of the fleet: He broke thro' and preſſed forward into the thickeſt of the fire. Emulation for glory, avidity of plunder, animoſity againſt the Spaniards, proved incentives to every one; and the enemy were ſoon obliged to looſe anchor, and retreat farther into the bay, where they ran many of their ſhips aground. Eſſex then landed his men at the fort of Puntal; and immediately marched to the attack of Cadiz, which the impetuous valour of the Engliſh ſoon carried ſword in hand. The generoſity of Eſſex, which was not inferior to his valour, made him ſoon ſtop the ſlaughter, and treat his priſoners with the greateſt humani y, and even aſſability and kindneſs. The Engliſh made a rich plunder in the [...] but miſſed of a much richer by the reſolution, which the duke of M [...]ina, the Spaniſh admiral took, of ſetting fire to the ſhips, in order to prevent their [...] [666] into the hands of the enemy. It was computed, that the loſs, which the Spaniards ſuffered in this enterprize, amounted to twenty millions of ducats^*; beſides the indignity, which that proud and ambitious people received, from the taking one of their chief cities, and deſtroying in their harbour a fleet of ſuch force and value.

ESSEX, all on fire for glory, regarded this great ſucceſs only as a ſtep to fu⯑ture atchievements: He inſiſted on the keeping poſſeſſion of Cadiz, and he under⯑took with four hundred men and three months proviſions, to defend the place till ſuccours ſhould arrive from England. But all the other ſeamen and ſoldiers were ſatisfied with the glory which they had acquired; and were impatient to return home, in order to ſecure their plunder. Every other propoſal of Eſſex to annoy the enemy, met with a like reception; his ſcheme for intercepting the carracks at the Azores, for aſſaulting the Groyne, for taking St. Andero, and St. Sebaſtian: And the Engliſh, finding ſo great difficulty to drag this impatient warrior from the enemy, at laſt left him on the Spaniſh coaſt, attended with very few ſhips. He complained much to the Queen, of their want of ſpirit in this en⯑terprize; nor was ſhe ſatisfied, that they had returned without attempting to in⯑tercept the Indian fleet^†; but the great ſucceſs in the enterprize on Cadiz, had covered all their miſcarriages: And that princeſs, tho' ſhe admired the lofty ge⯑nius of Eſſex, could not forbear expreſſing an eſteem for the other officers^‡. The admiral was created earl of Nottingham; and this promotion gave great diſguſt to Eſſex^‖. In the preamble of the patent it was ſaid, that the new dig⯑nity was conferred on him, on account of his good ſervices in taking Cadiz, and deſtroying the Spaniſh ſhips; a merit which Eſſex pretended to belong ſolely to himſelf: And he offered to maintain this plea by ſingle combat againſt the earl of Nottingham, or his ſons, or any of his kindred.

THE atchievements in the ſubſequent year proved not ſo fortunate; but, as the Indian fleet very narrowly eſcaped the Engliſh, Philip had ſtill reaſon to ſee the great hazard and diſadvantage of that war in which he was engaged, and the ſu⯑periority which the Engliſh, by their naval power, and their ſituation, had ac⯑quired over him. The Queen, having received intelligence, that the Spaniards, tho' their fleets were ſo much ſhattered and deſtroyed, by the expedition at Cadiz, were preparing a ſquadron at Ferrol and the Groyne, and were marching troops thither, with a view of making an invaſion on Ireland, was reſolved to prevent their enterprize, and to deſtroy the ſhipping in theſe harbours. She prepared a [667] large fleet of a hundred and twenty ſail, of which ſeventeen were her own ſhips, forty-three were ſmaller veſſels, and the reſt tenders and victuallers: She em⯑barked on board this fleet five thouſand new-levied ſoldiers, and added a thouſand veteran troops, whom Sir Francis Vere brought from the Netherlands. The earl of Eſſex, commander in chief, both of the land and ſea forces, was at the head of one ſquadron: Lord Thomas Howard was appointed vice-admiral of another; Sir Walter Raleigh of the third: Lord Mountjoy commanded the land forces under Eſſex: Vere was appointed marſhal: Sir George Carew lieutenant of the ordnance, and Sir Chriſtopher Blount firſt colonel. The earls of Rut⯑land and Southampton, the lords Grey, Cromwel, and Rich, with ſeveral other perſons of diſtinction, attended as volunteers. Eſſex declared his reſolution, ei⯑ther to deſtroy this new Armada, which threatned England, or to periſh in the attempt.

9th July. THIS powerful fleet ſet ſail from Plymouth; but were no ſooner out of the har⯑bour than they met with a furious ſtorm, which ſhattered and diſperſed them; and before they could be refitted, Eſſex found, that their proviſions were ſo far ſpent, that it would not be ſafe to carry ſo numerous an army along with him. He diſmiſſed, therefore, all the ſoldiers, except the thouſand veterans under Vere; and laying aſide all thoughts of attacking Ferrol or the Groyne, he confined the object of his expedition to the intercepting the Indian fleet; which had at firſt been conſidered only as the ſecond enterprize which he was to attempt.

THE Indian fleet, at that time, by reaſon of the imperfection of navigation, had a ſtated courſe, as well as ſeaſon, both in their going out and in their return; and there were certain iſlands, at which, as at fixed ſtages, they always touched, and where they took in water and proviſions. The Azores, being one of theſe places where, about this time, the fleet was expected, Eſſex bent his courſe thi⯑ther; and he informed Raleigh, that he, on his arrival, intended to attack Fayal, one of theſe iſlands. By ſome accident the ſquadrons were ſeparated; and Ra⯑leigh arriving firſt before Fayal, thought it more prudent, after waiting ſome time for the general, to begin the attack alone, leſt the inhabitants ſhould, by farther delay, have leizure to make greater preparations for their deſence. He ſucceeded in the enterprize; but Eſſex, jealous of Raleigh, expreſſed great diſpleaſure at this conduct, and conſtrued it as an intention of robbing the general of the glory which attended that action: He caſhiered, therefore, Sydney, Bret, Berry, and others, who had concuried in the attempt; and would have proceeded to the ſame extremity againſt Raleigh himſelf, had not lord Thomas Howard interpoſed with his good offices, and perſuaded Raleigh, tho' very high-ſpirited, to make [668] ſubmiſſions to the general. Eſſex, who was placable, as well as haſty and paſſi⯑onate, was ſoon appeaſed, and both received Raleigh into favour, and reſtored the other officers to their command^*. This incident, however, tho' the quarrel was ſeemingly accommodated, laid the firſt foundation of that violent animoſity which afterwards took place between theſe two gallant commanders.

ESSEX made next a diſpoſition proper for intercepting the Indian galleons; and Sir William Monſon, whoſe ſtation was the moſt remote of the fleet, having fallen in with them, made the ſignals which had been agreed on. That able offi⯑cer here aſcribes Eſſex's failure of ſucceſs, when he was ſo near attaining ſo migh⯑ty an advantage, to his want of experience in ſeamanſhip; and the account which he gives of the errors committed by that nobleman, appears very reaſonable as well as candid^†. The Spaniſh fleet, finding that their enemy was upon them, made all the ſail poſſible to the Terceras, and got into the ſafe and well fortified harbour of Angra, before the Engliſh fleet could overtake them. Eſſex inter⯑cepted only three ſhips; which, however, were ſo rich as to pay all the charges of the expedition.

THE cauſes of this miſcarriage of Eſſex's enterprize, were much canvaſſed in England, upon the return of the fleet; and tho' the courtiers took party differ⯑ently, as they affected either Eſſex or Raleigh, the people, in general, who bore an extreme affection to the gallantry, ſpirit, and generoſity of the former, were inclined to juſtify every circumſtance of his conduct. The Queen, who loved the one as much as ſhe eſteemed the other, maintained a kind of neutrality, and endeavoured to ſhare her favours with an impartial hand between the parties. Sir Robert Cecil, ſecond ſon to lord Burleigh, was a courtier of very promiſing hopes, much connected with Raleigh; and ſhe made him ſecretary of ſtate, in⯑ſtead of Sir Thomas Bodley, whom Eſſex recommended for that office. But not to diſguſt Eſſex by this preference, ſhe promoted him to the dignity of earl mar⯑ſhal of England, an office which had been vacant ever ſince the death of the earl of Shrewſbury. Eſſex might perceive from this conduct, that ſhe never in⯑tended to give him the entire aſcendant over his rivals, and might learn thence the neceſſity of moderation and caution. But his temper was too high for ſub⯑miſſion; his behaviour too open and candid to practice the arts of a court; and his free ſallies, while they rendered him only more amiable in the eyes of good judges, gave his enemies many advantages againſt him.

24th October. THE war with Spain, tho' ſucceſsful, having exhauſted the Queen's treaſure, ſhe was obliged to aſſemble a Parliament; where Yelverton, a lawyer, was choſen [669] ſpeaker by the houſe of commons^*. Elizabeth took care, by the mouth of Sir Thomas Egerton, lord keeper, to inform this aſſembly of the neceſſity of a ſup⯑ply. She ſaid, that the wars formerly waged in Europe, had commonly been con⯑ducted by the parties without farther view than to gain a few towns, or at moſt a province, from each other; but the object of the preſent hoſtilities, on the part of Spain, was no other than utterly to bereave England of her religion, her li⯑berty, and her independance: That theſe bleſſings, however, ſhe had hitherto been enabled to preſerve, in ſpite of the devil, the pope, and the Spaniſh tyrant, and all the miſchievous deſigns of all her enemies: That in this conteſt ſhe had diſburſed a ſum treble to all the parliamentary ſupplies granted her; and beſides expending her ordinary revenues, had been obliged to ſell many of the crown lands: And that ſhe could not doubt, but her ſubjects, in a cauſe where their own honour and intereſt were ſo deeply concerned, would willingly contribute to ſuch moderate taxations as would be found requiſite for their common defence^†. The commons granted her three ſubſidies and ſix fifteenths; the ſame ſupply which had been given four years before, but which had then appeared ſo unuſual, that they had voted it ſhould never afterwards be regarded as a precedent.

THE commons, this ſeſſion, ventured to engage in two controverſies about forms with the houſe of peers; a prelude to thoſe encroachments which, as they aſſumed more courage, they afterwards made upon the prerogatives of the crown. They complained, that the lords failed in civility to them, by receiving their [670] meſſages ſitting with their hats on; and that the keeper returned an anſwer in the ſame negligent poſture: But the upper houſe proved, to their full ſatisfaction, that they were not intitled by cuſtom, and the uſage of Parliament, to any more reſpect^†. Some amendments had been made by the lords, on a bill ſent up by the commons; and theſe amendments were wrote on parchment, and returned with the bill to the commons. The lower houſe took umbrage at the novelty: They pretended, that theſe amendments ought to have been wrote on paper, not on parchment; and they complained of this innovation to the peers. The peers replied, that they expected not ſuch a frivolous objection from the gravity of the houſe; and that it was not material, whether the amendments were wrote on parchment or on paper, nor whether the paper was white, black, or brown. The commons were offended with this reply, which ſeemed to contain a mocquery of them; and they complained of it, tho' without obtaining any ſatisfaction^‡.

AN application was made, by way of petition, to the Queen, from the lower houſe, againſt monopolies; an abuſe which had riſen to an enormous height; and they received a gracious, tho' a general anſwer; for which they returned their thankful acknowlegements^‖. But not to give them too great encouragement in ſuch applications, ſhe told them, in the ſpeech which ſhe delivered at their diſſo⯑lution, ‘"That with regard to theſe patents, ſhe hoped, that her dutiful and loving ſubjects would not take away her prerogative, which is the chief flower in her garden, and the principal and head pearl in her crown and diadem; but that they would rather leave theſe matters to her diſpoſal^†."’ The commons alſo took notice this ſeſſion, of ſome tranſactions in the court of high commiſſion; but not till they had previouſly received permiſſion from her majeſty to that purpoſe^§.

year 1598 ELIZABETH had reaſon to ſoreſee, that parliamentary ſupplies would now be⯑come more neceſſary to her than ever; and that the chief burthen of the war with Spain would thenceforth lie on England. Henry had received an overture for a peace with Philip; but before he would proceed to a negociation, he gave intelligence of it to his allies, the Queen and the States; that, if poſſible, a pa⯑cification might be made by common conſent and agreement. Theſe two powers ſent ambaſſadors to France, in order to remonſtrate againſt peace with Spain; the Queen, Sir Robert Cecil, and Henry Herbert; the States, Juſtin Naſſau, and John Barnevelt. Henry ſaid to theſe miniſters, that his moſt early education [671] had been amidſt war and danger, and he had paſſed the whole courſe of his life either in arms or in military preparations: That after the proofs which he had given of his alacrity in the field, no one could doubt, but he would willingly, for his part, have continued in a courſe of life, to which he was now habi⯑tuated, till the common enemy was reduced to ſuch a condition as no longer to give umbrage either to him or to his allies: That no private intereſt of his own, not even that of his people, nothing but the moſt inevitable neceſſity, could ever induce him to think of a ſeparate peace with Philip, or make him embrace meaſures which were not entirely formed with the approbation of all his confede⯑rates: That his kingdom, torne with the convulſions and civil wars of near half a century, required ſome interval of repoſe, ere it could reach a condition in which it might ſuſtain itſelf, much more ſupport its allies: That after the minds of his ſubjects were compoſed to tranquillity and accuſtomed to obedience, after his finances were brought into order, and after agriculture and the arts were re⯑ſtored, France, inſtead of being a burthen, as at preſent, to her confederates, would be able to lend them effectual ſuccours, and amply to repay them all the aſſiſtance which ſhe had received during her calamities: And that if the ambi⯑tion of Spain would not at preſent grant them ſuch terms as they ſhould think reaſonable, he hoped, that, in a little time, he ſhould attain ſuch a ſituation as would enable him to mediate more effectually, and with more deciſive autho⯑rity, in their behalf.

THE ambaſſadors were ſenſible, that theſe reaſons were not feigned; and they therefore remonſtrated with the leſs vehemence againſt the meaſures which, they ſaw, Henry was determined to purſue. The States knew, that that monarch was intereſted never to permit their final ruin; and having received private aſſur⯑ances, that he would ſtill, notwithſtanding the peace, give them aſſiſtance, both of men and money, they were well pleaſed to remain on terms of amity with him. His greateſt concern was to give ſatisfaction to Elizabeth for this breach of treaty. He had a cordial eſteem for that princeſs▪ a ſympathy of manners, and a gratitude for the extradinary favours which he had received from her, during his greateſt difficulties: And he uſed every expedient to apologize and atone for that meaſure, which neceſſity extorted from him. Peace of Vervins. But as Spain refuſed to treat with the Dutch as a free ſtate, and Elizabeth would not negociate without her ally, Henry found himſelf obliged to conclude, at Vervins, a ſeparate peace, by which he recovered poſſeſſion of all the places ſeized by Spain during the courſe of the civil wars, and procured himſelf leizure to attend to the domeſtic ſettle⯑ment of his kingdom. His capacity for the arts of peace were not inferior to his military talents; and, in a little time, by his frugality, order, and wiſe go⯑vernment, [672] he raiſed France, from the deſolation and miſery in which ſhe was at preſent involved, to a more flouriſhing condition than ſhe had ever before en⯑joyed.

THE Queen knew, that it would be alſo in her power, whenever ſhe pleaſed, to conclude the war on equitable terms, and that Philip, having no pretenſions upon her, would be glad to free himſelf from an enemy who had foiled him in every conteſt, and who had it ſtill ſo much in her power to make him feel the weight of her arms. Some of her wiſeſt counſellors, particularly the lord treaſurer, adviſed her to embrace pacific meaſures; and ſet before her the advantages of tranquil⯑lity, ſecurity, and frugality, as more conſiderable than any ſucceſs which could attend the greateſt victories. But that high-ſpirited princeſs, tho' ſhe was at firſt averſe to the war, ſeemed now to have attained ſuch an aſcendant over the enemy, that ſhe was unwilling to ſtop the courſe of her proſperous fortune. She conſi⯑dered, that her ſituation, and her paſt victories, had given her entire ſecurity againſt any dangerous invaſion; and the war muſt henceforth be conducted by ſudden enterprizes, and naval expeditions, in which ſhe poſſeſſed an undoubted ſuperiority: That the weak condition of Philip in the Indies opened to her the view of the moſt deſirable advantages; and the yearly return of his treaſure by ſea, afforded a continual proſpect of important, tho' more temporary, ſuc⯑ceſſes: That, after his peace with France, if ſhe alſo ſhould conſent to an ac⯑commodation, he would be able to turn all his force againſt the revolted pro⯑vinces of the Netherlands, which, tho' they had ſurprizingly increaſed their pow⯑er by commerce and good government, were ſtill unable, if not ſupported by their confederates, to maintain the war againſt ſo mighty a monarchy: And that as her defence of that commonwealth was the original ground of the quarrel, it was unſafe, as well as diſhonourable, to abandon their cauſe, till ſhe had placed them in a ſtate of greater ſecurity.

THESE reaſons were frequently inculcated on her by the earl of Eſſex, whoſe paſſion for glory, as well as his military talents, made him earneſtly deſire the continuance of that war from which he expected to reap ſo much advantage and diſtinction. The rivalſhip between this nobleman and lord Burleigh, made each of them inſiſt the more ſtrenuouſly on his own councils; The earl of [...]. and as Eſſex's perſon was agreeable to the Queen, as well as his advice conformable to her inclinations, the favourite ſeemed daily to acquire an aſcendant over the miniſter. Had he been endowed with caution and ſelf-command, equal to his ſhining qualities, he would have ſo riveted himſelf in the Queen's conſidence, that none of his enemies had ever been able to impeach his credit: But his lofty ſpirit could ill ſubmit to that implicit deference which her temper required, and which ſhe had ever been ac⯑cuſtomed [673] to receive from all her ſubjects. Being once engaged in a diſpute with her, about the choice of a governor for Ireland, he was ſo heated in the argu⯑ment, that he entirely forgot the rules both of duty and civility; and turned his back upon her in a contemptuous manner. Her anger, which was naturally prompt and violent, roſe at this provocation; and ſhe inſtantly gave him a box in the ear; adding a paſſionate expreſſion, ſuited to his impertinence. Inſtead of recollecting himſelf, and making the ſubmiſſions due to her ſex and ſtation, he clapped his hand on his ſword, and ſwore he would not bear ſuch uſage, were it from Henry the eighth himſelf; and, in a great paſſion, he immediately with⯑drew from court. Egerton, the chancellor, who loved Eſſex, exhorted him to repair his indiſcretion by proper acknowlegements; and entreated him not to give that triumph to his enemies, that affliction to his friends, as muſt enſue by his ſupporting a conteſt with his ſovereign, and deſerting the ſervice of his country: But Eſſex was deeply ſtung with the diſhonour which he had received; and ſeem⯑ed to think, that an inſult which might be pardoned a woman, was become a mortal affront when it came from his ſovereign. ‘"If the vileſt of all indignities," ſaid he, "is done me, does religion enforce me to ſue for pardon? Doth God require it? Is it impiety not to do it? Why? Cannot princes err? Cannot ſubjects receive wrong? Is an earthly power infinite? Pardon me, my lord, I can never ſubſcribe to theſe principles. Let Solomon's fool laugh when he is ſtricken; let thoſe that mean to make their profit of princes, ſhew no ſenſe of princes' injuries: Let them acknowlege an infinite abſoluteneſs on earth, that do not believe an abſolute Infiniteneſs in heaven." (alluding, proba⯑bly, to the character and conduct of S [...]r Walter Raleigh, who lay under the ge⯑neral reproach of impiety) "As for me," continued he, "I have received wrong, I feel it: My cauſe is good, I know it; and whatſoever happens, all the powers on earth can never exert more ſtrength and conſtancy in oppreſſing, than I can ſhew in ſuffering every thing that can or ſhall be impoſed upon me. Your lordſhip, in the beginning of your letter, makes me a player, and your⯑ſelf a looker on: And me a player of my own game, ſo you may ſee more than I: But give me leave to tell you, that ſince you do but ſee and I do ſuf⯑fer, I muſt of neceſſity feel more than you^*."’

[674] THIS ſpirited letter was ſhown by Eſſex to his friends; and they were ſo im⯑prudent as to diſperſe copies of it: Yet notwithſtanding this additional provoca⯑tion, [675] the Queen's partiality was ſo prevalent, that ſhe reinſtated him in his for⯑mer favour; and her kindneſs towards him, appeared rather to have acquired new force from that ſhort interruption of anger and reſentment. 4 Auguſt. The death of lord Burleigh, his antagoniſt, which happened about this time, ſeemed to enſure him a conſtant poſſeſſion of the Queen's confidence; and nothing indeed but his own indiſcretion could thenceforth have ſhaken his well eſtabliſhed credit. Lord Burleigh died in an advanced age; and, by a rare fortune, was equally regretted by his ſovereign and the people. He had riſen gradually, from ſmall beginnings, by the mere force of merit; and tho' his authority was never entirely abſolute or uncontrouled with the Queen, he was ſtill, during a courſe of near forty years, regarded as her principal miniſter. None of her other inclinations or af⯑fections could ever overcome her confidence in ſo uſeful a counſellor; and as he had had the generoſity or good ſenſe to pay aſſiduous court to her, during her ſiſter's reign, when it was dangerous to appear her friend, ſhe thought herſelf bound in gratitude, when ſhe mounted the throne, to perſevere in her attach⯑ments to him. He ſeems not to have poſſeſſed any ſhining talents of addreſs, eloquence, or imagination; and was chiefly diſtinguiſhed by ſolidity of under⯑ſtanding, probity of manners, and indefatigable application in buſineſs: Virtues, which, if they do not always enable a man to riſe to high ſtations, do certainly qualify him beſt for filling them. Of all the Queen's miniſters he was the only one who left a conſiderable fortune to his poſterity; a fortune not acquired by ra⯑pine or oppreſſion, but gained by the regular profits of his offices, and preſerved by frugality.

8 Auguſt. THE laſt act of this able miniſter was the concluding a new treaty with the Dutch; who, after being, in ſome meaſure, deſerted by the King of France, were glad to preſerve the Queen's alliance, by ſubmitting to any terms which ſhe pleaſed to require of them. The debt which they owed the Queen, was now fixed at eight hundred thouſand pounds: Of this ſum they agreed to pay, during the war, thirty thouſand pounds a year; and theſe payments were to continue till four hundred thouſand pounds of the debt ſhould be extinguiſhed. They engaged alſo, during the time that England ſhould continue the war with Spain, to pay the garriſon of the cautionary towns. They ſtipulated, that, if Spain ſhould invade England, or the iſle of Wight, or Jerſey or Scilly, they ſhould aſſiſt her with a body of five thouſand foot, and five hundred horſe; and that in caſe ſhe undertook any naval armament againſt Spain, they ſhould join an equal number of ſhips to hers^*. By this treaty the Queen was eaſed of an annual charge of an hundred and twenty thouſand pounds.

[676] SOON after the death of Burleigh, the Queen, who regreted extremely the loſs of ſo wiſe and faithful a miniſter, was informed of the death of her capital enemy, Philip the ſecond; who, after languiſhing under many infirmities, ex⯑pired in an advanced age at Madrid. This haughty prince, deſirous of an ac⯑commodation with his revolted ſubjects in the Netherlands, but diſdaining to make in his own name the conceſſions requiſite for that purpoſe, had transferred to his daughter, married to the archduke Albert, the property of the Low Coun⯑try provinces; but as it was not expected, that that princeſs could have any poſ⯑terity, and as the reverſion, in caſe of the failure of her iſſue, was ſtill▪reſerved to the crown of Spain, the States conſidered this deed only as the change of a name, and perſiſted with equal obſtinacy in their reſiſtance to the Spaniſh arms. The other ſtates alſo of Europe made no diſtinction between the courts of Bruſ⯑ſels and Madrid; and the ſecret oppoſition of France, as well as the avowed force of England, continued to operate againſt the progreſs of Albert, as it had done againſt that of Philip.

CHAP. VII.

year 1599 THO' the dominion of the Engliſh over Ireland, had been eſtabliſhed above four centuries, it may ſafely be affirmed, that their authority had hi⯑therto been little more than nominal. The Iriſh princes and nobles, di⯑vided among themſelves, readily paid the exterior marks of obeiſance to a power which they were not able to reſiſt; but, as no durable force was ever kept on foot to retain them to their duty, they relapſed ſtill into their former ſtate of indepen⯑dance. Too weak to introduce order and obedience among the rude inhabitants, the Engliſh authority was yet ſufficient to check the growth of any enterprizing genius among the natives: And, tho' it could beſtow no true form of civil govern⯑ment, [677] it was able to prevent the riſe of any ſuch form, from the internal com⯑bination or ſubjection of the Iriſh.

MOST of the Engliſh inſtitutions likewiſe, by which that iſland was governed, were to the laſt degree abſurd, and ſuch as no ſtate before had ever thought of, for the preſerving dominion over its conquered provinces.

THE Engliſh nation, all on fire for the project of ſubduing France, a project, whoſe ſucceſs was the moſt improbable, and would to them have proved the moſt pernicious; neglected all other enterprizes, to which their ſituation ſo ſtrongly in⯑vited them, and which, in time, would have brought them an acceſſion of riches, grandeur, and ſecurity. The ſmall army which they maintained in Ireland, they never ſupplied regularly with pay; and as no money could be levied from the iſland, which poſſeſſed none, they gave their ſoldiers the privilege of free quarter upon the natives. Rapine and inſolence inflamed the hatred, which prevailed be⯑tween the conquerors and the conquered: Want of ſecurity among the Iriſh, in⯑troducing deſpair, nouriſhed ſtill farther the ſloth, ſo natural to that uncultivated people.

BUT the Engliſh carried farther their ill-judged tyranny. Inſtead of inviting the Iriſh to adopt the more civilized cuſtoms of their conquerors, they even re⯑fuſed, tho' earneſtly ſollicited, to communicate to them the privilege of their laws, and every where marked them out as aliens and as enemies. Thrown out of the protection of juſtice, the natives could find ſecurity no where but in force; and flying the neighbourhood of cities, which they could not approach with ſafety, they ſheltered themſelves in their marſhes and foreſts from the inſolence of their inhuman maſters. Being treated like wild beaſts, they became ſuch; and join⯑ing the ardor of revenge to their yet untamed barbarity, they grew every day more intractable and dangerous.

AS the Engliſh princes eſteemed the conqueſt of the diſperſed Iriſh to be more the object of time and patience than the ſource of military glory, they willingly delegated that office to private adventurers, who inliſting ſoldiers at their own charge, conquered provinces of that iſland, which they converted to their own profit. Separate juriſdictions and principalities were eſtabliſhed by theſe lordly con⯑querors: The power of peace and war was aſſumed: Military law was exerciſed over the Iriſh, whom they ſubdued, and, by degrees, over the Engliſh, by whoſe aſſiſtance they conquered: And, after their dominion had once taken root, deem⯑ing the Engliſh inſtitutions leſs favourable to barbarous empire, they degenerated into mere Iriſh, and abandoned the garb, language, manners and laws of their native country.

[678] BY all this imprudent conduct of England, the natives of its dependant ſtate, remained ſtill in that abject condition, into which the northern and weſtern parts of Europe were ſunk, before they received civility and ſlavery from the refined policy and irreſiſtible bravery of Rome. Even at the end of the ſixteenth cen⯑tury, when every chriſtian nation was cultivating with ardour every civil art of life, that iſland, lying in a temperate climate, enjoying a fertile ſoil, acceſſible in its ſituation, poſſeſſed of innumerable harbours, was ſtill, notwithſtanding theſe ad⯑vantages, inhabited by a people, whoſe cuſtoms and manners approached nearer thoſe of ſavages than of barbarians.

AS the brutality and ignorance of the Iriſh was extreme, they were ſunk below the reach of that curioſity and love of novelty, by which every other people in Europe had been ſeized at the beginning of that century, and which had engaged them in innovations and religious diſputes, with which they were ſtill ſo violently agitated. The antient ſuperſtition, the practices and obſervances of their fathers, mingled and polluted with many wild opinions, ſtill maintained an unſhaken em⯑pire over them; and the example alone of the Engliſh was ſufficient to render the reformation odious to the prejudiced and diſcontented Iriſh. The old oppoſition of manners, laws, and intereſt, was now inflamed by religious antipathy; and the ſubduing and civilizing that country ſeemed to become every day more difficult and more impracticable.

THE animoſity againſt the Engliſh was carried ſo far by the Iriſh, that, in an inſurrection, raiſed by two ſons of the earl of Clanricard, they put to the ſword the whole inhabitants of the town of Athenry, tho' Iriſh; becauſe they began to conform themſelves to Engliſh cuſtoms and inſtitutions, and had embraced a more cultivated and civilized form of life, than had been practiſed by their bar⯑barous anceſtors^*.

THE uſual revenue of Ireland amounted only to ſix thouſand pounds a year^†: The Queen, tho' with much repining^‡, commonly added twenty thouſand more, which ſhe remitted from England: And with this ſmall revenue, a body of one thouſand men was ſupported, which, in extraordinary emergencies, was augmented to two thouſand^‖. No wonder, that a force, ſo diſproportioned to the occaſion, inſtead of ſubduing a mutinous kingdom, ſerved rather to pro⯑voke the natives, and to excite thoſe frequent inſurrections and rebellions, which ſtill farther inflamed the animoſity between the two nations, and encreaſed the barbarity and diſorders, to which the Iriſh were naturally ſubject.

[679] IN 1560, Shan O'Neale, or the great O'Neale, as the Iriſh called him, be⯑cauſe head of that potent clan, raiſed a rebellion in Ulſter; and after ſome ſkir⯑miſhes, was received into favour, upon his ſubmiſſion, and his promiſe of a more dutiful behaviour for the future^‖. This impunity tempted him to undertake a new inſurrection in 1567; but being puſhed by Sir Henry Sidney, lord deputy, he retreated into Clandeboy, and rather than ſubmit to the Engliſh, he put him⯑ſelf into the hands of ſome Scotch iſlanders, who commonly infeſted thoſe parts by their incurſions. The Scotch, who retained a quarrel againſt him on account of former injuries, violated the laws of hoſpitality, and murdered him in a feſti⯑val, to which they had invited him. He was a man equally noted for his pride, his violences, his debaucheries, and his hatred of the Engliſh nation. He is ſaid to have put ſome of his followers to death, becauſe they endeavoured to introduce the uſe of bread after the Engliſh faſhion^§. Tho' ſo violent an enemy to luxury, he was extremely addicted to riot; and was accuſtomed, after his intemperance had thrown him into a fever, to plunge his body into mire, that he might allay the flame, which he had raiſed by former exceſſes^{{inverted †}}. Such was the life led by this haughty barbarian, who ſcorned the title of earl of Tyrone, which Elizabeth in⯑tended to have reſtored to him, and who aſſumed the rank and appellation of King of Ulſter. He uſed alſo to ſay, that tho' the Queen was his ſovereign lady, he never made peace with her but at her ſeeking^¶.

SIR Henry Sidney was one of the wiſeſt and moſt active governors whom Ire⯑land had enjoyed for ſeveral reigns^*; and he poſſeſſed his authority eleven years; during which time, he ſtruggled with many difficulties, and made ſome progreſs in repreſſing thoſe diſorders, which had become inveterate among that people. The earl of Deſmond, in 1569, gave him diſturbance from the hereditary ani⯑moſity which prevailed between that nobleman and the earl of Ormond, who was deſcended from the only family, eſtabliſhed in Ireland, that had ever ſteddily maintained its loyalty to the Engliſh crown^†. The earl of Thomond, in 1570, attempted a rebellion in Connaught, but was obliged to fly into France, before his deſigns were ripe for execution. Stukeley, another fugitive, found ſuch credit with the pope, Gregory the 13th, that he flattered his holineſs with the proſpect of making his nephew, Buon Compagno, King of Ireland; and as it this pro⯑ject had already taken effect, he accepted the title of marqueſs of Leinſter from the new ſovereign^‡. He paſſed next into Spain; and after having received much encouragement and great rewards from Philip, who intended to make uſe of him as an inſtrument to diſturb Queen Elizabeth, he was found to poſſeſs [680] too little intereſt for executing thoſe high promiſes, which he had made to that monarch. He retired into Portugal; and following the fortunes of Don Sebaſtian, he periſhed with that gallant prince in his bold but fatal expedition againſt the Moors.

LORD Gray ſucceeded Sydney in the government of Ireland; and, in 1579, ſuppreſſed a new rebellion of the earl of Deſmond, tho' ſupported by a body of Spaniards and Italians. The rebellion of the Bourks followed a few years after⯑wards; occaſioned by the ſtrict and equitable adminiſtration of Sir Richard Bing⯑ham, governor of Connaught, who endeavoured to repreſs the tyranny of the chieftains over their vaſſals^*. The Queen, finding Ireland ſo burthenſome to her, tried ſeveral expedients for reducing it to a ſtate of greater order and ſub⯑miſſion. She encouraged the earl of Eſſex, father to that nobleman, who was afterwards her favourite, to attempt the ſubduing and planting Clandeboy, Ferny and other territories, part of ſome late forfeitures: But that enterprize proved unfortunate; and Eſſex died of a diſtemper, occaſioned, as is ſuppoſed, by the vexation, which he had conceived, from his diſappointments. An univerſity was founded in Dublin with a view of introducing arts and learning into that king⯑dom, and civilizing the uncultivated manners of the inhabitants^†. But the moſt unhappy expedient, employed in the government of Ireland, was that made uſe of in 1585 by Sir John Perrot, at that time lord deputy: He put arms into the hands of the Iriſh inhabitants of Ulſter, in order to enable them, without the aſſiſtance of the government, to repreſs the incurſions of the Scotch iſlanders, by which theſe parts were much infeſted^‡. At the ſame time, the invitations of Philip, joined to their zeal for the catholic religion, engaged many of the gentry to ſerve in the Low Country wars; and thus Ireland, being pro⯑vided both of officers and ſoldiers, of diſcipline and arms, became formidable to the Engliſh, and was able to maintain a more regular war againſt her an⯑tient maſters.

Tyrone's re⯑bellion. HUGH O'Neale, nephew to Shan O'Neale, had been raiſed by the Queen to the dignity of earl of Tyrone; but having murdered his couſin, ſon to that rebel, and being acknowledged head of his clan, he preferred the pride of barbarous li⯑cence and dominion, to the pleaſures of opulence and tranquillity, and fomented all thoſe diſorders, by which he hoped to weaken or overturn the Engliſh govern⯑ment. He was noted for the vices of perfidy and cruelty, ſo common among uncultivated nations; and was alſo eminent for courage, a virtue, which their diſorderly courſe of life requires, and which, notwithſtanding, being unſupported [681] by the principle of honour, is commonly more precarious among them, than among a civilized people. Tyrone, actuated by this ſpirit, ſecretly fomented the diſcontents of the Maguires, Odonnels, O'Rourks, Macmahons, and other rebels; yet truſting to the influence of his deceitful oaths and profeſſions, he put himſelf into the hands of Sir William Ruſſel, who, in the year 1594, was ſent over lord deputy into Ireland. Contrary to the advice and proteſtation of Sir Henry Bagnal, marſhal of the army, he was diſmiſſed; and returning to his own coun⯑try, he embraced the reſolution of raiſing an open rebellion, and of relying no longer on the lenity or inexperience of the Engliſh government. He entered into a correſpondence with Spain: He procured thence a ſupply of arms and ammunition: And having united all the Iriſh chieftains in a dependance upon him, he began to be regarded as a formidable enemy.

THE native Iriſh were ſo miſerably poor, that their country afforded few other commodities but cattle and oatmeal, which were eaſily deſtroyed or driven away on the approach of the enemy; and as Elizabeth was averſe to the expence requi⯑ſite for ſupporting her armies, the Engliſh found much difficulty in puſhing their advantages, and in purſuing the rebels into the bogs, woods, and other faſtneſſes, to which they retreated. Theſe motives made Sir John Norris, who commanded the Engliſh army, the more ready to hearken to any propoſals of accommodation made him by Tyrone; and after the war was ſpun out by theſe artifices for ſome years, that gallant Engliſhman, finding that he had been deceived by treacherous promiſes, and that he had performed nothing worthy of his antient reputation, was ſeized with a languiſhing diſtemper, and died of vexation and diſcontent. Sir Henry Bagnal, who ſucceeded him in the command, was ſtill more unfortunate. As he advanced to relieve the ſort of Black-water, beſieged by the rebels, he was ſurrounded in diſadvantageous ground; his ſoldiers, diſ⯑couraged by their powder's accidentally taking fire, were put to flight; and, tho' the purſuit was ſtopt by Montacute, who commanded the Engliſh horſe, fifteen hundred men, together with the general himſelf, were left dead upon the ſpot. This victory, ſo unuſual to the Iriſh, mightily raiſed their ſpirits, ſup⯑plied them with arms and ammunition, and exalted the reputation of Tyrone, who aſſumed the character of the deliverer of his country, and patron of Iriſh liberty^*.

THE Engliſh council were now ſenſible that the rebellion in Ireland was come to a dangerous head, and that the former temporizing arts, of granting truces and pacifications to the rebels, and of allowing them to purchaſe pardons by reſign⯑ing part of the plunder, acquired during their inſurrections, ſerved only to encou⯑rage [682] the ſpirit of mutiny and diſorder among them. It was therefore reſolved to puſh the war by vigorous meaſures; and the Queen caſt her eye on Charles Blount, lord Mountjoy, as a man, who, tho' hitherto leſs accuſtomed to arms than to books and literature, was endowed, ſhe thought, with talents equal to that undertaking. But the young earl of Eſſex, ambitious of glory, and deſirous of obtaining this government for himſelf, oppoſed the choice of Mount⯑joy; and repreſented the neceſſity of appointing, for that important employment, ſome perſon more experienced in war than this nobleman, more practiſed in buſi⯑neſs, and of higher quality and reputation. By this deſcription, he was under⯑ſtood to mean himſelf^†; and no ſooner was his deſire known, to be poſſeſſed of that government, than his enemies, even more zealouſly than his friends, con⯑ſpired to render his wiſhes effectual. Many of his friends thought, that he ne⯑ver ſhould conſent, except for a very ſhort time, to accept of employments which muſt remove him from court, and prevent him from cultivating that per⯑ſonal inclination, which the Queen ſo viſibly bore him^‡. His enemies hoped, that if, by his abſence, ſhe had once leizure to forget the charms of his perſon and converſation, his impatient and lofty demeanor would ſoon diſguſt a princeſs, who uſually exacted ſuch profound ſubmiſſion and implicit obedience from all her ſervants. Eſſex ſent over to Ireland. But Eſſex was incapable of entering into ſuch cautious views; and even Elizabeth, who was extremely deſirous of ſubdoing the Iriſh rebels, and who was much prepoſſeſſed in favour of Eſſex's genius, readily agreed to appoint him governor of Ireland, under the title of lord lieutenant. The more to en⯑courage him in his undertaking, ſhe granted him by his patent more extenſive authority than had ever before been conferred on any lieutenant; the power of carrying on or finiſhing the war as he pleaſed, of pardoning the rebels, and of filling all the moſt conſiderable employments of the kingdom^*. And to enſure him of ſucceſs, ſhe levied a numerous army of ſixteen thouſand foot and thir⯑teen hundred horſe, which ſhe afterwards augmented to twenty thouſand foot and two thouſand horſe: A force, which, it was apprehended, would be able, in one campaign, to overwhelm the rebels, and make an entire conqueſt of Ire⯑land. Nor did Eſſex's enemies, the earl of Nottingham, lord admiral, Sir Ro⯑bert Cecil, ſecretary, Sir Walter Raleigh, and lord Cobham, throw any obſtacles in the way of theſe preparations; but hoped, that the higher the Queen's ex⯑pectations were raiſed of ſucceſs, the more difficult it would be for the event to correſpond to them. In a like view, they rather ſeconded, than oppoſed, thoſe exalted encomiums, which Eſſex's numerous and ſanguine friends diſperſed, of [683] his high genius, of his elegant endowments, his heroic courage, his unbounded generoſity, and his noble birth; nor were they diſpleaſed to obſerve that paſ⯑ſionate fondneſs, which the people every where expreſſed for this nobleman. Theſe artful politicians had ſtudied his character; and finding, that his open and undaunted ſpirit, if taught temper and reſerve from oppoſition, muſt become in⯑vincible, they reſolved rather to give full breath to thoſe ſails, which were al⯑ready too much expanded, and to puſh him upon dangers, of which he ſeemed to make ſuch ſmall account^†. And the better to make advantage of his indiſ⯑cretions, ſpies were ſet upon all his actions and even expreſſions; and his vehe⯑ment ſpirit, which, while he was in the midſt of the court and environed by his rivals, was unacquainted with diſguiſe, could not fail, after he thought himſelf ſurrounded by none but friends, to give a pretence for malignant ſuſpicions and conſtructions.

Essex left London in the month of March, attended by the acclamations of the populace, and what did him more honour, accompanied by a numerous train of nobility and gentry, who, from affection to his perſon, had attached them⯑ſelves to all his fortunes, and propoſed to acquire fame and military experience under ſo renowned a commander. The firſt act of authority, which he exerciſed, after his arrival in Ireland, was an indiſcretion, but of the generous kind; and in both theſe reſpects, ſuitable to his character. He appointed his intimate friend, the earl of Southampton, general of the horſe; a nobleman, who had diſpleaſed the Queen by ſecretly marrying without her conſent, and whom ſhe had therefore enjoined Eſſex not to employ in any command under him. She no ſooner heard of this inſtance of diſobedience than ſhe reprimanded him, and ordered him to recal his commiſſion to Southampton. But Eſſex, who had imagined, that ſome reaſons, which he oppoſed to her firſt injunctions, had convinced her, had the imprudence to remonſtrate againſt theſe ſecond orders^*; and it was not till ſhe reiterated her commands, that he could be prevailed on to diſplace his friend.

His ill ſucceſs. ESSEX, on his landing at Dublin, had deliberated with the Iriſh council, con⯑cerning the proper methods of carrying on war againſt the rebels; and here he was guilty of a capital error, which was the ruin of his enterprize. He had al⯑ways, while in England, blamed the conduct of former commanders, who art⯑fully protracted the war, who harraſſed their troops in ſmall enterprizes, and who, by agreeing to truces and temporary pacifications with the rebels, had given them leizure to recruit their broken forces^‡. In conformity to theſe views, he [684] had ever inſiſted upon leading his forces immediately into Ulſter againſt Tyrone, the capital enemy; and his inſtructions had been drawn agreeable to theſe his de⯑clared intentions and reſolutions. But the Iriſh counſellors perſuaded him, that the ſeaſon was too early for the enterprize, and that as the moraſſes, in which the Iriſh uſually ſheltered themſelves, would not, as yet, be penetrable to the Engliſh forces, it would be better to employ the preſent time in an expedition into Mun⯑ſter. Their ſecret reaſon for this advice was, that many of them poſſeſſed eſtates in that province, and were deſirous to have the enemy diſlodged from their neigh⯑bourhood^*: But the ſame ſelfiſh ſpirit, which had induced them to give this council, made them ſoon after diſown it, when they found the bad conſequences with which it was attended^†.

ESSEX obliged all the rebels of Munſter either to ſubmit or to fly into the neighbouring provinces: But as the Iriſh, from the greatneſs of the Queen's preparations, had concluded, that ſhe intended to reduce them to total ſubjection, or even utterly to exterminate them, they conſidered their preſent defence as a common cauſe; and the Engliſh forces were no ſooner withdrawn, than the in⯑habitants of Munſter relapſed into rebellion, and renewed their confederacy with their other countrymen. The army, meanwhile, by the fatigue of long and te⯑dious marches, and by the influence of the climate, was become extreme ſickly; and on their return to Dublin, about the middle of July, were ſuprizingly di⯑miniſhed in number. Their courage was even much abated: For tho' they had prevailed in ſome leſſer enterprizes, as againſt the lord Cahir and others; yet had they ſometimes met with a more ſtout reſiſtance than they expected from the Iriſh, whom they were wont to deſpiſe; and as they were raw troops and unex⯑perienced, a conſiderable body of them had been put to flight at the Glins, by an inferior number of the enemy: Eſſex was ſo enraged at this miſbehaviour, that he caſhiered all the officers, and decimated the private men^‡. But this in⯑ſtance of ſeverity, tho' neceſſary, had intimidated the ſoldiers, and had encreaſed their averſion to the preſent ſervice.

THE Queen was extremely diſguſted, when ſhe heard, that ſo conſiderable a part of the ſeaſon was conſumed in theſe frivolous enterprizes; and was ſtill more ſurprized, that Eſſex perſevered in the ſame practice, which he had ſo much condemned in others, and which he knew to be ſo much contrary to her purpoſe and intention. That nobleman, in order to give his troops leizure to recruit from their ſickneſs and fatigue, marched with a ſmall body of fifteen hundred men into the county of Ophelie againſt the O'Connors and O'Mores, [685] whom he forced to a ſubmiſſion: But on his return to Dublin, he found the army ſo extremely diminiſhed, that he wrote to the Engliſh council an account of his condition, and informed them, that if he received not immediately a reinforcement of two thouſand men, it would be impoſſible for him this ſeaſon to attempt any thing againſt Tyrone. That there might be no pretence for farther inactivity, the Queen immediately ſent over the number demanded^*; and Eſſex began at laſt to aſſemble his forces for the expedition into Ulſter. The army was ſo ex⯑tremely averſe to this enterprize, and terrified with the reputation of Tyrone, that many of them counterfeited ſickneſs, many of them deſerted^†; and Eſſex found, that after leaving the neceſſary garriſons, he could ſcarce lead four thou⯑ſand men againſt the rebels. He marched, however, with this ſmall army; but was ſoon ſenſible, that, in ſo advanced a ſeaſon, it would be impoſſible for him to effectuate any thing againſt an enemy, who, tho' ſuperior in number, were determined to avoid every deciſive action. He hearkened, therefore, to a meſ⯑ſage ſent him by Tyrone, who deſired a conference; and a place, near the two camps, was accordingly appointed. The generals met without any of their at⯑tendants, and a river ran between them, into which Tyrone entered to the depth of his ſaddle: But Eſſex ſtood on the oppoſite bank. After half an hour's con⯑ference, where Tyrone behaved with great ſubmiſſion and reſpect to the lord lieutenant, a ceſſation of arms was concluded to the firſt of May, renewable from ſix weeks to ſix weeks; but which might be broke off by either party upon a fortnight's warning^‡. Eſſex alſo received from Tyrone propoſals for a peace, in which that rebel had inſerted many unreaſonable and exorbitant conditions: And there appeared afterwards ſome reaſon to ſuſpect, that he had here com⯑menced a very unjuſtifiable correſpondence with the enemy^‖.

SO unexpected an iſſue of an enterprize, the greateſt and moſt expenſive which Elizabeth had ever undertaken, provoked her extremely againſt Eſſex; and this diſguſt was much augmented by other circumſtances of that nobleman's con⯑duct. He wrote many letters to the Queen and council, full of peeviſh and impatient expreſſions; complaining of his enemies, lamenting that their calum⯑nies ſhould be believed againſt him, and diſcovering ſymptoms of a mind, equally haughty and diſcontented. She took care to inform him of her diſ⯑ſatisfaction; but commanded him to remain in Ireland till farther orders.

ESSEX heard at once of Elizabeth's anger, and of the promotion of his ene⯑my, Sir Robert Cecil, to the office of maſter of the wards, an office which he [686] himſelf aſpired to: And dreading, that, if he remained any longer abſent, the Queen would be totally alienated from him, he haſtily embraced a reſolution, which, he knew, had once ſucceeded with the earl of Leiceſter, the former fa⯑vourite of Elizabeth. Leiceſter being informed, while in the Low Countries, that his miſtreſs was extremely diſpleaſed with his conduct, diſobeyed her orders by coming over into England; and having pacified her by his preſence, by his apologies, and by his flattery and inſinuation, diſappointed all the expectations of his enemies^*. Returns to England. Eſſex, therefore, weighing more the ſimilarity of circum⯑ſtances than the difference of characters between himſelf and Leiceſter, immedi⯑ately ſet out for England; and making ſpeedy journeys, he arrived at court be⯑fore any one was in the leaſt apprized of his intentions^†. Tho' beſmeared with dirt and ſweat, he haſtened up ſtairs to the preſence chamber, thence to the privy chamber; nor ſtopped till he was in the Queen's bed chamber, who was newly riſen, and was ſitting with her hair about her face. He threw himſelf on his knees, kiſſed her hand, and had ſome private conference with her; where he was ſo graciouſly received, that on his departure he was heard to expreſs great ſatisfaction, and to thank God, that, tho' he had ſuffered much trouble and many ſtorms abroad, he found a ſweet calm at home^‡.

But this placability of Elizabeth was merely the reſult of her ſurprize, and of the momentary ſatisfaction, which ſhe felt on the ſudden and unexpected ap⯑pearance of her favourite: After ſhe had found leizure for recollection, all his faults recurred to her memory; and ſhe thought it neceſſary by ſome ſevere diſ⯑cipline, to ſubdue this haughty and imperious ſpirit, who, preſuming on her partiality and indulgence, had pretended to domineer in her councils, to engroſs all her favour, and to act in the moſt important affairs, without regard to her orders and inſtructions. Is diſgraced. When Eſſex waited on her in the afternoon, he found her extremely altered in her carriage towards him: She ordered him to be con⯑ſined to his chamber; to be twice examined by the council; and tho' his anſwers were calm and ſubmiſſive, ſhe committed him to the cuſtody of the lord keeper, Egerton, and held him ſequeſtered from all company, even from that of his counteſs, nor was ſo much as the intercourſe of letters permitted between them. Eſſex dropped many expreſſions of humiliation and ſorrow, none of reſentment: He proſeſſed an entire ſubmiſſion to the Queen's will: Declared his intention of retiring into the country, and of leading thenceforth a private life, remote from courts and buſineſs: But tho' he aſſected to be ſo entirely cured of his aſpiring [687] ambition, the vexation of this diſappointment, and of the triumph gained by his enemies, preyed upon his haughty ſpirit; and he ſell into a diſtemper, which ſeemed to put his life in hazard.

THE Queen had always declared to all the world, and even to the earl himſelf, that the purpoſe of her ſeverity was to correct, not to ruin him^*; and when ſhe heard of his condition, ſhe was not a little alarm d with the danger. She ordered eight phyſicians of the beſt reputation and experience to conſult of his caſe; and being informed, that the iſſue was much to be apprehended, ſhe ſent Dr. James to him with ſome broth, and deſired that phyſician to deliver him a meſſage, which ſhe probably deemed of ſtill greater virtue; that, if ſhe thought ſuch a ſtep con⯑ſiſtent with her honour, ſhe would herſelf pay him a viſit. The by ſtanders, who carefully obſerved her countenance, remarked, that in pronouncing theſe words, her eyes were ſuffuſed with tears^†.

WHEN theſe ſymptoms of the Queen's returning affection toward's Eſſex were known, they gave a ſenſible alarm to the faction which had declared their oppo⯑ſition to him. Sir Walter Raleigh, in particular, the moſt violent as well as the moſt ambitious of his enemies, was ſo affected with the appearance of that ſud⯑den revolution, that he was ſeized with ſickneſs in his turn, and the Queen was obliged to apply the ſame ſalve to his wound, and to ſend him a favourable meſſage, expreſſing her deſire of his recovery^‡.

year 1600 THE medicine which the Queen adminiſtered to theſe aſpiring rivals, was ſuc⯑ceſsful with both; and Eſſex, being now allowed the company of his counteſs, and having entertained more promiſing hopes of his future fortunes, was ſo much reſtored in his health, as to be thought paſt all danger. A belief was infuſed into into Elizabeth, that his diſtemper had been entirely counterſeit, in order to move her compaſſion^‖; and ſhe relapſed into her former rigour againſt him. He wrote her a letter, and ſent her a rich preſent on New-Year's day; as was uſual among the courtiers of that time: She read the letter, but rejected the preſent^†. After ſome interval, however, of ſeverity; ſhe allowed him to retire to his own houſe▪ And tho' he remained ſtill under cuſtody, and was ſequeſtered from all company, he was ſo grateful for this mark of lenity, that he ſent her a letter of thanks on the occaſion. ‘"This farther degree of goodneſs," ſaid he, "doth ſound in mine ears, as if your majeſty ſpake theſe words, Die not Eſſex; for tho' I punish thine offence, and humble thee for thy good, yet will I one day be ſerved again by [688] thee. My proſtrate ſoul makes this anſwer. I hope for that bleſſed day. And in expectation of it, all my afflictions of body or mind are humbly, patiently, and chearfully borne by me^*."’ The counteſs of Eſſex, daughter of Sir Fran⯑cis Walſingham, poſſeſſed, as well as her huſband, a very refined taſte in litera⯑ture; and the chief conſolation which Eſſex enjoyed, during this period of anxi⯑ety and expectation, conſiſted in her company, and in reading with her thoſe in⯑ſtructive and entertaining authors which, even during the time of his greateſt proſperity, he had never entirely neglected.

THERE were ſeveral incidents which kept alive the Queen's anger againſt Eſſex. Every account which ſhe received from Ireland, convinced her more and more of his miſconduct in that government, and of the inſignificant purpoſes to which he had employed ſo much force and treaſure. Tyrone, ſo far from being quelled, had thought proper, in leſs than three months, to break the truce, and joining with O Donel, and other rebels, had over-run almoſt the whole kingdom. He boaſted, that he was certain of receiving a ſupply of men, money, and arms from Spain: He pretended to be champion of the catholic religion: And he loudly exulted in the preſent of a phaenix plume, which the pope, Clement the eighth, in order to encourage him in the proſecution of ſo good a cauſe, had con⯑ſecrated, and had conferred upon him^†. The Queen, that ſhe might check his progreſs, returned to her former intention, of appointing Mountjoy lord-deputy; and tho' that nobleman, who was an intimate friend of Eſſex, and deſired his re⯑turn to the government of Ireland, did at firſt very earneſtly excuſe himſelf, on account of his bad ſtate of health, ſhe obliged him to accept of that employment. Mountjoy found the iſland almoſt in a deſperate ſituation; but being a man of capacity and vigour, he was ſo little diſcouraged, that he immediately advanced againſt Tyrone in Ulſter. He penetrated into the heart of that country, the chief ſeat of the rebels: He fortified Derry and Mount-Norris, in order to bridle the Iriſh: He chaced them from the field, and obliged them to take ſhelter in the woods and moraſſes: He employed, with equal ſucceſs, Sir George Carew in Munſter: And by theſe promiſing ſucceſſes, he gave new life to the Queen's au⯑thority in that country.

AS the compariſon of Mountjoy's adminiſtration with that of Eſſex, contri⯑buted to alienate her from her favourite, ſhe received additional diſguſt from the partiality of the people, who, prepoſſeſſed with an extravagant idea of Eſſex's merit, complained of the injuſtice which was done him, by his removal from court, and by his conſinement. Libels were ſecretly diſperſed againſt Cecil and [689] Raleigh, and all his enemies. And his popularity, which was always great, ſeemed rather to be increaſed than diminiſhed by his misfortunes. Elizabeth, in order to juſtify to the public her conduct with regard to him, had often taken the reſolution of having him tried in the ſtar-chamber, for his offences: But her tenderneſs for him prevailed at laſt over her ſeverity; and ſhe was contented to have him only examined by the privy-council. The attorney-general, Coke, opened the cauſe againſt him, and treated him with the cruelty and inſolence which that great lawyer uſually exerciſed againſt the unfortunate. He diſplayed, in the ſtrongeſt colours, all the faults committed by Eſſex in his adminiſtration of Ireland: His making Southampton general of the horſe, contrary to the Queen's injunctions; his deſerting the enterprize againſt Tyrone, and marching to Leinſter and Munſter; his conferring knighthood on too many perſons; his ſecret conference with Tyrone; and his ſudden return from Ireland, in contempt of her majeſty's commands. He alſo exaggerated the indignity of the conditions which Tyrone had been allowed to propoſe; odious and abominable conditions, ſaid he; a public toleration of an idolatrous religion, pardon for himſelf and every traitor in Ireland, and full reſtitution of lands and poſſeſſions to all of them^†. The ſollicitor-general, Fleming, inſiſted upon the wretched ſituation in which the earl had left that kingdom; and Francis Bacon, ſon to Sir Nicholas Bacon, who had been lord keeper in the beginning of the preſent reign, cloſed the charge with diſplaying the undutiful expreſſions contained in ſome letters wrote by the earl.

ESSEX, when his turn came to plead in his own behalf, renounced, with great ſubmiſſion and humility, all pretenſions to an apology^‡; and declared his reſo⯑lution never, on this or any other occaſion, to have any conteſt with his ſovereign. He ſaid, that having ſevered himſelf from the world, and abjured all ſentiments of ambition, he had no ſcruple to confeſs every failing or error into which his youth, folly, or manifold infirmities might have betrayed him; that his inward ſorrow for his offences againſt her majeſty was ſo profound, that it exceeded all his outward croſſes and afflictions, nor did he retain any ſcruple of ſubmitting to a public confeſſion of whatever ſhe had been pleaſed to impute to him; that in his acknowlegements he retained only one reſerve, which he never would relinquiſh but with his life, the aſſertion of a loyal and unpolluted heart, of an unfeigned af⯑fection, of an earneſt deſire ever to perform to her majeſty the beſt ſervice which his poor abilities would permit; and that if this ſentiment was recognized by the council, he willingly acquieſced in any condemnation or ſentence which [690] they could pronounce againſt him. This ſubmiſſion was uttered with ſo much eloquence, and in ſo pathetic a manner, that it drew tears from many of the ſpectators^‖. All the privy-counſellors, in giving their judgment, made no ſcru⯑ple of doing the earl juſtice, with regard to the loyalty of his intentions. Even Cecil, whom he believed his capital enemy, treated him with regard and hu⯑manity. And the ſentence given by the lord keeper, (to which the council aſ⯑ſented) was in theſe words. ‘"If this cauſe," ſaid he, "had been heard in the Star-chamber, my ſentence muſt have been for as great a fine as ever was ſet upon any man's head in that court, together with perpetual confinement in that priſon which belongeth to a man of his quality, the Tower. But ſince we are now in another place, and in a courſe of favour, my cenſure is, that the earl of Eſſex is not to execute the office of a counſellor, nor that of earl mar⯑ſhal of England, nor of maſter of the ordinance; and to return to his own houſe, there to continue a priſoner, till it ſhall pleaſe her majeſty to releaſe this and all the reſt of his ſentence^*."’ The earl of Cumberland made a ſlight oppoſition to this ſentence; and ſaid, that if he thought it would ſtand, he would have required a little longer time to deliberate, that he thought it ſomewhat ſe⯑vere, and that any commander in chief might eaſily incur a like penalty. But, however, added he, in confidence of her majeſty's mercy, I agree with the reſt. The earl of Worceſter delivered his opinion in a couple of Latin verſes, imply⯑ing, that, where the Gods are offended, even misfortunes ought to be imputed as crimes, and that accident is no excuſe for tranſgreſſions againſt the Divinity.

BACON, ſo much diſtinguiſhed afterwards by his high offices, and ſtill more by his profound genius for the ſciences, was nearly allied to the Cecil family, being nephew to lord Burleigh, and couſin-german to the ſecretary: But notwithſtand⯑ing his extraordinary talents, he had met with ſo little protection from his power⯑ful relations, that he had not yet obtained any preferment in the law, which was his profeſſion. But Eſſex, who could diſtinguiſh merit, and who paſſionately loved it, had entered into an intimate friendſhip with Bacon; had zealouſly at⯑tempted, tho' without ſucceſs, to procure him the office of Queen's ſollicitor; and in order to comfort his friend under the diſappointment, had conferred on him a preſent of land to the value of eighteen hundred pounds^†. The public could ill excuſe Bacon's appearance before the council, againſt ſo munificent a benefactor; tho' he acted in obedience to the Queen's orders: But ſhe was ſo well pleaſed with his behaviour, that ſhe impoſed on him a new taſk, of drawing [691] a narrative of that day's proceedings, in order to ſatisfy the nation of the juſtice and lenity of her conduct. Bacon, who wanted firmneſs of character, more than humanity, gave to the whole tranſaction the moſt favourable turn for Eſſex; and, in particular, painted out, in elaborate expreſſion, the dutiful ſub⯑miſſion which that nobleman diſcovered in the defence which he made for his con⯑duct. When he read the paper to her, ſhe ſmiled at that paſſage, and obſerved to Bacon, that old love, ſhe ſaw, could not eaſily be forgotten. He replied, that he hoped ſhe meant that o [...] herſelf^‡.

ALL the world, indeed expected, that Eſſex would ſoon be reinſtated in his former credit^‖: Perhaps, as is uſual in reconcilements founded on inclination, would acquire an additional aſcendant with the Queen, and after all his dilgraces, would again appear more a favourite than ever. They were confirmed in this hope, when they ſaw, that tho' he was ſtill prohibited to appear at court^*, he was continued in his office of maſter of horſe, and was reſtored to his liberty, and that all his friends had acceſs to him. Eſſex himſelf ſeemed determined to per⯑ſevere in that conduct which had hitherto been ſo ſucceſsful, and which the Queen, by all this diſcipline, had endeavoured to render habitual to him: He wrote to her, that he kiſſed her majeſty's hands, and the rod with which ſhe had corrected him; but that he could never recover his uſual chearfulneſs, till ſhe deigned to admit him to that preſence which had ever been the chief ſource of his happineſs and enjoyment: And that he had now reſolved to make amends for his paſt er⯑rors, to retire into a country ſolitude, and to ſay with Nebuchadnezzar, ‘"Let my dwelling be with the beaſts of the field; let me eat graſs as an ox, and be wet with the dew of heaven; till it ſhall pleaſe the Queen to reſtore me to my underſtanding."’ The Queen was much pleaſed with theſe ſentiments, and re⯑plied, that ſhe heartily wiſhed his actions might correſpond to his expreſſions; that he had tried her patience a long time, and it was but juſt ſhe ſhould now make ſome experiment of his ſubmiſſion; that her father would never have par⯑doned ſo much obſtinacy; but that, if the furnace of affliction produced ſuch good effects, ſhe ſhould ever after have the better opinion of her chemiſtry^†.

THE earl of Eſſex poſſeſſed a monopoly of ſweet wines; and as his patent was near expiring, he patiently expected that the Queen would renew it, and conſi⯑dered this event as the critical circumſtance of his life, which would determine whether he could ever hope to be reinſtated in credit and authority^**. But Eli⯑zabeth, tho' gracious in her demeanor, was of a temper ſomewhat haughty and [692] ſevere; and being continually ſurrounded with Eſſex's enemies, means were found to perſuade her, that his lofty ſpirit was not yet ſufficiently humbled, and that he muſt undergo this farther trial, before he could again be ſafely received into favour. She therefore refuſed his demand; and even added, in a contemptuous ſtile, that an ungovernable beaſt muſt be ſtinted in his provender^‖.

His intrigues. THIS rigour, puſhed one ſtep too far, proved the final ruin of this young no⯑bleman, and was the ſource of infinite ſorrow and vexation to the Queen herſelf. Eſſex, who had with great difficulty [...]o long ſubdued his proud ſpirit, and whoſe patience was now exhauſted, imagining that the Queen was entirely inexorable, burſt at once all reſtraints of ſubmiſſion and of prudence, and was determined to ſeek relief, by proceeding to the utmoſt extremities againſt his enemies. Even during his greateſt favour he had ever been accuſtomed to carry matters with a high hand againſt his ſovereign; and as this practice gratified his own temper, and was ſometimes ſucceſsful, he had imprudently imagined, that it was the only proper method of managing her^{{inverted †}}: But being now reduced to de⯑ſpair, he gave entire reins to his violent diſpoſition, and threw off all appear⯑ance of duty and reſpect. Intoxicated with the general favour which he al⯑ready poſſeſſed, he practiſed anew every art of popularity; and endeavoured to increaſe the general good-will by an hoſpitable manner of life, little ſuited to his ſituation and his circumſtances. His former employments had given him great connections with gentlemen of the military profeſſion; and he now entertained; by additional careſſes and civilities, a friendſhip with all deſperate adventurers▪ whoſe attachment, he hoped, might, in his preſent views, prove ſerviceable to him. He ſecretly courted the confidence of the catholics; but his chief truſt lay in the puritans, whom he openly careſſed, and whoſe manners he ſeemed to have entirely adopted. He engaged the moſt celebrated preachers of that ſect to reſort to Eſſex-houſe; he had daily prayers and ſermons in his family; and he invited all the zealots in London to attend thoſe pious exerciſes. Such was the diſpoſition now beginning to prevail among the Engliſh, that, inſtead of feaſt⯑ing, and public ſpectacles, the methods anciently practiſed in commonwealths to gain the populace, nothing ſo effectually ingratiated an ambitions leader with the public, as theſe fanatical entertainments. And as the puritanical preachers fre⯑quently inculcated in their ſermons the doctrine of reſiſtance to the civil magi⯑ſtrate, they prepared the minds of their hearers for thoſe purpoſes which Eſſex was ſecretly contriving^*.

[693] BUT the moſt pernicious imprudence of this nobleman proceeded from the openneſs of his temper, by which he was ill qualified to ſuceeed in ſuch difficult and dangerous projects. He indulged himſelf in great liberties of ſpeech, and was even heard to ſay of the Queen, that ſhe was now grown an old woman, and was become as crooked in her mind as in her body^†. Some court ladies, whoſe favours Eſſex had formerly neglected, carried her theſe ſtories, and incenſed her to a high degree againſt him. Elizabeth was ever remarkably jealous on this head; and tho' ſhe was now approaching to her ſeventieth year, ſhe allowed her courtiers^‡, and even foreign ambaſſadors^‖, to compliment her upon her beauty; nor had all her good ſenſe been able to cure her of this prepoſterous infirmity^*.

[694] THERE was another expedient of Eſſex, which, if poſſible, was more provoking to the Queen than thoſe ſarcaſms on her age and deformity; and that was, his ſe⯑cret applications to the King of Scots, her heir and ſucceſſor. That prince had this year very narrowly eſcaped a dangerous, tho' ill formed, conſpiracy of the earl of Gowry; and even his delivery was attended with this diſagreeable cir⯑cumſtance, that the obſtinate eccleſiaſtics perſiſted, in ſpite of the moſt incon⯑teſtible evidence, to maintain to his face, that there had been no ſuch conſpiracy. James, harraſſed with his turbulent and factious ſubjects, caſt a wiſtful eye to the ſucceſſion of England; and in proportion as the Queen advanced in years, his de⯑ſire increaſed of mounting that throne, on which, beſides acquiring a great addi⯑tion of power and ſplendor, he hoped to govern a people, ſo much more tractable and ſubmiſſive. He negociated with all the courts of Europe, in order to en⯑ſure himſelf friends and partizans: He even neglected not the court of Rome and that of Spain; and tho' he engaged himſelf in no poſitive promiſe, he flat⯑tered the catholics with hopes, that, in caſe of his ſucceſſion, they might expect ſome more liberty than what was at preſent indulged them. Elizabeth was the only ſovereign in Europe to whom he never dared to mention his right of ſucceſſion: He knew, that tho' her great age might now invite her to think of fixing an heir to the crown, ſhe never could bear the proſpect of her own death without hor⯑ror, and was determined ſtill to retain him, and all other competitors, in an en⯑tire dependance upon her.

ESSEX was deſcended by females from the royal family; and ſome of his ſanguine partizans had been ſo imprudent as to mention his name among thoſe of other pretenders to the crown; but the earl took care, by means of Henry Lee, whom he ſecretly ſent into Scotland, to aſſure James, that, ſo far from entertaining ſuch ambitious views, he was determined to uſe every expedient for extorting an immediate declaration in favour of this monarch's right of ſucceſſion. James willingly hearkened to this propoſal; but did not approve of the violent me⯑thods which Eſſex intended to employ. Eſſex had communicated his ſcheme to Mountjoy, lord deputy of Ireland; and as no man ever commanded more the cordial affection and attachment of his friends, he had even engaged a perſon of that virtue and prudence to entertain thoughts of bringing over part of his army [695] into England, and of forcing the Queen to declare the King of Scots her ſuc⯑ceſſor^*. And ſuch was Eſſex's impatient ardour, that, tho' James declined this dangerous expedient, he ſtill endeavoured to perſuade Mountjoy not to deſiſt from the project: But the deputy, who thought that ſuch violence, tho' it might be prudent, and even juſtifiable, when ſupported by a ſovereign prince next heir to the crown, would be raſh and criminal, if attempted by ſubjects, entirely refuſed his concurrence. The correſpondence, however, between Eſſex and the court of Scotland was ſtill conducted with great ſecrecy and cordiality; and that nobleman, beſides conciliating the favour of James, repreſented all his own adverſaries as enemies to that prince's ſucceſſion, and as men entirely devoted to the intereſts of Spain, and partizans of the chimerical title of the Infanta.

THE Infanta and archduke, Albert, had made ſome advances to the Queen for peace; and Boulogne, as a neutral town, was choſen for the place of conference. 16 May. Sir Henry Neville, the Engliſh reſident in France, Herbert, Edmondes, and Beale, [...]ere ſent thither as ambaſſadors from England; and negociated with Zu⯑niga, Carillo, Richardot, and Verheiken, miniſters of Spain and the archduke: But the conferences were ſoon broke off, on account of a diſpute of ceremony. Among the European ſtates England had ever been allowed the precedency above Caſtile, Arragon, Portugal, and the other kingdoms of which the Spaniſh mo⯑narchy was compoſed; and Elizabeth inſiſted, that this ancient right was not loſt on account of the junction of theſe ſtates, and that Spain, in its preſent ſitua⯑tion, tho' it ſurpaſſed England in extent, as well as in power, could not compare with it in point of antiquity, the only durable and regular foundation of prece⯑dency among kingdoms, as well as noble families. That ſhe might ſhew, how⯑ever, a diſpoſition to peace, ſhe was contented to yield to an equality; but the Spaniſh miniſters, as their country had always diſputed precedency even with France, to which England ſubmitted, would proceed no farther in the confer⯑ences, till their ſuperiority of rank was acknowleged^†. During the prepara⯑tions for this abortive negociation, the earl of [...]uttingham, the admiral, lord Buckhurſt, the treaſurer, and ſecretary Cecil, had diſcovered their in [...]nation to peace; and as the Engliſh nation, fluſhed with ſucceſs, and ſanguine in the [...] hopes of plunder and conqued, were in general averſe to that [...], i [...] was eaſy for a perſon ſo popular as Eſſex, to infuſe into the multitude an opinion, that theſe miniſters had ſacrificed the intereſts of their [...] to Spain, and would even make no ſcruple of receiving a ſovereign from that hoſtile nation.

[696] year 1601 BUT Eſſex, not contented with theſe arts for decrying his adverſaries, pro⯑ceeded to concert more violent methods of ruining them; chiefly inſtigated by Cuffe, his ſecretary, a man of a bold and arrogant ſpirit, who had acquired a great aſcendant over his patron. A ſelect council of malecontents was formed, who commonly met at Drury-houſe, and were compoſed of Sir Charles Davers, to whom the houſe belonged, the earl of Southampton, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Sir Chriſtopher Blount, Sir John Davis, and John Littleton; and Eſſex, who boaſted, that he had an hundred and twenty barons, knights, and gentlemen of note, at his devotion, and who truſted ſtill more to his authority with the popu⯑lace, communicated to his aſſociates thoſe ſecret deſigns and reſolutions, with which his confidence in ſo powerful a party had inſpired him. Among other criminal projects, the reſult of blind rage and deſpair, he deliberated with them concerning the method of taking arms; and aſked their opinion, whether he had beſt begin with ſeizing the palace or the Tower, or ſet out with making himſelf maſter at once of both places. The firſt enterprize being preferred, a method was concerted for executing it. His inſur⯑rection. It was agreed, that Sir Chriſtopher Blount, with a choice detachment, ſhould poſſeſs himſelf of the palace gates, that Davis ſhould ſeize the hall, Davers the guard-chamber and preſence-chamber; and that Eſſex ſhould ruſh in from the Meuſe, attended by a body of his partizans, ſhould en⯑treat the Queen, with all demonſtrations of humility, to remove his enemies, ſhould oblige her to aſſemble a Parliament, and ſhould with common conſent ſettle a new plan of government^*.

WHILE theſe deſperate projects were in agitation, many reaſons of ſuſpicion were carried to the Queen; and ſhe ſent Robert Sacville, the treaſurer's ſon, to Eſſex-houſe, under pretence of a viſit, but, in reality, with a view of diſcovering whether there was in that place any concourſe of people, or any extraordinary pre⯑parations, which might threaten an inſurrection. Soon after, Eſſex received a ſum⯑mons to attend the council, which met at the treaſurer's houſe; and while he was muſing on this circumſtance, and comparing it with the late unexpected viſit from Sacville, a private note was conveyed to him, by which he was warned to pro⯑vide for his own ſafety. He concluded, that all his conſpiracy was diſcovered, or at leaſt ſuſpected, and that the eaſieſt puniſhment which he could expect, was a new and more ſevere conſinement: He therefore excuſed himſelf to the council on pretence of an indiſpoſition; and he immediately diſpatched meſſages to his more intimate confederates, requeſting their advice and aſſiſtance in the preſent cri⯑tical [697] ſituation of his affairs. They deliberated, whether they ſhould abandon all their projects, and fly the kingdom; or inſtantly ſeize the palace with the force which they could aſſemble; or rely upon the affections of the citizens, who were generally known to bear a great affection to the earl. Eſſex declared againſt the firſt expedient, and profeſſed himſelf determined to undergo any fate rather than ſubmit to live the life of a fugitive. To ſeize the palace ſeemed impracticable without more preparation; eſpecially as the Queen ſeemed now aware of their projects, and, as they heard, had uſed the precaution of doubling her ordinary guards. There remained, therefore, no other expedient but that of betaking themſelves to the city; and while the prudence and expediency of this reſolution was under debate, a perſon arrived, who, as if he had received a commiſſion for that purpoſe, gave them aſſurance of the good affection of the Londoners, and affirmed, that they might ſecurely reſt any project on that foundation. The po⯑pularity of Eſſex had chiefly buoyed him up in all his vain undertakings; and he fondly imagined, that with no other aſſiſtance than the good will of the multi⯑tude, he might be enabled to overturn Elizabeth's government, confirmed by time, revered for wiſdom, ſupported by vigour, and concurring with the gene⯑ral ſentiments of the nation. The wild project of raiſing the city was immedi⯑ately reſolved on; the execution of it was delayed till next day; and emiſſaries were diſpatched to all Eſſex's friends, informing them that Cobham and Raleigh had laid ſchemes againſt his life, and entreating their preſence and aſſiſtance.

8th February. NEXT day, there appeared at Eſſex-houſe the earls of Southampton and Rut⯑land, the lords Sandys and Monteagle, with about three hundred gentlemen of good quality and fortune; and Eſſex informed them of the danger, to which, he pretended, the machinations of his enemies expoſed him. To ſome, he ſaid, that he would throw himſelf at the Queen's feet, and crave her juſtice and pro⯑tection: To others, he boaſted of his intereſt in the city, and affirmed, that, whatever might happen, this reſource could never fail him. The Queen was in⯑formed of theſe deſigns, by means of intelligence, conveyed, as is ſuppoſed, to Raleigh by Sir Ferdinando Gorges; and having ordered the magiſtrates of Lon⯑don to keep the citizens in readineſs, ſhe ſent Egerton, lord keeper, to Eſſex-houſe, with the earl of Worceſter, Sir William Knollys, controller, and Pop⯑ [...]am, lord chief juſtice, in order to learn the cauſe of theſe unuſual commotions. They were with difficulty admitted thro' a wicket; but all their ſervants were excluded, except the purſe-bearer. After ſome alternation, in which they charged Eſſex's retainers, upon their allegiance, to lay down their army, and were in traced in their turn by the angry multitude, who ſurrounded them, the earl▪ who found, that matters were paſt rec [...], reſolved to [...] them priſoners [698] in his houſe, and to proceed to the execution of his former project. He iſſued out with about two hundred attendants, armed only with ſwords; and in his paſſage to the city was joined by the earl of Bedford and lord Cromwel. He cried aloud, For the Queen! for the Queen! a plot is laid for my life; and then pro⯑ceeded to the houſe of Smith, the ſheriff, on whoſe aid he had great reliance. The citizens flocked about him in amazement; but tho' he told them, that Eng⯑land was ſold to the infanta, and exhorted them to arm inſtantly, otherwiſe they could not do him any ſervice, no one ſhowed a diſpoſition to join him. The ſheriff, on the earl's approach to his houſe, ſtole out at the back door, and made the beſt of his way to the lord mayor. Eſſex, meanwhile, obſerving the coldneſs of the citizens, and hearing, that he was proclaimed a traitor by the earl of Cumberland and lord Burleigh, began to deſpair of ſucceſs, and thought of retreating to his own houſe. He found the ſtreets in his paſſage barricadoed, and guarded by the citizens, under the command of Sir John Leviſon. In his attempt to force his way, Tracy, a young gentleman, to whom he bore great friendſhip, was killed, with two or three of the Londoners; and the earl him⯑ſelf, attended by a few of his partizans (for the greateſt part began ſecretly to withdraw themſelves) retired towards the river, and taking boat, arrived at Eſſex-houſe. He there found, that Gorges, whom he had ſent before to capitulate with the lord keeper and the other counſellors, had given them all their li⯑berty, and had gone to court with them. He was now reduced to deſpair; and appeared determined, in proſecution of lord Sandys's advice, to defend himſelf to the laſt extremity, and rather to periſh, like a brave man, with his ſword in his hand, than baſely by the hands of the executioner: But after ſome parley, and after demanding in vain, firſt hoſtages, then conditions, from the beſiegers, he ſurrendered at diſcretion; requeſting only civil treatment, and a fair and im⯑partial hearing^*.

THE Queen, who, during all this commotion, had behaved with as great tran⯑quillity and ſecurity, as if there had only paſſed a fray in the ſtreets, in which ſhe was no way concerned^†, ſoon gave orders for the trial of the moſt conſide⯑rable of the criminals. 19th February. His trial. The earls of Eſſex and Southampton were arraigned be⯑fore a jury of twenty-five peers, where Buckhurſt acted as lord ſteward. The guilt of the priſoners was too apparent to admit of any doubt; and, beſides the inſurrection known to every body, the treaſonable conferences at Drury-houſe were proved by undoubted evidence. Sir Ferdinando Gorges was produced in court▪ The confeſſions of the earl of Rutland, of the lords Cromwel, Sandys, and Monteagle, of Davers, Blount, and Davies, were only read to the peers, ac⯑cording [699] to the practice of that age. Eſſex's beſt friends were ſcandalized at his aſſurance in inſiſting ſo poſitively on his innocence, and the goodneſs of his in⯑tentions; and ſtill more at his vindictive diſpoſition, in accuſing, without any appearance of reaſon, ſecretary Cecil as a partizan of the infanta's title. The ſecre⯑tary, who had expected this charge, ſtepped into the court, and challenged Eſſex to produce his authority, which, on examination, was found extremely weak and frivolous^‡. When ſentence was pronounced, Eſſex ſpoke like a man who laid his account to die: But he added, that he ſhould be ſorry, if he was repreſented to the Queen as a perſon that deſpiſed her clemency; tho' he ſhould not, he believed, make any cringing ſubmiſſions to obtain it. Southampton's behaviour was more mild and ſubmiſſive: He entreated the good offices of the peers in ſo modeſt and becoming a manner, as excited compaſſion in every one.

THE moſt remarkable circumſtance in Eſſex's trial was Bacon's appearance againſt him. He was none of the crown lawyers; ſo was not obliged by his office to aſſiſt at this trial: Yet did he not ſcruple, in order to obtain the Queen's favour, to be active in bereaving of life his friend and patron, whoſe generoſity he had often experienced. He compared Eſſex's conduct, in pretending to fear the attempts of his adverſaries, to that of Piſiſtratus, the Athenian, who cut and wounded his own body; and making the people believe, that his enemies had committed that violence, obtained a guard for his perſon, by whoſe aſſiſtance he afterwards ſubdued the liberties of his country.

AFTER Eſſex had paſſed ſome days in the folitude and reflection of a priſon, his proud heart was at laſt ſubdued, not by the fear of death, but by the ſenti⯑ments of religion; a principle, which he had before attempted to make the in⯑ſtrument of his ambition, but which now took a more firm hold of his mind, and prevailed over every other motive and conſideration. His ſpiritual directors perſuaded him, that he never could obtain the pardon of heaven, unleſs he made a full confeſſion of his diſloyalty; and he gave in to the council an account of all his moſt criminal deſigns, as well as of his correſpondence with the King of Scots. He ſpared not even his moſt intimate friends, ſuch as lord Mountjoy, whom he had engaged in theſe conſpiracies; and he [...]ought to pacify his preſent remorſe, by making ſuch attonements as in any other period of his life, he would have deemed more blameable than thoſe attempts themſelves, which were the objects of his penitence^*. Sir Harry Neville, in particular, a man of merit, he accuſed of a correſpondence with the conſpirators; tho' it appears, that that gentleman had never aſſented to the propoſals made him, and was no farther [700] criminal than in not revealing the earl's treaſon; an office, to which every man of honour naturally bears the ſtrongeſt reluctance^†. Neville was thrown into priſon, and underwent a ſevere perſecution: But as the Queen found Mountjoy a very able and ſucceſsful commander, ſhe continued him in his government, and ſacrificed her reſentment to the public ſervice.

ELIZABETH affected extremely the praiſe of clemency; and in every great example, which ſhe had made during her reign, ſhe had always appeared full of reluctance and heſitation: But the preſent ſituation of Eſſex called forth all her tender affections, and kept her in the moſt real agitation and irreſolution. She felt a perpetual combat between reſentment and inclination, pride and compaſſion, the care of her own ſafety and concern for her favourite; and her ſituation, dur⯑ing this interval, was perhaps more an object of pity, than that to which Eſſex himſelf was reduced. She ſigned the warrant for his execution; ſhe counter⯑manded it; ſhe again reſolved on his death; ſhe felt a new return of tenderneſs: Eſſex's enemies told her, that he himſelf deſired to die, and had aſſured her, that ſhe could never be in ſafety while he lived: It is likely, that this proof of penitence and of concern for her, would operate a contrary effect to what they intended, and would revive all that fond affection, which ſhe had ſo long indulged to the unhappy priſoner. But what chiefly hardened her heart againſt him was his ſup⯑poſed obſtinacy, in never making, as ſhe hourly expected, any application to her for mercy and forgiveneſs; and ſhe finally gave her conſent to his execution. He diſcovered at his death ſymptoms rather of penitence and piety than of fear; and willingly acknowleged the juſtice of the ſentence, by which he ſuffered. 25th February And execution The execution was private in the Tower, agreeable to his own requeſt. He was ap⯑prehenſive, he ſaid, leſt the favour and compaſſion of the people would too much raiſe his heart in thoſe moments, when humiliation under the afflicting hand of Heaven was the only proper ſentiment, which he could indulge^‡. And the Queen, no doubt, thought, that prudence required the removal of ſo melancholy a ſpectacle from the public eye. Sir Walter Raleigh, who came to the Tower on purpoſe, and who beheld Eſſex's execution from a window, encreaſed much by this action the general hatred, under which he already laboured: It was thought, that he had no other purpoſe than to feaſt his eyes with the death of his enemy; and no apology, which he could make for ſo exceptionable a cir⯑cumſtance of conduct, could be accepted by the public. The cruelty and ani⯑moſity, [701] with which he urged on Eſſex's fate, even when Cecil relented^‡, were ſtill regarded as the principles of this unmanly and ungenerous behaviour.

THE earl of Eſſex was but thirty-four years of age, when his raſhneſs, impru⯑dence, and violence brought him to this untimely end. We muſt here, as in many other inſtances, lament the inconſtancy of human nature, that a perſon en⯑dowed with ſo many noble virtues, generoſity, ſincerity, friendſhip, valour, elo⯑quence, and induſtry, ſhould in the latter period of his life have given ſuch reins to his ungovernable paſſions, as involved, not only himſelf, but many of his friends, in utter ruin. The Queen's tenderneſs and paſſion, as it was the cauſe of thoſe premature honours, which he attained, ſeems, on the whole, the chief circumſtance which brought on his deſtruction. Confident of her partiality to⯑wards him; as well as of his own merit, he treated her with a haughtineſs, which neither her love nor her dignity could bear; and as her amorous inclinations in ſo advanced an age, would naturally make her appear ridiculous, if not hateful in his eyes, he was engaged, by an imprudent openneſs, of which he made pro⯑feſſion, to diſcover too eaſily thoſe ſentiments to her jealous pride. The many reconciliations and returns of affection, of which he had ſtill made advantage, made him venture on new provocations, till he puſhed her beyond all bounds of patience; and he forgot, that, tho' the ſentiments of the woman were ever ſtrong in her, thoſe of the ſovereign had ſtill in the end appeared predomi⯑nant.

SOME of Eſſex's aſſociates, Cuffe, Davers, Blount, Meric, and Davis were tried and condemned, and all of them, except Davis, were executed. The Queen pardoned the reſt; being perſuaded that they were drawn in merely from their friendſhip to that nobleman, and their care of his ſafety; and were igno⯑rant of the more criminal part of his intentions. Southampton's life was ſpared with great difficulty; but he was kept in priſon during all the remainder of this reign.

THE King of Scots, who was apprehenſive left his correſpondence with Eſſex might have been diſcovered, and have given offence to Elizabeth, ſent the earl of Mar and the lord Kinloſs as ambaſſadors to England, in order to con⯑gratulate the Queen on her eſcape from the late inſurrection and conſpiracy. They were alſo ordered to enquire whether any meaſures had been taken by her to exclude him from the ſucceſſion, as well as to diſcover the inclinations of the chief nobility and counſellors, in caſe of the Queen's demiſe^*. They found the diſpoſitions of men as favourable as they could wiſh; and they even entered into [702] a correſpondence with ſecretary Cecil, whoſe influence, after the fall of Eſſex, was now uncontrouled^†, and who was reſolved, by this policy, to acquire, in time, the confidence of the ſucceſſor. He knew how jealous Elizabeth ever was of her authority, and he therefore carefully concealed from her his attachment to James: But he afterwards aſſerted, that nothing could be more advantageous to her, than this correſpondence; becauſe the King of Scots, ſecure of mounting the throne by his undoubted title, aided by thoſe connexions with the Engliſh miniſtry, was the leſs likely to give any diſturbance to the preſent ſovereign. He alſo perſuaded that prince to remain in quiet, and patiently to expect, that time ſhould open to him the inheritance of the throne, without puſhing his friends on deſperate enterprizes, which would totally incapacitate them from ſerving him. James's equity, as well as his natural want of enterprize, eaſily inclined him to embrace this reſolution^‡; and thus the minds of the Engliſh were ſilently, but univerſally diſpoſed to admit, without oppoſition, the ſucceſſion of the Scottiſh line: The death of Eſſex, by putting an end to faction, had been rather fa⯑vourable than prejudicial to that great event.

THE King of France, who was little prepoſſeſſed in favour of James, and who was averſe to the union of England and Scotland^*, made his ambaſſador drop ſome hints to Cecil of Henry's willingneſs to concur in any meaſure for diſappointing the hopes of the Scotch monarch; but as Cecil ſhowed an entire diſapprobation of ſuch ſchemes, the court of France took no farther ſteps in that matter: and thus the only foreign power, which could give much diſturbance to James's ſucceſſion, was induced to acquieſce in it^‖. French affairs. Henry made a journey this ſummer to Calais; and the Queen, hearing of his intentions, went to Dover, in hopes of having a perſonal interview with a monarch, whom, of all others, ſhe moſt loved and moſt reſpected. The French King, who felt the ſame ſenti⯑ments towards her, would gladly have accepted of the propoſal; but as many difficulties occurred, it appeared neceſſary to lay aſide, by common conſent, the project of an interview. Elizabeth, however, wrote ſucceſſively two let⯑ters to Henry, one by Edmondes, another by Sir Robert Sydney, in which ſhe expreſſed a deſire of conferring about a buſineſs of importance, with ſome mi⯑niſter in whom that prince repoſed entire confidence. The marqueſs of Rhoni, the King's favourite and prime miniſter, came to Dover in diſguiſe; and the memoirs of that able ſtateſman contain a full account of his converſation with Elizabeth. That magnanimous princeſs had formed a ſcheme of eſtabliſhing, in conjunction with Henry, a new ſyſtem of policy in Europe, and of fixing a [703] durable ballance of power, by the erection of new ſtates on the ruins of the houſe of Auſtria. She had even the wiſdom to foreſee the perils, which might enſue from the aggrandizement of her ally; and ſhe propoſed to unite the whole ſeventeen provinces of the Low Countries into one republic, in order to form a perpetual barrier againſt the dangerous encreaſe of the French, as well as of the Spaniſh, monarchy. Henry had himſelf long meditated ſuch a project againſt the Auſtrian family; and Rhoni could not forbear expreſſing his aſtoniſhment, when he found that Elizabeth and his maſter, tho' they had never communicated their thoughts on this ſubject, had not only entered into the ſame general views, but had alſo formed the ſame project for their execution. The affairs, however, of France were not yet brought to a ſituation, which might enable Henry to begin that great enterprize; and Rhoni ſatisfied the Queen, that it would be neceſſary to poſtpone for ſome years their united attack on the Auſtrian family. He de⯑parted, filled with juſt admiration of the ſolidity of Elizabeth's judgment, and the greatneſs of her mind; and he owns that ſhe was entirely worthy of that high reputation, which ſhe poſſeſſed in Europe.

THE Queen's magnanimity in forming ſuch extenſive projects was the more re⯑markable, that, beſides her having fallen ſo far into the decline of life, the af⯑fairs of Ireland, tho' conducted with ability and ſucceſs, were ſtill in diſorder, and made a great diverſion of her forces. The expence incurred by this war lay heavy upon her narrow revenues; and her miniſters, taking advantage of her great diſpoſition to frugality, propoſed to her an expedient of ſaving, which, tho' ſhe at firſt diſapproved of it, ſhe was at laſt induced to embrace. It was repreſented to her, that the great ſums of money remitted to Ireland for the pay of the Eng⯑liſh forces, came, by the neceſſary courſe of circulation, into the hands of the re⯑bels, and enabled them to buy abroad all requiſite ſupplies of arms and ammunition, which, from the extreme poverty of that kingdom and its want of every uſeful commodity, they could not otherwiſe find means to purchaſe. It was therefore propoſed to her, that ſhe ſhould pay her forces in money of a baſe alloy; and it was aſſerted, that, beſides the great ſaving to the revenue, this ſpecies of coin could never be exported with advantage, and would not paſs in any foreign market. Some of the wiſer counſellors maintained, that, if the pay of the ſol⯑diers was raiſed in proportion, the Iriſh rebels would neceſſarily reap the ſame benefit from the baſe money, which would always be taken at a rate ſuitable to its value; if the pay was not raiſed, there was danger of a mutiny among the troops, who, whatever names might be affixed to the pieces of metal, would ſoon find from experience that they were defrauded in their income^* But Elizabeth, [704] tho' ſhe juſtly valued herſelf on fixing the ſtandard of the Engliſh coin, much debaſed by her predeceſſors, and had innovated very little in that delicate article, was ſeduced by the ſpecious arguments employed by the lord treaſurer on this occaſion; and ſhe coined a great quantity of baſe money, which ſhe made uſe of in the pay of her forces in Ireland^*.

Mountjoy's ſucceſs in Ire⯑land. MOUNTJOY, the deputy, was a man of great ability; and foreſeeing the dan⯑ger of mutiny among the troops, he led them inſtantly into the field, and re⯑ſolved, by means of ſtrict diſcipline, and by keeping them employed againſt the enemy, to obviate thoſe inconveniencies, which were juſtly apprehended. He made military roads, and built a fortreſs at Moghery; he drove the Mac-Geniſes out of Lecale; he harraſſed Tyrone in Ulſter with inroads and leſſer expeditions; and by deſtroying, every where, and during all ſeaſons, the proviſions of the Iriſh, he reduced them to periſh with famine in the woods and moraſſes, to which they were obliged to retreat. At the ſame time, Sir Henry Docwray, who com⯑manded another body of troops, took the caſtle of Derry, and put garriſons into Newton and Ainogh; and having ſeized the monaſtery of Donnegal near Baliſhan⯑non, he threw troops into it, and defended it againſt the aſſaults of O'Donnel and the Iriſh. Nor was Sir George Carew idle in the province of Munſter. He ſeized the titular earl of Deſmond, and ſent him over, with Florence Macarty, another chieftain, priſoner to England. He arreſted many ſuſpected perſons, and took hoſtages from others. And having got a reinforcement of two thouſand men from England, he threw himſelf into Corke, which he ſupplied with arms and proviſions; and he put every thing in a condition for reſiſting the Spaniſh invaſion, which was daily expected. The deputy, informed of the danger, to which the ſouthern provinces were expoſed, left the proſecution of the war againſt Tyrone, who was reduced to great extremity; and he marched with his army into Monſter.

23d Septem⯑ber. AT laſt, the Spaniards, under Don John d'Aquila, arrived at Kingſale; and Sir Richard Piercy, who commanded in the town with a ſmall garriſon of an hundred and fifty men, ſound himſelf obliged to abandon it on their appearance. Theſe in⯑vaders amounted to four thouſand men, and the Iriſh expreſſed a great deſire to join them, in order to free themſelves from the Engliſh government, with which they were extremely diſcontented. One chief ground of their complaint was the in⯑troduction of trials by jury^†; an inſtitution, abhorred by this barbarous nation, tho' nothing contributes more to the ſupport of that equity and liberty, for which the Engliſh laws are ſo juſtly celebrated. The Iriſh alſo bore a great fa⯑vour [705] to the Spaniards, having entertained the opinion, that they themſelves were deſcended from that nation; and their attachment to the catholic religion proved a new cauſe of affection to the invaders. D'Aquila aſſumed the title of general in the holy war for the preſervation of the faith in Ireland; and he endeavoured to perſuade the people, that Queen Elizabeth was, by ſeveral bulls of the pope, deprived of her crown; that her ſubjects were abſolved from their oaths of alle⯑giance; and that the Spaniards were come to deliver the Iriſh from the power of the devil^*. Defeat of the Spaniards and Iriſh. Mountjoy found it neceſſary to act with vigour, in order to prevent a total inſurrection of the Iriſh; and having gathered together his forces, he formed the ſiege of Kinſale by land; while Sir Richard Leviſon, with a ſmall ſquadron, blockaded it by ſea. He had no ſooner begun his operations than he heard of the arrival of another body of two thouſand Spaniards, under the command of Alphonſo Ocampo, who had taken poſſeſſion of Baltimore and Bere-haven; and he found himſelf obliged to detach Sir George Carew to oppoſe their progreſs. Tyrone, meanwhile, with Randal, Mac Surley, Tirel baron of Killey, and other chieftains of the Iriſh, had joined Ocampo with all their forces, and were marching to the relief of Kinſale. The deputy, informed of their deſign by intercepted letters, made preparations to receive them; and being joined by Leviſon with ſix hundred marines, he poſted his troops on an advantageous ground, which lay on their paſſage, leaving ſome cavalry to prevent a ſally from D'Aquila and the Spaniſh garriſon. When Tyrone, with a body of Iriſh and Spaniards, approached, he was ſurprized to find the Engliſh ſo well poſted, and ranged in ſuch good order; and he immediately ſounded a retreat: But the deputy gave orders to pur⯑ſue him; and having thrown theſe advanced troops into diſorder, he followed them to the main body, whom he alſo attacked, and put to flight, with the ſlaughter of twelve hundred men^†. Ocampo was taken priſoner; Tyrone fled into Ulſter; Odonel made his eſcape into Spain; and D'Aquila, finding himſelf reduced to the greateſt difficulties, was obliged to capitulate upon ſuch terms as the deputy preſcribed to him: He ſurrendered Kinſale and Baltimore, and agreed to evacuate the Kingdom. This great blow, joined to other ſucceſſes, gained by Wilmot, governor of Kerry, and by Roger and Gavin Harvey, threw the rebels into diſmay, and gave a proſpect of the final reduction of that kingdom.

THE Iriſh war, tho' ſucceſsful, was extremely burthenſome on the Queen's revenue; and beſides the ſupplies granted by Parliament, which were indeed very ſmall, but which they ever regarded as mighty conceſſions, ſhe had been obliged, notwithſtanding her great frugality, to employ other expedients, [706] ſuch as ſelling the royal demeſnes and crown jewels^*, and exacting loans from the people^†, in order to ſupport this cauſe, ſo eſſential to the honour and intereſts of England. 2 [...]th October. A Parliament. The neceſſity of her affairs obliged her again to ſummon a Parlia⯑ment; and it here appeared, that, tho' old age was advancing faſt upon her, tho' ſhe had loſt much of her popularity by the unfortunate execution of Eſſex, in⯑ſomuch that, when ſhe appeared in public, ſhe was not attended with the uſual acclamations^‡, yet the powers of her prerogative, ſupported by her vigour, ſtill remained as high and uncontroulable as ever.

THE active reign of Elizabeth had enabled many perſons to diſtinguiſh them⯑ſelves in civil and military employments; and the Queen, who was not able, from her revenue, to give them any rewards proportioned to their ſervice, had made uſe of an expedient, which had been employed by her predeceſſors, but which had never been carried to ſuch an extreme as under her adminiſtration. She granted her ſervants and courtiers patents for monopolies; and theſe patents they ſold to others, who were thereby enabled to raiſe commodities to what price they pleaſed, and who put invincible reſtraints upon all commerce, induſtry, and emulation. It is aſtoniſhing to conſider the number and importance of thoſe commodities, which were thus aſſigned over to patentees. Currants, ſalt, iron, powder, cards, calf-ſkins, fells, pouldavies, ox-ſhin-bones, train oil, liſts of cloth, pot-aſhes, anniſeeds, vinegar, ſea-coals, ſteel, aquavitae, bruſhes, pots, bottles, ſalt-petre, lead, accidences, oil, calamint-ſtone, oil of blubber, glaſſes, paper, ſtarch, tin, ſulphur, new drapery, dried pilchers, tranſportation of iron ordnance, of beer, of horn, of leather, importation of Spaniſh wools, of iriſh yarn: Theſe are but a part of the commodities, which had been conſigned over to monopoliſts^‖. When this liſt was read over in the houſe, a member cried out, Is not bread in the number? Bread, ſaid every one with aſtoniſhment: Yes, I aſſure you, replied he, if affairs go on at this rate, we ſhall have bread reduced to a monopoly before next Parliament ^§. Theſe monopoliſts were ſo exorbitant in their demands, that in ſome places they raiſed the price of ſalt, from ſixteen pence a buſhel, to fourteen or fifteen ſhillings^{{inverted †}}. Such high profits naturally begot in⯑truders upon their commerce; and in order to ſecure themſelves againſt encroach⯑ments, the patentees were armed with high and arbitrary powers from the council, by which they were enabled to oppreſs the people at pleaſure, and to exact money from ſuch as they thought proper to accuſe of interfering with their patent^¶. The patentees of ſalt-petre, having the power of entering into every [707] houſe, and of committing what havock they pleaſed in ſtables, cellars, or where⯑ever they ſuſpected ſalt-petre might be gathered; commonly extorted money from thoſe who deſired to free themſelves of this damage or trouble^*. And while all domeſtic intercourſe was thus reſtrained, leſt any ſcope ſhould remain for induſtry, almoſt every ſpecies of foreign commerce was confined to excluſive companies, who bought and ſold at any price, that they themſelves thought pro⯑per to offer or exact.

THESE grievances, the moſt intolerable for the preſent, and the moſt perni⯑cious in their conſequences, that ever were known in any age or under any go⯑vernment, had been mentioned in the laſt Parliament, and a petition had even been preſented to the Queen, complaining of the patents; but ſhe ſtill perſiſted in defending her monopoliſts againſt her people. A bill was now introduced into the lower houſe, aboliſhing all theſe monopolies; and as the former application had been unſucceſsful, a law was inſiſted on as the only certain expedient for correct⯑ing theſe abuſes: The courtiers, on the other hand, maintained, that this mat⯑ter regarded the prerogative, and that they could never hope for ſucceſs, if they did not make application, in the moſt humble and reſpectful manner, to the Queen's goodneſs and beneficence. The topics, which were advanced in the houſe, and which came equally from the courtiers and the country gentlemen, and were admitted by both, will appear the moſt extraordinary to ſuch as are prepoſſeſſed with an idea of the antient privileges of the people, and of the liberty enjoyed under the adminiſtration of Elizabeth. It was aſſerted, that the Queen poſſeſſed both an enlarging and a reſtraining power; by her prerogative ſhe might ſet at liberty what was reſtrained by ſtatute or otherwiſe, and by her prerogative ſhe might reſtrain what was otherwiſe at liberty^†: That the royal prerogative was not to be canvaſſed nor diſputed nor examined^‡; and did not even admit of any limitation^‖: That abſolute princes, ſuch as the ſovereigns of England, were a ſpecies of divinity^§: That it was in vain to attempt tying the Queen's hands by laws or ſtatutes; ſince, by means of her diſpenſing power, ſhe could looſen herſelf at her pleaſure^{{inverted †}}: That even if a clauſe ſhould be annexed to a ſtatute, excluding her diſpenſing power; ſhe could firſt diſpenſe with that clauſe, and then with the ſtatute^¶. After all this diſcourſe, more worthy of a Turkiſh divan than of an Engliſh houſe of commons, according to our preſent idea of this aſſembly, the Queen, who perceived how odious monopolies had become, and what heats were likely to riſe, ſent for the ſpeaker, and deſired him to inform [708] the houſe, that ſhe would immediately cancel the moſt grievous and oppreſſive of theſe patents^*.

[709] THE houſe was ſtruck with aſtoniſhment, and admiration, and gratitude at this extraordinary inſtance of the Queen's goodneſs and condeſcenſion. A mem⯑ber [710] ſaid, with tears in his eyes, that if a ſentence of everlaſting happineſs had been pronounced in his favour, he could not have felt more joy than that with which he was at preſent overwhelmed^*. Another obſerved, that this meſſage from the ſacred perſon of the Queen, was a kind of goſpel or glad-tidings, and ought to be received as ſuch, and be written in the tablets of their hearts^†. And it was farther remarked, that in the ſame manner as the Deity would not give his glory to another, ſo the Queen herſelf was the only agent in their preſent proſ⯑perity and happineſs^‡. The houſe voted, that the ſpeaker, with a certain num⯑ber of members, ſhould aſk permiſſion to wait on her majeſty, and return her thanks for her gracious conceſſions to her people.

[711] WHEN the ſpeaker, with the other members, was introduced to the Queen, they all flung themſelves on their knees; and remained in that poſture a conſider⯑able time, till ſhe thought proper to expreſs her deſire, that they ſhould riſe. The ſpeaker diſplayed the gratitude of the commons, that her ſacred ears were ever open to hear them, and her bleſſed hands ever ſtretched out to relieve them. They acknowleged, he ſaid, in all duty and thankfulneſs acknowleged, that, be⯑fore they called, her preventing grace, and all-deſerving goodneſs watched over them for their good; more ready to give than they could deſire, much leſs deſerve. He remarked, that the attribute which was moſt proper to God, to perform all he promiſeth, appertained alſo to her; and that ſhe was all truth, all conſtancy, and all goodneſs. And he concluded with theſe expreſſions, ‘"Neither do we preſent our thanks in words or any outward ſign, which can be no ſufficient retribution for ſo great goodneſs; but in all duty and thankfulneſs, proſtrate at your feet, we preſent our moſt loyal and thankful hearts, even the laſt drop of blood in our hearts, and the laſt ſpirit of breath in our noſtrils, to be poured out, to be breathed up, for your ſafety^‖."’ The Queen heard very pa⯑tiently this ſpeech, where ſhe was flattered in phraſes appropriated to the Su⯑preme Being; and ſhe returned an anſwer, full of ſuch expreſſions of tenderneſs towards her people, as ought to have appeared fulſome after the late inſtances of rigour which ſhe had employed, and from which nothing but neceſſity had made her depart. Thus was this critical affair happily terminated; and Eliza⯑beth, by prudently receding, in time, from her rights, maintained her dignity, and preſerved the affections of her people.

THE commons granted her a ſupply very unprecedented, of four ſubſidies and eight fifteenths; and they were even ſo dutiful as to vote this ſupply before they received any ſatisfaction in the buſineſs of monopolies, which they juſtly conſidered as of the utmoſt conſequence to the intereſt and happineſs of the nation. Had they attempted to extort that conceſſion by keeping the ſupply in ſuſpence; ſo haughty was the Queen's diſpoſition, this appearance of conſtraint and jealouſy had been ſufficient to have produced a denial of all their requeſts, and to have forced her into ſome acts of authority ſtill more violent and arbitrary.

year THE remaining events of this reign are neither very numerous nor important. The Queen, finding that the Spaniards had involved her in ſo much trouble, by fomenting and aſſiſting the Iriſh rebellion, reſolved to give them employment at home; and ſhe fitted out a ſquadron of nine ſhips under Sir Richard Leviſon, admiral, and Sir William Monſon, vice-admiral, whom ſhe ſent on an expedi⯑tion [712] year 1602 to the coaſt of Spain. The admiral, with part of the ſquadron, met the galleons loaded with treaſure; but was not ſtrong enough to attack them: The vice⯑admiral alſo fell in with ſome very rich ſhips; but they eſcaped for a like reaſon: And theſe two brave officers, that their expedition might not be entirely fruitleſs, reſolved to attack the harbour of Cerimbra in Portugal, where, they received intelligence, a very rich Carrack had taken ſhelter. The harbour was guarded by a caſtle: There were eleven gallies ſtationed in it: And the militia of the country, to the number, as was believed, of twenty thouſand men, appeared in arms on the ſhore: Yet notwithſtanding theſe obſtacles, and others derived from the winds and tides, the Engliſh ſquadron broke into the harbour, diſmounted the guns of the caſtle, ſunk or burnt, or put to flight, the gallies, and obliged the carrack to ſurrender^‡. They brought her home to England, and ſhe was va⯑lued at a million of ducats^‖. A ſenſible loſs to the Spaniards; and a ſupply ſtill more conſiderable to Elizabeth^{{inverted †}}.

THE affairs of Ireland, after the defeat of Tyrone, and the expulſion of the Spaniards, haſtened to a ſettlement. Lord Mountjoy divided his army into ſmall parties, and harraſſed the rebels on every ſide: He built Charlemount, and many other ſmall forts, which were impregnable to the Iriſh, and guarded all the important paſſes of the country: The activity of Sir Henry Docwray and Sir Arthur Chicheſter, permitted no repoſe or ſecurity to the rebels: And many of the chieſtains, after ſkulking like wild beaſts, in woods and moraſſes, ſubmit⯑ted to mercy, and received ſuch conditions as the deputy was pleaſed to impoſe upon them. year 1603 Tyrone's ſub⯑miſſion. Tyrone himſelf made application by Arthur Mac-Baron, his bro⯑ther, to be received upon terms; but Mountjoy would not admit him, except he made an abſolute ſurrender of his life and fortune to the Queen's mercy. He appeared before the deputy at Millefont, in a habit and poſture ſuitable to his preſent fortune; and after acknowleging his offence in the moſt humble terms, he was committed to cuſtody by Mountjoy, who intended to bring him over cap⯑tive into England, to be diſpoſed of at the Queen's pleaſure.

Queen's ſick⯑neſs, BUT Elizabeth was now incapable of receiving any ſatisfaction from this for⯑tunate event: She had fallen into a proſound melancholy; which all the advan⯑tages of her high fortune, all the glories of her proſperous reign, were unable, in any degree, to alleviate or aſſuage. Some aſcribed this depreſſion of mind to her repentance of granting a pardon to Tyrone, whom ſhe had always reſolved to [713] bring to condign puniſhment for his treaſons, but who had made ſuch intereſt with the miniſters, as to extort a remiſſion from her. Others, with more likeli⯑hood, accounted for her dejection, by a diſcovery which ſhe had made, of the correſpondence maintained in her court with her ſucceſſor the King of Scots, and by the neglect, to which, on account of her old age and infirmities, ſhe imagin⯑ed herſelf to be expoſed. But there is another cauſe aſſigned for her melancholy, which has long been rejected by hiſtorians as remantic, but which late diſcoveries ſeem to have confirmed^*: Some incidents happened which revived her tender⯑neſs for Eſſex, and filled her with the deepeſt ſorrow for the conſent which ſhe had unwarily given to his execution.

THE earl of Eſſex, after his return from the fortunate expedition againſt Cadiz, obſerving the increaſe of the Queen's fond attachment towards him, took occa⯑ſion to regret, that the neceſſity of her ſervice required him often to be abſent from her perſon, and expoſed him to all thoſe ill offices which his enemies, more aſſiduous in their attendance, could practiſe againſt him. She was moved with this tender jealouſy; and making him the preſent of a ring, deſired him to keep that pledge of her affection, and aſſured him, that in whatever diſgrace he ſhould fall, whatever prejudices ſhe might be induced to entertain againſt him, yet, if he ſent her that ring, ſhe would immediately, upon the ſight of it, recollect her former tenderneſs, would afford him again a h aring, and would lend a favour⯑able ear to his apology. Eſſex, notwithſtanding all his misfortunes, reſerved this precious gift to the laſt extremity; but after his trial and condemnation, he reſolved to try the experiment, and he committed the ring to the counteſs of Nottingham, whom he deſired to deliver it to the Queen. The counteſs was pre⯑vailed on by her huſband, who was Eſſex's capital enemy, not to execute the commiſſion; and Elizabeth, who ſtill expected that her favourite would make this appeal to her tenderneſs, and who aſcribed the neglect of it to his invin⯑cible obſtinacy, was, after much delay, and many internal combats, puſhed by reſentment and policy to ſign the warrant for his execution. The counteſs of Nottingham, falling into ſickneſs, and ſinding herſelf approach towards her end, was ſeized with remorſe for her conduct; and having obtained a viſit from the Queen, ſhe craved her pardon, and revealed to her the fatal ſecret. The Queen, aſtoniſhed with this incident, burſt into a ſurious paſſion: She ſhook the dying counteſs in her bed; and crying to her, That God might pardon her, but ſhe never [...]ould, ſhe broke from her, and thenceforth reſigned herſelf over to the deepeſt [714] and moſt incurable melancholy. She rejected all conſolation: She even refuſed food and ſuſtenance: And throwing herſelf on the floor, ſhe kept herſelf ſilent and immoveable, feeding her thoughts on her afflictions, and declaring life and exiſtence an inſufferable burthen to her. Few words ſhe uttered; and they were all expreſſive of ſome inward grief which ſhe cared not to reveal: But ſighs and groans were the chief vent which ſhe gave to her deſpondency, and which, tho' they diſcovered her ſorrows, were able to eaſe or abate them. Ten days and nights ſhe lay upon the carpet, leaning on cuſhions which her maids brought her; and her phyſicians could not perſuade her to allow herſelf to be put to bed, much leſs to make trial of any remedies which they preſcribed to her^*. Her anxi⯑ous mind at laſt had ſo long preyed on her frail body, that her end was viſibly approaching; and the council, being aſſembled, ſent the lord keeper, the lord admiral, and the ſecretary, to know her mind with regard to her ſucceſſor. She anſwered with a faint voice, that as ſhe had held a regal ſcepter, ſhe deſired no other than a royal ſucceſſor. Cecil requeſting her to explain herſelf more parti⯑cularly, ſhe ſubjoined, that ſhe would have a King to ſucceed her; and who ſhould that be but her neareſt kinſman, the King of Scots. Being then adviſed by the archbiſhop of Canterbury, to fix her thoughts upon God, ſhe replied, that ſhe did ſo, nor did her mind in the leaſt wander from him. And death, 24 March. Her voice ſoon after left her, her ſenſes failed, ſhe fell into a lethargic ſlumber, which continued ſome hours, and ſhe expired gently, without farther ſtruggle or convulſion, in the ſeventieth year of her age, and forty-fifth of her reign.

And charac⯑ter. SUCH a dark cloud overcaſt the evening of that day, which had ſhone out with a mighty luſtre in the eyes of all Europe. There are few great perſonages in hiſtory who have been more expoſed to the calumny of enemies, and the adulation of friends, than Queen Elizabeth; and yet there ſcarce is any, whoſe reputation has been more certainly determined, by the unanimous conſent of poſterity. The unuſual length of her adminiſtration, and the ſtrong features of her character, were able to overcome all prejudices; and obliging her detractors to abate much of their invectives, and her admirers ſomewhat of their panegyrics, have at laſt, in ſpite of political factions, and what is more, of religious animoſities, produced an uniform judgment with regard to her conduct. Her vigour, her conſtancy, her magnanimity, her penetration, vigilance, addreſs, are allowed to merit the high⯑eſt praiſes, and appear not to have been ſurpaſſed by any perſon who ever filled a throne: A conduct leſs rigorous, leſs imperious, more ſincere, more indulgent to her people, would have been requiſite to form a perfect character. By the force of her mind, ſhe controuled all her more active and ſtronger qualities, and [715] prevented them from running into exceſs: Her heroiſm was exempt from all te⯑merity, her frugality from avarice, her friendſhip from partiality, her enterprize from turbulency and a vain ambition: She guarded not herſelf with equal care or equal ſucceſs from leſſer infirmities; the rivalſhip of beauty, the deſire of admiration, the jealouſy of love, and the ſallies of anger.

HER ſingular talents for government were founded equally on her temper and on her capacity. Endowed with a great command over herſelf, ſhe ſoon obtain⯑ed an uncontrouled aſcendant over her people; and while ſhe merited all their eſteem by her real virtues, ſhe alſo engaged their affection by her pretended ones. Few ſovereigns of England ſucceeded to the throne in more difficult circum⯑ſtances; and none ever conducted the government with ſuch uniform ſucceſs and felicity. Tho' unacquainted with the practice of toleration, the true ſecret for managing religious factions, ſhe preſerved her people, by her ſuperior prudence, from thoſe confuſions in which theological controverſy had involved all the neigh⯑bouring nations: And tho' her enemies were the moſt powerful princes of Eu⯑rope, the moſt active, the moſt enterprizing, the leaſt ſcrupulous, ſhe was able by her vigour to make deep impreſſions on their ſtate: Her own greatneſs mean⯑while remained untouched and unimpaired.

THE wiſe miniſters, and brave warriors, who flouriſhed during her reign, ſhare the praiſe of her ſucceſs; but inſtead of leſſening the applauſe due to her, they make great addition to it. They owed, all of them, their advancement to her choice; they were ſupported by her conſtancy; and with all their ability, they were never able to acquire any undue aſcendant over her. In her family, in her court, in her kingdom, ſhe remained equally miſtreſs: The force of the tender paſſions was great over her, but the force of her mind was ſtill ſuperior; and the combat which her victory viſibly coſt her, ſerves only to diſplay the firmneſs of her reſolution, and the loftineſs of her ambitious ſentiments.

THE fame of this princeſs, tho' it has ſurmounted the prejudices both of fac⯑tion and of bigotry, yet lies ſtill expoſed to another prejudice, which is more durable becauſe more natural, and which, according to the different views in which we ſurvey her, is capable either of exalting beyond meaſure, or diminiſh⯑ing the luſtre of her character. This prejudice is founded on the conſideration of her ſex. When we contemplate her as a woman, we are apt to be ſtruck with the higheſt admiration of her great qualities and extenſive capacity; but we are alſo apt to require ſome more ſoftneſs of diſpoſition, ſome greater lenity of temper, ſome of thoſe amiable weakneſſes by which her ſex is diſtinguiſhed. But the true method of eſtimating her merit, is to lay aſide all theſe conſiderations, and to [716] conſider her merely as a rational being, placed in authority, and entruſted with the government of mankind. We may find it difficult to reconcile our fancy to her as a wife or a miſtreſs; but her qualities as a ſovereign, tho' with ſome conſiderable exceptions, are the object of undiſputed applauſe and approba⯑tion.

Government, manners, commerce, arts, and learning. THE party amongſt us who have diſtinguiſhed themſelves by their adherence to liberty and a popular government, have long indulged their prejudices againſt the ſucceeding race of princes, by beſtowing unbounded panegyrics on the virtue and wiſdom of Elizabeth. They have even been ſo extremely ignorant of the tranſactions of this reign, as to extol her for a quality which, of all others, ſhe was the leaſt poſſeſt of; a tender regard for the conſtitution, and a concern for the liberties and privileges of her people. But as it is ſcarce poſſible for the pre⯑poſſeſſions of party to throw a veil much longer over facts ſo palpable and unde⯑niable, there is danger leſt the public ſhould run into the oppoſite extreme, and ſhould entertain an averſion to the memory of a princeſs who exerciſed the royal authority in a manner ſo much contrary to all the ideas which we at preſent enter⯑tain of a legal conſtitution. But Elizabeth only ſupported the prerogatives which were tranſmitted to her by her immediate predeceſſors: She believed that her ſub⯑jects were entitled to no more liberty than their anceſtors enjoyed: She found that they entirely acquieſced in her arbitrary adminiſtration: And it was not na⯑tural for her to find fault with a form of government, by which ſhe herſelf was inveſted with ſuch unlimited authority. In the particular exertions of power, the queſtion ought never to be forgot, What is beſt? But in the general diſtri⯑bution of power among the ſeveral members of a conſtitution, there can ſeldom be admitted any other queſtion, than What is uſual? Few examples occur of princes, who have willingly reſigned their power: None of thoſe who have, without ſtruggle, allowed it to be extorted from them. If any other rule than ancient practice be followed, factions and diſſentions muſt multiply w thout end: And tho' many conſtitutions, and none more than the Britiſh, have been im⯑proved even by violent innovations, the praiſe which we beſtow on thoſe patriots, to whom we are indebted for our privileges, ought to be given with ſome reſerve, and ſurely without the leaſt rancour againſt thoſe who adhered to the ancient conſtitution.

IN order to underſtand the ancient conſtitution of England, there is not a pe⯑riod which deſerves more to be ſtudied than the reign of Elizabeth. The pre⯑rogatives [717] of this princeſs were ſcarce ever diſputed, and ſhe therefore employed them without ſcruple: Her imperious temper, a circumſtance in which ſhe went far beyond her ſucceſſors, rendered her exertions of power violent and frequent, and diſcovered the full extent of her authority: The great popularity which ſhe enjoyed, proves, that the did not infringe any eſtabliſhed liberties of the people: There remain monuments numerous enough to aſ ertain the moſt noted acts of her adminiſtration: And tho' th [...]ſe monument▪ muſt be ſought remote from the ordinary hiſtorians, they become only the more authenti on that account, and ſerve as a ſtronger proof, that the particular exertions of her power were conceiv⯑ed to be nothing but the ordinary courſe of adminiſtration, ſince they were not thought remarkable enough to be recorded even by contemporary writers. If there was any difference in this particular, the people, in former reigns, ſeem rather to have been more ſubmiſſive and ſervile than during the age of Elizabeth^*. It may not here be improper to recount ſome of the ancient prerogatives of the crown, and lay open the ſources of that great power which the Engliſh monarchs for⯑merly enjoyed.

ONE of the moſt ancient and moſt eſtabliſhed inſtruments of power was the court of Star-chamber, which poſſeſſed an unlimited diſcretionary authority of fining, impriſoning, and inflict ng corporal puniſhment, and whoſe juriſ⯑diction extended to all ſorts of offences, contempts, and diſorders, that lay not within reach of the common law. The members of this court con⯑ſiſted of the privy council and the judges; men, who all of them enjoyed their offices during pleaſure: And when the prince himſelf was preſent, he was the ſole judge, and all the others could only interpoſe with their advice. There needed but this one court in any government, to put an end to all regular, legal, and exact plans of liberty. For who durſt [...]t himſelf in oppoſition to the crown and miniſtry, or aſpire to the character of being a patr [...]n of freedom, while ex⯑poſed to ſo arbitrary a juriſdiction? I much queſtion, whether any of the abſo⯑lute monarchies in Europe contain, at preſent, ſo illegal and deſp [...]ti [...] a tribunal.

THE court of High Commiſſion was another juriſdiction ſtill more terrible, both becauſe the crime of hereſy, of which it took co [...]ance, wa [...] more unde⯑ſinable than any civil offence, and beca ſe its methods of inquiſition and of ad⯑miniſtering oaths, were more contrary to all the m [...] ſi [...]p [...] ideas of juſtice [718] and equity. The fines and impriſonments impoſed by this court were frequent: The deprivations and ſuſpenſions of the clergy for non-conformity, were alſo very numerous, and comprehended at one time the third of all the eccleſiaſtics of England^†. The Queen, in a letter to the archbiſhop of Canterbury, ſaid ex⯑preſsly, that ſhe was reſolved, ‘"That no man ſhould be ſuffered to decline ei⯑ther on the left or on the right hand, from the drawn line limited by autho⯑rity, and by her laws and injunctions^‡.’

BUT Martial Law went far beyond even theſe two courts in a prompt and arbi⯑trary and violent method of deciſion. Whenever there was any inſurrection or public diſorder, the crown employed martial law; and it was during that time exerciſed not only over the ſoldiers, but over the whole people: Any one might be puniſhed as a rebel, or an aider and abettor of rebellion, whom the provoſt⯑marſhal or lieutenant of counties, or their deputies, pleaſed to ſuſpect. Lord Bacon ſays, that the trial at common law granted the earl of Eſſex, and his fel⯑low conſpirators, was a favour: For that the caſe would have born and required the ſeverity of martial law^‖. We have ſeen inſtances of its being employed by Queen Mary in defence of orthodoxy. There remains a letter of Queen Elizabeth's to the earl of Suffex, after the ſuppreſſion of the northern rebellion, in which ſhe reproves him ſharply, becauſe ſhe had not heard of his having done any execution by martial law^{{inverted †}}. But the King of England did not always limit the exerciſe of martial law to the times of war and rebellion. In 1552, when there was no rebellion or inſurrection, King Edward granted a commiſſion of martial law; and empowered the commiſſioners to execute it, as ſhould be thought by their diſcretions moſt neceſ⯑ſary ^§. Queen Elizabeth too was not ſparing in the uſe of martial law. In 1573, one Peter Burchet, a puritan, being perſuaded that it was lawful or meritorious to kill ſuch as oppoſed the truth of the goſpel, ran into the ſtreets, and wounded Hawkins, the famous ſea-captain, whom he took for Hatton, the Queen's fa⯑vourite. The Queen was ſo incenſed, that ſhe ordered him to be puniſhed in⯑ſtantly by martial law; but upon the remonſtrance of ſome prudent counſellors, who told her, that that law ought to be confined to turbulent times, ſhe recalled her order, and delivered over Burchet to the common law^*. But ſhe continued not always ſo reſerved in exerting this authority. There remains a proclamation of hers, where ſhe orders martial law to be uſed againſt all ſuch as import bulls, or even forbidden books and pamphlets from abroad^††; and prohibits the lieute⯑nants [719] or their deputies to be queſtioned for their arbitrary puniſhment of ſuch of⯑fenders, any law or ſtatute to the contrary in any wiſe notwithſtanding. We have another act of hers ſtill more extraordinary. The ſtreets of London were very much infeſted with idle vagabonds and riotous perſons: The lord mayor had endeavoured to repreſs this diſorder: The Star-chamber had exerted its authority, and inflicted puniſhment on theſe rioters: But the Queen, finding thoſe remedies ineffectual, revived martial law, and gave Sir Thomas Wilford a commiſſion of provoſt-marſhal: ‘"Granting him authority, and commanding him, upon ſig⯑nification given by the juſtices of peace in London or the neighbouring coun⯑ties, of ſuch offenders, worthy to be ſpeedily executed by martial law, to at⯑tach and take the ſame perſons, and in the preſence of the ſaid juſtices, ac⯑cording to juſtice of martial law, to execute them upon the gallows or gibbet openly, or near to ſuch place where the ſaid rebellious and incorrigible offen⯑ders ſhall be found to have committed the ſaid great offences^‖."’ I ſuppoſe it will be difficult to produce an inſtance of ſuch an act of authority in any place nearer than Muſcovy.

THE Star-chamber, and High Commiſſion, and Court Martial, tho' arbitrary juriſdictions, yet had ſtill ſome pretence of a trial, at leaſt a ſentence; but there was a grievous puniſhment very familiarly inflicted in that age, without any other authority than the warrant of a ſecretary of ſtate, or of the privy council^†; and that was, impriſonment, in any jail, and during any time, that theſe miniſters ſhould think proper. In ſuſpicious times, all the jails were full of priſoners of ſtate; and theſe unhappy victims of public jealouſy were ſometimes thrown into dungeons, and loaded with irons, and treated in the moſt cruel manner, without any remedy from law.

THIS practice was an indirect way of employing torture: But the ra [...]k itſelf was frequently uſed, upon any ſuſpicion, without other authority than a warrant from the ſecretary or the privy council. Even the council in the marches of Wales were empowered, by their very commiſſion, to make uſe of torture, whenever they thought proper^*. There cannot be a ſtronger proof how lightly the rack was employed, than the following ſtory, told by lord Bacon. We ſhall give it in his own words. ‘"The Queen was mightily incented againſt Haywarde, on account of a book he dedicated to lord Eſſex, being a ſtory of the firſt year of King Henry the fourth, thinking it a ſeditious prelude to put into [720] the people's heads boldneſs and faction: She ſaid, ſhe had an opinion that there was treaſon in it, and aſked me, if I could not find any places in it, that might be drawn within the caſe of treaſon: Whereto I anſwered, For treaſon, ſure I found none; but for felony, very many: And when her majeſty haſtily aſked me, wherein? I told her, the author had committed very apparent theft: For he had taken moſt of the ſentences of Cornelius Tacitus, and tranſlated them into Engliſh, and put them into his text. And another time, when the Queen could not be perſuaded, that it was his writing whoſe name was to it, but that it had ſome more miſchievous author, and ſaid with great indignation, that ſhe would have him racked, to produce his author; I replied, nay, madam, he is a doctor, never rack his perſon, but rack his ſtile: Let him have pen, ink, and paper, and help of books, and be enjoined to con⯑tinue the ſtory where it breaketh off, and I will undertake, by collating the ſtyles, to judge whether he were the author or no^†."’ Thus, had it not been for Bacon's humanity, or rather his wit, this author, a man of letters, had been put to the rack, for a moſt innocent performance. His real offence was, his de⯑dicating a book to that munificent patron of the learned, the earl of Eſſex, at a time when this nobleman lay under diſgrace with her majeſty.

THE Queen's menace of trying and puniſhing Haywarde for treaſon, could eaſily have been executed, let his book have been ever ſo innocent. While ſo many terrors hung over the people's heads, no jury durſt have acquitted a man whom the court was reſolved to have condemned. The practice alſo of not confronting the witneſſes with the priſoner, gave the crown lawyers all imagin⯑able advantages againſt him. And, indeed, there occurs not one inſtance, dur⯑ing all theſe reigns, that the ſovereign, or the miniſters, were ever diſappointed in the iſſue of a proſecution. Timid juries, and judges who held their offices during pleaſure, never failed to ſecond all the views of the court.

THE power of preſſing, and obliging any perſon to accept of any office, was another prerogative totally incompatible with freedom. Oſborne gives the fol⯑lowing account of Elizabeth's method of employing this prerogative. ‘"In caſe ſhe ſound any likely to interrupt her occaſions," ſays he, "ſhe did ſeaſonably prevent him by a chargeable employment abroad, or putting him upon ſome ſervice at home, which ſhe knew leaſt grateful to the people: Contrary to a falſe maxim, ſince practiſed with far worſe ſucceſs, by ſuch princes as thought it better husbandry to buy off enemies than reward friends^‡."’ The practice with which Oſborne reproaches the two immediate ſucceſſors of Elizabeth, pro⯑ceeded [721] partly from the extreme difficulty of their ſituation, partly from the greater lenity of their diſpoſition. The power of preſſing, as may naturally be imagin⯑ed, was often abuſed; and money was exacted by the officers for freeing perſons from the ſervice^‖.

THE government of England in that age, bore ſome reſemblance to that of Turkey at preſent: The ſovereign poſſeſſed every power, except that of impoſing taxes: And in both countries this limitation, unſupported by other privileges, appears rather prejudicial to the people. In Turkey, it obliges the Sultan to per⯑mit the extortion of the baſhas and governors of provinces, from whom he af⯑terwards ſqueezes preſents, or takes forfeitures: In England, it engaged the Queen to erect monopolies, and grant patents for excluſive trade: An invention ſo pernicious, that had ſhe gone on, during a tract of years, at her own rate, England, the ſeat of riches, arts, and commerce, would have contained at preſent as little induſtry as Morocco, or the coaſt of Barbary.

WE may further obſerve, that this valuable privilege, valuable only becauſe it proved afterwards the means by which the Parliament extorted all their other pri⯑vileges, was very much encroached on, in an indirect manner, during the reign of Elizabeth, as well as of her predeceſſors. She often exacted loans from her people; an arbitrary and unequal kind of impoſition, and which individuals felt ſeverely: For tho' the money had been regularly reſtored, which was ſeldom the caſe^*, it lay in the prince's hands without intereſt, which was a ſenſible loſs to the individuals from whom the money was borrowed.

THERE remains a propoſal made by the lord Burleigh, for levying a general loan on the people, equivalent to a ſubſidy^†; a ſcheme which would have laid the burthen more equally, but which was, in different words, nothing but a taxation, impoſed without conſent of Parliament. It is remarkable, that the ſcheme, thus propoſed, without any viſible neceſſity, by that wiſe miniſter, is the very ſame which Henry the eighth attempted, and which Charles the firſt, en⯑raged by ill uſage from his Parliament, and reduced to the greateſt difficulties, put afterwards in practice, to the great diſcontent of the nation.

THE demand of benevolence was another invention of that age for taxing the people. This practice was ſo little conceived to be irregular, that the commons, in 1585, offered the Queen a benevolence; which ſhe very generouſly refuſed, as having no occaſion, at that time, for money^‡. Queen Mary alſo, by an or⯑der of council, increaſed the cuſtoms in ſome branches; and her ſiſter imitated [722] the example^‖. There was a ſpecies of ſhip-money impoſed at the time of the Spaniſh invaſion. The ſeveral ports were required to equip a certain number of ſhips at their own charge; and ſuch was the alacrity of the people for the public defence, that ſome of the ports, particularly London, ſent double the number demanded of them^*. When any levies were made for Ireland, France, or the Low Countries, the Queen obliged the counties to raiſe the ſoldiers, to arm and clothe them, and carry them to the ſea-ports at their own charge. New-Year's-Gifts were, at that time, expected from the nobility, and from the more conſi⯑derable gentry^†.

PURVEYANCE was another method of taxation, unequal, arbitrary, and op⯑preſſive. The whole kingdom felt ſenſibly the burthen of this impoſition; and it was regarded as a great privilege which was conferred on Oxford and Cam⯑bridge, to prohibit the purveyors from taking any commodities within five miles of theſe univerſities. The Queen victualled her navy by means of this preroga⯑tive, during the firſt years of her government^‡.

WARDSHIP was the moſt regular and legal of all theſe impoſitions by prero⯑gative: Yet was it a great badge of ſlavery, and oppreſſive to the great families. When an eſtate fell to a female, the ſovereign obliged her to marry any one he pleaſed: Whether the heir was male or female, the crown enjoyed the whole profit of the rents during the minority. The giving a rich wardſhip was an uſual method of rewarding a courtier or favourite.

THE inventions were endleſs, which arbitrary power might employ for extorting of money, while the people imagined that their property was ſecured by debarring the crown from impoſing taxes. Strype has preſerved a ſpeech of lord Burleigh to the Queen and council, wherein are contained ſome particulars not a little extra⯑ordinary^§. Burleigh propoſes that ſhe ſhould erect a court for the correction of all abuſes, and ſhould confer on the commiſſioners a general inquiſitorial power over the whole kingdom. He ſets before her eyes the example of her wiſe grand⯑father, Henry the ſeventh, who, by ſuch methods, augmented extremely his revenue; and he recommends, that this new court ſhould proceed, ‘"as well by the direction and ordinary courſe of the laws, as by virtue of her majeſty's ſu⯑preme regiment and abſolute power, from whence law proceeded."’ In a word, he expects from this inſtitution, greater acceſſion to the royal treaſure, than Henry the eighth derived from the abolition of the abbeys, and all the forfeitures of the eccleſiaſtical revenues. This project of lord Burleigh needs not, I think, [723] any comment. A form of government muſt be very arbitrary, where a wiſe and good miniſter could make ſuch a propoſal to the ſovereign.

EMBARGOES on merchandize was another engine of royal power, by which the Engliſh princes were able to extort money from the people. We have ſeen inſtances in the reign of Mary. Elizabeth, before her coronation, iſſued an or⯑der to the cuſtom-houſe, prohibiting the ſale of all crimſon ſilks which ſhould be imported, till the court was firſt provided^*. She expected, no doubt, a good penny-worth from the merchants, while they lay under this reſtraint.

THE Parliament pretended to the right of enacting laws, as well as of grant⯑ing ſubſidies; but this privilege was, during that age, ſtill more inſignificant than the other. Queen Elizabeth expreſsly prohibited them from meddling with ſtate matters or eccleſiaſtical cauſes; and ſhe openly ſent the members to priſon, who dared to tranſgreſs her imperial edict in theſe particulars. There paſſed few Par⯑liaments, during her reign, where there occur not inſtances of this arbitrary conduct.

BUT the legiſlative power of the Parliament was a mere fallacy, while the ſo⯑vereign was univerſally acknowleged to poſſeſs a diſpenſing power, by which all the laws could be invalidated, and rendered of no effect. The uſe of this power was alſo an indirect method practiſed for erecting monopolies. Where the ſtatutes laid any branch of manufacture under reſtrictions, the ſovereign, by exempting one perſon from the laws, gave him in effect the monopoly of that commodity^†. There was no grievance, at that time, more univerſally complained of, than the frequent diſpenſing with the penal laws^‡.

BUT in reality, the crown poſſeſſed the full legiſlative power, by means of pro⯑clamations, which might affect any ſubject of the greateſt importance, and which the Star-chamber took care to ſee more rigorouſly executed than the laws them⯑ſelves. The motives of theſe proclamations were ſometimes very ridiculous. Queen Elizabeth had taken offence at the ſmell of woad; and ſhe iſſued an edict prohibiting any one to cultivate that uſeful plant^‖. She was alſo pleaſed to take offence at the long ſwords and high ruffs then in faſhion: She ſent about [...] officers, to break every man's ſword, and clip every man's ruff, which was be⯑yond a certain length^{{inverted †}}. This practice reſembles ſomewhat the method employ⯑ed by the great Czar Peter, to make his ſubjects change their garb.

[724] THE Queen's prohibition of the propheſyings was founded on a better reaſon▪ but ſhews ſtill the unlimited extent of her prerogative. Two or three people could not meet together, in order to read the ſcriptures, and confer about reli⯑gion, tho' in ever ſo orthodox a manner, without her permiſſion.

THERE were many other branches of prerogative incompatible with an exact or regular enjoyment of liberty. None of the nobility could marry without per⯑miſſion from the ſovereign. The Queen detained the earl of Southampton long in priſon, becauſe he privately married the earl of Eſſex's couſin^*. No man could travel without the conſent of the prince. Sir William Evers underwent a ſevere perſecution, becauſe he had preſumed to pay a private viſit to the King of Scots^†.

THE Parliament in the thirteenth of the Queen praiſed her for not imitating the practice, uſual among her predeceſſors, of ſtopping the courſe of juſtice by particular warrants^‡. There could not poſſibly be a greater abuſe, nor a ſtronger mark of arbitrary power; and the Queen, in refraining from it, was very laudable. But ſhe was by no means conſtant in this reſerve. There remain in the public records ſome warrants of her's for exempting perſons from all law-ſuits and pro⯑ſecutions^‖; and theſe warrants, ſhe ſays, ſhe grants from her royal prerogative, which ſhe will not allow to be diſputed.

IT is eaſy to imagine, that, in ſuch a government, no juſtice could, by courſe of law, be obtained of the ſovereign, unleſs he was willing to allow it. In the naval expedition, undertaken by Raleigh and Forbiſher againſt the Spaniards, in 1592, a very rich carrack was taken worth two hundred thouſand pounds. The Queen's ſhare in the adventure was only a tenth part; but as the prize was ſo great, and exceeded ſo much the expectations of all the adventurers, ſhe was determined not to reſt contented with her ſhare. Raleigh, humbly and earneſtly, begged her to accept of an hundred thouſand pounds, in lieu of all demands, or rather exactions; and ſays, that the preſent, which the proprietors were willing to make her of eighty thouſand pounds, was the greateſt that ever a prince re⯑ceived from a ſubject^§.

BUT it is no wonder the Queen, in her adminiſtration, ſhould pay ſo little re⯑gard to liberty; while the parliament itſelf, in enacting laws, were ſo entirely negligent of it. The perſecuting ſtatutes, which they paſſed againſt papiſts and puritans, are extremely contrary to the genius of freedom; and by expoſing ſuch multitudes to the tyranny of prieſts and bigots, accuſtomed the people to the [725] moſt diſgraceful ſubjection. Their conferring an unlimited ſupremacy on the Queen, or what is worſe, acknowleging her inherent right to it, was another proof of their voluntary ſervitude.

THE law of the 23d of her reign, making ſeditious words againſt the Queen capital, is another very tyrannical ſtatute; and an uſe, no leſs tyrannical, was ſometimes made of it. The caſe of Udal, a puritannical clergyman, ſeems ſingular, even in thoſe arbitrary times. This man had publiſhed a book called a demonſtration of diſcipline, in which he inveighed againſt the government of biſhops; and tho' he had carefully endeavoured to conceal his name, he was thrown into priſon upon ſuſpicion, and brought to his trial for this offence. It was pretended, that the biſhops were part of the Queen's political body; and to ſpeak againſt them, was really to attack her, and was therefore felony by the ſtatute. This was not the only iniquity, to which Udal was expoſed. The judges would not allow the jury to determine any thing but the fact, whether Udal had wrote the book, or not, without examining his intention, or the im⯑port of the words. In order to prove the fact, the crown lawyers did not pro⯑duce a ſingle witneſs to the court: They only read the teſtimony of two perſons abſent, one of which ſaid that Udal had told him he was the author; another, that a friend of Udal's had ſaid ſo. They would not allow Udal to produce any exculpatory evidence; which, they ſaid, was never to be permitted againſt the Queen. And they tendered him an oath, by which he was required to ſwear, that he was not author of the book; and his refuſal to give that teſtimony was employed as the ſtrongeſt proof of his guilt. It is almoſt needleſs to add, that, notwithſtanding theſe multiplied iniquities, a verdict of death was given by the jury againſt Udal: For as the Queen was extremely bent upon his proſecution, it was impoſſible he could eſcape^*. He died in priſon before the execution of the ſentence.

THE caſe of Penry was, if poſſible, ſtill harder. This man was a zealous pu⯑ritan, or rather a Browniſt; and he had wrote againſt the hierarchy ſeveral tracts, ſuch as Martin Mar-prelate, Theſes Martinianae, and other compoſitions full of low ſcurrility and petulant ſatyre. After concealing himſelf for ſome years, he was ſeized; and as the ſtatute againſt ſeditious words required that the crimi⯑nal ſhould be tried within a year after committing the offence, he could not be indicted for his printed books. He was therefore tried for ſome papers found in his pocket, as if he had thereby ſcattered ſedition^†. It was alſo imputed to him, by the lord keeper, Puckering, that in ſome of theſe papers, ‘"he had only acknow⯑leged [726] her majeſty's royal power to eſtabliſh laws, eccleſiaſtical and civil; but had avoided the uſual terms of making, enacting, decreeing, and ordaining laws: Which imply," ſays the lord keeper, "a moſt abſolute authority^‡."’ Penry for theſe offences was condemned and executed.

THUS we have ſeen, that the moſt abſolute authority of the ſovereign, to make uſe of the lord keeper's phraſe, was eſtabliſhed on above twenty branches of pre⯑rogative, which are now aboliſhed, and which were, every one of them, totally incompatible with the liberty of the ſubject. But what enſured more effectually the ſlavery of the people, than even theſe branches of prerogative, was, the eſta⯑bliſhed principles of the times, which attributed to the prince ſuch an abſolute and indefeizable authority, as was ſuppoſed to be the origin of all law, and could be bound and circumſcribed by none. The homilies, publiſhed for the uſe of the clergy, and which they were enjoined to read every Sunday in all the churches, inculcate every where a blind, and unlimited paſſive-obedience to the prince, which, on no account, and under no pretence, is it ever lawful for them, in the ſmalleſt article, to depart from or infringe. Much noiſe has been made, becauſe ſome court chaplains, during the ſucceeding reigns, were permitted to preach ſuch doctrines; but there is a great difference between theſe ſermons, and diſcourſes publiſhed by authority, avowed by the prince and council, and promulgated to the whole nation^*. So thoroughly were theſe principles imbibed by the people, during the reigns of Elizabeth and her predeceſſors, that oppoſition to them was regarded as the moſt flagrant ſedition, and was not even rewarded by that public praiſe and approbation, which can alone ſupport men under ſuch dangers and difficulties, as attend the reſiſtance of tyrannical authority. It was only during the next generation that the noble principles of liberty took root, and ſpreading themſelves, under the ſhelter of puritannical abſurdities, became faſhionable among the people.

IT is worth remarking, that the advantage, uſually aſcribed to abſolute mo⯑narchy, a greater regularity of police and a more ſtrict execution of the laws, did not attend the antient Engliſh government, tho' in many reſpects it fell under that denomination: A demonſtration of this truth is contained in a judicious paper, which is preſerved by Strype^†, and which was wrote by an eminent juſ⯑tice of peace of Somerſetſhire, in the year 1596, near the end of the Queen's reign, when the authority of that princeſs may be ſuppoſed to be fully corrobo⯑rated by time, and her maxims of government improved by long practice. This [727] paper contains an account of the diſorders which then prevailed in the county of Somerſet. The author ſays, that forty perſons had been there executed in a year for robberies, thefts, and other felonies; thirty-five burnt in the hand, thirty-ſeven whipt, one hundred and eighty-three diſcharged: That thoſe who were diſcharged were moſt wicked and deſperate perſons, who never could come to any good, becauſe they would not work, and none would take them into ſervice: That notwithſtanding this great number of indictments, the fifth part of the felonies committed in the county were not brought to a trial, the greater number eſcaped cenſure, either from the ſuperior cunning of the ſelons, the re⯑miſſneſs of the magiſtrates, or the fooliſh lenity of the people: That the rapines committed by the infinite number of wicked, wandering, idle people were into⯑lerable to the poor countrymen, and obliged them to a perpetual watch of their ſheep-folds, their paſtures, their woods and their corn-fields: That the other counties of England were in no better condition than Somerſetſhire; and many of them were even in a worſe: That there were at leaſt three or four hundred able⯑bodied vagabonds in every county, who lived by theft and rapine; and who ſometimes met in troops to the number of ſixty, and committed ſpoil on the in⯑habitants: That if all the felons of this kind were aſſembled, they would be able, if reduced to good ſubjection, to give the greateſt enemy her majeſty has a ſtrong battle: And that the magiſtrates themſelves were intimidated from executing juſ⯑tice upon them; and there were examples of juſtices of peace, who, after giving ſentence againſt rogues, had interpoſed to ſtop the execution of their own ſen⯑tence, for fear of the danger, which hung over them from the confederates of theſe felons.

IN the year 1575, the Queen complained in Parliament of the bad execution of the laws; and threatened, if the magiſtrates were not, for the future, more vigilant, that ſhe would entruſt authority to indigent and needy perſons, who would find an intereſt in the more exact diſtribution of juſtice^*. It appears, that ſhe was as good as her word. For in 1601, there were great complaints made in Parliament of the rapine of juſtices of peace; and a member ſaid, that this magiſtrate was an animal, who, for half a dozen of chickens, would [...]penſe with a dozen of penal ſtatutes^†. It is not eaſy to account for this relaxation of government, and neglect of police during a reign of ſo much [...] as that of Elizabeth. The ſmall revenue of the crown is the moſt likely cause that can be aſſigned. The Queen had it not in her power to intereſt a great number in aſſiſt⯑ing her to execute the laws.

[728] ON the whole, the Engliſh have no reaſon, from the example of their an⯑ceſtors, to be in love with the picture of abſolute monarchy; or to prefer the un⯑limited authority of the prince, and his unbounded prerogatives, to that noble liberty, that ſweet equality, and that happy ſecurity, by which they are at pre⯑ſent diſtinguiſhed above all nations of the univerſe. The utmoſt that can be ſaid in favour of the antient government (and perhaps it may be ſaid with truth) is, that the power of the prince, tho' really unlimited, was exerciſed after the European manner, and entered not into every part of the adminiſtration; that the inſtances of a high exerted prerogative were not ſo frequent as to render pro⯑perty ſenſibly inſecure, or reduce the people to a total ſervitude; that the free⯑dom from faction, the quickneſs of execution, and the promptitude of thoſe meaſures, which could be taken for offence or defence, made ſome compenſation for the want of a legal and determined liberty; that as the prince commanded no mercenary army, there was a tacit check on him, which maintained the go⯑vernment in that medium, to which the people had been accuſtomed; and that this ſituation of England was in reality more remote, tho' ſeemingly it approached nearer, a deſpotic and eaſtern monarchy, than the preſent government of that kingdom, where the people, tho' guarded by multiplied laws, are totally naked, defenceleſs, and diſarmed.

WE ſhall cloſe this volume with a brief account of the revenues, the mili⯑tary force, the commerce, the arts, and the learning of England during this period.

QUEEN Elizabeth's oeconomy was very remarkable; and in ſome inſtances ſeemed to border on avarice. The ſmalleſt expence, if it could poſſibly be ſaved, ap⯑peared conſiderable in her eyes; and even the charge of an expreſs, during the moſt delicate tranſactions, was not below her notice^*. She was alſo attentive to every profit; and embraced opportunities of gain, which may appear ſomewhat extraordinary. She kept the ſee of Ely vacant nineteen years, in order to pocket the revenue^†; and it was uſual with her, when ſhe promoted a biſhop, to take the opportunity of pillaging the ſee of ſome of its manors^‡. But that there was in reality little or no avarice in the Queen's temper appears from this circum⯑ſtance, that ſhe never amaſſed any treaſure; and even refuſed ſubſidies from the Parliament, when ſhe had no preſent occaſion for them. Yet we muſt not con⯑clude from this circumſtance, that her oeconomy proceeded from a tender concern for her people: She loaded them with monopolies and excluſive patents, which are infinitely more oppreſſive than the moſt heavy taxes, levied in a legal and re⯑gular [729] manner. The real ſource of her frugal conduct was derived from her de⯑ſire of independency, and her care to preſerve her dignity, which would have been endangered, had ſhe reduced herſelf to the neceſſity of having frequent recourſe to parliamentary ſupplies. In conſequence of this motive, the Queen, tho' en⯑gaged in ſucceſsful and neceſſary wars, thought it more prudent to make a con⯑tinual dilapidation of the royal demeſnes^*, than demand the moſt moderate ſup⯑plies from the commons. As ſhe lived unmarried and had no poſterity, ſhe was contented to ſerve her preſent turn, tho' at the expence of her ſucceſſors, who, by reaſon of this policy, joined to other accidents, found themſelves, on a ſudden, reduced to the moſt extreme indigence.

THE ſplendor of a court was, during this age, a great part of the public charge; and as Elizabeth was a ſingle woman, and expenſive in no ſpecies of magnificence, except cloaths, this circumſtance enabled her to perform great things by her narrow revenue. She is ſaid to have paid four millions of debt, left on the crown by her father, brother and ſiſter; an incredible ſum for that age^†. The ſtates at the time of her death owed her about eight hundred thouſand pounds: And the King of France four hundred and fifty thouſand^‡. Tho' that prince was extremely frugal, and after the peace of Vervins, was continu⯑ally amaſſing treaſure, the Queen never could, by the moſt preſſing remonſtrances, prevail on him to make payment of thoſe ſums, which ſhe had ſo generouſly ad⯑vanced him, during his greateſt diſtreſſes. One payment of twenty thouſand crowns, and another of fifty thouſand, were all ſhe could obtain, by the ſtrongeſt repreſentations ſhe could make of the difficulties to which the rebellion in Ire⯑land had reduced her^¶. The Queen expended on the wars with Spain between 1589 and 1593, the ſum of one million three hundred thouſand pounds, beſide the double ſubſidy, amounting to two hundred and eighty thouſand pounds, granted her by Parliament^{{inverted †}}. In the year 1599 ſhe ſpent ſix hundred thouſand pounds in ſix months in the ſervice of Ireland^**. Sir Robert Cecil affirmed, that in ten years time, Ireland coſt her three millions four hundred thouſand pounds^‖. She gave the earl of Eſſex a preſent of thirty thouſand pounds upon his departure for the government of that kingdom^§. Lord Burleigh computed [730] that the value of the gifts conferred on that favourite amounted to three hundred thouſand pounds: A proof of her ſtrong affection towards him! It was a com⯑mon ſaying during this reign; The Queen pays bountifully, tho' ſhe rewards ſpar⯑ingly ^†.

IT is difficult to compute exactly the Queen's ordinary revenue, but it certainly fell much ſhort of five hundred thouſand pounds a year. In 1590, ſhe raiſed the cuſtoms from fourteen thouſand pounds a year to fifty thouſand pounds; and obliged Sir Thomas Smith, who had farmed them, to refund ſome of his former profits^*. This improvement of the revenue was owing to the ſuggeſtions of one Caermarden; and was extremely oppoſed by Burleigh, Leiceſter, and Wal⯑ſingham. But the Queen's preſeverance overcame all their oppoſition. The great undertakings, which ſhe executed with ſo narrow a revenue, and with ſuch ſmall ſupplies from her people, prove the mighty effects of wiſdom and oecono⯑my. She received from the Parliament, during the courſe of her whole reign, only twenty ſubſidies and thirty-nine fifteenths. It is not eaſy to compute ex⯑actly the amount of theſe ſupplies; becauſe the value of a ſubſidy was continually falling; and in the end of her reign it amounted only to eighty thouſand pounds^{{inverted †}}, which in the beginning had been an hundred and twenty thouſand. If we ſup⯑poſe that the whole ſupplies granted Elizabeth during a reign of forty-five years amounted to three millions, we ſhall not probably be much wide of the truth. This ſum makes only ſixty-ſix thouſand ſix hundred and ſixty-ſix pounds a year; and it is ſurprizing, that while the Queen's demands were ſo moderate, and her expences ſo well regulated, ſhe ſhould ever have found any difficulty of getting a ſupply from the Parliament, or be reduced to make ſale of the crown-lands. But ſuch was the extreme, I had almoſt ſaid, abſurd parſimony of the Parlia⯑ments during that period. They valued nothing in compariſon of their money: The members had no connexion with the court; and the very idea, which they conceived of the truſt committed to them, was, to reduce the demands of the crown, and to grant as few ſupplies as poſſible. The crown, on the other hand, conceived the Parliament in no other light than a means of ſupply. Queen Elizabeth made a merit to her people of ſeldom aſſembling Parliaments^‡. No redreſs of grievances was expected from theſe aſſemblies: They were ſuppoſed to meet for no other purpoſe than to impoſe taxes.

[731] BEFORE Queen Elizabeth's reign, the Engliſh princes had always recourſe to the city of Antwerp for voluntary loans; and their credit was ſo low, that, be⯑ſides the exorbitant intereſt of ten or twelve per cent, they were obliged to make the city of London join in the ſecurity. Sir Thomas Greſham, that great and enterprizing merchant, one of the chief ornaments of this reign, engaged the company of merchant-adventurers to grant a loan to the Queen; and as the money was regularly paid, her credit by degrees eſtabliſhed itſelf in the city, and ſhe ſhook off this dependance on foreigners^*.

In 1559, the Queen employed Greſham to borrow for her two hundred thou⯑ſand pounds at Antwerp, in order to enable her to reform the coinage, which was at that time extremely debaſed^†. She was ſo unpolitic as to make herſelf an innovation in the coin; by dividing a pound of ſilver into ſixty-two ſhillings, inſtead of ſixty, the former ſtandard. This is the laſt time, that the coin has been tampered with in England.

QUEEN Elizabeth, ſenſible how much the defence of her kingdom depended on its naval power, was deſirous to encourage commerce and navigation: But as her monopolies tended to extinguiſh all domeſtic induſtry, which is much more valuable than foreign trade, and is the foundation of it, the general train of her conduct was very ill calculated to ſerve the purpoſe at which ſhe aimed, much leſs to promote the riches of her people. The excluſive companies alſo were an immediate check on foreign trade. Yet, notwithſtanding theſe diſcouragements, the ſpirit of the age was ſtrongly bent on naval enterprizes; and beſides the mi⯑litary expeditions againſt the Spaniards, many attempts were made for new diſ⯑coveries, and many new branches of foreign commerce were opened by the Eng⯑liſh. Sir Martin Forbiſher undertook three fruitleſs voyages to diſcover the north⯑weſt paſſage: Davis, not diſheartened by this ill ſucceſs, made a new attempt, when he diſcovered the ſtraits, which paſs by his name. In 1600, the Queen granted the firſt patent to the Eaſt India company: The ſtock of that company was ſeventy-two thouſand pounds; and they fitted out four ſhips, under the command of James Lancaſter, for this new branch of trade. The adventure was ſucceſsful; and the ſhips returning with a rich cargo, encouraged the com⯑pany to continue that commerce.

THE communication with Muſcovy had been opened in Queen Mary's time by the diſcovery of the paſſage to Archangel: But the commerce to that country began not to be carried to a great extent till about the year 15 [...]9. The Queen [732] obtained from the Czar an excluſive patent to the Engliſh for the whole trade to Muſcovy^{{inverted †}}; and ſhe entered into a perſonal, as well as national, alliance with him. This Czar was named John Baſilides, a moſt furious tyrant, who ſuſpect⯑ing continually the revolt of his ſubjects, ſtipulated a ſafe retreat and protection in England. In order the better to enſure himſelf of this reſource, he propoſed to marry an Engliſh woman, and the Queen intended to have ſent him the lady Anne Haſtings, daughter to the earl of Huntingdon: But when the lady was informed of the barbarous manners of the country, ſhe wiſely declined pur⯑chaſing an empire at the expence of her eaſe and ſafety^*.

THE Engliſh, encouraged by the privileges, which they had obtained from Baſilides, ventured farther into theſe countries, than any Europeans had for⯑merly done. They tranſported their goods along the river Dwina in boats made of one entire tree, which they towed and rowed up the ſtream as far as Walogda. From thence, they carried them ſeven days journey by land to Yeraſtau, and then down the Volga to Aſtracan. At Aſtracan, they built ſhips, croſſed the Caſpian Sea, and diſtributed their commodities into Perſia. But this bold at⯑tempt met with ſuch diſcouragements that it was never renewed^†.

AFTER the death of John Baſilides, his ſon Theodore revoked the patent, which the Engliſh enjoyed for a monopoly of the Ruſſian trade; and when the Queen remonſtrated againſt this innovation, he told her miniſters, that princes muſt carry an indifferent hand, as well between their ſubjects as between fo⯑reigners; and not convert trade, which by the laws of nations ought to be com⯑mon to all, into a monopoly for the private gain of a few^‡. So much juſter notions of commerce were entertained by this barbarian, than were practiſed by the renowned Queen Elizabeth! Theodore, however, continued ſome privi⯑leges to the Engliſh, on account of their being the firſt diſcoverers of the com⯑munication between Europe and his country.

THE trade to Turkey was begun about 1583; and that commerce was imme⯑diately confined to a company by Queen Elizabeth. Before that time, the grand ſignior had always conceived England to be a dependant province of France^‖; but having heard of the Queen's power and reputation, he gave a good recep⯑tion to the Engliſh, and even granted them larger privileges than he had given to the French.

THE merchants of the Hanſe-towns complained loudly in the beginning of Eli⯑zabeth's reign of the treatment, which they had received in the days of King [733] Edward and Queen Mary. She very prudently replied, that as ſhe would not innovate any thing, ſhe would protect them ſtill in the immunities and privileges, which ſhe found them poſſeſſed of. This anſwer not contenting them, their com⯑merce was ſoon after ſuſpended for a time, to the great advantage of the Engliſh merchants, who tried what they could themſelves effectuate for the promotion of their commerce. They took the whole trade into their own hands; and their returns proving ſucceſsful, they divided themſelves into ſtaplers and merchant⯑adventurers; the former reſiding conſtantly at one place, the other trying their fortunes in other towns and ſtates abroad with cloth and other manufactures. This ſucceſs ſo enraged the Hanſe-towns, that they tried all the methods, which a diſcontented people could deviſe, to draw upon the Engliſh merchants the ill opinion of other nations and ſtates. They prevailed ſo far as to obtain an im⯑perial edict, by which the Engliſh merchants were prohibited all commerce in the empire: The Queen, by way of retaliation, retained ſixty of their ſhips, which had been ſeized in the river of Liſbon with contraband goods of the Spa⯑niards. Theſe ſhips the Queen intended to have reſtored, as deſiring to have compromiſed all differences with thoſe trading cities; but when ſhe was informed, that a general aſſembly was held at Lubec, in order to concert meaſures for diſ⯑treſſing the Engliſh trade, ſhe cauſed the ſhips and cargoes to be confiſcated; only two of them were releaſed to carry home the news, and to inform theſe ſtates, that ſhe had the greateſt contempt imaginable for all their proceedings^*.

HENRY the eighth, in order to fit out a navy, was obliged to hire ſhips from Hamburg, Lubec, Dantzick, Genoa, and Venice: But Elizabeth, very early in her reign, put affairs upon a better footing; both by building ſome ſhips of her own, and by encouraging the merchants to build large trading veſſels, which, on occaſion, were converted into ſhips of war^†. In 1582, the ſeamen in Eng⯑land were computed at fourteen thouſand two hundred and ninety-five men^‡; the number of veſſels twelve hundred and thirty-two; of which there were only two hundred and ſeventeen above eighty tons. Monſon computes, that tho' the navigation decayed in the firſt years of James the firſt, by the practice of the merchants, who carried on their trade in foreign bottoms^‖, yet before 1640, this number of ſeamen was trebled in England^§.

THE navy which the Queen left at her deceaſe appears conſiderable, when we conſider only the number of veſſels, which were forty-two: But when we re⯑flect that none of theſe ſhips carried above forty guns; that four only came up [734] to that number; that there were but two ſhips of a thouſand ton; and twenty-three below five hundred, ſome of fifty, and ſome even of twenty tons; that the whole number of the guns belonging to the fleet were ſeven hundred and ſeventy-four^*; we muſt entertain a very contemptible idea of the Engliſh navy, com⯑pared to the force which it has now attained. In the year 1588, there were not above five veſſels, equipped by the noblemen and ſea-ports, which exceeded two hundred tons^†.

IN 1599, an alarm was given of an invaſion from the Spaniards; and the Queen equipped a fleet and levied an army in a fortnight to oppoſe them. Nothing gave foreigners a higher idea of the power of England than this ſudden arma⯑ment. In 1575, all the militia in the kingdom were computed at an hundred and eighty-two thouſand nine hundred and twenty-nine^‡. A diſtribution was made, in 1595, of an hundred and forty thouſand men, beſides thoſe which Wales could ſupply^‖. Theſe armies were formidable by their numbers; but their diſcipline and experience were not proportioned. Small bodies from Dun⯑kirk and Newport frequently ran over, and plundered the eaſt coaſt: So unfit was the militia, as it was then conſtituted, for the defence of the kingdom. The lord lieutenants were firſt appointed to the counties in this reign.

MR. MURDEN^§ has publiſhed a paper, which contains the military force of the nation at the time of the Spaniſh Armada, and which is ſomewhat different from the account given by our ordinary hiſtorians. It makes the whole able⯑bodied men of the kingdom amount to an hundred and eleven thouſand five hun⯑dred and thirteen; thoſe armed, to eighty thouſand eight hundred and ſeventy-five; of whom forty four thouſand ſeven hundred and twenty-ſeven were trained. It muſt be ſuppoſed that theſe able-bodied men conſiſted of ſuch only as were regiſtered, otherwiſe the ſmall number is not to be accounted for.

THE ſtate of the Engliſh manufactures was at this time very low; and foreign wares of almoſt all kinds had the preference^¶. About 1590, there were in London four perſons only rated in the ſubſidy-books ſo high as four hundred pounds^{{inverted †}}. This computation is not indeed to be eſteemed an exact eſtimate of their wealth. In 1567, there were found on enquiry to be four thouſand eight hundred and fifty-one ſtrangers of all nations in London: Of whom three thou⯑ſand eight hundred and thirty-eight were Flemiſh, and only fifty-eight Scotch^**. The perſecut ons in France and the Low Countries drove afterwards a greater number of foreigners into England; and the commerce, as well as manufactures, [735] of that kingdom was very much improved by them^‡‡. It was then that Sir Thomas Greſham built, at his own charge, the magnificent fabric of the Ex⯑change for the reception of the merchants: The Queen viſited it, and gave it the appellation of the Royal Exchange.

THERE were two attempts made in this reign to ſettle colonies in America; one by Sir Humphry Gilbert in Newfoundland, another by Sir Walter Raleigh in Virginia: But neither of theſe projects proved ſucceſsful. All theſe noble ſet⯑tlements were made in the following reigns. The current money of the king⯑dom, in the end of this reign, is computed at four millions^‖‖.

THE nobility in this age ſupported a great deal of the ancient magnificence in their hoſpitality, and in the numbers of their retainers; and the Queen found it prudent to retrench, by proclamation, their expences in this laſt particular^*. The expence of hoſpitality, ſhe ſomewhat encouraged, by the frequent viſits ſhe paid her nobility, and the magnificent feaſts which ſhe received from them. The earl of Leiceſter gave her an entertainment in Kenibworth caſtle, which was extraor⯑dinary for expence and magnificence. Among other particulars, we are told, that three hundred and ſixty-five hogſheads of beer were drank at it^†. The earl had fortified this caſtle at great expence; and it contained arms for ten thou⯑ſand men^‡. The earl of Derby had a family conſiſting of two hundred and forty ſervants^‖. Stowe remarks it as a ſingular proof of beneficence in this no⯑bleman, that he was contented with his rent from his tenants, and exacted not any extraordinary ſervices from them: A proof that the abſolute power of the ſovereign, what was unavoidable, had very generally countenanced the nobility in tyrannizing over the people. Burleigh, tho' he was frugal, and had no pater⯑nal eſtate; kept a family conſiſting of an hundred ſervants^§. He had a ſtanding table for gentlemen, and two other tables for perſons of meaner condition, which were always ſerved alike, whether he were in town or in the country. About his perſon he had people of great diſtinction, inſomuch that he could reckon up twenty gentlemen retainers who had each a thouſand pounds a year; and as many among his ordinary ſervants, who were worth from a thouſand pounds to three, five, ten, and twenty thouſand pounds^{{inverted †}}. It is to be remarked, that, tho' the revenue of the crown was at that time very ſmall, the miniſters and courtiers found means, by employing the exorbitant prerogative, to acquire much greater fortunes than it is poſſible for them at preſent to gain, from their larger ſalaries, and more limited authority.

[736] BUT tho' there were preſerved great remains of the ancient cuſtoms, the nobi⯑lity were, by degrees, acquiring a taſte of elegant luxury; and many edifices, in particular, were built by them, neat, large, and ſumptuous, to the great or⯑nament of the kingdom, ſays Camden^*; but to the no leſs decay of the glori⯑ous hoſpitality of the nation. It is, however, more reaſonable to think, that this new turn of expence promoted arts and induſtry; while the ancient hoſpitality was the ſource of vice, diſorder, ſedition, and idleneſs.

AMONG the other ſpecies of luxury, that of apparel began much to increaſe during this age; and the Queen thought proper to reſtrain it by proclamation^†. Her example was very little conformable to her edicts. As no woman was ever more conceited of her beauty, nor more deſirous of making impreſſion on the hearts of beholders, no one ever went to a greater extravagance in apparel, or ſtudied more the variety and richneſs of her dreſs. She appeared almoſt every day in a different habit; and tried all the ſeveral modes, by which ſhe hoped to render herſelf agreeable. She was alſo ſo fond of her cloaths, that ſhe never could part with any of them; and at her death ſhe had in her wardrobe all the different habits, to the number of three thouſand, which ſhe had ever worn in her life-time^‡.

THE retrenchment of the ancient hoſpitality, and the diminution of retainers, were favourable to the prerogative of the ſovereign; and by diſabling the great noblemen from reſiſtance, promoted the execution of the laws, and extended the authority of the courts of juſtice. There were many particular cauſes in the ſitua⯑tion and character of Henry the ſeventh, which augmented the authority of the crown: Moſt of theſe cauſes concurred in ſucceeding princes; together with the factions of religion, and the acquiſition of the ſupremacy, a moſt important ar⯑ticle of prerogative: But the manners of the age were a general cauſe, which operated during this whole period, and which continually tended to diminiſh the riches, and ſtill more the influence of the Ariſtocracy, anciently ſo formidable to the crown. The habits of luxury diſſipated the immenſe fortunes of the anci⯑ent barons; and as the new methods of expence gave ſubſiſtance to mechanics and merchants, who lived in an independant manner on the fruits of their own induſtry, a nobleman, inſtead of that unlimited aſcendant which he was wont to aſſume over thoſe who were maintained at his board, or ſubſiſted by ſalaries con⯑ferred on them, retained only that moderate influence which cuſtomers have over [737] tradeſmen, and which can never be dangerous to civil government. The land⯑proprietors alſo, having a greater demand for money than for men, endeavoured to turn their lands to the beſt account with regard to profit, and either incloſing their fields, or joining many ſmall farms into a few large ones, diſcharged thoſe uſeleſs hands which formerly were always at their call, in every attempt to ſubvert the government, or oppoſe a neighbouring baron. By all theſe means the cities increaſed; the middle rank of men began to be rich and powerful; the prince, who, in effect, was the ſame with the law, was implicitly obeyed; and tho' the farther progreſs of the ſame cauſes begot a new plan of liberty, founded on the privileges of the commons, yet in the interval between the fall of the nobles and the riſe of this order, the ſovereign took advantage of the preſent ſituation, and aſſumed an authority almoſt abſolute.

WHATEVER may be commonly imagined, from the authority of lord Bacon, and from that of Harrington, and later authors, the laws of Henry the ſeventh contributed very little towards the great revolutions which happened about this period in the Engliſh conſtitution. The practice of breaking entails by a fine and recovery, had been introduced in the preceding reigns; and this prince only gave indirectly a legal ſanction to the practice, by reforming ſome abuſes which attend⯑ed it. But the ſettled authority which he acquired to the crown, enabled the ſo⯑vereign to encroach on the ſeparate juriſdictions of the barons, and produced a more general and regular execution of the laws. The counties palatine under⯑went the ſame fate as the feudal juriſdictions; and by a ſtatute of Henry the eighth^†, the juriſdiction of theſe counties was annexed to the crown, and all writs were ordained to run in the King's name. But the change of manners was the chief cauſe of the ſecret revolution of the government, and ſubverted the power of the barons.

LEARNING, on its firſt revival, was held in great eſtimation by the Engliſh princes and nobles; and as it was not yet proſtituted by being too common, even the Great deemed it an object of ambition to attain a character for literature. The four ſucceſſive ſovereigns, Henry, Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth, may, on one account or other, be admitted into the claſs of authors. Queen Catherine Parr tranſlated a book: Lady Jane Gray, conſidering her age, and her ſex, and her ſtation, may be regarded as a prodigy of literature. Sir Thomas Smith was raiſed from being profeſſor in Cambridge, firſt to be ambaſſador to France, and then ſecretary of ſtate. The diſpatches of thoſe times, and among others thoſe of [738] Burleigh himſelf, are very frequently interlarded with quotations from the Greek and Latin claſſics. Even the ladies of the court valued themſelves on knowlege: Lady Burleigh, lady Bacon, and their two ſiſters, were miſtreſſes of the ancient, as well as modern languages; and valued themſelves more on their eurdition than on their rank and quality.

QUEEN Elizabeth wrote and tranſlated ſeveral books; and ſhe was familiarly acquainted with the Greek as well as Latin tongue. It is pretended, that ſhe made an extemporary reply in Greek to the univerſity of Cambridge, who had addreſſed her in that language. It is certain, that ſhe anſwered in Latin, without prepa⯑ration, and in a very ſpirited manner, to the Poliſh ambaſſador, who had been wanting in reſpect to her. When ſhe had finiſhed, ſhe turned about to her courtiers, and ſaid, ‘"God's death, my lords," (for ſhe was much addicted to ſwearing) "I have been forced this day to ſcour up my old Latin, that hath long lain ruſting^‡."’ Elizabeth, even after ſhe was Queen, did not entirely drop the ambition of appearing as an author; and next to her deſire of admiration for beauty, this ſeems to have been the chief object of her vanity. She tran⯑ſlated Boethius of the Conſolation of Philoſophy; in order, as ſhe pretended, to allay her grief for Henry the fourth's change of religion. As far as we can judge from Elizabeth's compoſitions, we may pronounce, that notwithſtanding her application, and her excellent parts, her taſte in literature was very indiffer⯑ent: She was much inferior to her ſucceſſor in this particular, who was himſelf far from being a juſt model of eloquence.

UNHAPPILY for literature, at leaſt for the learned of this age, the Queen's va⯑nity lay more in ſhining by her own learning, than in encouraging men of genius by her liberality. Spencer himſelf, the fineſt Engliſh writer of his age, was long neglected; and after the death of Sir Philip Sydney, his patron, was allowed to die almoſt for want. This poet contains great beauties, a ſweet and harmonious verſification, eaſy elocution, a fine imagination: Yet does the peruſal of his work become ſo tedious, that one never finiſhes it from the mere pleaſure which it affords: It ſoon becomes a kind of taſk-reading; and it requires ſome eſſort and reſolution to carry us on to the end of his long performance. This effect, of which every one is conſcious, is uſually aſcribed to the change of manners: But manners have more changed ſince Homer's age; and yet that poet remains ſtill the favourite of every reader of taſte and judgment. Homer copied true natural manners, which, however rough or uncultivated, will always form an agreeable and intereſting picture: But the pencil of the Engliſh poet was employed [739] in drawing the affectations, and conceits, and fopperies of chivalry, which appear ridiculous as ſoon as they loſe the recommendation of the mode. The tediouſneſs of continued allegory, and that too ſeldom ſtriking or ingenious, has alſo contri⯑buted to render the Fairy Queen peculiarly tireſome; not to mention the too great frequency of its deſcriptions, and the langour of its ſtanza. Upon the whole, Spencer maintains his place in the ſhelves among our Engliſh claſſics: But he is ſeldom ſeen on the table; and ſcarce any one, if he dares to be ingenuous, but will confeſs, that, notwithſtanding all the merit of the poet, he affords an enter⯑tainment with which the palate is ſoon ſatiated. Several writers of late have amuſed themſelves with copying the ſtile of Spencer; and no imitation has been ſo indifferent as not to bear a great reſemblance of the original: His manner is ſo peculiar, that it is almoſt impoſſible not to transfer ſome of it into the copy.