An explanatory defence of the Estimate of the manners and principles of the times: Being an appendix to that work, ... Written by the author of the Estimate, in a series of letters to a noble friend.

LETTER II.

BEFORE I proceed to your Objec⯑tions, you will give me Leave, my Lord, briefly to ſtate the main Intent or Scheme of the Eſtimate; in ſuch a Manner as may prove a Sort of general Key to the Objections you have made. For I perceive plainly that many of them proceed from a mere Inattention to, or a total Miſunder⯑ſtanding of the leading Principles of the Work.

AND that I may give your Lordſhip a juſt Idea of its main Deſign, I will give you a ſhort Account of the accidental Riſe and Occaſion of this Work; the leading Principles of which, are indeed no more [4] than a ſmall Part of a much larger De⯑ſign, of a much more extenſive Nature.

THE Writer being convinced both from Books and Obſervation, that the Happineſs and Duration of States depends much leſs on mere Law and external Inſtitution, and much more on the internal Force of Man⯑ners and Principles than hath been com⯑monly imagined; and being of Opinion, that the fundamental and leading Cauſes of the Happineſs and Duration of States had not as yet been enquired into or pointed out, with that Particularity of Proof, Circumſtance and Illuſtration, which ſo important a Subject might demand; had for ſome Time bent his Thoughts on a Deſign of conſiderable Extent, which might be called ‘"A Hiſtory and Analyſis of Manners and Principles in their ſe⯑veral Periods."’ His general Plan begins with the Examination of ſavage Life, and [5] proceeds through the ſeveral intermediate Periods of rude, ſimple, civilized, poliſhed, effeminate, corrupt, profligate, to that of final DECLENSION and RUIN.

IN the Courſe of this Plan (too exten⯑ſive, indeed, for the Mediocrity of the Writer's Talents) a Diverſity of Circum⯑ſtances, almoſt infinite, have preſented themſelves. The Riſe, Changes, and Pro⯑greſs of Commerce, Arts, Science, Reli⯑gion, Laws; their mutual Influence, and Effects on each other, and on Manners and Principles; the Characters, Virtues and Vices of Rank, Office, and Profeſſion, in each of the Periods thus delineated; the natural Means by which theſe Periods ge⯑nerate each other; the Advantages and Diſadvantages, Strengths and Weakneſſes, which mark and diſtinguiſh theſe ſeveral Periods; the moſt practicable Means of [6] bringing forward the ſavage and rude Pe⯑riods towards poliſhed Life, and of bringing back the effeminate and corrupt Periods to the ſame ſalutary Medium; above all, the Regulation and ſtrong Eſtabliſhment of Manners and Principles to this important End;—theſe, with other ſubordinate Ar⯑ticles of Reſearch, proved and illuſtrated by Facts drawn from Hiſtory, form the Subſtance of the Writer's general Deſign.

ON this Deſign he was intent, when the War broke out between BRITAIN and FRANCE; which being very unſucceſsful in its Beginnings, on the Part of BRITAIN; he thought he could not, in his private Sta⯑tion, do a better Service to his Country, than in pointing out what to him appeared the fundamental and latent Cauſes of this ill Succeſs. To this End he ſingled out ſo much of his main Deſign, as immediately [7] related to the preſent State of his own Times and Country; endeavouring to con⯑vince his Fellow Citizens, that ‘"the Source of our public Miſcarriages did not lie merely in the particular and incidental Miſconduct of Individuals; but in great Part in the prevailing Character of that Period in which we live; that is, in the Manners and Principles of the Times."’

HENCE alone, the Eſtimate had its ac⯑cidental Birth: Let it be chiefly remem⯑bered then, that the main Subject of this Eſtimate is ſolely ‘"the Effects of preſent Manners and Principles on the Duration of the State."’ This the Writer inſiſted on ſo ſtrongly, and repeated ſo often, that he thought his Readers would certainly carry it along with them: yet he finds, he was miſtaken.

[8]THE leading Truths, therefore, which in the Courſe of his Work he has attempted to prove, are theſe; That exorbitant Trade hath produced exorbitant Wealth; that this hath naturally produced a high De⯑gree of Luxury, and a general Attention to pleaſurable Enjoyment among the higher Ranks, among whom the Effects of Lux⯑ury muſt of courſe firſt appear. That theſe natural Effects of Wealth have been naturally attended with public Conſe⯑quences which tend to the weakening or Diſſolution of the State, by turning that general Attention upon pleaſurable Enjoy⯑ment, which in ſimpler Times was bent on Views of Duty. That hence, a general Defect of Capacity, Fortitude, and Prin⯑ciple, did naturally riſe; ſuch as, in its End, muſt be fatal, if unchecked in its Progreſs: and that all the leading Ranks were of courſe infected with theſe natural [9] Conſequences, in ſome Degree or other, from their very Situation.

THAT another Evil hath conſpired with this; and that as this aroſe from the Abuſe of Wealth, ſo the other was inflamed by this, and aroſe from the Abuſe of Liberty. That our Conſtitution, excellent in its Na⯑ture, was liable to an Abuſe, which aroſe even from its Excellence. That the Prin⯑ciple of parliamentary Influence which was thought or found neceſſary at the Revolu⯑tion in Eighty-eight, as a new Principle of Government, had conſpired with the Lux⯑ury and ruling Manners of the Times, to weaken the national Powers, by raiſing many Men to Places of the moſt important Truſt, who were in ſome Reſpect or other unequal to the Taſk: And hence the ac⯑cumulated Danger to the Stability of the Commonwealth.

[10]THIS is the main Outline of the Au⯑thor's Deſign, ſtrip'd of that Particularity and Variety of colouring, which it was ne⯑ceſſary to give it, ere it could be made a juſt and ſtriking Picture of the Times. All that circumſtantial Delineation of the ruling Character of each Rank, Condition, Order, or Profeſſion of Men, being indeed no more than what the Writer intended as a Proof in Detail, of theſe general Prin⯑ciples.

THE Reception which the Work hath met with in the World, is a Proof ſuffi⯑cient, how thoroughly the main Body of the Nation is convinced of the general Truth and Utility of the Plan. As to the Exe⯑cution of it; whoever conſiders the Na⯑ture of the Work; and that in the Courſe of particular Proof, it was neceſſary to ſpeak with uncommon Freedom concern⯑ing the real State of all Ranks and Orders [11] of Men, will eaſily ſee that Numbers muſt be diſpleaſed at a Freedom which was per⯑haps new, but which the very Genius of the Work rendered neceſſary.

WHAT Foundation this particular Diſ⯑pleaſure of Individuals may have had in Reaſon, and what in Paſſion and Self-Partiality, I will now calmly conſider; in weighing thoſe Objections which your Lordſhip hath laid before me.

LETTER III.

YOU ſay, my Lord, that ‘"many good and well meaning People have taken Offence, as being involved in the blame⯑able Manners of the Times, and there⯑fore charged with Guilt, as the Enemies of their Country, while they are not con⯑ſcious of acting intentionally amiſs."’ —

[12]IN reply to this, my Lord, let me briefly quote my Vindication from ſome Paſſages in the Book itſelf. ‘"It is not affirmed or imply'd, in this general Review, that every Individual hath aſſumed the Garb and Character of falſe Delicacy.—As in manly Ages, ſome will be effeminate, ſo, in effeminate Times, the manly Character will be found."’ —But from ‘"the general Combination of Manners and Principles, in every Period of Time, will always reſult one ruling and predo⯑minant Character^*."’

YET altho' it be true, that the Character of guilty Effeminacy belongs not to all; it ſeems to the Writer, that none are exempt from ſome Degree or other of thoſe ruling Manners, which, when indulged beyond a certain Degree, conſtitute the Character of guilty Effeminacy. He cannot acquit his [13] beſt and worthieſt Friends of ſome Parti⯑cipation with the Defects of their Time and Country. Nor doth he pretend to be exempt from them himſelf. Alas, if he did, he muſt be the blindeſt and moſt ſelf-ignorant of all Mortals! Theſe Man⯑ners are, in a certain Degree, in-wrought into our very Nature by the Force of early Habit; then become, as it were, a Part of us: and we might as well attempt to diveſt ourſelves of the Modes of Speech, as of the Modes of Thought and Action which are peculiar to our Time and Coun⯑try^*.

THUS, as no Period is without its De⯑fects, ſo by early Habit, we are all neceſſa⯑rily doomed to a Participation of theſe De⯑fects. Hence, all Characters are imper⯑fect; [14] not only from their internal Frame and Paſſions; but from their external Ha⯑bits of Education. But where the Scales fairly preponderate on the Side of Reaſon and Virtue; there, tho' the Character be imperfect, it is not vicious.

NAY, not only the worthieſt are in ſome Degree neceſſarily tinctured with the ruling Errors of the Times; but I will go a Step further, my Lord, and affirm, ‘"that Men may be involved in the Manners of the Times, to a Degree that is even perni⯑cious, and yet not be juſtly ſtigmatized as immoral or unworthy Characters, ſo as to become juſtly the Objects of Ha⯑tred or Deteſtation."’

TO prove that I am not cooking up a new Syſtem in my own Defence, different from the Principles of the Eſtimate, I muſt again have Recourſe to the Eſtimate itſelf [15] The following Paragraph is deciſive. ‘"Se⯑veral Habits, Qualities, and Actions, which ſeem innocent in themſelves, as they affect or influence private Life, are equally or more hurtful than others of a more odious Appearance, if we con⯑ſider them as they affect the public Strength and Welfare. This comes to paſs, becauſe the ill Conſequences of ſome Actions are immediate; of others, more diſtant. The firſt ſtrike the Imagination, and are ſeen by all: The latter muſt be traced up to their Cauſes by the Uſe of Reaſon; and to do this, exceeds the Ta⯑lents of the Many^*."’

GIVE the Author Leave now, my Lord, to apply this Truth fairly and candidly in his own Defence: A Uſe, which he little dreamt, when he writ it, that he ſhould ever have Occaſion to apply it to.

[16]WHEN, therefore, the Author charged his Contemporaries with indulging Man⯑ners pernicious to the public Welfare, he never intended to charge ALL who thus indulged them, with any deſigned Immo⯑rality or Guilt. Theſe Manners, it ap⯑pears, do not neceſſarily imply an immoral Character, in the ſtricteſt Senſe; becauſe, tho they be attended with diſtant Conſe⯑quences which are bad, nay perhaps fatal, yet theſe Conſequences are not always per⯑ceived or ſuſpected by thoſe who are in⯑volved in them. There is, in this Caſe, no Idea, no Suſpicion of any Violation of Duty; the Conſequences are perhaps too diſtant to be ſeen by every Eye; and there⯑fore, ſtrictly ſpeaking, no moral Guilt or Demerit can ariſe. Yet theſe Manners (to cite another Paſſage which may convince you that the Writer's Defence is built on his firſt Principles) ‘"tho' in Appearance they are too trite to merit Notice, and [17] too trifling for Rebuke, may in their Tendency be as fatal to the Stability of a Nation, as Maxims and Manners more apparently flagitious^*."’

NOW, theſe Manners, my Lord, which are thus fraught with hidden and unſeen Miſchief, ought ſurely to be laid open in all their Conſequences, no leſs than Man⯑ners more apparently flagitious. Nay, there is indeed the greater Neceſſity for ſuch a Developement, becauſe without it, even the worthy and well-intentioned may be drawn in, while they ſuſpect no ſuch Conſequence, to adopt a Syſtem of Man⯑ners deſtructive to their Country.

LET the following Paragraph (apply'd, indeed, in the Book itſelf to a different Purpoſe) ſerve as a concurrent Proof of what is here aſſerted. ‘"The more trite [18] and trifling the Facts may ſeem, the more their Conſequences are likely to eſcape Notice: For Attention is natu⯑rally fixed only on Things of manifeſt Importance. Now, if indeed, notwith⯑ſtanding this, they be in their Tendency as fatal to the Stability of a Nation, as Maxims and Manners more apparently flagitious; then it may be not only a Taſk of ſome Importance, but of ſome Delicacy too, to trace them to their Conſequences and Sources^*."’

THIS, my Lord, may be called the ſe⯑cond Degree, in which the Writer eſteems his Country very generally infected with that Syſtem of Manners, which he hath attempted to diſgrace. But neither in this Degree, does he think that moral Guilt is chargeable on the Delinquents; nor did he ever charge them with it, ſo as to en⯑endeavour [19] to render Individuals the Objects of Hatred and Deteſtation.

BUT there is a third Degree of Dege⯑neracy, which the Writer eſteems the pro⯑per Object of ſevere Cenſure and Reproof; and that is ‘"When thro' a determined Purſuit of Gain or Pleaſure, manifeſt ill Conſequences are willfully overlooked and ſeaſonable Admonitions neglected; or when theſe Conſequences are ſeen, and Admonitions attended to; yet deli⯑berately deſpiſed, and ſet at Defiance."’ Now this Degree of Degeneracy, my Lord, the Author believes and hopes, is not very common: Indeed, the very Tenor of his Work, the very eſſential Principles on which he ſet out, imply and affirm the con⯑trary. For if this had been the Repreſen⯑tation he had deſigned to make of his Times and Country, he muſt have regarded and branded them as profligate. Now ſo [20] far from this, that he hath expreſsly af⯑med, as a fundamental Principle of his Work, that the Character of the Times is NOT that of profligacy. ‘"The ſlighteſt Obſervation, if attended with Impartiality, may convince us, that the Character of the Manners of this Age and Nation, is by no means that of abandoned Wick⯑edneſs and Profligacy. This Degree of Degeneracy, indeed, is often imputed^† to the Times; but to what Times hath it not been imputed?"’ Again: ‘"If the previous Eſtimate, already given, be juſt; if the Spirit of Liberty, Humanity, and Equity, be in a certain Degree yet left among us, ſome of the moſt eſſential Foundations of abandoned Wickedneſs and Profligacy can have no Place^*."’

YET, my Lord, tho' theſe atrocious Crimes have no Place among us, ſo as to [21] form the Character of a People, the Wri⯑ter can entertain no Doubt, but there are Characters in every Rank and Station of Life, who may juſtly deſerve the Style of profligate. This is often ſuppoſed, in the Courſe of the Eſtimate; theſe Characters, with their Effects on the public Welfare, are incidentally touched on: But as the general Tenor and Complexion of the Work ſuppoſes, that the general Character of the Times is totally different from this; no candid Reader, ſure, will charge the Writer with imputing this Profligacy to any parti⯑cular Character, unleſs where it is PARTI⯑CULARLY AFFIRMED and IMPUTED.

LETTER IV.

SUCH, then, my Lord, is the general Foundation of the Writer's main De⯑fence: A Defence which, if every one had known his Sentiments of Men and [22] Things, as well as your Lordſhip, he is perſuaded he never could have had Occa⯑ſion to make. And he hath only to apply theſe general Principles of Defence, to all thoſe Ranks, Conditions, Orders, and Pro⯑feſſions, which he hath ſcrutinized in his Eſtimate, in order to clear himſelf of this capital Objection.

THUS, when he affirms, that the leading Ranks in general are infected with the Manners of the Times, he means not to charge the leading Ranks with a general Profligacy or deliberate Guilt. He believes them involved, from their Situation, in a Syſtem of Manners, and in very various Degrees of theſe Manners, which, if not attended to, and curbed in their Exceſs, will ſoon or late endanger the Stability of the Commonwealth. But he believes, at the ſame Time, nay, and knows it too, that many among theſe leading Ranks are [23] poſſeſſed of Qualities truly amiable. He only thinks, and hath aſſerted what he thinks, that they extend not their Views to diſtant or future Conſequences; but heedleſſly adopt a Syſtem of Manners, which, if unchecked in their Progreſs, will be attended with ſuch Effects as they themſelves would tremble to behold.

HE regards the Armies of Great Britain, as being leſs groſſly vicious than in former Times: He applauds their Valour in par⯑ticular Inſtances: But he points out, what all indifferent People acknowledge, that the ruling Character of the Times hath naturally drawn them into a Syſtem of Man⯑ners, which tends to the Deſtruction of mi⯑litary Spirit.

OF the ſame Kind are his Strictures on the Navy. Nay, here he acknowledgeth Inſtances of the moſt conſummate Bravery. [24] He laments the public Act of their Coun⯑try, which conſpired with the Manners of the Times, and expoſed theſe Gentlemen to the Temptations of Gain, in Preference to Views of Duty. He affirms, that their Remiſſneſs is not properly a perſonal Guilt, but the natural Effect of their Situation, in ſuch a Period, and in ſuch a Nation; for that ‘"they are brave, hardy, and in⯑trepid, till they riſe to the higher Com⯑mands; and then the Example and Manners of the Time infect them*."’

HE hath treated his own Profeſſion with the ſame Freedom and Impartiality: But what is remarkable here, is, that while ſome cry aloud againſt him for his ill Uſage of his own Profeſſion, others affirm he hath done it more than Juſtice. For it ſeems, he hath affirmed that ‘"in the middle Ranks of this Profeſſion there are more good Qualities found than in [25] any other."’ This indeed he thinks is true; and reſolves it, not into the ſuperior perſonal Virtue of the Profeſſors, but into the Nature of the Profeſſion itſelf; which, among the middle Ranks, contains and preſents ſtronger Motives to Virtue, and more effctual Bars to Vice, than any other Profeſſion he knows of. Now, as he judgeth of the Virtues, ſo doth he judge of the Failings, or, if you will, the Vices of this Order. Perſonal Vices he never thought of meddling with, but only the Vices of Rank and Profeſſion; eſpecially ſuch as the Manners of the Times inflame. Now, it is manifeſt, that all thoſe of this Profeſſion, who ‘"converſe with the World, and are ſuppoſed to make Part of it,"’ without Regard to their particular Rank, ſtand expoſed to Temptations, Follies, and Vices, which the more retired Part of the Profeſſion are not expoſed to. In ſuch a Caſe, it is hard to ſay, where [26] perſonal and moral Guilt begins; but this he adventures to ſay, that many well-meaning Men in the Profeſſion may be in⯑volved in Manners and Habits which are conſequentially pernicious, tho' ſeemingly innocent. This Conduct is often the Ef⯑fect of Inattention: doubtleſs, it is ſome⯑times the Reſult of deliberate Deſign: Where the Boundaries lie, the Writer pre⯑tends not to determine: neither indeed is it neceſſary for his main Purpoſe, that he ſhould determine; becauſe his main Purpoſe was only to point out and pre⯑vent Conſequences: And Conſequences will equally ariſe, from any ſuppoſed Syſtem of Conduct, whether that Conduct ariſeth from mere Inattention, or from moral De⯑pravity of Heart.

WITH Regard to the political Leaders of the People, every Man who reads his Work with an Eye of Candour and Im⯑partiality, [27] will ſee that the general Drift of his Reaſoning is of the ſame Kind. He hath repreſented the Great, as being too generally immerſed in the Purſuit of Plea⯑ſure, or of Wealth for the Sake of Plea⯑ſure; inattentive to the Intereſts of the Public, but far from being void of pri⯑vate, moral, and perſonal Virtues. He acknowledges there are kind Fathers, Mo⯑thers, Siſters, Brothers, Friends^*; Hu⯑manity to Diſtreſs he inſiſts on as a ruling Feature of the Times^†; and a general Spirit of Equity, in all Things that relate to private Property, between Man and Man. Theſe Virtues, yet left among us, do not only form amiable Characters in the common Intercourſes of private Life; but in his Opinion may form a fair Founda⯑tion on which to build thoſe public Vir⯑tues, the Loſs of which he affirms and la⯑ments^‡. It is the Idea of a Public that, [28] in his Opinion, is too generally loſt: It is the Force of Religion that is too generally no more: It is the Principle of virtuous and public Honour, that in his Eſtimation is too generally dwindled into unmanly Vanity. Thus, while the Manners of the Times are in many Inſtances amiable and alluring, as they regard private Life and particular Connexions; the great Bonds of public Strength, the Sinews of the Com⯑monwealth, the Manners and Principles which ſhould be the Soul of the State, ſhould unite all its Members into one Body, vigorous, ſtrong, and terrible to its Enemies, theſe, in his Opinion, have been relaxed into Weakneſs, and Diſſolution.

NAY, even the great ruling Evil of par⯑liamentary Influence, whoſe Effects, on the national Strength, he hath been ſo bold in diſcloſing; and at which, he believes, the Great have taken moſt Offence;—even this [29] ruling Evil, he believes, hath made its Progreſs in many Inſtances, through the mere Blindneſs, and Inattention of the Par⯑ties concerned; who bent only on private Advantage, or perhaps actuated only by the Reputation and Honour annexed to an ex⯑tenſive Influence (a View no ways blameable while conſiſtent with the Welfare of the Public) and not conſcious of thoſe Effects which naturally aroſe from ſuch a Conduct, have often immerſed themſelves in all the Wretchedneſs of Party Violence and Bo⯑rough-jobbing, without any ill Intention to the State. Nay, in many Caſes, he makes no Doubt, but the very private Virtues of the Man have given Birth to the Vices of the Politician; and a miſguided Love to Sons, Daughters, Friends, and Depen⯑dants, been the Source of political Servi⯑tude and Attachments, which, in their un⯑ſeen or unregarded Effects, have been of the moſt fatal Conſequence to the Com⯑monweal; [30] by raiſing Men to public Of⯑fices of Truſt and Importance, who were unequal to their Station both in Capacity, public Spirit, and other neceſſary Qualifica⯑tions. But altho' he thinks thus of many of his Fellow Subjects, he cannot be ſo blindly credulous, as to think thus of all: He cannot doubt, but there are ſome, who would hire themſelves out to ſale, would obſtruct wholeſome Meaſures, would for⯑ward bad ones, in order to force themſelves into lucrative Employments, and enrich themſelves, their Families, and Depen⯑dants, tho' the Diſorder or the Ruin of the State were the foreſeen and certain Conſequence. Yet, how many of theſe Characters may infeſt the Nation, or where ſuch Characters are to be looked for, he neither hath affirmed, nor even inſinuated. His Deſign was of a far different Nature, ‘"not to make perſonal Applications, but to trace acknowledged Facts to their un⯑ſeen [31] Conſequences."’ Whether, there⯑fore, diſhoneſt Intentions were concerned or not, was of no eſſential Import to his capital Deſign; which was only to point out the dangerous Effects of ſuch a ruling Syſ⯑tem of Policy, whether it was founded in blameleſs or in wicked Intention.

ON theſe Foundations then, my Lord, the Author of the Eſtimate reſts his De⯑fence. He affirms, what, indeed, the greater Part of his Readers are well ſatis⯑fied of, that he never meant to ſtigmatize or point out perſonal Defects or Vices, but only thoſe of Rank, of Profeſſion, of the Times. He hath in Conſequence of this Principle endeavoured to lay open the pe⯑culiar Defects incident to each Rank and Profeſſion; but no where hath he deſign⯑edly pointed out the particular Men which are chargeable with theſe Defects. So far is he from reſolving theſe general Defects [32] or Vices into perſonal and deliberate Guilt, that he thinks it poſſible, that if the lead⯑ing Ranks and the middle Ranks of the Nation were to change Places, they might change Characters too: That many of thoſe who are now borne down by the Manners of the Times, might, thro' ſuch a Change of Situation, ſtand entirely clear of them; and many of thoſe who now ſtand clear of them, might be over-whelmed by their prevailing Influence. But if the Writer was to eſtimate the moral Merit or De⯑merit of private and perſonal Characters (a Thing which came not within his De⯑ſign) he would ſurely go another Way to Work: He would not weigh Conſequences, ſo much as Intentions: He would conſider, who were delinquent thro' Inadvertence, and who thro' deliberate Deſign. As he never did this; as nothing of this Kind makes any Part of his Work; as he hath in many Places declared the very contrary; it [33] is evident, that he never meant to charge In⯑dividuals with moral Guilt; but, in one Word, ‘"to eſtimate the Conſequences of thoſe Manners and Principles, in which the particular State of the Times hath naturally, in ſome Degree or other, in⯑volved himſelf, his Friends, and his COUNTRY."’

I FORESEE, my Lord, an Objection may riſe to the Propriety of this Defence. It may be aſked, ‘"If theſe Manners and Principles of the Times are properly treated here with Gentleneſs, why in the Eſtimate itſelf are they often treated with Severity?"’

THE Reply to this Objection, my Lord, is eaſy; and not only conſiſtent with the Nature of the Defence, but indeed eſſen⯑tially founded on it. In this Defence, the author hath conſidered the Manners and [34] Principles of the Times, as they affect the Intentions of thoſe who are involved in them: their Intentions, he ſuppoſes, to be in many Inſtances, void of deliberate Guilt: therefore, when he regards them in this Light, he regards them as not chargeable with moral Profligacy, and therefore to be treated with Gentleneſs.

BUT in the Eſtimate itſelf, he con⯑ſidered the Manners and Principles of the Times, ſolely with regard to their Conſe⯑quences. Theſe, he thought, were pernicious, and fatal: and therefore the Manners and Principles which led to them, were, in his Opinion, to be diſplayed as being perni⯑cious and fatal; and therefore, in this Re⯑gard, to be treated with Severity.

IT is farther urged, it ſeems, ‘"that the Writer hath acted with a blameable Partiality, in painting the ruling Fol⯑lies [35] and Vices of the Times with the utmoſt, and even aggravated Severity; but hath given few or no Virtues to compenſate: whereas an Eſtimator of the Times ought to have been impar⯑tial; and ſhould have commended, as well as blamed."’

That Men of Senſe and knowledge ſhould raiſe this objection, is not ſo eaſily ac⯑counted for. I can only ſuppoſe they take Things upon Truſt, and have not read the Book. My Lord, the Writer hath given a Ca⯑talogue of Virtues, which adorn our Times and Country, ſo very favourable, that the only candid and decent adverſary who hath yet appeared againſt him, thinks the Pic⯑ture, in one Circumſtance, rather flattering ^*. Hear what the Writer himſelf adds on this Subject in the ſecond Volume. ‘"Let us do [36] Juſtice to our Age and Country in every regard: a political Conſtitution, ſuperior to all that Hiſtory hath recorded, or preſent Times can boaſt: A religious Eſtabliſh⯑ment, which breathes univerſal Chari⯑ty and Toleration. A Spirit of Liber⯑ty yet unconquered; a general Huma⯑nity and Sincerity, beyond any Na⯑tion upon Earth: an Adminiſtration of Juſtice, that hath even ſilenced Envy:—Theſe are Bleſſings which every Eng⯑liſhman feels, and ought to acknow⯑ledge."’ —Sure, my Lord, theſe are far from general and undiſtinguiſhing In⯑vectives againſt our Times and Country. Beyond this, the Writer hath expreſsly affirmed, that in every Rank, Order, and Profeſſion, there are Men who ſtand diſ⯑tinguiſhed by their Capacity and Virtue. This Catalogue he could have drawn out by particular Panegyric: but in the View of Things, and with the Intentions with [37] which he writ, a general Acknowledg⯑ment was ſufficient; and ſuch an enlarged Panegyric, however juſt, would have been highly blameable. It could have anſwered but two Purpoſes; to make himſelf a fa⯑voured Writer among the Great, when he meant to be an honeſt one; and to lull the higher Ranks in that flattering Stupor in which they were already ſunk. The firſt of theſe he was not ſollicitous about: the ſecond he held diſhoneſt. Mankind were to be awakened and alarmed. This could not be done by dwelling on obſequious Re⯑preſentations. Soft and gentle Touches had been ineffectual: The Succeſs of the Stroke depended on the Strength and Boldneſs. This was one of thoſe particular Occaſions, when it became his Duty, not only to cry aloud, but to ſpare not. The Diſeaſes of the Times called for ſuch a Conduct. The Seaſon was favourable: it was the Hour of Sickneſs, and the Time to alarm. [38] The national Diſtreſſes and Diſgraces had already awakened the Fears of ſerious Men: This, then, was the Time to point out the Cauſes of the Miſchief, and its Cure. Theſe Fears were not confined to Men of Speculation and the Cloſet; but public Men and Miniſters ſaw and avowed the ruling Evils; which were freely and bold⯑ly expoſed in the Senate, as they have been by the Writer from the Preſs. This was the Time for honeſt Men of every Rank, to join with thoſe Men of public Station in ſo laudable a Work, and to ſecond and ſup⯑port their Endeavours for a general Re⯑formation. The GREAT, then, were to be rouzed from their Lethargy; the PEOPLE led to ſee the Source of Danger, and to prevent it. The View, therefore, was honeſt and laudable; the Means dangerous only to him that uſed them. The Writer may be found, indeed, to have judged [39] ill for himſelf, in the Language of world⯑ly Prudence; but a Man who riſks what is commonly held moſt dear, from a conſcien⯑tious and fixed Reſolve to do what he thinks his Duty, may ſeem reaſonably intitled, at leaſt to the Excuſe of thoſe who wiſh to ſee good Manners and Principles prevail. Some, no Doubt, may think he hath acted an imprudent Part, and ſacrificed his chief Intereſts: but it is a Miſtake, my Lord: for he hath ever held his chief Intereſts to lie in a Perſeverance in the Paths of Duty.

LETTER V.

SO much for the Writer's general De⯑fence. You tell me next, my Lord, that ſome People have found the Ap⯑pearance of an Inconſiſtency, ‘"While he delineates the Times as ſelfiſh, and yet admits them to be friendly, chari⯑table, and humane."’

[40]THIS Objection ariſeth (like moſt of the reſt) from a Miſapprehenſion of his Plan: His Deſign, was to conſider the general Cha⯑racter of his Contemporaries, as they ſtand related to the Public. Now, in this Light he cannot but regard the general Character of the Times as ſelfiſh. We have not that real and generous Concern for the national Welfare, which we diſcover in Behalf of our Friends, or Individuals in Diſtreſs. Doth not the following Circumſtance de⯑monſtrate the Truth of this Character? That while large and generous Subſcrip⯑tions are carried on for the Relief of all Manner of private Diſtreſs, moſt Men grudge what they are called upon to con⯑tribute toward the public Exigencies. They pay, when they are compelled to pay, with Murmurs and Reluctance. I mean this of the ſuperior Ranks: The poor Farmer, La⯑bourer, and Mechanic pays, without re⯑pining, [41] the Taxes on his Candles, his Salt, and his Shoes, tho' they are Articles ne⯑ceſſary to his Subſiſtence. But did the higher ranks ſhew their public Zeal, when the Wiſdom of the Legiſlature choſe that Article of Luxury, a Coach or Chariot, as proper to ſupport a moderate Tax? Did each Man preſs forward to take his trifling Share of the general Burthen, and to con⯑tribute a Mite from his Abundance? When the Pomp of the loaded Side-board be⯑came another Object of a moderate Tax, did the Owners rejoice in this Opportunity of contributing to the Wants of the Pub⯑lic? Yet this was not only called by thoſe who projected it, a Tax upon Ho⯑nour, but in Reality it was ſo; ſince, in the very Nature of it, it could not be made compulſory. Thoſe who knew the Manners of the Age foreſaw and fore told the Con⯑ſequences of it; and, in Fact, the public Ho⯑nour of ſome among the Great was found, on [42] this Occaſion, ſo equal to their public Spi⯑rit, that the Tax has produced a mere Trifle. Yet, it ſeems, the Senſe of Shame could produce, what public Honour and public Spirit failed to produce; for I am told, that the Revenue ariſing from one of theſe taxes received a ſudden and moſt aſtoniſh⯑ing Increaſe, from an Order of the Houſe of C. that the Names of thoſe who had paid it ſhould be laid before them. Thoſe who would neither obey the Law, nor ſupport the Public, were afraid of being expoſed to the Shame of having diſcovered that they failed in either: they were content to DO what they were aſhamed to have it ſaid they had done. It is, in Truth, owing, in great Part to the ſame Turn of Thought, that ſo much Offence hath been taken, amongſt the higher Ranks, at the Truths delivered in the Eſtimate. They ſee, the Repreſentations there made are unfavour⯑able to the Conduct, perhaps of themſelves, [43] but at leaſt, of many of their Friends, whoſe private Qualities they eſteem and love: How their public Conduct affects the Intereſts of their Country, they ſel⯑dom enlarge their Views ſo far as to con⯑ſider: and hence, a Writer, who ſeparates their public Conduct from their private, and conſiders the Actions of Men, ONLY as they regard his Country, cannot poſſibly fail of incurring their Diſpleaſure. The Reaſon, my Lord, was aſſigned in the ſecond Vo⯑lume: ‘"Enlarged Views of Benevolence are quite beyond the Reach of ſuch a People."’

LETTER VI.

[44]

YOUR Objections which follow next, are chiefly perſonal: However, as they have been made, they ſhall be anſwer⯑ed. You ſay, my Lord, it hath been aſked, ‘"Who appointed this Man a national Preacher?"’—Now, this Expreſſion is in Truth metaphorical: The literal and pro⯑per Manner of putting the Queſtion, if any Doubt ariſes on the Matter, is this: ‘"Who gave this Man Authority to ſpeak his Thoughts on national Affairs?"’ —When the Thought is thus diveſted of Figure, and given in mere literal Expreſ⯑ſion, you ſee, that any modeſt and ſenſi⯑ble Engliſhman would bluſh to aſk the Queſtion. It is doubting of that common Right, which every Engliſhman demands, and is poſſeſſed of. This Privilege the Wri⯑ter hath exerted in common with Hun⯑dreds [45] of his Time and Nation. By what Motives other Men may have been deter⯑mined, he leaves to themſelves; for his own Part, he ſpoke, becauſe he thought he ſaw the ruling Errors of his Country. 'Tis certain, that in Point of Opinion he hath a great Majority in his Fa⯑vour: but he never expected to find that Majority among thoſe Ranks, where the ruling Errors are ſuppoſed to lie. And if it be true, as the Writer often ſuggeſts, that all national Failures begin among the higher Ranks, 'tis certain, that a de⯑clining Nation may ſlide down to Ruin, before a national Preacher be in Form ap⯑pointed: Or if he was, it may be preſum⯑ed, his Syſtem of Manners and Principles would be ſomewhat curiouſly modeled and preſcribed; and would be more likely to help forward the ruling Evils, than to cure them.

[46]LET us conclude then, my Lord, that whoever has the Power, has likewiſe the Right, to command the national Attention. There never was any Period in any State, where Reformations of ſome Kind were not wanting. The great Point is, not as is commonly done, and with great Ap⯑plauſe, to declaim, in a vague Manner, againſt the Iniquity of the Times, (a Kind of Rhetorick which ſtrikes the Ear, but never the Heart) but to point out the ruling Errors and Corruptions with ſuch a Particu⯑larity of Circumſtance, that every Delin⯑quent, in every Rank, ſhall ſee, and be made to feel, his own. This, my Lord, is the Way to awaken, to convince: thus alone the Mind and Conſcience is turned upon itſelf: Few Men are ſo deliberately vile, as to withſtand the Convictions of their own Reaſon: The great Source of Wickedneſs is Self-deceit. But this Method of convincing, the Writer was well aware, [47] is a Task which (however uſeful to the Public) will bring no Favour to the Indi⯑vidual who undertakes it.

THE next Objection you tell me of, my Lord, may ſeem to wear a little more than this, the Face of Reaſon. The Ob⯑jection is, that, ‘"conſidering the Writer's private Station, he takes too much up⯑on himſelf in his Cenſures on the Great; that he is inſolent, dogmatical, arrogant, aſſuming."’ —With Regard to this, my Lord, the Writer proteſts, that ſo far as con⯑cerns himſelf, he is content to be thought as inconſiderable, as every Reader chooſeth to make him in his own Eyes. He never obtruded any Authority but that of Rea⯑ſon: He deſired the World only to read the Book, and weigh the Truth of it. If to be the Means of conveying ſome plain and neceſſary Truths to the World, without attacking the private Character of [48] Individuals, be Inſolence, Arrogance and Dogmatiſm, the Writer ſtands guilty of the Charge: But if this be not the caſe, if the Accuſation be founded in the mere Want of thoſe frequent and common Apologies, Reſerves, Exceptions, Salvo's and Douceurs, by which Writers are apt to court the ſelf-love or Malice of the World, and by which every Reader is happily prevented from ap⯑plying any thing to himſelf; The Writer ap⯑prehends, that in this Caſe he is not aſ⯑ſuming, but that he did his Duty in being explicit and intelligible.

THERE is, in this reſpect, an eſſen⯑tial Difference between Writing and Speak⯑ing. The Speaker's private Rank and Character is neceſſarily attended to; be⯑cauſe from his perſonal Preſence, perſonal Conſiderations will (contrary to what is right) intermix themſelves. A Writer, it hath been generally ſuppoſed, has the Privilege to be exempt from theſe per⯑ſonal Diſtinctions and Reſtraints; and if [49] he loſes the Benefits of ſuperior Station on one Hand, on the other the Want of them ought not to be imputed. On the public Stage, all thoſe who addreſs the Publick are, in Rank, equal: Or ra⯑ther, it is the Province of Reaſon, and not of Norroy King at Arms, to deter⯑mine their Superiority. Are the Follies and Vices attacked, of a public or private Nature? If public, they are of public Cog⯑nizance; and the Accuſer is not to be told, that he has no Right to accuſe; becauſe he is of an inferior Station: It is enough, that he is a Fellow-Member of the Commu⯑nity. If the Happineſs of his Country be at Stake, it matters not whether it be endan⯑gered by the Defects of the Great or Vul⯑gar. In ſuch a Caſe, the Point of Cere⯑mony muſt give way to the public Wel⯑fare; and the ſole Queſtion worth debat⯑ing is only, whether the Author ſpeaks the Truth in ſuch a Manner, as may be [50] of moſt effectual Service to his COUNTRY? He gives in his Evidence and Proof to the great Court of Judicature, the World; and this he hath a Right to do in the ſame unreſerved Manner, whether the Ranks accuſed wear Aprons, Bands, Cockades, or Coronets. In a Word, the Writer of the Eſtimate, and the private Man, are in this Reſpect, two different Characters. The latter knows his Station, and hopes he conducts himſelf in it with Humility and Propriety. The Perſons of the Great he treats with due Reſpect, and in Point of Decency, (and perhaps of Dignity too) maintains his Diſtance: As a Writer, he is a little more familiar with their Vices, when they interfere with the Welfare of his Country; becauſe theſe are not the Ob⯑jects of his Reverence; not even of his external Reverence, as they have no Place, Rank, or Titles of Honour legally annex⯑ed to them (that he knows of) in this [51] Kingdom. As his Cenſures therefore are general, and nor particular, he thinks, he may arraign the Vice, and yet preſerve due Reſpect to the Man.

HOWEVER; tho' he held this Principle of Conduct to be neceſſary, and therefore juſt; yet, like every other Principle, it cer⯑tainly hath its proper Bounds: Nor does the Writer pretend to erect himſelf into an abſolute Judge of the Propriety of his own Conduct, in every Inſtance. All that he is ſure of, is only this; that what he writ in this Kind, was the pure Reſult of his prefering Truth and public Utility to the Favour of any Ranks or Individuals what⯑ever: And if, in the Rapidity of Compo⯑ſition, any ſeeming Exceſſes of this Kind fell from his Pen; whoever may think they ſee ſuch Exceſſes, will do him no more than Juſtice, if they aſcribe them to [52] the Warmth of a well-intentioned Mind, heated with the Importance of its Subject.

LETTER VII.

BUT you add, my Lord, that ſuppo⯑ſing the Repreſentations juſt, which the Writer of the Eſtimate hath given of his Times and Country, it is farther ob⯑jected, ‘"that as the Book has been tranſ⯑lated into foreign Tongues, and made its Way on the Continent, it has given Advantage and Encouragement to our Enemies, by painting this Nation as be⯑ing ſunk in Effeminacy."’

ALAS! my Lord, our Enemies knew our Weakneſs and Degeneracy before: the national Diſgraces had proclaimed it. As to the Cauſes and Remedies of this political Degeneracy, the Knowledge of theſe could only affect ourſelves. We [53] might reap Advantage, (if we ſo pleaſed) by being led to the Knowledge and Senſe of theſe: Our Enemies had already reaped all the Advantages of Information, from the mere Knowledge of the Fact. Is a Nation to go quietly down to Ruin, with⯑out one awakening Voice to rouze it from its fatal Lethargy, merely through Fear that our Enemies ſhould take Advantage? They ſaw we were aſleep: they had ſur⯑prized and attacked us in our Slumber: Sure, it could not be dangerous or hurtful, to awaken from its Dream a Nation ſo ex⯑poſed and attacked. Nor could it leſſen that Nation in another's Eyes, to ſee there was one bold enough to attempt it.

BUT, it ſeems, ‘"the Alarm was ſo ſtrong, that it was in Danger of throw⯑ing the Nation from a State of blind Security, into a State of Deſpair."’

[54]THIS, my Lord, is the vague Language of undiſtinguiſhing Objectors; and ſavours little of the Knowledge of Human Nature. Would to God, the Feelings of the Guilty were ſo delicate; but to bring that Part of the Nation which was ſunk in blind Se⯑curity, to the oppoſite Extreme of De⯑ſpair, is, by no Means, an eaſy Task. There are many intermediate Periods to be gone through, of Doubt, Suſpicion, Fear, Deſpondency, 'ere the diſſolute Mind can arrive at this Extreme. Rouze the Secure and Luxurious as ſeverely as you can, you will hardly awaken them into the firſt Stage of Doubt. A Twitch by the Ear, or the Scratch of a Pin, may be felt by a People whoſe Senſibility is ſtrong; while their lethargic Leaders, ſunk in Indolence of Manners, may be Proof againſt the Application of red-hot Pin⯑cers.

[55]THIS, my Lord, is a clear Reply, with regard to the higher Ranks, and Leaders of the People. With reſpect to the People them⯑ſelves, the thinking Part had already been awakened into Fear, if not to Deſpondency, by the public Diſgraces. I repeat it, my Lord, that ‘"the Nation ſtood aghaſt at its own Misfortunes; but like a Man, ſtarting ſuddenly from Sleep, by the Noiſe of ſome approaching Ruin, knew neither whence it came, nor how to avoid it^*."’ What then was the Conſequence of this Book? It was, to inveſtigate the real Cauſes of thoſe national Diſgraces which had alarmed us; and, together with the Cauſes, to ſuggeſt the Cure. Could this tend to drive a People to Deſpair? On the contrary, it naturally led them to a ra⯑tional and lively Hope: For, together with the ruling Evils, the natural Reme⯑dy was pointed out. My Lord, the Na⯑tion [56] ſaw the Remedy; they have claimed it, and already feel its powerful Effects.

LETTER VIII.

YOUR Lordſhip ſays, it is farther ob⯑jected, that ‘"if the Subſtance of the Work was true, whence could ſuch Clamours ariſe againſt it, even among any Rank or Party of Men?"’

THE Objections already ſtated by your Lordſhip, afford a Reply, in part, to this general Queſtion.—Worthy Men may have taken Offence at the Work, from a Con⯑ſciouſneſs of their own innocent Intentions, and a Miſapprehenſion of the Author's main Deſign: They ſee not the Conſe⯑quences of thoſe Manners in which they are involved; and therefore may think it unjuſt, that theſe Conſequences ſhould be charged upon their Conduct, which is in⯑tentionally [57] blameleſs.—Farther, that ſpar⯑ing Hand, with which the Author thought it neceſſary to mingle Panegyric in his Work, hath undoubtedly been the Occa⯑ſion of much Diſcontent.—Again, the open and unreſerved Manner in which the Eſtimate is written; the ſeeming Danger of telling ſo much political Truth to the World, ſuppoſing the Repreſentations true;—All theſe, my Lord, have been undoubt⯑edly regarded as improper or imprudent Steps; and declaimed againſt, as ſuch, by Men of good Intentions.

FOR a Reply to theſe Objections, your Lordſhip is referred to the preceding Let⯑ters. There are other Cauſes of Cla⯑mour, I apprehend, of a very different Nature; and I will point out theſe with the ſame Freedom.

[58]ONE Source of Clamour hath been the obſtinate Blindneſs of the diſſolute, in every Rank and Station; who, being determined to proceed in the beaten Track of Plea⯑ſure, without Regard to Conſequences, do therefore naturally diſlike thoſe who diſplay them.

AGAIN, my Lord, the more Truth ap⯑pears in a Work of this Nature, by which the Intereſts of Individuals are ſo nearly af⯑fected, the more Enemies the Work muſt have among a certain Party of Men: I mean all that Party who look no farther than themſelves, and are watching to plun⯑der the Public for their own private Emo⯑lument. How large a Party this may be, or where they may lie, the Writer leaves to your Lordſhip to determine. 'Tis enough to obſerve here, that theſe Men, ſeeing their own Plans of ſelfiſh Intereſt [59] obſtructed by the open Avowal of the Truths thrown out ſo freely to the Public in this Eſtimate, muſt naturally riſe againſt the Author, and faſten upon him like a Neſt of Hornets.

BESIDES theſe Cauſes of Offence and Clamour, I will beg Leave to whiſper an⯑other in your Lordſhip's Ear: It is a Se⯑cret, my Lord, which you Great People are not often given to hear or underſtand: Many of the Dependants of the Great, and whom they are pleaſed to call their Friends, are in Truth no more than their Flatterers in Diſguiſe. They have not that generous Regard to the real Advantage of their Lords and Maſters, which they ſo zeal⯑ouſly pretend: Their own Intereſt is the Compaſs they ſteer by: they are there⯑fore glad to take Advantage of the com⯑mon Partialties of human Nature, to diſ⯑grace [60] all Men in the Opinions of thoſe whom they ſeem to ſerve, who dare point out to them even the Semblance of an Error.

LETTER. IX.

YOU tell me farther, my Lord, that ‘"a particular Paſſage hath given much Offence to the Univerſities and their Friends; in which a general Cen⯑ſure is thrown on the Heads of Col⯑leges."’

ON this, therefore, the Author thinks it neceſſary to explain himſelf more particu⯑larly; as no Man entertains a truer Regard to the real Honour and Welfare of theſe learned Bodies, than himſelf.

WITH Regard, therefore, to what he apprehends to be the moſt material Part [61] of the ſuppoſed Charge againſt theſe Gen⯑tlemen, that is, ‘"their not ſufficiently re⯑collecting the original Purpoſe of Col⯑lege Government;"’ he finds that his Meaning hath been ſtrangely miſtaken or perverted. He was not, in that Paſſage, queſtioning the legal and ſtatutable Admini⯑ſtration, but pointing out the defective Form of our College-Inſtitutions; and propoſing a Method, by which their Defects might in ſome Meaſure be remedied, thro' the voluntary Care and Superintendance of the Heads, in certain Circumſtances, to which he believes they are not obliged by Statute. He had been pointing out the Uſe and Neceſſity of a Subordination of Inſtructors; in which, one Party ſhould be an Aſ⯑ſiſtance and a Check to another; and brought the great Schools, as Examples (in ſome Degree) of this propoſed Method of In⯑ſtruction. Whoever conſiders this Circum⯑ſtance here inſiſted on, will find it of the [62] laſt Conſequence in all public Inſtitutions: It keeps all Parties alive and active in their reſpective Spheres; who, without theſe awakening Checks, are apt to ſlide down into unſuſpected Negligence. Now, the general Want of theſe continued and ſub⯑ordinate Checks, are, in his Opinion, a capital Defect in our Univerſity Eſtabliſh⯑ments. He therefore took, what he thinks an allowable Freedom, in pointing out this ruling Defect: Which, as it is not generally obviated by the Governors of Colleges, as they do not regard it as a Part of their Office, to inſtruct either the Tu⯑tors or the Pupils, he could not reſolve this Omiſſion into any Cauſe more ex⯑cuſable, than their ‘"not recollecting the orginal Purpoſe of College Govern⯑ment."’

AS to the general Cauſes of this Inat⯑tention, which in the Writer's Opinion, [63] implies no poſitive Demerit^*, he ſuppoſes it to ariſe from Imperfections common to Men, and to Men of Worth and Probity; as explained in the Beginning of this De⯑fence^†. With Regard to certain parti⯑cular Attentions hinted at, more eſpecially to Cards and Entertainments; if, formerly, ſome growing Attentions of this Kind fell under his Obſervation in one of the Uni⯑verſities, ſuch as the worthieſt Men might inadvertently fall into, he is informed that they are now ceaſed. His Remark, there⯑fore, not being applicable to the preſent Time, becomes a Miſtake in Point of Fact; and as ſuch he freely devotes and offers it up, a voluntary Sacrifice to Truth and Juſtice: leaving it to thoſe who are infallible, to upbraid him with the Ac⯑knowledgment of an Error.

LETTER. X.

[64]

I PROCEED, my Lord, to your laſt Objection. It ſeems, ‘"The Freedom with which the Character of a famous Miniſter is treated, hath been the Oc⯑caſion of much Offence to his Friends and Adherents, which form a large and powerful Party in this Kingdom."’

AS to the mere Matter of Offence, my Lord, there is no preventing it in certain Caſes. But if the Writer was to calculate Numbers on this Occaſion, he finds the Majority would conſiſt of thoſe who think he hath treated the Character of this Mi⯑niſter at leaſt with ſufficient Lenity. 'Tis certainly a Kind of Preſumption in his Favour, that one Part of the Nation thinks he hath allowed too little; and others, too much, to this deceaſed Miniſter.

[65]BE that as it may; the Inveſtigation of this Miniſter's Principles and Conduct is certainly of national Concern: It is of great Importance to this Kingdom, that it be known whether his political Syſtem be ſa⯑lutary or deſtructive: therefore the Character of his Adminiſtration not only may, but ought to be freely and fairly canvaſſed, for the Conviction and Benefit of the Whole.

HAD the Writer treated this Miniſter's Character with Contempt, there had been ſome Pretence for Blame: As he ſtudiouſly avoided every thing of this Kind, he can⯑not but be aſtoniſhed, that Men of Can⯑dour and fair Intentions can be offended at his cool and diſpaſſionate Reaſonings on this Subject. He never entertained any per⯑ſonal Diſlike to this Miniſter, his Friends, or Adherents. On the contrary, he knows ſome of them to be Men of Worth and Honour, the Friends of Liberty and their [66] Country; and for whoſe Characters, he were both unjuſt and inſenſible if he had not the higheſt Deference: If he differs from theſe Gentlemen in Point of Opi⯑nion, they are ſatisfied he does it from the Convictions of his own Reaſon. They know, he proceeds on the ſame Principles of Liberty with themſelves; that he only diſſents in his Concluſions; and are too juſt and generous, to diſlike him for throw⯑ing out his Sentiments ſo freely, on a Sub⯑ject of ſuch Importance.

Is the Writer miſtaken in his Opinions concerning the Conduct of this Miniſter? The Preſs is open to every body: Why then is Clamour ſpread, inſtead of rational Confutation? To tie down the Nation to this Syſtem, to forbid or diſcourage ra⯑tional Inquiry into its Tendency, would be to erect a political Tyranny in the State. If it is clear then, that the Writer's Inten⯑tions [67] are honeſt, the Friends of this Mi⯑niſter will find it equitable to make Al⯑lowance for Difference in Opinion. What they contend for in Religion, will they de⯑ny in Politics? Certainly, my Lord, the Maxims of arbitrary Power ſit with the worſt Grace on the declared Patrons of Freedom.

IT were perhaps unfair to charge any of the more generous Part of this deceaſed Miniſter's Friends, with joyning in the Cla⯑mours raiſed on this Occaſion. That no candid and equitable Mind can be diſguſted at his Conduct, he concludes from the ge⯑nerous Profeſſions of a late Writer, ſo nearly connected with this Miniſter, that his Evidence muſt be allowed above all Suſpicion. ‘"This Freedom of Diſcuſſion on the Dead of any Rank, or however conſecrated by the Authority of great Names, or even by the Eſteem of Ages, [68] every Man ought to be at Liberty to ex⯑erciſe. The greateſt Men certainly may be miſtaken; ſo may even the Judgment of Ages, which often takes Opinions upon Truſt. No Authority, under Di⯑vine, is too great to be called in Que⯑ſtion: And however venerable Mo⯑narchy may be in a State, no Man ever wiſhed to ſee the Government of Let⯑ters, under any Form but that of a Re⯑public. As a Citizen of that Common⯑wealth, I propoſe my Sentiments for the Reviſion of any Decree, of any ho⯑norary Sentence, as I think fit: My Fel⯑low Citizens, equally free, will vote ac⯑cording to their Opinions^*."’ —Such are this Gentleman's free and generous Prin⯑ciples on the like Occaſion: And the Wri⯑ter is well perſuaded, that this honourable Perſon is too equitable to refuſe that Pri⯑vilege to another, which he ſo rationally aſſumes to himſelf.

LETTER. XI.

[69]

OTHERS, it ſeems, my Lord, ‘"think it ſomewhat ſtrange that a Man ſhould ſtep out of his own Profeſſion, and engage in a Province in which he was no way particularly bound to con⯑cern himſelf."’

IN reply to this, my Lord, ſeveral Con⯑ſiderations may be alledged. The Writer perhaps might content himſelf with the old Apology of ‘"Homo ſum; humani nihil a me alienum puto:"’ He may alledge, that as the Cauſes of the Duration of the State are the main Object of his Enquiry, the Preſervation of the Chriſtian and Pro⯑teſtant Religion become, among other Things, the natural Objects of his Atten⯑tion and Purſuit. Above all, my Lord, he inſiſts, that the Syſtem of Policy, which he recommends and enforces, is not only re⯑ligious, but moral: and therefore, to en⯑deavour [70] to eſtabliſh this Syſtem, is to en⯑deavour to eſtabliſh the public Happineſs of Mankind on the ſolid Baſis of Virtue, which is the End of Religion itſelf. He therefore thinks, that both in this, and in the Pur⯑ſuit of his greater Plan, he is, to the utmoſt of his Power, ſerving the Cauſe and End of Religion and Chriſtianity; the main Drift of his general Deſign being only to prove, that the moſt effectual Way to render Kingdoms happy, great, and durable, is to make them virtuous, juſt, and good. In this Point he confirms himſelf on the Au⯑thority of an excellent Prelate, whoſe po⯑litical Reſearches were of like Tendency. ‘"As the Sum of human Happineſs is ſup⯑poſed to conſiſt in the Goods of Mind, Body and Fortune, I would fain make my Studies of ſome Uſe to Mankind, with Regard to each of theſe three Par⯑ticulars; and hope, it will not be thought faulty or indecent in any Man, of what [71] Profeſſion ſoever, to offer his Mite to⯑wards improving the Manners, Health, and Proſperity of his Fellow-Creatures^*."’

LETTER XII.

SUCH, then, my Lord, is the Writer's Reply to the ſeveral Objections which you tell me have been urged againſt his Eſtimate. How far it may be ſatisfactory he pretends not to determine; but leaves every Man to weigh it with candid Free⯑dom.

GIVE me Leave now, my Lord, to cloſe this Defence with a few Obſervations, which may ſtill farther tend to clear the Doubts of thoſe who have ſtarted the Ob⯑jections.

LET them conſider, my Lord, that in a Subject ſo wide, multifarious, and compli⯑cated, [72] as that of the Manners and Prin⯑ciples of a wealthy and luxurious Nation, there are not perhaps two Individuals of that Nation, whoſe Opinions do altogether coincide. Every Man that examines ſuch a Subject, proceeds not only on a View of Facts, but on a Set of Principles too, in ſome Degree different from thoſe of every other. The Body of the Nation, which hath been ſo partial in Favour of this Eſ⯑timate, ſhould they compare their parti⯑cular Opinions, would find them widely different in many Circumſtances: and thoſe among the higher Ranks who have diſſented, ſhould they enter into the ſame critical and minute Compariſon of each others Thoughts, would find them equally diſcordant. If ſo, my Lord; is not here a manifeſt Reaſon for mutual Forbearance, where Opinions claſh? And who will deny that it was a Taſk of the greateſt Difficulty, to ſteer thro' ſuch a Sea of [73] Doubt, where (though the Facts lie open to every Man's Obſervation) every Man forms an Opinion peculiar to himſelf. The great Outlines, the eſſential Truths, the leading Principles of ſuch a Work may be acknowledged to be juſt by Thouſands, who, amidſt that infinite Variety of Cir⯑cumſtances glanced at in the Courſe of it, may have particular Opinions different from the Author and each other. All, therefore, that a modeſt Writer will pre⯑tend in ſuch a Caſe to give, or a modeſt Reader expect to find, will be a good deal of Truth, and a little Error.

IN Conſequence of this, my Lord, con⯑ſider farther, how often and how naturally particular Paſſages muſt neceſſarily be ob⯑jected to, in ſuch a Work, while the ge⯑neral Truths and leading Principles, on which the Work is founded, are totally overlooked. For every Reader erects him⯑ſelf [74] into a Judge of the particular Remarks made, and pronounces on them by the Standard of his own Judgment, formed upon his own Obſervation and Principles: While, among the Multitude of Readers, even of thoſe who mean well, an extended Diſcernment of Things, and the Compre⯑henſion of a general Plan, is not always to be found. How eaſy a Taſk then, my Lord, and how natural to weak, to vain, or ungenerous Minds, to throw out Ob⯑jections to particular Parts, without any Regard had to the main Tenor, Extent, and Diſpoſition of the Whole?

BESIDES the Nature of the Subject, there was a farther Difficulty, ariſing from the Danger either of too general, or too parti⯑cular Expreſſion. Had the Writer declaimed in a vague and undiſtinguiſhing Manner, on the Errors and Vices of the Times, he had failed of his main Intent, which was, to [75] point out where the ruling Errors and Vices lay: Had he ſingled out Individuals, he had juſtly incurred the Cenſure of perſonal Invective. What then was left for him to do? He only ſaw one proper Expedient; which was, to give the predominant or leading Character of the ſeveral Ranks concerned; yet to admit (in general Terms) that in each Rank there were Exceptions to this leading Character. The very Inten⯑tion of his Work forbad him to dwell at large on theſe Exceptions ^*: And beſides this main Reaſon, another preſented itſelf: Had he profeſſedly ſingled out every Indi⯑vidual in every Rank and Station, whoſe Conduct deſerved Praiſe; thoſe who had been paſſed in Silence, might probably have upbraided him with perſonal Reproach. He judged it beſt, therefore, in general Terms, to admit Exceptions, but to leave [76] it to every Man's particular Judgment, to determine where theſe Exceptions lay.

LETTER XIII.

THUS, my Lord, the Writer hath en⯑deavoured to explain and defend his Eſtimate; in which he needed not to have been ſo ſollicitous, had it been true what it ſeems, hath been inſinuated to your Lordſhip, that ‘"the Work is not properly his own; that he hath only delivered the Sentiments of other Men, and been the mere Inſtrument of conveying their Principles to the Public."’ But he here aſſures your Lordſhip, in the moſt ſolemn Manner, that the whole of this Eſtimate was the ſole Reſult of his own Reaſon, uninfluenced by the Advice, or Direc⯑tion of any Friend whatever: And that, indeed, he thought the Subject of ſo delicate a Nature, that it would have been [77] ungenerous to have involved any Friend in the perſonal Conſequences which he fore⯑ſaw it might produce. Had no diſagree⯑able Effects attended the Publication, he ſhould not have judged it neceſſary to make this Avowal; but as the Clamour and Diſpleaſure of certain Ranks have been the Conſequence of its Appearance and Succeſs, he thinks it a Duty incumbent on him to clear every Friend of this ground⯑leſs Imputation; and declares, that what⯑ever may appear in it either inadvertent, or erroneous, the Whole is to be at⯑tributed to himſelf alone; to the Over⯑flowings of his own Zeal, thrown out to the World without Diſguiſe, Expectation, or Fear; and bent, not againſt Perſons, but againſt the predominant Errors, Fol⯑lies, and Vices of his Time and Country. His Work hath had the Fate which might reaſonably be expected: it hath been read, approved, diſſented from, and [78] reviled. For the Conviction of thoſe who have candidly diſſented, the Publication of theſe Letters may be of Uſe: But when the Writer conſiders, by WHOM his Work hath been approved, and by WHOM reviled, as the firſt of theſe Parties deſire no Reply, ſo the latter deſerve none: They have both done his Work all the Honour that is in their Power to give; and he cannot but eſteem its Fate to have been peculiarly happy. The worſt that he wiſhes to his worſt Enemy, is Honeſty and a better Mind.

UPON the whole, my Lord, the Writer can but declare his upright Intentions, and leave the World to judge of their Propriety and Succeſs. He would deſire his Coun⯑trymen to remember the generous Maxim of a true Politician, ‘"that a Patriot will admit there may be honeſt Men, and that honeſt Men may differ:"’ And that, [79] ‘"where the Heart is right, there is true Patriotiſm^*."’ He knows, it is the Principle of many good Men, that all At⯑tempts towards Innovation, of whatever Kind, are dangerous. For himſelf, he is of a different Opinion: He thinks that ſeeming Innovation is, in many Caſes, no more than the neceſſary Means of prevent⯑ing a gradual and unſuſpected Change of Things for the worſe, which inevitably ſteals on in every State, if not checked by timely and reſolute Applications.

SO far is the Writer from imagining, with the Herd of Politicians, that there is no Virtue nor good Intention in any but thoſe who approve that Syſtem of Politicks which He eſpouſes; that on the contrary, he makes no Doubt, but ſome of the Great, who had not the Courage to combat the ruling Evils of the Times, wiſhed ſincerely to compaſs ſuch an End, but judged the [80] End unattainable. He is, therefore, the more ſurpriſed that Individuals ſhould take Offence at this Part of his Work, becauſe it is pointed, not againſt the Conduct of Indi⯑viduals, but againſt the common and rul⯑ing Errors of the Times. He believes there are upright Men of all Parties, and only wiſhes they would believe ſo of one another. His Approbation or Diſapproba⯑tion is not of Men, but Meaſures: And he is well perſuaded, that many of thoſe who once thought the preſent Meaſures of Go⯑vernment impracticable, begin now to ſee the Poſſibility, as well as the great Importance of carrying on the public Affairs, on a higher Principle than that of venal In⯑fluence.

SO ſudden and ſo great is the Change in the Appearance of our public Affairs, in Conſequence of this ſudden and coura⯑gious Check given to the ruling Manners and Principles of the Times, that the Wri⯑ter [81] hath been ſeriouſly aſked, ‘"Whether the riſing Courage of the Nation, our for⯑midable Armaments, and the gallant Spi⯑rit of ſeveral young Men of Faſhion and Fortune, are not ſo many Confutations of the Principles advanced in the Eſti⯑mate?"’ Seriouſly, my Lord, the Writer of the Eſtimate is right glad to be so CON⯑FUTED. Had theſe Appearances riſen be⯑fore the Publication of his Work, he might juſtly have been accuſed of Partiality and Miſrepreſentation. But as it is confeſſed, that theſe Appearances are but now riſing, he will only deſire his Objectors to look back to the Eſtimate itſelf, and conſider whe⯑ther they are not riſing on the very Principles there urged, delineated, and foretold. The Writer did indeed believe, he foreſaw, nay he foretold, that ‘"NECESSITY alone could bring back effeminate and unprincipled Minds from their Attachments to Gain and Pleaſure^*."’ Nay, he foretold the [82] very Means: ‘"The Voice of an uncor⯑rupt People, and a GREAT MINISTER^†."’ Caſt your Eye back, my Lord, to no very diſtant Day, and be You the Judge, what was the Diſtreſs, and what the Neceſſity of the Time: Had not a general Diſſolution of Manners and of Principle diſordered, nay, almoſt unhinged the State? This it was, that united the Voice, the legal Re⯑preſentations, of an uncorrupted People: That united Voice, ſteady, not factious—loyal, yet couragious—was heard and ap⯑proved by a GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN: The expected Miniſter was found; and a coercive Power hath thus appeared from the Throne, ſufficient to controul the Blindneſs and Folly of the diſſolute and thoughtleſs a⯑mong the higher Ranks, and to lead them to ſalutary Meaſures and their own Safety.

MARK the Effects of this uniting Power: private Good gives Way to public: the ſe⯑veral [83] Ranks aſſume a Spirit and Fervor un⯑known before: Fear of Shame, and Thirſt of Honour, begin to ſpread thro' our Fleets and Armies; and our growing Youth ſeem already to catch the kindling Fire. In a Word, the national Strength is awakened, and called forth into Action: The GENIUS of BRITAIN ſeems riſing as from the Grave: he ſhakes himſelf from the Duſt, aſſumes his ancient Port, and Majeſty of Empire, and goes forth in his Might to overwhelm our Enemies.

I CANNOT conclude, my Lord, without ſeriouſly recommending to your particular Notice and Regard, two Obſervations, (which contain, indeed, the Subſtance and End of the Eſtimate itſelf) ariſing from the preſent State of our public Affairs. The firſt is, that by proper Exertions and well-directed Applications, the ruling Evils of an effeminate Period may be controuled: The Second is, that under our preſent Conſtitu⯑tion, [84] the national Affairs may be carried on with Honour to the Crown and Succeſs to the Kingdom (a Truth which, not long ago, many ſerious Men did not believe) on a higher Principle than that of corrupt In⯑fluence.

HOWEVER, let us not be intoxicated with the Appearances of Succeſs: The Tree may bloſſom, and yet be blaſted. The ruling De⯑fects and Evils of the Times are for the preſent controuled indeed, but not extirpated. The Remedy, tho' it begins to take Effect, is yet no more than temporary: The Di⯑ſtemper lurks, tho' the Symptoms begin to vaniſh. Let thoſe who wiſh well to their Country, then, be watchful, and prepared againſt a Relapſe. 'Tis ſomething, to have check'd the Diſeaſe at its Criſis; the per⯑fect Cure will require the Attention and Labour of an Age.

[1]AN EXPLANATORY DEFENCE OF THE ESTIMATE, &c.

LETTER I.