AN ARGUMENT, Shewing, That the Prince of WALES, Tho' a PROTESTANT, has no juſt Pretenſions to the Crown of ENGLAND.

AMONG thoſe People who are more than ordinarily careful for the Future, it has been a Queſtion not a little debated, What ſhall we do for a King in England after the Deceaſe of his preſent Majeſty and the Princeſs in caſe they ſhould die without Iſſue?

[2] And tho' it be properly a Work which no Body has any thing to do with but a Par⯑liament, yet our buſie Politicians have ran⯑ſack't Forreign Countries for a King.

Some wiſer than others, have propos'd the Duke of Savoy's Son, the young Prince of Piedmont. Some one, ſome another, as their Fancies guide them. Ay, but ſays a Learned Rabbi, skill'd in the Letter of the Law, he is a Roman Catholick, and that is a Barr by our Conſtitution. Well, re⯑plys another, but he may he ſent into Eng⯑land to be Educated a Proteſtant. At the hearing of which Medium, a Third Party have thought fit to ſtart a Caſe on the other ſide; Why, ſo may ſome body elſe? and ſo all Parties become Friends again.

Firſt, We thank thoſe Gentlemen for ſa⯑tisfying the World that they deſpair now of the Reſtoration of K [...] James, which has been ſo long talk'd of, and are content to Poſtpone their Happineſs to a Time ſo remote, that poſſibly it may never come to paſs.

[3] And as to the Caſe in hand, if they think it proper, they may propoſe it to the next Parliament, and no doubt but what they do in it the Nation will be well ſatified with, and in the mean time we refer them to the Experiment.

But it may not be improper to Exa⯑mine here the Project laid to Try the Nation, How ſuch a Story would take with them.

And if you Examine the News-Paper, you will find it introduc'd into the World with a We hear. We hear there has been a De⯑ſign diſcover'd at St. Germans to ſteal away the Prince of Wales, and to convey him over into England, to be brought up a Proteſtant.

The Writer of this News wou'd be ve⯑ry helpful in the Diſcovery, if he wou'd honeſtly inform the World how and where he heard the News; whether he had it by Letter, or Meſſenger, Poſt, or Expreſs; for 'tis certain that no body elſe can hear any thing of it.

If he will own with more honeſty than he wrote, that he really invented it of his own Head, to help fill up his own Paper, as no queſtion they many times do in other Ca⯑ſes; [4] It will be the beſt Reply to my Sug⯑geſtions that any body can make, and I muſt allow all I am ſaying is as Impertinent as [...] Knaviſh.

But if he was directed to write it by ſome body, no matter by who, it muſt be from a deſign.

I ſhall attempt therefore to open the Eyes of the World a little, by Examining the In⯑coherences and Inconſiſtences of the Story, and then the Deſign of it.

As to the Incoherence of the Story, a diſcovery of a Deſign, but by no Evi⯑dence, or Information, no Perſons de⯑ſigning taken, nor none enquired after to be apprehended, no body nam'd to be diſ⯑coverers, or diſcovered; ſo that they are only ſuppoſed to be afraid of ſuch and ſuch a thing, and to have doubled the Guards to prevent it.

Then the Reaſon is ſet down for which he ſhou'd be convey'd away, to be carried into England. Had they ſtopt there, ſome⯑thing might have been meant, ſome Miſ⯑chief might have been ſuppoſed to have been deſign'd againſt him. But to clear it up to the World, the very bottom of the [5] deſign is laid open, that they ſhou'd take the Child away to Educate him a Prote⯑ſtant.

Unleſs the Author of this News was let into the Project I ſpeak of, he wou'd ne⯑ver have ſuggeſted it, but all Man⯑kind wou'd have thought, that if there had been any danger of ſtealing him a⯑way, to carry him into England, it ſhou'd be with ſome wicked deſign to make away with him, his coming being death by our Law, rather then Educate him in the Pro⯑teſtant Religion.

The Party therefore that cou'd deſcend to theſe Particulars, tho' no Evidence be produc'd, nor no Confeſſion made of any Perſon concern'd, muſt I ſay be let into the deſign.

And now I have ſaid ſo much of a De⯑ſign, I deſire to Explain what I mean by it.

The deſign I mean, is not to ſteal the Prince of Wales, as they call him, away, and bring him into England.

But to broach an Oponion among the People, That on the failure of the preſent Settlement, the Prince of VVales is the true [6] and lawful Heir of the Crown, and that to qualifie him to Enjoy it, he may be bred a Pro [...]eſtant.

And to inſinuate this more finely into our Fancies it is put the other way, That they are afraid the Engliſh People ſhou'd ſteal him away, to make him a Proteſtant in order to have the Kingdom, whether he will or no.

I cannot help making a little ſport of this Jeſt—

• 1. That we ſhou'd be made believe the late King wou'd be ſo chary of this Child and his Religion, as to prevent his being declar'd Heir apparent to the Crown of England, on the bare apprehenſions of his being Educated a Proteſtant.
• 2. That the Engliſh ſhou'd be in ſuch diſtreſs for a Succeſſor to the Crown, when God be thank'd there are Two happy Lives to Enjoy it before hand, as to go abroad to ſteal One.
• 3. That the Crown of England ſhou'd be accounted ſo mean a thing, that a Guard ſhou'd be ſet upon any body to prevent their being ſpirited away from the Court of France to be made King of England.

[7] And to add to the ridiculous part of it, That any body on pretence of Educating him a Proteſtant, ſhou'd dare to bring him into England, without Licence from the preſent Government, as is expreſly pro⯑vided for by Act of Parliament. They wou'd make a ſpecial Proteſtant of him in⯑deed, where he muſt be a Martyr at firſt Converſion, to bring him where ſetting his Foot was immediate Death by the Statutes of the Kingdom.

The inſinuation therefore of ſtealing the Prince of Wales to make a Proteſtant of him, is a Figurative Expreſſion, a Metani⯑my, a way of ſpeaking wherein ſomething is intended which is not expreſſed, and if I could make it ſpeak Engliſh, 'tis thus:

That if you pleaſe, Gentlemen, to have the Prince of Wales to Reign over you, after the fai⯑lure of the preſent Settlement, he is at your Ser⯑vice, and will come and be brought up in the Pro⯑teſtant Religion, whenever you think fit.

I ſhall not enter into any Diſcoveries of the Nature of the Succeſſion of the Crown of England, nor of the Right of ſuch Families as pretend to it, they are things to tender to be handled here.

[8] But in this caſe I may preſume to ſay, that ſince the preſent Settlement of the Crown of England is declar'd by the Parliament of En⯑gland, own'd by the World, and receiv'd by the general Aſcent of the Nation, at the end of this Settlement the ſame Collective Body of the Nation, are the only Judges of the Right of any Perſon whatſoever.

And as for the Gentlemen who are ſo wil⯑ling to reſtore the Line of King James, they are deſir'd to conſider, that by attempting it in this method, they come under a Neceſſity of owning the Authority of the Parliament of England: the ſame Authority which Ab⯑dicated his Father, and by conſequence muſt juſtifie all the Proceedings of the late Revo⯑lution, and this will be a bitter Pill to them.

Not but that ſtranger things than theſe have been done too for a Crown, but this muſt be done before an Engliſh Parliament can ſo much as conſider of it; nay by ſuggeſt⯑ing, or ſo much as ſuppoſing his Right to be referr'd to the Engliſh Nation, it muſt at the ſame time be ſuppos'd that he wou'd not ſtick at all that to be declar'd capable of In⯑heriting the Crown of England.

Theſe are ſuch contradictory and incon⯑ſtent [9] things, as makes the Story very ridicu⯑lous, and ſhows the Party is driven to ſtrange ſhifts to bring to paſs their deſigns, and wou'd comply with any thing to get the Reins in their hands again.

Now if they only want to know how the Nation wou'd reſent an Attempt of this Na⯑ture, they may be ſoon ſatisfied in that point, by moving it in Parliament; and in the mean time they need not pretend to keep a Guard upon him at St. Germain, for I dare ſay the Engliſh Nation will as ſoon ſteal away his Fa⯑ther as him, and they have not ſhown them⯑ſelves ſo fond of either, as to make them a⯑fraid of it.

I ſhall not at all enter into the Enquiry concerning the Legitimacy of his Birth, nor quote the learned Authorities of the eminent Mr. Fuller on that Head, whoſe Evidence is to as much purpoſe as the matter is inſignificant.

For be it ſo, that King James is the true Fa⯑ther of the Child, it matters not one farthing in the Title to the Crown; for his Father, whoſe Legitimacy no body doubts, by being a Roman Catholick, has rendred himſelf un⯑capable of the Government, and ſo does the Son, and Settlements are not to be alter'd eve⯑ry [10] time he thinks fit to alter his Religion.

But methinks it remains as an Eternal Mark either of the Folly, or Pride of his Pa⯑rents, that if the Queen was really with Child (which (God forgive me if I am mi⯑ſtaken) I never believed) ſhe did not put it paſt all poſſibility of Debate, by giving ſuch undeniable proofs of it, as 'tis known ſuch Ca⯑ſes will admit of, and that to thoſe Perſons in particular as ſhe knew wou'd be very ſorry to ſee it.

The Queen was not a Lady of ſo much Nicety, as that ſhe ſhou'd decline letting ſuch Female Effects of her Conception be known, eſpecially to her own Sex, as wou'd have con⯑founded all Gainſayers.

Nor did ſhe want the Vanity of ſhewing thoſe invincible Demonſtrations to ſome Perſons in the Court, to whom ſhe might have reaſon to think the truth, would have been a particular Mortification.

The truth then being ſo eaſie to be made plain, and thoſe eaſie ſteps being omitted, gives me more cauſe of doubt in the Matter, than all the Affirmatives of Evidence Fuller can do, for it was not a thing for the Nation to prove a Negative upon, as ſome have pretended to [11] expect, but they in whoſe power it was once to make it plain, having omitted it, Man⯑kind ought to doubt the truth of it, becauſe had it been true, none but Madmen, or worſe, would have conceal'd any part of it.

Nor does the Declaration of the preſent King, when Prince of Orange, ſay any more, than that there was ground to ſuſpect it; and then concludes, that the Examination both of it, and the Right of Succeſſion, is referr'd to a free Parliament. Which Parliament having ſettled the Succeſſion, according to that Ar⯑ticle on the unexpected Occaſion of the Ab⯑dication of King James, and his carrying this Son on whom the doubt was rais'd into France, to be brought up a Papiſt, Examining into his Birth became needleſs; and it ſignifies nothing whether he be Legitimate, or no; his Father rendred them both incapable, by the Article of Religion, and the Nation has ſettled the Succeſſion another way.

This, with ſubmiſſion, I think to be the true ſtate of the Caſe, and will paſs for ſuch with me, till I ſee it ſtated otherwiſe by ſome body that underſtands it better than I do.

But ſome have ſtarted a Caſe which re⯑quires a word or two of Reply.

[12] If the Prince of Wales be allowed to be the Legitimate Son of King James, and had been a Proteſtant, there had been no Objection against his Title.

This has a plain Anſwer in the ſequel of the Story. The Abdication of King James did not conſiſt in his Male-adminiſtration, but in his deſerting the Nation; and it may be remembred that there was great ſtrugling for the Word in the Convention, ſome wou'd have had the word Deſerted voted in⯑ſtead of Abdicated.

Now if King James Deſerted the Nation, ſo did his Son with him, and thereby the Throne became vacant, and the power of Government devolv'd upon ſuch as were next Heirs; and who they were was to be decided by the Parliament, who have been allow'd to be the Judges of the Right of Succeſſion in all Ages.

Now the Parliament did not upon this Vacancy of the Throne proceed to Elect a King, as ſome People are mighty fond of ſaying, and ſo alter our Conſtitution to an Elective Monarchy.

But they proceeded to Examine whoſe the Right of Government was, and to make [13] a Declaration of that Right by Authority of Parliament, and King James and his Son, if he be his Son, having left the Kingdom, they declared that the Throne was thereby vacant, that is, by their deferting the People, and that the Succeſſion ought to deſcend ſo and ſo; which Succeſſion they farther con⯑firm'd by the Sanction of an Act of Parlia⯑ment.

Had K. James notwithſtanding his Male⯑adminiſtration, continued in the Kingdom, tho' he might have been Depoſed, yet the Parliament muſt have gone upon other mea⯑ſures to have transferr'd the Succeſſion to the Crown from him to another Head.

On this account it is that the King and Queen of England are declared rightful and lawful.

And on this Foundation the young Gen⯑tleman we ſpeak of, tho' he were the Legi⯑timate Son of King James, and a Proteſtant, yet having deſerted the People of England with his Father, has equally abdicated the Government, and the Throne was thereby vacant.

The Point of Religion is the next Barr; the Commons of England at the firſt Meet⯑ing [14] of the Convention, did not make any new Laws, but only made a Declaration of what was before the undoubted Right of the People of England, and what ought to be obſerv'd by any Prince who ſhou'd hereafter ſucceed in the Government, and in order to obviate all Objections againſt the continuing under the Government of King James, and before they had entred upon ths Conſidera⯑tion or his having gone away and left them, they laid a firm Foundation of a Regular Government, in a Meſſage to the Lords, carried up by Mr. Hampden, and a Body of their Members, in which the Vote of the Houſe was read at the Barr of the Houſe of Lords, thus:

Reſolved Nemine Contradicente, ‘That it is inconſiſtent with the Conſtituti⯑on of this Proteſtant Kingdom, to be governed by a Popiſh Prince.’

Now how a Popiſh Prince may pretend to be converted and turn Proteſtant, to obtain a Crown, and how often he may turn and re⯑turn on the ſame account, and whether the Settlement of the Succeſſion is oblig'd to change with him; or how far a Parliament wou'd think themſelves oblig'd to take notice [15] of ſuch changes of the Religion of a Prince, theſe are things not for me to determine.

But this I dare be free to determine, that no Parliament will ſend into France to ſteal away a Prince to make a Proteſtant of, and ſo force him to accept of the Crown of Eng⯑land whether he will or no, and eſpecially a Perſon whom they thought fit to leave whol⯑ly out of their Settlement before.

So that theſe Gentlemen may ſave them⯑ſelves the labour of attempting the Conver⯑ſion of this Prince, for the Settlement of our Succeſſion was not built upon his being a Ro⯑man Catholick, but upon the Abdication of his Father, and ſo far upon his own, as his Birth ſhall appear to give him a Title; ſince he has from that time forward abſented him⯑ſelf from the Kingdom to which his preten⯑ces, if he had any, were to be made.

It may be ask'd here, To what end and purpoſe K. James convey'd him away, if he had any confidence in the poſſibility of clear⯑ing up the point of his Legitimacy, he might have left him here, it was impracticable, that any violence cou'd have been pretended to be acted upon him, for nothing cou'd have been charg'd upon him, if the Illegitimacy of his [16] Birth had been alledg'd, the proof wou'd have been put upon the Nations ſide, till which no⯑thing cou'd legally have been done to his pre⯑judice, but as it is, the proof remains at their own doors, which ſince they thought fit to o⯑mit, I ſee no concern the Nation has in the matter.

For, ſuppoſe Q. Mary had really been with Child, and had, for as wiſe ends as other things were then done, thought fit never to let it be known, and a Child had been born in the dark, and bred up in private, and the Nation knew nothing of the matter, but that twen⯑ty years after, when the Parliament might have ſettled the Succeſſion another way, this Child ſhou'd be Trumpt up as a right Heir to the Crown.

It wou'd be never the leſs true that he was K. James's Son, and he wou'd have as much right to the Crown as a real Son; but who wou'd have believ'd it; wou'd not the Na⯑tion ſay, and reaſon good, Why, was it not told us that the Queen was with Child? Why, was not ſome of the Royal Family entruſted with the knowledge of it? Why was not the Queen's being with Child made known, and the Proteſta [...]t Ladies of the Court ſhown [17] ſuch proofs of it as that they might be able to teſtifie the truth of it—wou'd it be enough to ſay it was below the Queen to trouble her head about it, and ſhe did not think the ſatiſ⯑faction of the Nation worth her while.

I queſtion whether any Nation in Europe wou'd accept of a King upon ſuch terms; we ſee 'tis quite otherwiſe in France, where all the Princes of the Blood are at liberty, and claim it as a priviledge to come into the very Chamber of the Queen when ſhe is in Tra⯑vail, and to ſee the Infant as ſoon as 'tis come into the World.

The Caſe thus ſtated, I put it upon all the Champions of their Party to diſprove the Ar⯑gument which I lay down in theſe few words.

That the Perſons on whom the proof of his Legitimacy lay, having omitted the Legal de⯑monſtrations of it, which they ought to have gi⯑ven, 'tis very reaſonable that we ſhou'd queſtion the truth of it.

And while the Ligitimacy of his Birth re⯑mains a queſtion, the People of England ought not to trouble their heads about him, for 'tis not for us to enquire of it, but they ſhou'd have made it out whoſe buſineſs it was.

Thus far the reaſon of the Caſe is plain, [18] without any need to go to proving of Nega⯑tives.

And while it is thus, they may even take their double Guards off of him again, for if he is ever Kidnap'd away to make a Prote⯑ſtant of, we muſt be reduc'd to very hard terms, and the Engliſh Crown go a begging at a moſt pitiful rate.

I confeſs I am no Friend to a Common⯑wealth Government in England when I re⯑flect on the laſt, how ill it was manag'd, and how ſoon it fell into Diſorders and Parties, and how little a while it continu'd; but I had rather ſee a Commonwealth ſet up, or any thing (Popery excepted) than that we ſhou'd be brought to ſeek a King at the French Court, and one that we have repudiated as born in hugger-mugger, no body knows how, nor where, and that his Mother did not think it worth while to give the Engliſh Na⯑tion ſatisfaction about when ſhe was with Child, but on the contrary, ſcorn'd the At⯑tempts of ſome of the firſt Quality to make the Diſcovery.

But that which adds to the Banter too, is that we ſhou'd ſteal him away. Bleſs us all! that we ſhou'd turn Kidnappers for a King, [19] and ſpirit folks Children away, for let him be whoſe Son he will, 'tis certain he is ſome bodies, to make Kings of them.

The truth on't is, it is not a light matter to be a King of England. 'Tis a Poſt of great Difficulty as well as Honour, and perhaps K. James may be afraid to venture his Son, leaſt he ſhou'd have no better ſucceſs than him⯑ſelf, which wou'd certaily fall out if he took his Meaſures.

But to think that the Engliſh Nation ſhou'd ever entertain ſuch thoughts of his Son, allow he were ſo, as to take him away by ſtealth. I cannot call it an affront to the Nation, 'tis rather a Banter upon the poor young Gentleman, who I dare ſay knows not a word of the matter.

I remember I have heard it ſaid before the Fire of London happen'd, news was carried down into the Country that the City was burnt, and was reported publickly above 100 Miles from London, at leaſt two days before the Fire began, which was a certain Token of a deſign to bring it to paſs.

If I ſhou'd judge of the preſent Caſe by the practice of thoſe People, I ſhou'd expect to hear next Poſt that this young Prince is re⯑ally loſt, carried away, &c. to the unſpeak⯑able [20] Grief of his Parents, and the Diſtur⯑bance of the whole Court, &c.

I ſhall not venture to ſay it will be ſo, but I may venture to ſay there are ſeveral Turns of State in the World which ſuch a Thing may anſwer.

As firſt, If it ſhou'd be true that at the bot⯑tom of the buſineſs, this was not the Legiti⯑mate Son of K. James, which however uncer⯑tain we are of it, it is well enough known to themſelves—Why now they ſee the Sham won't take, and they have ran the Jeſt ſo far as that they have ruin'd themſelves, and the Show is over, they will of courſe be ſoon wea⯑ry of the Child, and as a Plot made a Prince of him, ſo another may reduce him to what they pleaſe; he may be loſt in the dark, and be heard of no more, and give it out, that the Engliſh have carry'd him away to reſerve him in Petto, as the Pope does his Cardinals, to make a King of him when they want one, and in the mean time bring him up a Heretick.

This is an eaſy way to be rid of him when⯑ever they pleaſe, and ſo the poor young Gen⯑tleman had better have appear'd in the world what he really was—nor do we want Inſtan⯑ces of Impoſtors ſet up in the World to per⯑ſonate [21] Princes who have afterwards vaniſh'd as they came when the Perſons who ſet them up cou'd not bring to paſs their deſigns by it.

Or if we ſhou'd ſuppoſe that the King of France has his Eyes on the Succeſſion of Eng⯑land (as he has lately had on that of Spain) in right of the Dutcheſs of Burgundy, and poſ⯑ſibly may oblige King James to make the ſe⯑cond Experiment of leaving him the Crown by his laſt Will and Teſtament, I do not ſay ſuch Chimera's as theſe are in the heads of any body, but I do ſay that if they are, 'twill be abſolutely neceſſary to remove the Per⯑ſon we are ſpeaking of out of the way.

And what likelier Project can they have to rid themſelves of him, and as they may think, at the ſame time to make the Nation uneaſy, then to give out that the Engliſh have carried him away to make a Proteſtant of him.

Theſe are Ends▪ I ſay, that ſuch a thing will ſerve, and I may be excuſed making ſuch re⯑mote Gueſſes and Suppoſitions, for none of them are ſo wild and chimerical, as the fan⯑cy of bringing him hither.

And if any ſuch Meaſures ſhou'd be taken with the young Gentlemen, I think a ſingle [22] Author may venture to enter this Proteſt in the Name of the whole Nation, that 'tis a Trick of their own, and the Engliſh Nation can have no hand in it.

The Authority of the Nation cannot have any hand in it, becauſe they can do nothing in private, and it muſt be known if it had been Parliamentary.

The honeſt proteſtant loyal Party cannot be ſaid to have a hand in it, becauſe Mankind is ſaid not to be able to do that which their known Intereſt forbids them to do, and no body can imagine that Party ſhould ever de⯑ſign to bring him hither, without imagining at the ſame time that it was to Murther and Deſtroy him, which God forbid.

As to the Jacobite Engliſh Party, they can⯑not deſign it, becauſe 'twill not any way an⯑ſwer their deſigns.

Firſt, If ever they ſhou'd have power to make him a King publickly, 'tis plain he will serve their turn as well if he be a Papiſt as a Proteſtant, or elſe they cannot be what we call them, Jacobites, that is, Friends to King James.

Secondly, If they bring him in only to reſerve him in Petto, as I ſaid, it muſt be one of theſe two ways, either publickly or privately.

[23] If publickly, unleſs they have a Force to defend him, they bring him only to Martyr⯑dom, for our Laws will take immediate hold on him, and put him to death.

If privately, to be reſerv'd till the Line ſhall fail, he muſt then reſide Incognito, and if ever the time ſhou'd come to ſet him up, having been loſt ſo many years, no body wou'd know him, and the Nation wou'd never believe 'twas he, which wou'd always leave room for Impoſtors, and ſetting up ſham Princes to miſe Inſurrections, and diſturb the publick Peace of the Nation, as in the Caſe of Perkin Warbeck and Ralph Wilford in the days' of Henry the Seventh.

So that rightly examin'd, this Sham will never faſten upon the Engliſh Nation, for it will anſwer the Ends of neither Friend nor Foe.

But if ever we hear that the Prince of Wales, as they call him, is loſt, carried away, it muſt either be that they are conſcious to themſelves of his being a foſter Son, and the deſign having miſcarried, are weary of the Adopt, and ſo have diſmiſt him this World; or elſe that he is remov'd to try another Fetch for the Engliſh Crown by way of Ti⯑tle, [24] which, if the Prince of Piedmont dies, falls by Inheritance, the Barr of Religion excep⯑ted, to the Houſe of Bourbon, in right of the Wife of the preſent Duke of Burgundy, who is Grand-daughter to a Daughter of England by King Charles the Firſt.

And as to the Barr of Religion, pray what's that to a good Army; What's the Goſpel to a Kettle Drum? or Juſtice and Laws to a Re⯑giment of Curiaſſeeres? If the French King comes once to have a fair Claim to the Crown of England for his Grandſon, and you have nothing to plead in Barr but his Religion, he'll talk with you about that in other Terms—

You muſt certainly expect to talk in the Inſernal Language of Fire and Smoke, and tho' tis hoped we ſhov'd have Zeal enough for our Religion, to fight him to the laſt Gaſp, yet all Men muſt allow the Power of France, at this time is ſo great, that 'twould be much better never to have it brought to a Trial.